Author: Christopher D. Cook

  • An interview with U.S. Representative Greg Casar, new chair of the Progressive Caucus.

    This post was originally published on The Progressive — A voice for peace, social justice, and the common good.

  • Reflecting the Trump administration’s priorities, the Environmental Protection Agency has now removed all information about climate change from its home page and other prominent areas of its website.


    An Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) representative works in a residential area that burned in the Palisades fire on January 28, 2025, in Pacific Palisades, California. (Mario Tama / Getty Images)

    On Monday, the Environmental Protection Agency quietly removed all information about climate change from its home page and other prominent areas of its website, burying it deep in sections that are harder to find.

    Environmental advocates condemned the deletions, part of sweeping efforts to revise federal websites to reflect President Donald Trump’s agenda, saying the information suppression comes at a time when climate upheaval is intensifying damage and harm.

    The Environmental Protection Agency’s (EPA) website overhaul reprised a similar move by Trump’s first administration, which touched off a “Don’t Say Climate” movement among some Republican-led state governments. The new erasure came two days before the US Senate confirmed Trump’s nominee to lead the agency: former representative Lee Zeldin (R-NY), who has pledged to slash EPA funding, roll back environmental protections, and promote more fossil fuel production.

    In a related push, Trump’s new transportation secretary, Sean Duffy, is aiming to eliminate fuel economy standards, one of President Joe Biden’s more ambitious environmental initiatives.

    Climate change was a featured topic on the front page of the EPA’s website through the final days of the Biden presidency and lingered in the first week of Trump’s. The previous version of the home page noted, “Understanding and addressing climate change is critical to EPA’s mission of protecting human health and the environment,” and included links to information on climate change risks, impacts, and causes.

    Shortly after 5 p.m. EST on January 27, all of that climate information was removed and relegated to the site’s “A-Z Topic Index.”

    Despite its scientifically proven threats to the future of humanity, climate change is no longer listed on the EPA’s main environmental topics drop-down menu, which is instead populated with topics like bedbugs and radon.

    EPA officials said they could not comment on the changes and had no information about where the directive came from to remove climate information from the agency’s home page, except to say that EPA’s website staff are responsible for making website changes.

    The EPA’s shift in messaging is not a surprise. On January 20, just after his inauguration, Trump issued an executive order on “Unleashing American Energy,” which calls for expanding oil, gas, and coal while rescinding or “streamlining” numerous environmental protections. The order also aimed to terminate the “Green New Deal” by pausing disbursements of Joe Biden’s Inflation Reduction Act and the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, which together committed nearly $300 billion for climate initiatives.

    The EPA’s recent website revisions echo Trump’s first term. Within days of his 2017 inauguration, he ordered the EPA to delete climate change information.

    David Doniger, senior attorney with the environmental nonprofit the Natural Resources Defense Council, called the EPA’s “Orwellian” website changes “of a piece with [Trump] denying climate as a problem” and “trying to bury inconvenient facts and pretend these problems don’t exist.”

    Doniger added, “This administration is becoming a tool and advocate of the oil and gas industry, which obviously doesn’t want the administration publishing facts of climate change or the industrial causes behind it.”

    Climate experts warn that removing and burying climate change information is especially dangerous as the climate crisis and its harm intensify, threatening science and democracy.

    “Especially with social media, we have a vacuum of authoritative information,” said Gretchen Gehrke, of the Environmental Data and Governance Initiative. “We’re supposed to be an informed republic, and suppressing information is antithetical to democracy.”

    Environmental scientists created the initiative in November 2016 “to document and analyze changes to vulnerable federal environmental data and governance practices under the Trump administration” and have continued to monitor and document public scientific information since then.

    The nonprofit Environmental Protection Network, comprised of more than six hundred EPA alumni, “is very concerned that the Trump administration is scrubbing websites, hiding facts, suppressing science, and making the American people more vulnerable,” said Michelle Roos, the organization’s executive director. “We’re concerned about this because any time you’re hiding information from the public, you’re obstructing science.”


    Data Purge

    The burying of EPA information on climate change is part of a larger Trump administration overhaul of the White House and federal agency websites, as NBC and others reported. This makeover includes deleting the White House’s Spanish-language version, and erasing references to diversity, equity, and inclusion. “The White House Office of Gun Violence Prevention, active as of Saturday, is also gone,” NBC reported.

    Following a torrent of eighty executive orders on everything from energy to diversity in its first ten days, the Trump White House removed numerous portions of federal agency websites relating to diversity and equity, including climate and economic justice training tools that were erased from the EPA site on January 21, according to Gehrke.

    In Trump’s first couple of days in office, Gehrke’s group documented, “the EPA removed several webpages related to diversity, equity, and inclusion efforts at the EPA.” Those erased pages include EPA’s Office of Inclusive Excellence; Equality EPA; EPA’s Equity Action Plan; African Americans at EPA; Asian American and Pacific Islanders at EPA; Hispanics at EPA; Native Americans at EPA; Members of EPA’s LGBTQ Community.

    The Public Environmental Data Project, a volunteer coalition working to preserve federal environmental data, saved and republished some of the deleted EPA pages, including on climate and environmental justice.

    As Gehrke wrote in a blog documenting the erasures, “Trump has used his first hours in office to disparage and dismantle Biden-era efforts to expand equity and environmental justice, bury information, and adopt McCarthy-era tactics with the federal workforce.”

    The Trump administration also deleted the White House website’s information page on the US Constitution, the Hill reported. On January 21, a White House spokesperson told USA Today the site for the Constitution would be back up soon — but as of January 30, the link still went to a “404 error” page, signaling a broken link.


    Zeldin Takes the Reins

    While corporate media has described Zeldin, Trump’s new EPA administrator, as “moderate,” the former congressman is promoting major shifts in environmental policy.

    According to the League of Conservation Voters, during his eight-year congressional career starting in 2015, Zeldin had an “abysmal” environmental voting record of supporting just 14 percent of environmental-related measures.

    In 2022, the League documented that Zeldin supported just one environmental measure while opposing 18 such bills. Zeldin’s votes included opposing numerous climate job-creation bills, legislation cracking down on oil drilling expansions, eliminating lead, protecting wildlife in national parks, and funding renewable energy projects.

    Between 2015 and 2022, Zeldin voted against dozens of climate protection bills, opposing reductions to methane emissions, bills to strengthen the Clean Air Act, and legislation to create jobs around climate protection initiatives and boost climate resiliency. Zeldin also voted against the Clean Air Act, which, among other things, protects public health and the environment by regulating toxic and harmful air emissions.

    Although Zeldin, who represented New York’s coastal Long Island districts, “successfully fought in Congress for coastal resilience and nature preservation projects,” he “never advanced any proposal to cut greenhouse gas emissions, and like other Congressional Republicans in the Trump era, consistently voted against those proposals,” according to Inside Climate News.

    Apart from “the occasional common sense vote on a few issues,” Zeldin’s record in Congress was “solidly aligned with Trump’s disastrous antiscience, pro-polluter agenda,” said Food & Water Watch Managing Director of Policy and Litigation Mitch Jones. “Zeldin was an aggressive backer of harmful fracking in New York, and he’s been casually denying the realities of fossil fuel-driven climate change for more than a decade.”

    The former congressman has ties to the fossil fuel sectors he is now charged with regulating. According to nonprofit campaign finance tracker Open Secrets, Zeldin received roughly $270,000 from oil and gas interests since he first ran for federal office in 2008.

    One industry publication crowed, “Trucking has high hopes for Zeldin’s EPA,” adding the EPA administrator “plans to follow Trump’s agenda in weakening emissions regulations.”

    In an interview with the New York Post just after his confirmation, Zeldin stressed economic and industrial growth more than environmental policy. “Most of the energy supply for Americans come from coal and natural gas, and turning off those two spigots will cause an existential disaster for this country,” Zeldin told the outlet.

    The newly minted EPA administrator emphasized his plans to “unleash energy dominance, bring back American auto jobs, pursue permitting reform, and make America the AI capital of the world.” Artificial intelligence is consuming ever larger amounts of water and electricty, while spewing considerable emissions.

    Trump’s “Unleashing American Energy” executive order requires Zeldin to submit recommendations to the Office of Management and Budget within 30 days “on the legality and continuing applicability” of the Clean Air Act’s “Endangerment and Cause or Contribute Findings for Greenhouse Gases.” This item may sound wonky and obscure but could pave the way for undermining the Clean Air Act, Doniger said, by attacking the evidence and findings that uphold the law’s standards.

    The EPA’s 2009 “endangerment finding” — still on the agency’s website — states that six major greenhouse gases, including carbon dioxide, methane, and hydrofluorocarbons, “threaten the public health and welfare of current and future generations.”

    As of press time, an EPA page on “Causes of Climate Change” still included this opening sentence: “Since the Industrial Revolution, human activities have released large amounts of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases into the atmosphere, which has changed the earth’s climate.”


    You can subscribe to David Sirota’s investigative journalism project, the Leverhere.

    This post was originally published on Jacobin.

  • We need to take care of our older Americans. It’s time to tackle elder poverty and the retirement crisis head on.

    This post was originally published on The Progressive — A voice for peace, social justice, and the common good.

  • We need to take care of our older Americans. It’s time to tackle elder poverty and the retirement crisis head on.

    This post was originally published on The Progressive — A voice for peace, social justice, and the common good.

  • Donald Trump has a history of failing to protect workers’ safety, rights, and wages. His anti-worker record will only worsen if he’s granted another term in the White House.

    This post was originally published on The Progressive — A voice for peace, social justice, and the common good.

  • A reactionary movement is manipulating urban crises for political gain.

    This post was originally published on The Progressive — A voice for peace, social justice, and the common good.

  • Over the next decade, about 40 percent of middle-class older workers will be pushed into or near poverty when they reach retirement age.

    This post was originally published on The Progressive — A voice for peace, social justice, and the common good.



  • In the 14-second video now seen by millions, San Francisco gallery owner Collier Gwin stands nonchalant yet intent, his legs crossed casually, his age-folded face glaring as he pummels a Black homeless woman on the sidewalk with cold water spray.

    Yes, it’s 2023, and a wealthy White man is blasting a hose on a homeless Black woman for sitting on the sidewalk, literally as if she were trash. Power dynamics don’t get much starker than that.

    We hear of vile, violent abuses against homeless people often, but it’s rarely caught on video. Here, thanks to a concerned passerby, Gwin’s soulless, sickening assault became documented, indisputable evidence of a violent crime. He’s right there in the video, glaring at the woman, blasting cold water on her, shouting “Move! Move!”

    Unhoused people are told to “move” constantly, by vigilantes like Gwin and by city police, public works teams, and by society writ large. Just “move” away from this spot right here, where we can see you, to some other spot; out of sight, out of mind.

    In a moment, Collier Gwin became a hashtag of horrors, his gallery a window-shattered memory, a one-starred on Yelp. With rising anger came alleged death threats, and soon local television predictably changed the narrative: suddenly, the story was about Gwin’s grievances, his lost patience after supposedly trying to help the woman, and about the cascading threats. There was no talk about the homeless woman, her loss and pain, her experience surviving on these cold mean streets.

    The woman, the crime victim, was disappeared—nameless, faceless, lost entirely from view. She was described only in Gwin’s terms, as a nuisance. We can’t even “say her name,” because we don’t know it.

    The woman, the crime victim, was disappeared—nameless, faceless, lost entirely from view.

    Meanwhile Gwin, who was at first stunningly unapologetic, embarked on an apology tour of sorts, with a maddeningly compliant media aiding and abetting. He griped to local media, “Nobody can get into their stores or into their offices. And so consequently, you know, if she got wet when that was happening, it was because she was there getting wet.”

    Instead of a story of violence against a homeless woman, the narrative became about Gwin “snapping,” about ” patience wearing thin” with homelessness—and even with the term “the homeless,” as media still call “them.” Instead of a story about the larger violence and criminality of homelessness amid this city and region’s epic wealth, Gwin’s assault became contorted into a “yeah, but” tale of ultra-privileged exasperation at the unsightly, unprofitable plight in the streets.

    Lost in the hubbub about Gwin’s attack is the larger constant violence that San Francisco and other big cities wage on unhoused human beings every day. Here in this supposedly “liberal,” allegedly “tolerant” city of Saint Francis, homeless people are policed relentlessly, pushed from block to block, and “swept” from view by the city’s Department of Public Works, their tents and belongings (clothing, medication, other personal valuables) destroyed.

    Even in this cold rainy “Bomb cyclone” winter that’s been nasty enough for President Biden to declare a state of emergency, the city continues to “sweep” away homeless people and trash their belongings—in violation of both basic humanity and a court ruling ordering the city to stop its “sweeps” when it has a chronic shortage of shelter space.

    This and other daily violence against unhoused human beings is enabled and empowered by an increasingly virulent, reactionary narrative that the poorest of the poor in our society are somehow the problem, that “they” are a nuisance, that “they” are the ones to blame. This is not just a rightwing Republican talking point—it is increasingly adopted by neoliberal Democrats and so-called “moderates” and centrists who insist they are “fed up” with the crises in the streets.

    Just a day before Gwin’s hose spraying attack, one Tweeter I regrettably engaged with bellowed, “Good, sweep them all away!” Three others “liked” the comment. Another said of homeless people, “Comfortable is a state of being for them. They prefer to not work. No responsibility. No bills. Do drugs. Get free stuff/food.” Many peddle the bizarre false notion that the city “pays” homeless people hundreds of dollars a month to live on the streets. Even if someone filled out endless forms, stood on endless lines, and managed to get a host of city, county, state, and federal aid that somehow amounted to “hundreds” of dollars, it would be at best barely enough to stay alive, and nothing more.

    This increasingly predominant and insidious neoliberal view falsely (and counter-productively) blames the individual rather than the system (yes, our structural system) of extreme private wealth accumulation and a 40-year demolition of public-sector solutions that are the real root causes of this impoverishment and suffering. We can chart this back to President Reagan’s decimation of aid to poor people, and mental health and public housing supports.

    We should all be fed up with acts like Gwin’s inhumane assault and by the city’s daily violence and harassment of homeless people. We should all be fed up with the completely preventable epidemic of homelessness amid epic, obscene wealth and inequality. We should all be fed up knowing that, for all its complexities and varied contexts, homelessness can be prevented by mustering our vast financial resources (city, regional, and national) and some political humanity and courage to invest in meeting people’s basic needs.

    Gwin’s violence against this homeless woman was despicable, and he should be held accountable for his crime. It took more than a week for district attorney Brooke Jenkins to issue an arrest warrant, charging Gwin with misdemeanor battery “for the alleged intentional and unlawful spraying of water on and around a woman experiencing homelessness.” With TV crews conveniently on hand, city police picked up Gwin at his gallery.

    Meanwhile, the larger crime of homelessness amid extreme wealth goes unchecked; as does the city’s ongoing “sweeps” of unhoused people and illegal destruction of their belongings, in violation of court orders. While Gwin’s violence against a homeless woman may seem an egregious outlier, it’s indicative of a broader violence, hatred, and dehumanizing of homeless human beings. For homelessness to end, this larger violence and crime—the false, stale, and harmful blaming and scapegoating of homeless people, the perception that “they” are the problem—must end.

    This post was originally published on Common Dreams.

  • The President can best serve his country and its future by announcing soon that he’ll step aside in 2024.

    This post was originally published on The Progressive — A voice for peace, social justice, and the common good.

  • Christopher D. Cook

    In this reputedly progressive city, tech and real estate money has bankrolled a centrist backlash.

    The post Fear & Loathing in San Francisco: How Chesa Boudin Got Blamed appeared first on The Nation.

    This post was originally published on Article – The Nation.

  • It’s not too late for President Biden to follow through with his promise to America’s essential workers.

    This post was originally published on The Progressive — A voice for peace, social justice, and the common good.

  • A woman shops at a supermarket in San Mateo, California, on July 21, 2021.

    Until she got her first Pfizer shot on July 16, Cindy Cervantes toiled in the Seaboard Foods pork processing plant in Guymon, Oklahoma for most of the pandemic without a vaccine — working unprotected in an industry devastated by Covid-19 illnesses and deaths.

    In one day, at least 300 people were gone” from the plant, sick from Covid, Cervantes says. Still, Seaboard wanted a certain number of hogs out. They kept pushing people, the chain was going even faster. People were getting injured, and we were losing even more people.” Six of her coworkers have died from Covid-19, and hundreds have gotten sick, she says.

    Ravaged by the pandemic, the roughly 500,000 U.S. workers in meatpacking, meat processing and poultry are not getting much help from the industry or the government. In a sector described as essential” during the pandemic, at least 50,000 have been infected and more than 250 have died, according to Investigate Midwest, a nonprofit news outlet. Yet amid this grim toll, the North American Meat Institute lobbied successfully to exclude meatpacking and poultry workers from new Covid-19 worker safety rules enacted this June.

    Even as vaccine availability in the United States steadily expands, workers still face pandemic peril on the job, from breakthrough cases of Covid-19, as well as low vaccination rates in many areas due to a combination of misinformation, conspiracy theories, and serious access barriers to immigrants who fear deportation. Workers and advocates are sounding the alarm that President Biden has dropped the ball on pandemic-era worker protections, violating one of the first promises of his presidency. This warning has particular salience after the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) said Tuesday that some people who are fully vaccinated should wear masks indoors in areas where there are severe outbreaks, due to the spread of the Delta variant.

    On his second day in office, Biden signed an executive order promising to enact new emergency safety rules if such standards are determined to be necessary” by March 15 to protect millions of essential” workers like Cervantes. The goal was straightforward: to give workers enforceable protections on the job, such as mandating that companies provide physical distancing and personal protective equipment (PPE). But the deadline came and went, with no new rule. Then, on June 10, after heavy lobbying by many industry groups — including the American Hospital Association, the National Retail Federation, the North American Meat Institute and the National Grocers Association — Biden issued a narrow rule covering only health care workers.

    This is despite the fact that other industries have been devastated by the pandemic. Almost all my coworkers have gotten it,” Cervantes says of the virus, noting that many of them were out sick for months, and some returned to work with lingering Covid-19 symptoms. Yet, she says, a lot of workers I work with have not gotten the vaccination” for a host of reasons. Some are skeptical,” and think it’s got a chip in it or that it’s not going to work.”

    It’s not hard to get a vaccine at the plant, Cervantes says. But in an industry that relies heavily on immigrants, Latinx and often undocumented workers, there are many barriers to vaccination, researchers note. According to the Kaiser Family Foundation, Large shares of Hispanic adults — particularly those with lower incomes, the uninsured, and those who are potentially undocumented — express concerns that reflect access-related barriers to vaccination.” Oklahoma, home to the Seaboard plant where Cervantes works, is among the nation’s most dangerous Covid-19 states, with just 40% of the population fully vaccinated, and high transmission rates,” according to the CDC.

    In an email response to questions, Seaboard communications director David Eaheart said the company proactively” notifies workers of any Covid-19 cases in the plant, and has taken numerous precautions based on CDC and state health guidance, including paid leave for infected workers, and plexiglass shields at select line workstations.”

    Eaheart acknowledged that in May 2020, testing at the plant identified 440 employees with active cases of Covid-19,” the plant’s highest week of reported active cases. All these employees self-isolated at home and were required to follow CDC guidance before being allowed to return to work.” During that week, he said, overall production was scaled back in the processing plant and fewer animals were processed and products produced.” More than 1000 workers at the plant have tested positive, and six have died, Eaheart confirmed.

    Since March 15, when Biden’s promised Covid-19 workplace safety protections were supposed to take effect, more than 15,000 working-age adults have died from the pandemic in the United States, according to the National Council for Occupational Safety and Health (COSH). Every one of those individuals had a family that was also at risk of Covid,” said Jessica E. Martinez, co-executive director of National COSH, in a June 9 press release anticipating Biden’s rule. Releasing an emergency standard three months late and just for health care workers is too little, too late.”

    The original rule drafted by the Department of Labor did cover all workers, as Bloomberg Law first reported—but then the infectious disease standard met the buzz saw of politics and industry pressure, and the White House opted to cover health care workers only.

    As the Department of Labor’s draft standard stated, For the first time in its 50-year history, OSHA faces a new hazard so grave that it has killed more than half a million people in the United States in barely over a year, and sickened millions more. OSHA has determined that employee exposure to this new hazard, SARS-CoV‑2 (the virus that causes Covid-19) presents a grave danger in every shared workplace in the United States.”

    Citing rising vaccination rates — 60% of U.S. adults are fully vaccinated, according to the CDC, though just 49% of the population overall — Secretary of Labor Marty Walsh said the new rules focusing on healthcare workers provide increased protections for those whose health is at heightened risk from coronavirus.” Neither the White House nor the Department of Labor provided any explanation for why other workers in high-exposure jobs were excluded.

    That’s kind of ridiculous,” says Louisiana Walmart worker Peter Naughton. They should cover retail workers as well. We come into contact with people who may have the virus without knowing it.”

    In Louisiana, where new Covid-19 cases are double the national infection rate and vaccinations lag far behind, Naughton, 45, toils in fear every day at a Walmart in Baton Rouge. He got vaccinated in May, but in his job helping customers navigate self-checkout kiosks, Naughton says, I come into contact with hundreds, possibly thousands, of people a week.” Naughton, who lives in Baton Rouge with his parents to make ends meet, says that despite the recent uptick in Covid-19 cases, and the spread of the extra-dangerous Delta variant, there are minimal safety precautions, and Walmart is acting like the pandemic is over.”

    While the vaccines vastly reduce risk of death or serious illness, infections and breakthrough cases” are still infecting vaccinated people. And the CDC’s befuddling guidance making masks voluntary for those who are vaccinated, on the honor system, hasn’t helped. Furthermore, the CDC explains, no vaccines are 100% effective at preventing illness in vaccinated people. There will be a small percentage of fully vaccinated people who still get sick, are hospitalized, or die from Covid-19.”

    For Naughton and millions of other essential workers,” laboring in the pandemic has been a mix of fear, insult and injury. Even when Covid-19 was at its most deadly and virulent, basic safety measures such as social distancing, mask-wearing and cleaning were never enforced” at Walmart, says Naughton. They never gave us any PPE, just glass cleaner, which doesn’t protect us. Customers could come in without masks and nothing would be said to them. I complained about it and the manager said, Don’t worry about it, let the customers do what they want.’”

    Several of Naughton’s coworkers got infected and ill from Covid-19, but management never said a word to any of us,” he says. Most of them I came into close contact with. That kind of scared me. … We all should have known about it.” Naughton says he filed a complaint in November 2020 requesting OSHA to inspect the Baton Rouge Walmart, but I never heard back, nothing ever happened.”

    To top it off, when Naughton received the vaccine in May, he was hit by a 102.4 degree fever — but he had to work anyway, because Walmart employees can lose our job” after five absences for any reason. Nobody at Walmart took his temperature or inquired about his health, he says.

    Through email, Tyler Thomason, Walmart’s senior manager of global communications, insisted to In These Times, We encourage our associates to get vaccinated. We offer the vaccine at no cost to associates… We continue to request that associates and customers wear face coverings unless they are vaccinated. Any information on confirmed, positive COVID-19 cases would come from the local health authority.”

    Unions Sue to Protect More Workers

    Naughton isn’t the only person disappointed by Biden’s exclusion of most workers from this emergency pandemic protection. Unions have pushed for the protection since the pandemic began ravaging the United States in March 2020. First, they encountered staunch resistance from the Trump administration; now, while pledging expansive worker protections, the Biden administration has delayed and diminished them.

    On June 10, as the Biden administration announced the narrow new rule leaving out millions of workers, advocates expressed disappointment and frustration.

    Biden’s decision to cover only health care workers represents a broken promise to the millions of American workers in grocery stores and meatpacking plants who have gotten sick and died on the frontlines of this pandemic,” stated United Food and Commercial Workers (UFCW) International Union International President Marc Perrone the day the new rule was announced.

    That day, the AFL-CIO added, we are deeply concerned that the [standard] will not cover workers in other industries, including those in meatpacking, grocery, transportation and corrections, who have suffered high rates of Covid-19 infections and death. Many of these are low-wage workers of color who have been disproportionately impacted by Covid-19 exposures and infections.”

    On June 24, the AFL-CIO and UFCW filed a petition in federal court demanding that all workers be covered by the emergency standard, which, the petition says, currently fails to protect employees outside the healthcare industry who face a similar grave danger from occupational exposure to Covid-19.”

    Another champion of the emergency standard, Rep. Bobby Scott (D‑Va.), Chair of the House Committee on Education and Labor, also expressed frustration when Biden released the narrow new rule, calling the diminished standard too little, too late for countless workers and families across the country,” including workers throughout the food industry and homeless shelters. Rep. Scott added: I am disappointed by both the timing and the scope of this workplace safety standard.” The rule, Scott said, is long past due, and it provides no meaningful protection to many workers who remain at high risk of serious illness from Covid-19.”

    Biden’s decision to exclude meatpackers, grocery and farm workers, retail and warehouse laborers and others means especially high risks for workers of color, Rep. Scott noted. With vaccination rates for Black and Brown people lagging far behind the overall population, the lack of a comprehensive workplace safety standard and the rapid reopening of the economy is a dangerous combination,” he said.

    Much of this essential” workforce of people of color, immigrants and low-income white people, toils in dangerous farm labor and food processing plants where Covid-19 has spread like wildfire while vaccination rates remain low. Workers in this industry have a very low vaccination rate,” as low as 37% in some states, says Martin Rosas, president of UFCW Local 2 representing meatpacking and food processing workers in Kansas, Oklahoma and Missouri. I don’t know who in their right mind would think we’ve passed over that bridge and think all workers are safe now.” Rosas adds, The federal government has failed to protect meatpacking workers” by leaving them out of the final emergency standard. I’m extremely disappointed in the Biden administration.”

    Both the Department of Labor and the White House declined multiple interview requests, but a Department of Labor spokesperson emailed a statement insisting that the health-care-workers-only rule closely follows the CDC’s guidance for health care workers and the science, which tells us that those who come into regular contact with people either suspected of having or being treated for Covid-19, are most at risk.”

    The Department of Labor spokesperson stressed that the agency’s existing (yet unenforceable) guidance” and the general duty clause” protect other workers adequately, particularly in industries noted for prolonged close-contacts like meat processing, manufacturing, seafood processing, and grocery and high-volume retail.” But in its own draft standard, the Department of Labor stated the opposite: existing standards, regulations, and the OSH Act’s General Duty Clause are wholly inadequate to address the Covid-19 hazard.” In its original draft, the agency insisted, a Covid-19 ETS [emergency temporary standard] is necessary to address these inadequacies.”

    Marcy Goldstein-Gelb, National COSH’s co-executive director, says President Biden is responsible” for the 15,000 workers who have died from Covid-19 since Biden’s March 15 deadline to enact the emergency standard. Biden, she notes, promised to protect workers in his campaign and on his first day in office, but he neglected them. But workers’ safety needs aren’t over, and we’ll be continuing to demand accountability from the administration.”

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • Biden’s much-anticipated workplace safety rule excludes most workers—and some in the labor movement are not happy.

    This post was originally published on Common Dreams – Breaking News & Views for the Progressive Community.

  • Until she got her first Pfizer shot on July 16, Cindy Cervantes toiled in the Seaboard Foods pork processing plant in Guymon, Oklahoma for most of the pandemic without a vaccine—working unprotected in an industry devastated by Covid-19 illnesses and deaths.

    “In one day, at least 300 people were gone” from the plant, sick from Covid, Cervantes says. Still, “Seaboard wanted a certain number of hogs out. They kept pushing people, the chain was going even faster. People were getting injured, and we were losing even more people.” Six of her coworkers have died from Covid-19, and hundreds have gotten sick, she says.

    Ravaged by the pandemic, the roughly 500,000 U.S. workers in meatpacking, meat processing and poultry are not getting any help from the industry or the government. In a sector described as “essential” during the pandemic, at least 50,000 have been infected and more than 250 have died, according to Investigate Midwest, a nonprofit news outlet. Yet amid this grim toll, the North American Meat Institute lobbied successfully to exclude meatpacking and poultry workers from new Covid-19 worker safety rules enacted this June.

    Even as vaccine availability in the United States steadily expands, workers still face pandemic peril on the job, from breakthrough cases of Covid-19, as well as low vaccination rates in many areas due to a combination of misinformation, conspiracy theories, and serious access barriers to immigrants who fear deportation. Workers and advocates are sounding the alarm that President Biden has dropped the ball on pandemic-era worker protections, violating one of the first promises of his presidency. This warning has particular salience after the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) said Tuesday that some people who are fully vaccinated should wear masks indoors in areas where there are severe outbreaks, due to the spread of the Delta variant.

    On his second day in office, Biden signed an executive order promising to enact new emergency safety rules “if such standards are determined to be necessary” by March 15 to protect millions of “essential” workers like Cervantes. The goal was straightforward: to give workers enforceable protections on the job, such as mandating that companies provide physical distancing and personal protective equipment (PPE). But the deadline came and went, with no new rule. Then, on June 10, after heavy lobbying by many industry groups—including the American Hospital Association, the National Retail Federation, the North American Meat Institute and the National Grocers Association—Biden issued a narrow rule covering only health care workers.

    This is despite the fact that other industries have been devastated by the pandemic. “Almost all my coworkers have gotten it,” Cervantes says of the virus, noting that many of them were out sick for months, and some returned to work with lingering Covid-19 symptoms. Yet, she says, “a lot of workers I work with have not gotten the vaccination” for a host of reasons. Some are “skeptical,” and “think it’s got a chip in it or that it’s not going to work.”

    It’s not hard to get a vaccine at the plant, Cervantes says. But in an industry that relies heavily on immigrants, Latinx and often undocumented workers, there are many barriers to vaccination, researchers note. According to the Kaiser Family Foundation, “Large shares of Hispanic adults—particularly those with lower incomes, the uninsured, and those who are potentially undocumented—express concerns that reflect access-related barriers to vaccination.” Oklahoma, home to the Seaboard plant where Cervantes works, is among the nation’s most dangerous Covid-19 states, with just 40% of the population fully vaccinated, and “high transmission rates,” according to the CDC.

    In an email response to questions, Seaboard communications director David Eaheart said the company “proactively” notifies workers of any Covid-19 cases in the plant, and has taken numerous precautions based on CDC and state health guidance, including paid leave for infected workers, and plexiglass shields at “select line workstations.”

    Eaheart acknowledged that in May 2020, testing at the plant identified 440 employees with “active cases of Covid-19,” the plant’s “highest week of reported active cases. All these employees self-isolated at home and were required to follow CDC guidance before being allowed to return to work.” During that week, he said, “overall production was scaled back in the processing plant and fewer animals were processed and products produced.” More than 1000 workers at the plant have tested positive, and six have died, Eaheart confirmed.

    Since March 15, when Biden’s promised Covid-19 workplace safety protections were supposed to take effect, more than 15,000 working-age adults have died from the pandemic in the United States, according to the National Council for Occupational Safety and Health (COSH). “Every one of those individuals had a family that was also at risk of Covid,” said Jessica E. Martinez, co-executive director of National COSH, in a June 9 press release anticipating Biden’s rule. “Releasing an emergency standard three months late and just for health care workers is too little, too late.”

    The original rule drafted by the Department of Labor did cover all workers, as Bloomberg Law first reported—but then the infectious disease standard met the buzz saw of politics and industry pressure, and the White House opted to cover health care workers only.

    As the Department of Labor’s draft standard stated, “For the first time in its 50-year history, OSHA faces a new hazard so grave that it has killed more than half a million people in the United States in barely over a year, and sickened millions more. OSHA has determined that employee exposure to this new hazard, SARS-CoV-2 (the virus that causes Covid-19) presents a grave danger in every shared workplace in the United States.”

    Citing rising vaccination rates—60% of U.S. adults are fully vaccinated, according to the CDC, though just 49% of the population overall—Secretary of Labor Marty Walsh said the new rules focusing on healthcare workers “provide increased protections for those whose health is at heightened risk from coronavirus.” Neither the White House nor the Department of Labor provided any explanation for why other workers in high-exposure jobs were excluded.

    “That’s kind of ridiculous,” says Louisiana Walmart worker Peter Naughton. “They should cover retail workers as well. We come into contact with people who may have the virus without knowing it.”

    In Louisiana, where new Covid-19 cases are double the national infection rate and vaccinations lag far behind, Naughton, 45, toils in fear every day at a Walmart in Baton Rouge. He got vaccinated in May, but in his job helping customers navigate self-checkout kiosks, Naughton says, “I come into contact with hundreds, possibly thousands, of people a week.” Naughton, who lives in Baton Rouge with his parents to make ends meet, says that despite the recent uptick in Covid-19 cases, and the spread of the extra-dangerous Delta variant, there are minimal safety precautions, and “Walmart is acting like the pandemic is over.”

    While the vaccines vastly reduce risk of death or serious illness, infections and “breakthrough cases” are still infecting vaccinated people. And the CDC’s befuddling guidance making masks voluntary for those who are vaccinated, on the honor system, hasn’t helped. Furthermore, the CDC explains, “no vaccines are 100% effective at preventing illness in vaccinated people. There will be a small percentage of fully vaccinated people who still get sick, are hospitalized, or die from Covid-19.”

    For Naughton and millions of other “essential workers,” laboring in the pandemic has been a mix of fear, insult and injury. Even when Covid-19 was at its most deadly and virulent, basic safety measures such as social distancing, mask-wearing and cleaning were “never enforced” at Walmart, says Naughton. “They never gave us any PPE, just glass cleaner, which doesn’t protect us. Customers could come in without masks and nothing would be said to them. I complained about it and the manager said, ‘Don’t worry about it, let the customers do what they want.’”

    Several of Naughton’s coworkers got infected and ill from Covid-19, but “management never said a word to any of us,” he says. “Most of them I came into close contact with. That kind of scared me. … We all should have known about it.” Naughton says he filed a complaint in November 2020 requesting OSHA to inspect the Baton Rouge Walmart, but “I never heard back, nothing ever happened.”

    To top it off, when Naughton received the vaccine in May, he was hit by a 102.4 degree fever—but he had to work anyway, because Walmart employees can “lose our job” after five absences for any reason. Nobody at Walmart took his temperature or inquired about his health, he says.

    Through email, Tyler Thomason, Walmart’s senior manager of global communications, insisted to In These Times, “We encourage our associates to get vaccinated. We offer the vaccine at no cost to associates… We continue to request that associates and customers wear face coverings unless they are vaccinated. Any information on confirmed, positive COVID-19 cases would come from the local health authority.”

    Unions Sue to Protect More Workers

    Naughton isn’t the only person disappointed by Biden’s exclusion of most workers from this emergency pandemic protection. Unions have pushed for the protection since the pandemic began ravaging the United States in March 2020. First, they encountered staunch resistance from the Trump administration; now, while pledging expansive worker protections, the Biden administration has delayed and diminished them.

    On June 10, as the Biden administration announced the narrow new rule leaving out millions of workers, advocates expressed disappointment and frustration.

    Biden’s decision to cover only health care workers “represents a broken promise to the millions of American workers in grocery stores and meatpacking plants who have gotten sick and died on the frontlines of this pandemic,” stated United Food and Commercial Workers (UFCW) International Union International President Marc Perrone the day the new rule was announced.

    That day, the AFL-CIO added, “we are deeply concerned that the [standard] will not cover workers in other industries, including those in meatpacking, grocery, transportation and corrections, who have suffered high rates of Covid-19 infections and death. Many of these are low-wage workers of color who have been disproportionately impacted by Covid-19 exposures and infections.”

    On June 24, the AFL-CIO and UFCW filed a petition in federal court demanding that all workers be covered by the emergency standard, which, the petition says, currently “fails to protect employees outside the healthcare industry who face a similar grave danger from occupational exposure to Covid-19.”

    Another champion of the emergency standard, Rep. Bobby Scott (D-Va.), Chair of the House Committee on Education and Labor, also expressed frustration when Biden released the narrow new rule, calling the diminished standard “too little, too late for countless workers and families across the country,” including workers throughout the food industry and homeless shelters. Rep. Scott added: “I am disappointed by both the timing and the scope of this workplace safety standard.” The rule, Scott said, “is long past due, and it provides no meaningful protection to many workers who remain at high risk of serious illness from Covid-19.”

    Biden’s decision to exclude meatpackers, grocery and farm workers, retail and warehouse laborers and others means especially high risks for workers of color, Rep. Scott noted. “With vaccination rates for Black and Brown people lagging far behind the overall population, the lack of a comprehensive workplace safety standard and the rapid reopening of the economy is a dangerous combination,” he said.

    Much of this “essential” workforce of people of color, immigrants and low-income white people, toils in dangerous farm labor and food processing plants where Covid-19 has spread like wildfire while vaccination rates remain low. “Workers in this industry have a very low vaccination rate,” as low as 37% in some states, says Martin Rosas, president of UFCW Local 2 representing meatpacking and food processing workers in Kansas, Oklahoma and Missouri. “I don’t know who in their right mind would think we’ve passed over that bridge and think all workers are safe now.” Rosas adds, “The federal government has failed to protect meatpacking workers” by leaving them out of the final emergency standard. “I’m extremely disappointed in the Biden administration.”

    Both the Department of Labor and the White House declined multiple interview requests, but a Department of Labor spokesperson emailed a statement insisting that the health-care-workers-only rule “closely follows the CDC’s guidance for health care workers and the science, which tells us that those who come into regular contact with people either suspected of having or being treated for Covid-19, are most at risk.”

    The Department of Labor spokesperson stressed that the agency’s existing (yet unenforceable) “guidance” and the “general duty clause” protect other workers adequately, particularly in “industries noted for prolonged close-contacts like meat processing, manufacturing, seafood processing, and grocery and high-volume retail.” But in its own draft standard, the Department of Labor stated the opposite: “existing standards, regulations, and the OSH Act’s General Duty Clause are wholly inadequate to address the Covid-19 hazard.” In its original draft, the agency insisted, “a Covid-19 ETS [emergency temporary standard] is necessary to address these inadequacies.”

    Marcy Goldstein-Gelb, National COSH’s co-executive director, says President Biden “is responsible” for the 15,000 workers who have died from Covid-19 since Biden’s March 15 deadline to enact the emergency standard. Biden, she notes, “promised to protect workers in his campaign and on his first day in office, but he neglected them. But workers’ safety needs aren’t over, and we’ll be continuing to demand accountability from the administration.”

    This post was originally published on In These Times.

  • Growing concern that worker protection may not be enacted. Delay Coming from “Top Political Levels of the White House.”

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Growing concern that worker protection may not be enacted. Delay Coming from “Top Political Levels of the White House.”

    This post was originally published on The Progressive — A voice for peace, social justice, and the common good.

  • Biden and Congress must boost OSHA standards and enforcement to stifle the pandemic.

    This post was originally published on The Progressive — A voice for peace, social justice, and the common good.

  • The organized insanity and manufactured chaos that was President Donald Trump’s January 6 insurrection has cast a massive grim cloud over the nation. How we respond will define us as a nation for decades to come—whether Presidents are held accountable for inciting violence and insurrection, and whether Trump’s mayhem incites a new expansion of security state policing and the stifling of dissent.

    A majority of Republicans actually blame Biden for the Trump-incited coup attempt—still believing the repeatedly and conclusively debunked lies about election fraud.

    Already, President-elect Joe Biden has called for ramping up security and policing to quell any future coup or insurrection attempts. Many liberals are recommending ways to expand security to prevent future white nationalist uprisings. But it’s worth remembering that this very same security state has a long history of stifling dissent and will certainly be used to tamp down mass protest from the left, as well.  

    The same day insurrectionists were storming the Capitol in Washington, Florida’s Governor Ron DeSantis promoted a new bill “cracking down on Black Lives Matter protests that would also make taking down Confederate statues a felony,” using the D.C. riot as an excuse.

    It’s easy to see the Trump-incited insurrection as sheer madness fueled by utter falsehoods, not genuine dissent or “protest,” but that won’t keep it from being weaponized to expand the policing of protest throughout the United States. 

    There is no question that Trump must be held fully accountable, via either impeachment, the  Twenty-Fifth Amendment, or both. Let’s hope it also brings him permanent disgrace and a lengthy prison stay. Clearly, Trump has dug his own political grave, even as the insanity and chaos he has unleashed lives on in frightening fashion. Trumpism runs deep and virulent across the land. When the FBI came to collect a young West Virginia man involved in the insurrection, his grandmother told a reporter on the scene: “Thank you, Mr. Trump, for invoking a riot at the White House.” 

    But in fact, a majority of Republicans actually blame Biden for the Trump-incited coup attempt—still believing the repeatedly and conclusively debunked lies about election fraud. Additionally, a larger share of registered GOP voters—45 to 43 percent—said they actively support the actions of the demonstrators. 


    As with Trump’s many messes and legacies, the rest of us are forced to live with the fallout from this latest crazy chaos. Fear of insurrection, armed rightwing rebellion, and other forms of dissent now stalk us. 

    Even as we cheer Trump’s demise and gape aghast at the misinformed insurrection attempt (with likely more on the near horizon)—and many welcome Trump’s removal from Twitter and Facebook for inciting violence and insurrection—a multitude of uncertainties will likely haunt and revisit us in months and years to come:

    • Even though Trump and his cult’s last-gasp insurrection attempt was based on outright lies and falsehoods, and was resoundingly defeated, we must still be willing to ask: are all acts of sedition and insurrection wrong?
    • Are liberals and progressives going to now embrace an expansion of the security state? Will they support using an augmented Patriot Act to tamp down these flames of rightwing racist rebellion—or any rebellion, no matter the justification?
    • Trump’s ban from Twitter and Facebook was the right move given his latest acts directly inciting insurrection and violence—but where do we draw these lines in the future? These are private firms with their own policies, yet they are broadly powerful and function somewhat as public discourse utilities. When do we rein in this phenomenal private corporate power

    As reprehensible and ugly as the January 6 insurrection attempt was (and as disturbing and suspicious was the mob’s easy access to the inner halls of the Capitol building), we must question calls for heavier policing and security. The stark contrast between Wednesday’s bizarre lapse and the airtight lockdown security that has been deployed to quell Black Lives Matter protesters is obvious racism—but more police and state security isn’t the answer.

    There will likely be intensified vetting of anyone now attempting to visit these public buildings and view these public proceedings.

    Beyond securing Trump’s imminent departure, the response to the January 6 insurrection should give us pause. Do we wish to tamp down and suppress every type of uprising, every act of sedition, no matter the cause or agenda? Setting aside this moment, which was so obviously motivated by outright lies and falsehoods and in the name of white nationalism, we must ask: “Is there never a justifiable reason for treason?” What if the situation and roles were reversed, and the white nationalists and authoritarians had succeeded in taking over the government (as it often seemed these past four years). 

    Remember when it was left-wingers who were posed as the insurrection, the rebellion? Where will we stand if, at some time, there were a mass-perceived need to upend a racist, totalitarian thug like Trump? We should hope it never comes to this, or that any such effort would be peaceful and nonviolent, though history suggests otherwise.


    Whether we like it or not, the rightwing Trumpite insurrection effort was, for the most part, righteously felt by the rioting crowd—by all indications, those raging maniacs truly believed they’d been electorally robbed and had to heed their leader’s calls to action.

    As Biden begins his presidency on January 20, we can expect more rightwing insurrection attempts. Biden will call for unity and calm, and insist, again, that “America is so much better than what we’re seeing today.” There will be more calls to secure the Capitol and the White House, more policing. Don’t let “them” anywhere near the Capitol steps again, folks will surely say. There will likely be intensified vetting of anyone now attempting to visit these public buildings and view these public proceedings.

    “The U.S. must punish sedition—or risk more of it,” opined columnist Michael Gerson, in The Washington Post. That’s easy to say now, when the acts of sedition spew from toy-soldier white supremacists and venomous self-proclaimed “patriots” motivated by outright lies. 

    But, as the calls to quash any further sedition or insurrection are sounded, we would do well to recall righteous revolts such as slave insurrections, and radical abolitionists like John Brown, who was convicted of treason in 1859 for “fomenting slave insurrection.” 

    As a thoughtful New York Times piece noted, “Historically, charges of sedition have just as often been used to quash dissent (the Sedition Act of 1918, for example, made it illegal to “willfully utter, print, write, or publish any disloyal, profane, scurrilous, or abusive language about the form of the Government of the United States”) as they have to punish actual threats to government stability or functioning.”

    The very definition of sedition—“incitement of resistance to or insurrection against lawful authority”—should give us pause at forever banishing the notion. 

    Meanwhile, the real failures and crimes of our political system—woeful inaction and unacceptable stasis on essential policies like Medicare for All and a Green New Deal—will be the subject of op-eds, petitions, and tweets. As the planet burns, our health-care system crumbles, and our economy grows more vastly unequal and untenable, there may well be a need for some nonviolent rebellion from the left when the state political apparatus and the “operation of the machine becomes so odious” as to suppress progress, as free-speech radical Mario Savio put it back in the 1960s. 

    Last June, during the boiling outrage and massive protests over police racism and violence against Black and brown people, Trump deployed the National Guard and threatened to unleash the Insurrection Act, among other tools of a police state, to crush the uprisings. Liberals were rightly outraged at both the defense of racism and the abuse of power to stamp out protest. Then-Attorney General Willian Barr considered charging some supposedly “violent” antiracist protesters with sedition.

    Of course, there are immense political differences between mass protests against racism and an armed siege of the Capitol to overturn a free and fair election. Trump’s January 6 insurrection riot was an armed assault on objective verified truth, and on democracy. But, in the aftermath, and in the looming fear of the next armed siege, we must remain vigilantly clear-eyed about protecting the right to nonviolent protest and dissent. 

    Lest we forget, one of the more dangerous legacies of the 9/11 attacks is the USA Patriot Act and the immense bloating of the national security state in tandem with the Military-Industrial Complex. Now, as lamentable yet predictable comparisons arise between September 11 and the January 6 attack, we should be on the lookout for righteous bipartisan weaponizing of this crisis. 

    Chip Gibbons, policy director for Defending Rights and Dissent, encapsulated this threat cogently: “While we condemn these crimes against democracy, such antics cannot be used to justify new repressive measures against actual protests, restrictions of the right of peaceful assembly, or curtailment of speech.”

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • The tools we create in response to the January 6 insurrection will be used to tamp down mass protest from the left.

    This post was originally published on The Progressive — A voice for peace, social justice, and the common good.