Author: Ryan Grim

  • In California’s 34th District, anti-war advocate David Kim has come close to unseating Rep. Jimmy Gomez twice. Now AIPAC is attacking Kim, and a crypto PAC is joining in.

    This post was originally published on TAP : The American Prospect.

  • From his prison cell, former Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan has expressed escalating criticism of Pakistan army chief Asim Munir’s drive to seize political power, according to multiple sources who remain in close touch with Khan.

    The communications include new allegations about Khan’s history with Munir. According to those in touch with the imprisoned prime minister, Khan is making new allegations that Munir violated an agreement to remain neutral in Pakistani politics in exchange for Khan accepting his appointment as army chief.

    Imran Khan is making new allegations that Asim Munir violated an agreement to remain neutral in Pakistani politics in exchange for Khan accepting his appointment as army chief.

    The deposed prime minister also alleges that Munir conspired with his civilian political rivals, including former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, to cooperate against him in exchange for dropping corruption charges that had forced Sharif into exile.

    The escalating personal conflict between Khan and Munir also looms large in the communications. Khan alleges that Munir ordered agents of Pakistan’s notorious intelligence service to kill him and that the general covered up assassination attempts by squashing a police probe and burying CCTV footage.

    The allegations from Khan about Munir come as the general has continued amassing political power and leading a brutal crackdown on rival political parties, activists, and the press in Pakistan.

    The crackdown included the removal and imprisonment of Khan, Pakistan’s most popular politician; violence and arrests targeting his Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf, or PTI, party; and a rigged election this February.

    Khan’s fate remains the biggest unanswered question in the country’s politics, which the prison communiques suggest are driven by acrimony between him and Munir.

    “Pakistan’s military ruler Asim Munir is now targeting American families of pro-democracy activists.”

    With transnational repression reaching the U.S. — the military reportedly detained Pakistan-based family members of rivals living in the U.S. and Canada — the crackdown is drawing increasingly stronger condemnations from American officials.

    Last week, Rep. Ro Khanna, D-Calif., issued a video statement condemning the targeting of family members of Americans and called for sanctions to be placed on Pakistani military leaders including Munir.

    “Pakistan’s military ruler Asim Munir is now targeting American families of pro-democracy activists,” Khanna said. “We all know the elections in Pakistan were rigged, and Imran Khan is still in jail. The United States needs to sanction Asim Munir and any military leader in Pakistan who is targeting Americans.”

    Assassination Attempts

    Khan’s allegations about Munir were shared with The Intercept by a number of sources close to him who requested anonymity to protect their security.

    In the communications, Khan alleges the existence of CCTV footage and other evidence showing that Munir concocted a scheme to have Khan killed at a tumultuous court appearance on March 18, 2023.

    Khan’s car was mobbed by spectators on the way to court, some of whom, Khan alleges, were Inter-Services Intelligence agents dressed in civilian clothes. The attempt on his life, Khan says, was only thwarted by a crowd of PTI supporters who surrounded his car.

    Khan also offered his own narrative on a November 2022 incident when he was wounded in a shooting attack at a political rally that killed one of his supporters. The Pakistani government detained a single person for the attack, whom officials claimed had been motivated by religious extremism.

    According to sources close to the former prime minister, Khan accused Munir of being behind a cover-up of the incident. The general, he claims, blocked an independent probe into the attack and that eyewitness accounts pointed to the involvement of multiple assailants.

    Commuters ride past a truck painted with a portrait of country's Army Chief General Syed Asim Munir, in Islamabad on August 16, 2023. (Photo by Farooq NAEEM / AFP) (Photo by FAROOQ NAEEM/AFP via Getty Images)
    A truck painted with a portrait of Pakistan’s army chief Gen. Asim Munir, in Islamabad, on Aug. 16, 2023. Photo: Farooq Naeem/AFP via Getty Images

    Munir’s Political Plays

    Pakistan has been held hostage to the political clash between Khan and Munir, with the former prime minister now imprisoned on charges widely seen as politicized.

    Khan claims that Munir bargained with his civilian political rivals, including Sharif, the former prime minister, to spare them from corruption charges. In exchange, the politicians like Sharif supported jailing Khan and cracking down on his party.

    Khan claims Munir bargained with his civilian political rivals, including former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, to spare them from corruption charges.

    The crackdown — extrajudicial killings, torture, mass detentions, and other sweeping measures aimed at dismantling the PTI — has so far failed to dim Khan’s popularity. In elections this February, candidates affiliated with PTI won sweeping support, according to exit polls, before electoral rigging engineered by the military allowed a coalition government of Khan’s opposition to form.

    Khan characterizes the events as a betrayal by Munir. In Khan’s telling, according to the sources close to him, the prime minister’s downfall was precipitated after Munir reneged on an agreement. Khan says that, as the then-prime minister, he had the power to block Munir’s ascension to the top military post in the country but allowed it to go forward after the general’s emissaries said he planned to stay out of politics.

    Munir, like Pakistani military leaders before him, plays a prime role in the country’s political affairs.

    Khan’s legal status remains in flux after serious corruption and espionage charges against him were thrown out in court. The former prime minister now remains imprisoned solely on charges that he improperly married his third wife in contravention of religious guidelines.

    PTI meanwhile remains at odds with the military establishment, with halting attempts to mediate a resolution to Pakistan’s ongoing political standoff so far unsuccessful.

    Deepening Crackdown — and Crises

    Khan’s removal by his military and civilian rivals came in a 2022 no-confidence vote organized amid pressure from the U.S. over the prime minister’s foreign policy stances.

    Since the removal, Pakistan has been wracked by overlapping economic and political crises that have paralyzed the nation of 200 million.

    Even with Khan and PTI sidelined, the military continues its attempts to suppress speech. This year, the military blocked X and issued a statement denouncing “digital terrorism.” Government officials have also made reference to imposing a national firewall on the country’s internet.

    Khan’s personal safety is widely believed to be in jeopardy by his supporters, including Pakistani Americans who recently lobbied for Sen. Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., to contact the Pakistani government about his safety.

    In addition to blaming Munir for betraying his trust and attempting to engineer his murder, from prison Khan has repeatedly raised the specter that the general is leading the country toward a repeat of its traumatic 1971 partition — a stinging embarrassment for Pakistani nationalists.

    The partition occurred following a military-led crackdown and massacre after an army rival won elections. The civil war spurred the secession of the eastern half of the country into the nation of Bangladesh.

    The post From Prison, Imran Khan Says Top Pakistani General Betrayed Secret Deal to Stay Out of Politics appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • After an arduous legal fight, a Pakistani court on Monday acquitted former Prime Minister Imran Khan on charges related to his handling of a confidential intelligence cable, known within the Pakistani government as a cypher.

    Khan’s acquittal by the Islamabad High Court is a major victory for the former prime minister and his supporters, coming on the heels of a suspended sentence in a separate corruption case.

    The ruling leaves Khan behind bars on precisely one charge: namely, that he and his third wife Bushra Bibi entered into an “un-Islamic marriage,” a crime for which Khan and Bibi are serving seven-year sentences. 

    The court, both during the hearing and in its ruling, dove into the details of Bibi’s menstrual cycle, ultimately rejecting her claim that three cycles had passed between her divorce and her marriage to Khan. Instead, the court relied on the word of her ex-husband.

    Asked by The Intercept at a briefing, State Department spokesperson Matt Miller said the case and its merits were none of the United States’ business.

    “We’ve addressed the question of Imran Khan many times,” Miller said. “The legal proceedings against him are something for the Pakistani courts to decide.”

    Pressed on whether it was truly the case that Bibi’s menstrual cycles were a matter for the courts, Miller said that perhaps a Pakistani court will toss out this conviction just as they did the cypher case.

    The overturning of the so-called cypher case was a blow to the Pakistani government’s contention that Khan was a traitor to his country, and bolsters his supporters’ position that the charges against the imprisoned former prime minister are politically motivated.

    Khan and his ex-Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi had previously been sentenced to 10 years in prison for allegedly mishandling the secret document, including Khan’s alleged brandishing a paper copy of it at a political rally.

    The cypher has long since been a central piece of drama in Pakistan’s political wrangling. Khan had claimed in several instances, even when still prime minister, that the cypher revealed U.S. involvement in his removal from power in a no-confidence vote in 2022. 

    In 2023, the cypher was provided to The Intercept by a source in the Pakistani military. The document showed that during Khan’s time in office, U.S. State Department officials had threatened the then-Pakistani ambassador to the U.S. about damaged ties between the two countries if Khan remained in power. Shortly after the meeting, a vote of no-confidence in Parliament advanced, a move orchestrated by the powerful Pakistani military that succeeded in removing Khan from office.

    Since then, Khan and his supporters have been in an escalating conflict with the military, which has led to widespread crackdowns, killings, and torture, as well as a ban on Khan’s party, the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf, or PTI. Khan himself was imprisoned on an array of charges. 

    The State Department has remained muted on the crackdown on democracy in Pakistan, including after February elections marred by extensive and brazen fraud.

    Despite Khan’s imprisonment and a general ban on his party, candidates associated with PTI did resoundingly well in the vote. Following exit polls that seemed to show PTI-affiliated politicians sailing to victory, official announcements began to pour in that the candidates were losing. Amid allegations of election rigging by the military at the regional level, a coalition of opposition parties took power and was quickly recognized by the U.S.

    The charges against Khan have now almost all fallen apart, save for an allegation of legal impropriety in Khan’s marriage to Bibi. 

    The court, in its ruling, writes that her ex-husband tried to prevent his then-wife from visiting Khan, saying he “tried to stop her by force and during which hard words and even abuses were also exchanged but of no avail.”

    The court, in its ruling, also approvingly reproduced her ex-husband’s antisemitic conspiracy theories, noting that “complainant believes that sister of respondent No.02” — Khan’s wife — “who resides in UAE has strong connection with Jewish Lobby.”

    Bibi’s ex-husband, according to the ruling, also complained he was denied his right of “rujuh” — which refers to a husband getting their wife back in the initial period after a divorce. “He pointed out that under the law and ‘Shariah,’ the complainant has a right to have ‘Rujuh’ to his wife,” the ruling says, “but he was deprived of such right by the respondents.”

    The post Imran Khan Remains Imprisoned Over His Wife’s Menstrual Cycles. State Department Says That’s “Something For the Pakistani Courts to Decide.” appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • Some 20 American and British medical workers who had been unable to leave Gaza were evacuated from the European Hospital in Khan Younis on Friday, though three American members of medical missions refused to evacuate until Israel allows additional humanitarian workers to replace them. They remain at work, along with doctors and staff from separate medical missions, serving a population trapped in Gaza with no escape.

    The missions, as is often the case, had been scheduled to last two weeks before a fresh group of aid workers would rotate in with new supplies. But after Israel seized and closed the Rafah border crossing into Egypt, nothing could get in or out, neither supplies nor people. 

    “If all and only the Americans left at once, what would that say about us as a nation?”

    Among the three Americans who refused to leave is Adam Hamawy, a New Jersey doctor and Army veteran who insisted on remaining behind to protect and serve his patients.

    “There is a palpable gloom and foreboding that had set in at the hospital. The children and staff are asking for everyone by name. All the Americans and Brits left. That can’t be a good sign,” said Hamawy.

    “A decision for some of us to stay was consistent with our American values. We came in as a team and we do not leave anyone behind. If all and only the Americans left at once, what would that say about us as a nation?”

    Related

    American Medical Missions Trapped in Gaza, Facing Death by Dehydration as Population Clings to Life

    While serving in the Iraq War, Hamawy was the doctor who treated now-Sen. Tammy Duckworth, D-Ill., when her helicopter was shot down. Duckworth credits Hamawy for saving her life and put pressure on Israel and the State Department to find a way to free the medical workers.

    Hamawy said that the mission staff had been put in an impossible position.

    “Although we feel we are abandoning our patients we all understood that this was going to happen from day one,” he said, given the short-term nature of the mission. “We would have to turn over our patients to a fresh team. Unfortunately we have to leave this burden on our overworked, burnt out Palestinian colleagues. The three Americans that stayed behind opened the opportunity for three Brits to leave.”

    Sixteen medical workers remain at the hospital, Hamawy said. That includes nationals of Egypt, Ireland, Australia, and Jordan — countries with less political sway than the United States. Other missions, some staffed with Americans, remain active elsewhere in Gaza.

    The staff and patients fear that without Americans in the hospital to serve as political shields against the Israel Defense Forces, the hospital will be destroyed, as the IDF has done to every other hospital in Gaza.

    “It was a grueling trip and very bitter departure,” said Monica Johnston, a nurse who initially held out against leaving without new aid worker replacements but eventually agreed to go. “The politics and injustice in it enrages me.” Johnston said the bombing around the hospital had ramped up in recent days.

    Rotating in a new mission has taken on additional importance given the blockade of medical supplies, as each new mission arrives with their own supplies. “The refusal to allow in basic humanitarian aid,” said Hamawy, “is a failure of the international community.” 

    Dr. Mosab Nasser, who led the FAJR Scientific mission to the hospital, took a more upbeat approach in a statement issued after he arrived safely in Jerusalem. “I am thrilled to announce that the FAJR team (comprising 12 Americans and 3 British nationals) has been successfully picked up by both the US and UK embassies from the KS crossing near Gaza,” Nasser wrote, going on to reference Hamawy and another volunteer. “The team will spend a day in Jerusalem before flying back to the US and UK on Sunday. Two of our FAJR volunteers have remained in Gaza, continuing their life-saving work. They will soon exit Gaza as part of the UN rotation of EMTs, in collaboration with the WHO.” (The third American to stay behind was part of a separate mission, as was Johnston, at the same hospital.)

    “This achievement highlights the remarkable coordination FAJR Scientific has accomplished with international entities, including the Department of State, the US embassy in Jerusalem and Cairo, the UK embassy in Tel Aviv, the US embassy in Muscat, Oman, the WHO, OCHA, CLA, and others,” he went on. “Yes, we left Gaza, but Gaza has left an indelible mark on us, and it will remain with us forever. We promise we will be back again and very soon.”

    The statement rankled some staff who stayed behind there and at other medical facilities. 

    Dorotea Gucciardo, an aid worker in Rafah with the medical solidarity organization Glia Equal Care, said that the international focus on Western doctors risked obscuring the reason they are there: Israel’s ongoing occupation and assault on Gaza. “We have international organizations, we have national governments all working together to open the borders for this already privileged group of people,” she said. “Our main objective is not that we are stuck here and we need to get out. Our main objective is to ensure that the patients are being taken care of. I think that the focus should be put back onto once again the reason why these humanitarian workers are here to begin with, and that’s the occupation. And this ongoing siege and war against Gaza.”

    Related

    “Man-Made Hell On Earth”: A Canadian Doctor on His Medical Mission to Gaza

    “I’m hearing some international aid workers saying, ‘Oh, it can’t get worse than this,’” she said. “And yet, if we actually take a look at context and if we take a look at history, we see that it can get worse. It has gotten worse and it’s continuing to get worse. And so we can do the best that we can while we are here to support our Gazan hosts and our colleagues. But what we need is for this war to end. We need this siege to end, this blockade to end, the occupation to end, so that we can finally have aid too.”

    Dr. Haleh Sheikholesami, an American physician from California also volunteering with Glia, said the situation put the perilous prospects of the Palestinians in stark relief: “You know that hopefully this will end and we can go home. But, unfortunately, the Gazans don’t have such predictions.”

    The post Medical Workers Evacuated From Gaza, but 3 Americans Refuse to Leave appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • Upward of 20 American doctors are trapped in Gaza as a result of Israel’s post-invasion closure of the Rafah border crossing into Egypt, according to sources with knowledge of the plight of two ill-fated medical missions.

    Israel has blocked fuel, food, and water from entering Rafah for over a week, leading to severe dehydration among the general population, as well as among the doctors on mission.

    Relatives of the doctors were told by the State Department that rescue efforts were underway, including through coordination with the United Nations and the Israel Defense Forces. Yet on Monday, the Israeli military fired on a United Nations vehicle that was traveling to the European Hospital in Khan Younis, near Rafah, killing a U.N. employee and injuring another.

    A family member of one of the doctors stranded at the European Hospital said that he suspected the vehicle was part of the rescue mission, but was uncertain. “We are aware that a car that is similarly supposed to be their rescue passage was shot at and UN employees were killed and injured and we fear for their ability to have a safe passage and exit,” said the relative. “We are aware that there is active shelling around the hospital and that staff has been told to stay away from windows.”

    The doctors are rationing water and at least one physician is in poor health and is on an IV drip to combat dehydration. The dire state of the medical mission underscores how difficult the conditions are for average Palestinians, who have spent seven months enduring the Israeli siege, whereas the medical mission arrived only recently. More than 1 million Palestinians are trapped in Rafah, which is at the southernmost end of the Gaza Strip. As Israel threatens a full-scale invasion of Rafah, Israeli troops entered the area last week and took over the crossing into Egypt.

    The doctors are part of two medical missions, one of which was organized by FAJR Scientific, which did not immediately respond to a request for comment. It was not immediately clear which organization set up the second mission.

    Related

    “Tell the World What’s Happening Here,” Say Patients in Gaza

    “The people on the ground always said once y’all are gone and not allowed in, we’re gonna be destroyed like Al-Shifa,” said Dr. Mohammed Khaleel on Monday, referring to Gaza’s largest hospital, which Israel has repeatedly raided. Khaleel recently returned from the most recent mission organized by FAJR. “I guess we were all hoping that wouldn’t be allowed to happen.” Khaleel, who spoke about his experience in a recent Intercept podcast interview, has also been in touch with doctors on the current mission, and he said they remain optimistic they will get out this week.

    The FAJR mission was told to leave its safe house, Khaleel said, because it was no longer considered safe.

    The Intercept asked about the stranded doctors during the State Department’s daily briefing on Monday. “We’re aware of these reports of U.S. citizen doctors and medical professionals currently unable to leave Gaza,” said spokesperson Vedant Patel. “We don’t control this border crossing and this is an incredibly complex situation that has very serious implications for the safety and security of U.S. citizens. But we’re continuing to work around the clock with the government of Israel and with the government of Egypt to work on this issue.”

    Patel added, “Rafah is a conduit for the safe departure of foreign nationals, which is why we continue to want to see it get opened as swiftly as possible.”

    A trial evacuation will begin on Wednesday, a source with knowledge of it said, and if that goes well, further evacuations will be attempted.

    Update: May 13, 2024, 3:37 p.m. ET
    This article was updated to mention a plan to attempt evacuations from Rafah.

    The post American Medical Missions Trapped in Gaza, Facing Death by Dehydration as Population Clings to Life appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • Pro-Israel donors threw nearly $220,000 behind a Portland, Oregon, congressional candidate in a single day this week — the latest indication that the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, or AIPAC, is working to block her opponent who has called for a ceasefire in Gaza and for conditions to be placed on U.S. aid to Israel. 

    The fundraiser adds to a $580,000 haul Maxine Dexter reported raising in just the month of April, after her entire campaign previously had raised only $340,000 since December. Beyond her own money, Dexter is on track to be boosted by upward of $3 million in dark-money spending, which similarly has ties to pro-Israel donors.

    The last-minute deluge from Republican and AIPAC donors — the newest filing posted on Friday, 11 days before the Democratic primary and long after mail ballots have gone out — has upended the open primary race, as Dexter’s previous poor fundraising and low name identification in the district had her out of contention, with Susheela Jayapal, the former Multnomah County commissioner, the frontrunner. 

    Pro-Israel advocates identified Jayapal — the sister of Rep. Pramila Jayapal, D-Wash., the chair of the Congressional Progressive Caucus — as a target early in the race, and had floated Dexter as the alternative to consolidate around. But openly backing Dexter with money from pro-Israel and GOP donors would come at an extreme political cost in Portland. Squad member Rep. Summer Lee, D-Pa., fended off a primary challenge recently in part by hammering her opponent for taking Republican cash. Rep. Jamaal Bowman, D-N.Y., is pillorying his opponent George Latimer for the same. 

    Latimer and Lee’s opponent, however, openly took the money. While Dexter is similarly benefiting from Republican and AIPAC donors, the largesse has been obscured by loopholes in campaign finance law that are only bursting open in the campaign’s final weeks.

    Dexter has claimed she has no idea where the influx of money backing her and attacking Jayapal is coming from, but that pretense is becoming increasingly difficult to maintain. Jone Dalezman, who is listed in federal records as having given a maximum contribution of $3,300 to Dexter on May 7, told The Intercept she did not attend a fundraiser and had no recollection of giving directly to her. “I wasn’t there and I did not give money to her,” she said. But, she added, if AIPAC asks her to give to a candidate, she does. “I give all my contributions through AIPAC. Whenever I am asked to give to their endorsed candidates I give.”

    A week ago, The Intercept reported that AIPAC had put together a secret operation to funnel money to the Portland race by diverting AIPAC donor funds through a super PAC called 314 Action Fund, which ostensibly works to elect candidates with science backgrounds, according to two sources. The timing of the operation, which launched after the March 31 filing deadline, meant the super PAC would not need to disclose its donors until May 20, the day before the primary election. 

    Subsequently, a staffer at 314 Action confirmed that the PAC was being used as a pass-through to stop Jayapal, and would also soon be expanding to other races, including that of Rep. Cori Bush, a Squad member and top AIPAC target who represents St. Louis. “314 has turned its back on science in order to be used as a weapon against progressives by Zionists,” said the staffer, who requested anonymity to avoid reprisal. The Bush money, the staffer said, would not come through 314 but through a newly created PAC, both because The Intercept had exposed 314’s role as a front for the money and because Bush’s opponent, Wesley Bell, doesn’t have a plausible science background to justify an endorsement.

    314 Action and AIPAC did not respond to requests for comment.

    Dexter, during a recent debate, denied knowing the source of the dark money backing her campaign. But when pressed by her opponent Eddy Morales, she emphatically — and in contradiction to her claim of ignorance — said that the money certainly did not come from Big Pharma. Her campaign did not respond to The Intercept’s request for comment.

    “AIPAC hasn’t endorsed any candidates in this race,” campaign manager Nathan Clark told The Oregonian in a statement. “Maxine’s position has been clear for months — we need a cease-fire that brings the hostages home and rush humanitarian aid into Gaza.”

    The May 7 fundraiser netted Dexter’s campaign roughly $220,000 from just under 80 donors. Nearly 90 percent of the people who gave to Dexter through the fundraiser have also been direct donors to AIPAC or its super PAC, according to The Intercept’s analysis of campaign finance reports.

    The fundraising closed a lead Jayapal had built over the field, having raised more than any other candidate as of March 31. She has raised a total of $772,00 dollars, now placing her second to Dexter.

    Related

    AIPAC Is Secretly Intervening in Portland’s Congressional Race to Take Down Susheela Jayapal, Sources Say

    Dexter is a doctor and Oregon state representative who entered the race at the urging of the local pro-Israel community, which worried that Susheela Jayapal would advance the same politics as her sister when it comes to Israel–Palestine. Jayapal has since embraced policy positions critical of Israel and said she would reject money from AIPAC.

    AIPAC’s resistance to disclosing its involvement in the anti-Jayapal campaign reflects a concern that its support for Israel’s ongoing war — now being waged in the face of even President Joe Biden’s criticism — is too toxic for a Democratic primary in Oregon. 

    314 Action began spending on the race in April, and another super PAC jumped in with attack ads against Jayapal last week. While the super PACs won’t have to report their donors until the day before the primary election, candidates themselves are required to file more timely reports as election day nears.

    On Thursday, Dexter’s campaign reported to the Federal Election Commission that it collected more than $218,000 on May 7.

    Dalezman, the donor who said she has no recollection of a fundraiser, gave more than $50,000 to AIPAC’s super PAC, United Democracy Project, last year. She previously gave $25,000 to Americans for Tomorrow’s Future, a pro-Israel super PAC that targeted Bowman and Minnesota Rep. Ilhan Omar. Dalezman has also given to Democratic Majority for Israel, an AIPAC-affiliated super PAC, as well as former Republican House Speaker Kevin McCarthy, among a slew of politicians from both parties.

    Bundling donations to approved candidates is a common practice in politics and one that was described by AIPAC donor David Ochs, who didn’t know he was being recorded for an undercover documentary: “What happens is [a donor] meets with the congressman in the back room, tells them exactly what his goals are … basically they hand him an envelope with 20 credit cards, and say, ‘You can swipe each of these credit cards for a thousand dollars each.’”

    Another one of Dexter’s recent donors is Daniel Kraft — the son of Robert Kraft, a major funder of the United Democracy Project — who maxed out a $3,300 contribution to Dexter on May 7. David Cohen, who works for Palantir, Peter Thiel’s cybersecurity company, gave to Dexter and also AIPAC this year, as did several dozen others.

    Kraft and Cohen did not respond to requests for comment.

    Several of the donors also earmarked AIPAC contributions to be directed to Joanna Weiss, the candidate AIPAC inscrutably backed against Dave Min, who has not been critical of Israel, in California. (Min won.)

    Prior to April, the open Democratic primary was considered Jayapal’s to lose. In 2022, AIPAC showed that its super PAC had the capacity to knock 20 to 30 percentage points off the lead of a progressive Democratic candidate, when several million dollars in spending took Summer Lee from a commanding lead in her Pittsburgh congressional race to a neck-and-neck tie. (Lee nonetheless won the election.) DMFI accomplished the same against Nina Turner in a 2021 Ohio special election, managing to narrowly defeat her after she led by 20-30 points before the spending. 

    The ads against Jayapal funded by “Voters for Responsive Government” are brutal, and pin Portland’s homelessness crisis on her as a former member of the Multnomah County Commission. They even accuse her of “starving and abusing cats and dogs.” There is no reference in any of the ads to Israel or Gaza, where Israel is currently starving 2 million people.

    The post AIPAC and Republican Donors Raising Big Money for Maxine Dexter Against Susheela Jayapal in Oregon appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • In April, a super PAC ostensibly committed to supporting “pro-science” candidates began dropping eye-popping sums of money on a Portland, Oregon, congressional race. 314 Action Fund, which is not known for spending big in congressional primaries, has spent $1.7 million in support of a single candidate in the 3rd Congressional District’s open Democratic primary, according to federal filings. That sum is equal to what the political action committee spent on independent expenditures supporting or opposing candidates during the entire 2022 election cycle. 

    314 Action Fund, which describes itself as helping to elect “Democrats with a background in science to public office,” is throwing its weight behind Maxine Dexter, a state representative and local doctor. The news outlet Jewish Insider floated Dexter as a potentially pro-Israel candidate before she entered the race. 

    By waiting until April to launch its spending blitz, 314 Action is able to delay disclosure of its donors until May 20. The election is scheduled for May 21, but ballots have already begun arriving to voters by mail. In other words, the identity of the donor or donors won’t be documented in campaign finance reports until it’s too late.

    What is publicly known, however, is that former Multnomah County Commissioner Susheela Jayapal, the sister of Rep. Pramila Jayapal, was considered the candidate to beat before the sudden influx of money last month. 

    And what The Intercept can reveal is that Susheela Jayapal is being targeted by the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, or AIPAC, which is secretly funneling money into the race by washing it through 314 Action, according to two Democratic members of Congress familiar with the arrangement. 

    The pro-Israel community telegraphed its intent to target Jayapal early on, primarily for suspicion that her politics on Israel–Palestine may align with her younger sister’s, the chair of the Congressional Progressive Caucus who called for a ceasefire early in the current war on Gaza.

    On December 5, a story landed in Jewish Insider, which closely tracks congressional primaries, headlined “Jayapal sister’s congressional candidacy alarming Portland Jewish leaders.” The article noted that “local pro-Israel advocates … have yet to coalesce behind a viable candidate,” and it named Dexter as a possibility. Given the politics of Portland and the surrounding area, the pro-Israel community had little chance of nominating a candidate unapologetically and unconditionally supportive of Israel’s war effort, but Dexter had potential. Dexter launched her campaign later that same day.

    The last-minute spending in the race is enormous: on track to climb north of $3 million in a short period of time in an inexpensive media market. On Friday, a brand-new super PAC got involved with nearly $1 million worth of negative ads against Jayapal.

    Some of the money directed to 314 Action — close to a million dollars by early April — had come from a single Los Angeles-based AIPAC donor, according to the members of Congress, who asked for anonymity to preserve professional and political relationships. The plan was openly discussed at a recent AIPAC fundraiser in Los Angeles, as well as a fundraiser in the Pacific Northwest, said the members of Congress, who learned about it from colleagues in attendance or were themselves in attendance. 

    AIPAC’s super PAC, United Democracy Project, has not spent any money on the race. AIPAC did not respond to requests for comment.

    Jayapal and Eddy Morales, another candidate in the race, held a joint press conference Thursday to decry the lack of transparency and call on Dexter and 314 Action to open up about the identity of the donors. News cameras that were expected to attend, however, were instead covering a police crackdown at Portland State University, where students have been protesting against the war in Gaza and occupying the library.

    Morales and Jayapal issued a joint statement following the press event, saying, “Maxine Dexter claims to be for transparency in politics, but she and 314 Action are engaged in a dishonest and cynical ploy to obscure the donors propping up her campaign until just one day before the primary. At a time when MAGA Republican mega-donors are interfering in Democratic primaries across the country, particularly against qualified candidates of color, voters deserve to know who is trying to buy this seat for a centrist candidate who doesn’t even live in the district.”

    Dexter’s campaign did not respond to a request for comment. In a statement posted online, Dexter said she was “deeply disappointed to see a new dark money group enter this race to disparage one of my opponents.”

    314 Action’s website states that it is “committed to transparency: although not required by law, we voluntarily disclose all our donors over $250 in a two year election cycle.” 314 Action did not respond to multiple requests to disclose its recent donors.

    Maxine Dexter is running for Congress in Oregon's Third Congressional District.
    Maxine Dexter, a candidate for Congress in Oregon’s 3rd Congressional District. Photo: Courtesy of Maxine for Congress

    Jayapal launched her campaign in early November after Rep. Earl Blumenauer announced his retirement. As of December, pro-Israel groups had yet to coalesce behind a single candidate to oppose her, giving Jayapal a significant advantage, Jewish Insider warned at the time. “While the elder Jayapal, 61, had no discernible history of public engagement on Middle East policy until recently, her approach to the war between Israel and Hamas suggests there is little distance between the two siblings on such matters,” reported JI. “A pro-Israel leader in Portland, who asked to remain anonymous to protect his privacy, said there is growing concern among other like-minded local activists that Jayapal’s Middle East policy positions ‘will not differ that much from her sister.’”

    The same article elevated Dexter as an alternative for pro-Israel voters to coalesce around, though she had yet to formally announce a bid. JI reported that Dexter “has been characterized as a pragmatic progressive but does not appear to have issued any statements on Middle East policy” and that she had told JI that “she has received ‘strong encouragement’ to run.” 

    Sharon Meieran, described by JI as the lone Jewish member of the Multnomah County Commission, told the outlet she was “excited about her potential candidacy.” 

    “I can’t speak to her views on Israel, but I was impressed that she attended an event hosted by Congregation Beth Israel in Portland last night to learn about the Zioness movement,” Meieran told JI. “The focus was on intersectional identities and how standing up for social justice and Zionism are not mutually exclusive, but rather are inextricably linked. Showing up and being willing to listen and learn matters, now more than ever, and Maxine walks that walk.”

    Organizations supportive of Palestinians rights have since unsuccessfully tried to extract more from Dexter on her position. Last month, a coalition of local groups — Jewish Voice for Peace Portland, Healthcare Workers for Palestine Portland, Jewish-Palestinian Alliance of Oregon, American Council for Palestine, and Portland Democratic Socialists of America — organized a forum on the conflict and invited all the candidates. Dexter’s campaign manager responded that Dexter was busy that evening and couldn’t attend. The group offered to move the date, asking him to offer any available date. He declined. “Between her commitments at the hospital and the number of existing scheduled events, she is not able to add an additional forum at this time,” her campaign manager responded in an email provided to The Intercept. 

    The coalition asked if she would instead fill out a questionnaire laying out her positions. Her campaign manager stopped responding. Jayapal did respond to the questionnaire, saying she supports putting conditions on military aid to Israel, supports an immediate ceasefire, and would reject money from AIPAC or its affiliates.

    On Thursday, campaigns in the district were informed by consultants who buy television ads that a brand-new political action committee, this one with the practically satirical name “Voters for Responsive Government,” had purchased nearly $1 million worth of airtime. There is no prior record of the PAC existing. It was registered on April 1. Had it been registered one day earlier, the PAC would be required to disclose its donors by now. Instead, it can withhold that information until May 20. 

    On Friday, the PAC went live with a website. The “About” page links to its Federal Election Commission filing, listing Los Angeles as the city where it was registered and attorney Cary Davidson as its treasurer. The PAC and Davidson did not respond to a request for comment. 

    “Voters for Responsive Government” launched with two negative ads targeting Jayapal on Friday. Neither ad mentions Israel or Gaza; one of them literally accuses Jayapal of abusing and starving cats and dogs, with a heartrending image of a suffering puppy and kitty. The attack ads set the new PAC’s strategy apart from 314 Action, which has so far spent only on positive ads boosting Dexter, apparently unwilling to be the vehicle for attack ads against a popular Democrat.

    314 Action Fund’s largest disclosed contribution this cycle came from Ray Rothrock, who donated $500,000 on February 15. Rothrock, a venture capitalist, has said that the investment he’s “most proud of” has been in Check Point Software, an Israeli cybersecurity company where he serves as a board director. He was also an early investor in Toka, a startup geared toward fighting “terror and crime” that is backed by former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak. (Rothrock did not respond to a request for comment.) 

    At the end of March, 314 Action Fund reported having just $1.4 million in cash on hand, meaning new contributions were required to cover the spending underway now.

    Relying on “pro-science” or vaguely named, brand-new PACs in order to obscure a donor’s true agenda blows a gaping hole in campaign finance law, which is based on the idea that donors should be able to give and speak freely, but voters have a right to know where the money is coming from, and on whose behalf they are speaking. 

    AIPAC previously pulled such a maneuver in Manhattan during the 2022 cycle, routing at least $400,000 through a super PAC called New York Progressive, attacking Yuh-Line Niou in a successful effort to elect Dan Goldman, now a member of Congress. Only after the race was over did AIPAC claim credit for the spending. 

    Pramila Jayapal, meanwhile, has a week to learn whether AIPAC will be successful in recruiting a challenger to her. Multiple local elected officials already turned down such entreaties, relaying the recruitment effort to Jayapal’s campaign or its allies, according to a campaign spokesperson. A recent field poll in Seattle, where Jayapal is an incumbent, tested Jayapal’s popularity as well as potential messages that could be used against her, such as the claim that she is “too extreme” or “out of touch.” According to local Democrats in Washington’s 46th District, one tested message in the poll asked if it bothered voters that Jayapal opposed President Joe Biden sometimes on principle from a progressive direction. 

    After learning of the recruitment drive, the Jayapal campaign put its own poll in the field. The survey found her with a 69-19 percent favorability rating. When told Jayapal supported a ceasefire in Gaza, 40 percent of Democrats said they were much more likely to support her, and another 29 percent said they’d be more likely. Just 7 percent said that calling for a ceasefire made them less likely to support her.

    In Oregon’s 5th Congressional District, Democratic Majority for Israel, an AIPAC-aligned group, has endorsed Janelle Bynum but has not spent on her behalf. Instead, 314 Action Fund has spent $180,000 supporting her. The link to science is even more tenuous with Bynum than it is with Dexter. Bynum previously studied to be an engineer, though is now a McDonald’s franchise owner.

    The post AIPAC Is Secretly Intervening in Portland’s Congressional Race to Take Down Susheela Jayapal, Sources Say appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • This article was originally published as a newsletter from Ryan Grim. Sign up to get the next one in your inbox.

    Americans who get their news primarily from cable are the only people who believe that Israel is not committing a genocide in Gaza, according to according to a new survey that examined the relationship between attitudes toward the war and news consumption habits. 

    The survey puts numbers on trends that have become increasingly apparent: Cable news viewers are more supportive of Israel’s war effort, less likely to think Israel is committing war crimes, and less interested in the war in general. People who get their news primarily from social media, YouTube, or podcasts, by contrast, generally side with the Palestinians, believe Israel is committing war crimes and genocide, and consider the issue of significant importance. 

    The poll of 1,001 American adults was conducted by J.L. Partners from April 16 through April 18. It was paid for by the YouTube-based news network Breaking Points (for which I co-host the show “Counter Points”). 

    The survey comes as events surrounding the war in Gaza seem to be coming to a head. Talks aimed at something approaching a ceasefire are reportedly making progress, even as Israel ramps up its bombing campaign in Rafah. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu spent the last week attacking the International Criminal Court for what he said was a looming plan of theirs to charge him with war crimes. The U.S. dutifully came to his defense, preposterously claiming that because Israel is not a party to the ICC, the court has no jurisdiction. The same is true for Russia, but we applauded the ICC’s charges against Vladimir Putin. With U.S. support in hand, Netanyahu announced he’d go forward with a Rafah invasion regardless of whether Hamas accepts a hostage deal.

    College administrators and local police are cracking down hard on the mushrooming campus protests. Overnight, Columbia University students took over Hamilton Hall, the same building occupied by antiwar protesters in the 1960s. They renamed it Hind Hall, for 6-year-old Hind Rajab, whose family was killed while they fled to southern Gaza. Her harrowing final phone call to rescuers captivated the globe, as people around the world desperately awaited news of her fate, only to learn Israel had killed not just her and her family, but also the rescuers sent to save her — a rescue team that had coordinated its movements with the Israeli military. 

    Despite President Joe Biden and much of the media attempting to cast the campus protests as antisemitic, the crackdown and the smear campaign has only fueled the movement’s growth, because young people, as the survey shows, don’t rely on the mainstream media for their news, and there is plenty of footage of the peaceful, respectful protests on social media to counter the false narrative. How else to explain that a thoroughly establishment-minded institution like the College Democrats could have come out in support of the protesters?

    The group’s executive board approved the resolution by a vote of 8-2. “I hope it’s clear by looking at the hundreds of college campuses across the country: this generation is committed to ensuring justice for all,” the chair of the College Democrats Muslim Caucus, Hasan Pyarali, told me. “Opposing genocide and hatred against any group is not just good policy, but good politics.”

    Joining them is the Fairfax County Democratic Committee in Virginia, which also issued a statement denouncing the crackdown on the protesters. The Fairfax Democrats are about as mainstream, establishment-linked as you could imagine. Many of their members work for the federal government, and many are specifically in the national security field. Yet here they are.

    We often hear people say that “Twitter isn’t real life” or that “Nobody watches cable news,” but the survey asked where people get most of their news, asking them to pick just one, and cable and social media won out. Most Americans do in fact get their news either primarily from cable (42 percent) or social media like TikTok, Instagram, or another platform (18 percent). A third of people said they get their news from YouTube or podcasts, with 13 percent saying they got most of their news that way.

    Asked generally where folks got their news on a day-to-day basis, with a “check all that apply” option, it’s even more clear how dominant cable (55 percent), social media (38 percent), and podcasts/YouTube (34) are compared to print, at 21 percent. (I read the survey as using “print” as a stand-in for any text-based media, whether digital like The Intercept or on actual printed paper.) Just 8 percent of people said they got most of their news from print journalism, which was less than the portion of people who said they don’t watch or read the news at all at 13 percent. (That number may be significantly higher in practice, as those who consume zero news could be difficult for pollsters to reach.) 

    These numbers don’t mean print is irrelevant. News is an ecosystem, with print reporters producing the journalism that is then grist for cable news as well as YouTube shows or podcasts. Print journalists also break much of the news that gets talked about on social media. But social media also gives users/viewers direct access to sources of information they never would have had before, with the journalists in Gaza broadcasting directly to Instagram and TikTok being the most visible recent examples. 

    What the survey doesn’t quite answer is which phenomenon comes first. Are social media users more likely to oppose the war because of the information they’re exposed to, or simply because they are more likely to be young? Are cable news viewers propagandized into their position by the talking heads they watch, or are they just old and conservative? (Social media use does go far beyond young people, of course. The survey found that 38 percent of people listed it as one of multiple sources of news.)

    Asked if Israel is committing a genocide in Gaza, cable news viewers said no by a 34-32 margin. All other news consumers said Israel is committing genocide, including print (36-33), YouTube (41-31), and social media users, who agree with the statement by a 44 to 19 percent margin. People aged 18 to 29, meanwhile, have similar views (48-21 percent), while those over 65 say by a 47 to 21 percent plurality that Israel isn’t committing genocide. 

    When it comes to the salience of the war on Gaza as an electoral concern, the trend continues. Just 12 percent of the overall public lists it as a top three issue, and just 3 percent say it’s their top issue. Of that 3 percent, nearly all of them get their news from social media or YouTube. One in 5 social media news consumers say Israel’s war is a top-three issue; the same is true for 18- to 29-year-olds. 

    Yet if nearly half of young people think Israel is committing genocide, why doesn’t it have greater salience as an issue in the election? The answer could lie in the choices available to voters: Biden has given his unconditional support to Israel, and Donald Trump has done little more than suggest, “I will say, Israel has to be very careful, because you’re losing a lot of the world, you’re losing a lot of support, you have to finish up, you have to get the job done.” If those are your choices, the actual choice seems to be whether to vote at all. 

    Indeed, the other stark difference among the cohorts was on propensity to vote: Print readers and cable viewers were by far the most likely to vote, and those who got their news from social media or YouTube were most likely to say they were definitely not voting or were unlikely to. 

    Only social media users said they’d be more likely to support a candidate who supported Palestinians (33-19 percent). Just 15 percent of cable news viewers said the same, even though 31 percent of cable viewers agreed that Israel was committing genocide against Palestinians.

    You can watch a segment on the survey here.

    Speaking of people who get their news from podcasts: In the most recent episode of Deconstructed, I interviewed a Dallas spine surgeon, Mohammed Khaleel, who just returned from a medical mission to Gaza. During his week on the ground, he worked at the European Hospital in Khan Younis, effectively the only hospital still functioning. It’s worth hearing his account first hand, and you can find it by searching “Deconstructed” or my name on any podcast platform. 

    The post Cable News Viewers Have a Skewed Attitude Toward Gaza War, Survey Finds appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer warned in a conversation with Pakistan’s ambassador to Washington that the safety of imprisoned former Prime Minister Imran Khan was a high priority of the United States, multiple sources familiar with the exchange told The Intercept.

    The warning issued late last month by Schumer, the most powerful Democrat in Congress, to Pakistan came after intense activism by members of the Pakistani diaspora amid concerns that the Pakistani military may harm Khan, the former prime minister who was ousted from office in 2022.

    “The Pakistani American diaspora has felt let down by Washington’s failure to engage power brokers in Pakistan and hold them accountable for blatant violations of human rights.”

    “Chuck Schumer speaking to the ambassador regarding the safety of Imran Khan is very constructive,” Mohammad Munir Khan, a Pakistani American political activist in the U.S., told The Intercept. “The Pakistani American diaspora has felt let down by Washington’s failure to engage power brokers in Pakistan and hold them accountable for blatant violations of human rights, and destruction of basic fundamentals of democracy.”

    Imran Khan is currently incarcerated on corruption charges that are widely seen as politically motivated. Khan, who is regarded as the most popular politician in Pakistan, was removed from power in an April 2022 no-confidence vote orchestrated by the country’s powerful military establishment and encouraged by the U.S. Since then, Khan’s party, Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf, or PTI, has faced a brutal repression that has raised international alarms and been denounced by human rights groups.

    The concerns about Khan’s life that prompted Schumer’s call to the Pakistani Ambassador Masood Khan reflect a growing fear that the military may deal with Khan’s stubborn popularity by simply putting an end to his life behind bars. (Schumer’s office declined to comment for this story. The Pakistani Embassy in Washington did not immediately respond to a request for comment.)

    The outreach from Schumer, who represents a large, vocal Pakistani American community in New York, came as a new governing coalition in the South Asian country seeks to consolidate power despite public disaffection over a February election rife with fraud.

    In addition to banning PTI, Pakistan engaged in heavy repression ahead of the February vote. A record turnout suggested PTI-aligned candidates had the upper hand. Ignoring widespread fraud, however, a coalition of parties supported by the Pakistani military successfully formed a government led by Shehbaz Sharif in the vote’s aftermath.

    The international community, including the U.S., noted voting irregularities, and credible allegations arose of vote rigging and flagrant fraud in the election.

    “There is undeniable evidence, which the State Department agrees with, that there were problems with this election,” Rep. Greg Casar, D-Texas, told The Intercept in March. At the time, Casar and other members of Congress had just called on President Joe Biden to withhold recognition of the government, but Washington’s ambassador to Pakistan congratulated Sharif in early March.

    “There is undeniable evidence, which the State Department agrees with, that there were problems with this election.”

    Foreign policy experts in Washington said the Biden administration’s approach risked transgressing democratic principles in the name of security. Matt Duss, executive vice president of the Center for International Policy, said, “This appears to be an example where the administration is allowing its security relationship with a foreign government to crowd out other critical concerns like democratic backsliding and human rights.”

    Imran Khan himself has reportedly been held in dire conditions at a prison in the Pakistani city of Rawalpindi. Last month, his visitor privileges were abruptly suspended for two weeks, prompting fears from his supporters about his physical conditions in custody. Earlier this month, one of his lawyers claimed that his personal physician was not being allowed to see him in jail. Khan’s wife, who is imprisoned on politically motivated charges of an un-Islamic marriage and graft, has also reportedly suffered health problems due to conditions of her confinement, according to remarks from her lawyer this week.

    In a statement given to reporters from prison and later shared on social media, Khan, who was wounded in an attempted assassination in November 2022 at a political rally, alleged that there had been a plot to kill him while behind bars. Khan suggested his fate was in the hands of Gen. Asim Munir, Pakistan’s powerful army chief.

    “Let it be known that if anything happens to me or my wife, it’ll be him who will be responsible,” Khan said.

    Schumer’s call to the Pakistani ambassador, however, may play into the military’s calculations about killing Khan. “A senior Democrat influential in the Biden administration is sending a warning, which is somewhat significant,” said Adam Weinstein, the deputy director of the Middle East program at the Quincy Institute, adding that he did not believe the military would kill Khan in prison.

    As extreme as a step it would be, the military harming or even killing a leader it ousted, even one as popular as Khan, would fit a pattern in Pakistani history. Several Pakistani leaders have died violently in the past few decades after falling out with the military, some under murky circumstances, while others, like former Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, were executed by military rulers after being deposed from power.

    Although nominally led by a civilian government today, Pakistan’s military is widely known to call the shots in the country politically and is currently led by Munir, whose clashes with Khan and his party have been the main political storyline in the country for over a year.

    For Pakistani activists in the U.S., the American relationship with Pakistan creates leverage that can be used to ensure that Khan is not murdered behind bars. Mohammad Munir Khan, the Pakistani American activist, said, “The least Washington can do is to ensure Imran Khan is not harmed physically.”

    TOPSHOT - Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) party supporters hold portraits of Pakistan's former prime minister Imran Khan, as they protest against the alleged skewing in Pakistan's national election, in Peshawar on March 10, 2024. Pakistan's election commission blocked lawmakers loyal to jailed ex-prime minister Imran Khan from taking a share of parliamentary seats reserved for women and minorities, after a poll marred by rigging claims. (Photo by Abdul MAJEED / AFP) (Photo by ABDUL MAJEED/AFP via Getty Images)
    Supporters of Pakistan’s former Prime Minister Imran Khan and his Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf, or PTI, party hold a March 10, 2024, protest in Peshawar against election fraud. Photo: Abdul Majeed/AFP via Getty Images

    Capitol Hill Hearing

    The U.S. has played an outsized role in Pakistan’s internal politics, especially over the past several years, including a pivotal role in Khan’s ouster from power. 

    In August 2023, The Intercept reported on and published a classified Pakistani diplomatic cable — a contentious document that had become a centerpiece of political drama, though its contents had remained unknown — showing that Khan’s removal from power had taken place following intense pressure placed on the Pakistani government by U.S. State Department officials.

    In the cable, Assistant Secretary of State Donald Lu, whose office covers South Asia at the State Department, is quoted as telling the Pakistani ambassador to Washington that the countries’ relations would be seriously damaged if Khan were to remain in power.

    “I think if the no-confidence vote against the Prime Minister succeeds, all will be forgiven in Washington,” Lu said, according to the Pakistani cable.

    Since Khan’s removal from power, the U.S. has worked closely with the new military-backed Pakistani regime. Pakistan provided weapons to Ukraine in exchange for the U.S. brokering a favorable International Monetary Fund loan package, according to previous reporting from The Intercept.

    Before being imprisoned, Khan made frequent reference to the classified cypher and even claimed to be brandishing a physical copy during a political rally. He is now facing a lengthy prison sentence on charges related to his handling of classified information, in addition to the raft of corruption charges that initially landed him in custody.

    Coming in the context of a broader crackdown on his party — which has including killings, extrajudicial disappearances, and torture targeting supporters of PTI and members of the press — most observers believe Khan’s continued imprisonment is a politically motivated gambit to keep him and his movement out of power.

    Following this year’s election, with Casar and others in Congress raising questions about Khan’s removal and the vote, the U.S. House Foreign Affairs Committee held a hearing featuring Lu, the assistant secretary of state.

    The sole person testifying, Lu denied that he had been involved in a “regime change” in Pakistan — a reference to Khan’s comments about his role and the content of the cable reported by The Intercept.

    On the election, Lu paid lip service to concerns about how the ballot was carried off, while failing to outline what consequences there would be for the vote rigging.

    “You have seen actions by our ambassador and our embassy,” Lu said, alluding the congratulations extended by the U.S. to Pakistan’s new prime minister. He then quickly added: “We are in every interaction with this government stressing the importance of accountability for election irregularities.”

    “In the long term it has never worked out in the United States’ benefit to be seen as propping up illegitimate, military-led governments.”

    Rep. Brad Sherman, D-Calif., raised the issue of Khan’s safety in detention at the hearing. Sherman urged Lu to meet directly with Khan in prison, earning applause from the mostly Pakistani audience in hand.

    “Ensuring the safety of leaders, regardless of political differences, is paramount,” said Atif Khan, another Pakistan American diaspora activist. “Congressman Brad Sherman rightly advocated for accountability and protection, urging the US Ambassador to visit former Prime Minister Imran Khan and prioritize his well-being.”

    While Khan’s fate hangs in the balance, members of Congress have warned that continued U.S. support for a government seen as illegitimate by most Pakistanis risks harming not just Pakistan, but also the U.S. position in a critical region.

    “Promoting democracy is important in itself, but it’s in our interests as well,” Casar, the Texas Democrat, told The Intercept. “Regardless of the short-term military benefits, in the long term it has never worked out in the United States’ benefit to be seen as propping up illegitimate, military-led governments.”

    The post Chuck Schumer Privately Warns Pakistan: Don’t Kill Imran Khan in Prison appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • A group of prominent international economists is applauding the recent move by Honduran President Xiomara Castro to push back against American crypto investors attempting to seize billions in public money from the Central American nation.

    The crypto crew is exploiting a dispute mechanism nested inside the World Bank, created by an obscure provision of the Central America Free Trade Agreement. Castro has deemed the forum, called the World Bank’s International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes, or ICSID, to be an illegitimate usurpation of Honduran sovereignty and has hit upon an elegant solution: She has taken steps to withdraw Honduras from ICSID. The crypto crowd is crying foul.

    The spectacular battle playing out in Honduras and inside global financial institutions blends the 19th-century American legacy of gunboat diplomacy and banana republicanism with a contemporary twist: The lead group of investors battling Honduras by exploiting international financial institutions is made up of a band of crypto-libertarians.

    The fight presents an almost-impossible-to-believe scenario: A group of libertarian investors teamed up with a former Honduran government — which was tied at the hip with narco-traffickers and came to power after a U.S.-backed military coup — in order to implement the world’s most radical libertarian policy, which turned over significant portions of the country to those investors through so-called special economic zones. The Honduran public, in a backlash, ousted the narco-backed regime, and the new government repealed the libertarian legislation. The crypto investors are now using the World Bank to force Honduras to honor the narco-government’s policies.

    Since Castro took office in 2021, the World Bank’s ICSID has seen investors bring no fewer than 10 cases targeting her government. The largest case, brought by U.S. corporation Próspera Inc., seeks more than $10 billion in compensation, which would equal roughly a third of the country’s GDP. Próspera, rooted in the world of crypto finance, describes itself as a “platform [that] powers the development of new cities in special economic zones that maximize generalized prosperity and wealth creation.” A city the company set up in Honduras accepts bitcoin as official tender.

    In an open letter published on Tuesday, the economists argued that Castro’s decision was a smart move. “We view the withdrawal as a critical defence of Honduran democracy and an important step toward its sustainable development,” reads the letter, which was organized by Progressive International, a left-leaning coalition.

    “For decades, international arbitration courts like ICSID have allowed corporations to sue states and restrict their freedom to regulate in favour of consumers, workers and the environment. Since 1996, governments in Latin America alone have been forced to compensate foreign corporations over $30 billion, intimidating regulators away from raising minimum wages, protecting vulnerable ecosystems, and introducing climate protections, among other domestic policy priorities. We find scant economic evidence that mechanisms like ICSID stimulate meaningful foreign direct investment, in return.”

    At issue are so-called ZEDEs created by previous governments of Honduras. The law that established ZEDEs — short for Zone for Employment and Economic Development — effectively carved out portions of Honduras and turned them over to American investors, who operate as effective sovereign governments. The ZEDEs could one day control 35 percent of Honduras’s territory, according to the United Nations, which has said that the zones raise human rights concerns.

    It took enormous political muscle more than a decade ago to force the ZEDEs into law. They only became possible when Castro’s husband, Manuel Zelaya, was removed in a U.S.-backed coup in 2009.

    After Zelaya was ousted, a new election brought in President Porfirio Lobo Sosa, who quickly moved to undo Zelaya’s social reforms, attacking workers rights and reneging on land reform efforts. The Supreme Court struck down the first version of the ZEDEs law as unconstitutional, but after the constitution was amended and four new justices were added to the Supreme Court, the law stuck in 2013.

    Lobo Sosa’s rise was fueled not just by U.S. support but also by narco-trafficker cash, according to U.S. prosecutors who convicted Tony Hernández, the brother of former President Juan Orlando Hernández, for trafficking “monumental” amounts of cocaine. Juan Orlando Hernández was Lobo Sosa’s successor and was himself convicted of drug trafficking earlier this month in a U.S. federal court. He was president of the National Congress, Honduras’s legislative body, from 2010 to 2013, and was a primary mover of the ZEDEs legislation. He also led the overnight takeover of the Supreme Court that enabled their implementation.

    Prosecutors in the Tony Hernández case linked the brothers with Lobo Sosa in their sentencing memorandum. “Between 2004 and 2019, the defendant secured and distributed millions of dollars in drug-derived bribes to Juan Orlando Hernandez, former Honduran President Porfirio Lobo Sosa and other politicians associated with Honduras’s National Party,” prosecutors wrote.

    So to put the ZEDEs in context: The radical “free market” intervention was only jammed into law as the result of a military coup and the stacking of the Supreme Court. The ZEDEs were then enacted and implemented for the benefit of U.S. investors by two narco-governors. On March 8, in celebrating the conviction of the former Honduran president who shepherded the law into being, and then oversaw its implementation, Attorney General Merrick Garland said that Hernández — a man propped up throughout his tenure by his allies in the State Department — oversaw “a narco-state where violent drug traffickers were allowed to operate with virtual impunity.”

    Zelaya was overthrown ostensibly over his attempt to extend his presidency to what was deemed an unconstitutional second term. Yet Hernández breezily ran for reelection in 2017 and claimed victory amid an absurd amount of irregularities, all of them brushed aside by a supportive Trump administration. The years of chaos and violence led to a surge of migration toward the U.S. border.

    The U.S. had no evident problem with that freewheeling narco-state while Hernandez was in office and remained useful, yet once Castro took power in a backlash to the U.S.-fueled corruption, the United States suddenly rediscovered its respect for the rule of law and the sanctity of contracts with U.S. investors.

    Castro quickly and successfully moved to repeal the ZEDEs law in the face of intense bipartisan U.S. pressure to maintain them. The American response has been to repudiate the very idea of Honduran democracy and sovereignty, with investors using the World Bank’s ICSID to force the new Honduran government to respect the policies carried out by the former president now sitting behind federal bars.

    Among the dozens of signatories to the Progressive International praising Castro’s decision to exit the arbitration court are prominent South Korean economist Ha-Joon Chang; Chilean Gabriel Palma, of the “Palma Ratio of inequality”; American economist Jeffrey Sachs; former Greek Finance Minister Yanis Varoufakis; British economist Ann Pettifor; and Indian development economist Jayati Ghosh.

    Melinda St. Louis, director of Public Citizen’s Global Trade Watch, has been fighting the crypto crew for years and welcomed Castro’s move. “The Honduran people overwhelmingly opposed the ZEDE law, and when the Honduran legislature unanimously repealed this law, that should have been the end of the story,” she said. “This is just the latest example of corporations abusing this ISDS mechanism to challenge environmental, health, land use, and other public interest policies around the hemisphere. Honduras was wise to withdraw from the World Bank venue where many of these cases are brought as an important first step.”

    In its case before the ICSID, Próspera retained a top lobbying firm, employing former Democratic lawmaker Kendrick Meek, to pressure Honduras to pay up.

    Last year, Sen. Elizabeth Warren, D-Mass., and Rep. Lloyd Doggett, D-Texas, came out against the effort by Próspera to exploit the dispute resolution system to undermine Honduran sovereignty. “In the case of Próspera,” they write, “a ZEDE located largely on the Honduran island of Roatán, investors have created a governing council where 44 percent of members are appointed by the private company and 22 percent are elected by landowners in a system where their number of votes is proportional to the size of their property.”

    A conference Próspera held on Roatán last year signaled the company’s ethic. “Próspera aims to be the best jurisdiction for the crypto/web3 industry in the world, and we welcome the best ideas on how to achieve that with a sound legal framework,” said Chris Wilson of Próspera in publicity materials that described the confab as “specifically designed for legal hackers, crypto lawyers, jurisdictional polymaths, and businesses that want to create better laws to do business under.”

    The company’s response to a request for comment on the letter from the economists was representative of the unusual corporate structure it has been able to implement. The company’s communications director told The Intercept that a response to our questions would be submitted by Jorge Colindres, representing the “Office of the Technical Secretary.”

    Colindres’s email signature alludes to the public-private nature of the corporation, reading:

    Jorge Constantino Colindres

    Technical Secretary – Próspera ZEDE

    Zona de Empleo y Desarrollo Económico

    República de Honduras

    Manager – General Service Provider

    Colindres responded as a government official. “Attached you will find my office’s statement on the unconstitutional withdrawal from ICSID by the Honduran government,” he said. His statement insisted:

    Próspera ZEDE is [a] local government and special economic zone of the Republic of Honduras. It is governed by the Technical Secretary, a Honduran citizen by birth, appointed by the Government of Honduras and empowered by article 329 of the Honduran Constitution and the ZEDE Organic Law to oversee the implementation of new policies and rules designed to foster economic development, facilitate job creation, attract national and foreign direct investment, and safeguard the fundamental rights of the workers and residents of this special jurisdiction. National and foreign companies alike are bound to comply with Próspera ZEDE Rules, which are Honduran rules, as they have been adopted by a local government of Honduras with the legal blessing of the country’s Executive Power, National Congress, and Supreme Court of Justice.

    Colindres claimed that the ZEDEs had resulted in more than $100 million in foreign investment so far, and that Castro had not gotten approval from the National Congress to withdraw from the World Bank’s dispute body. “We stand proud of our achievements in job creation and investment attraction, which run in stark contrast to the job killing policies of the national government, and we continue undeterred in our mission to transform the Honduran economy and catalyze prosperity through the oasis of economic freedom and rule of law that Próspera ZEDE offers to the Honduran people,” Colindres said.

    Fernando Garcia, a presidential commissioner appointed by Castro to oppose the ZEDEs, said that while the Honduran Constitution requires the National Congress to ratify new international treaties, it does not require the executive branch to notify the legislature ahead of a withdrawal.

    “The ICSID convention establishes the possibility of a sovereign state’s withdrawal from its convention,” Garcia told The Intercept. He added that the arbitration court has already legally accepted Honduras’s withdrawal, effective August. This does not, he said, “prevent those who have requested arbitration from proceeding in accordance.”

    The post Honduras Ratchets Up Battle With Crypto-Libertarian Investors, Rejects World Bank Court appeared first on The Intercept.

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  • This article was originally published as a newsletter from Ryan Grim. Sign up to get the next one in your inbox.

    Once in a while, it’s nice to get a reminder that journalism still matters. The latest one came in the form of a remarkable all-staff email sent by World Bank President Ajay Banga, which was quickly leaked to me

    If you’ve been following our reporting, you know that over the past year, Neha Wadekar and I unearthed a shocking cover-up of a child sex abuse scandal involving the World Bank, a who’s who of international do-good financiers, and a for-profit education chain operating mostly in Africa called Bridge International Academies. (Bridge didn’t get back right away to my emails for comment.)

    Our subsequent report showed in detail how an investigative team working for the World Bank was stymied and retaliated against. We got notes from a critical phone call between World Bank officials and company executives showing a plan to “neutralize Adler” — the lead internal investigator who had uncovered the allegations — and slow down the process. “Time matters,” as one person on the call put it. “Need to delay until Series F.” (That’s a name for a financing round.)

    Following our reporting, Sens. Elizabeth Warren, D-Mass., and Peter Welch, D-Vt., sent multiple letters to the World Bank, warning the new president that how he responded to the scandal would be used by Congress as a proxy for his broader seriousness about reforming the bank. “We view the Bridge case as a litmus test for the conversation currently taking place around IFC’s responsibility to remedy social and environmental harm caused by its projects, especially those where IFC is not following its own policies, which we see as an important foundation for any proposal to increase the funds available to the World Bank Group,” the senators wrote, referring to the World Bank’s private financing arm, the International Finance Corporation. (The World Bank declined to comment.)

    The Guardian and the New York Times wrote follow-up articles, and earlier this week California Rep. Maxine Waters, the top Democrat on the Financial Services Committee, sent a letter to Treasury Secretary Janet Yellen similarly slamming the Bank.

    Over the past several months, however, Banga was strangely resistant to taking action. At a conference in February, he pushed back on the notion there was a “legal effort to cover it up.”  

    “I think there’s a series of things management could have done better,” he said. “And that’s the discussion we’re going to have with the board shortly. So I’m not going to preempt that. I just disagree that there was a legal effort to cover it up — that I will not accept as a question — because I don’t agree with it. If it is proven to be so, I will take all the action that’s necessary, but really conjecturing that is so in a public space, I will refuse to sign up for it. That’s who I am. I’m sorry if you don’t like it.” He added: “I’d be happy to be fired by the way. I can go back to my private sector life.”

    Bridge International Academies was backed by the World Bank’s IFC, as well as prominent Silicon Valley and venture capital leaders, including private funds linked to Bill Ackman, Mark Zuckerberg, and Pierre Omidyar (who was the founding donor of The Intercept, but has since stepped back). 

    Banga didn’t start his term as World Bank president until June 2023, long after the scandal and cover-up began, meaning it was handled — or mishandled — exclusively by bank officials appointed by Donald Trump. Why he went to the mat for those Trump officials remains a mystery.

    Regardless, that’s over, with Banga now apologizing, acknowledging “mistakes were made,” and pledging to “do better.” What that better looks like remains a focus of contention. The IFC proposed a remedial plan Thursday, but civil society groups have been quick to condemn it as inadequate

    Read his full apology below. It’s a classic of the corporate genre. 

    Our first exposé.

    Our follow-up, which blew the lid off the cover-up. 

    Our produced podcast version. 

    Banga’s email to staff:

    Colleagues, 

    Ten years ago, the World Bank Group invested in Bridge International Academies with the ambition of helping children in Kenya gain access to quality education and the opportunities that come as a result. Early on we received reports of child sexual abuse, but protocols were not followed and children were hurt. Put simply, mistakes were made.

    On behalf of the World Bank Group, I am sorry for the trauma these children experienced, committed to supporting the survivors, and determined to ensure we do better going forward. 

    The change we are pursuing requires action but begins with self-reflection. 

    Tomorrow, the Compliance Advisor Ombudsman will publish findings that resulted from a years long independent investigation into this tragedy. The report comes with an opportunity to take another step down that road of reform, but it won’t be easy and demands we each take ownership. 

    Those findings will be accompanied by a Management Action Plan that our shareholders have approved, under which IFC will develop a remediation program with input from survivors, civil society, and child abuse experts. I encourage everyone to read the report and sincerely consider its conclusions. 

    But already we know areas that need to be addressed and preliminary next steps. We should have responded earlier and more aggressively. We should have onboarded learnings across the World Bank Group on how to properly address allegations. And we should have pulled in the other investors at the onset and encouraged them to be partners in the response. 

    In the near future, IFC – with child safety experts – will begin having important conversations with survivors in a way that ensures their well-being. Additionally, in order to make certain the CAO investigation is received with the credibility it deserves, we will ask an outside investigator to ensure that this was conducted in a manner that was free from interference. 

    This is a difficult moment for our institution, but it must be a moment of introspection. I know each of you care for the World Bank Group – and the people we serve – as deeply as I do. We are all here for a purpose, that purpose must guide us to do better. 

    Ajay

    The post World Bank Chief Apologizes to Staff for Handling of Child Sex Abuse Scandal appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • The Jewish Communal Fund is one of the country’s largest donor-advised funds: a type of charity that collects often large donations, then lets the contributor direct the funds to nonprofits. Now, the Jewish Communal Fund has barred its members from directing their own contributions to the organization Jewish Voice for Peace, according to an interview with a Jewish Communal Fund member, backed up by correspondence reviewed by The Intercept.

    In December, Jordan Bollag, who uses the Jewish Communal Fund to organize his contributions, began making distributions from his accounts. As had always been the case, they all went through, except for the contribution to JVP, a progressive Jewish American group that criticizes Israeli human rights abuses against Palestinians.

    Bollag assumed there must be some mistake — the money is effectively his, after all. He contacted the organization and eventually got a call back in January from Rachel Schnoll, the Jewish Communal Fund CEO.

    Schnoll explained to Bollag that, in the wake of the October 7 attack on Israel and subsequent war on the Gaza Strip, there had been a policy change, and donors were no longer allowed to support JVP. (“I’m not going to comment on our grant-making, thanks,” Schnoll told The Intercept.)

    “This is all just because JVP believes that everyone should have equal rights and a right to vote for the state that rules them — that’s it.”

    That left Bollag in a jam, as he had already moved his money to the fund — since moving money in bulk to a donor-advised fund is the reason the funds exist in the first place.

    “Jewish Communal Fund is blocking one of its Jewish fundholders from donating to Jewish Voice for Peace — how ironic is that?” Bollag told The Intercept. “And this is all just because JVP believes that everyone should have equal rights and a right to vote for the state that rules them — that’s it.”

    A donor-advised fund is a philanthropic innovation that provides donors with significant tax advantages relative to their charitable contributions. By giving to a donor-advised fund, someone can immediately write off the entire amount of their donation, even while the money sits in the fund. When the donor has identified an organization they wish to support, the donor directs the fund to transfer the money, much as one would with a bank account.

    Donor-advised funds generally serve as a pass-through entity and do not exert control over the funds parked in their accounts, though it is within their legal rights to do so, depending on their charter documents.

    According to its tax documents, the Jewish Communal Fund recorded just under $1 billion in revenue in 2022.

    In response to a request for comment, JVP said the organization had received other reports that the Jewish Communal Fund was blocking donations.

    “Apartheid Communal Fund”

    Schnoll told Bollag that JVP ran afoul of at least one of three criteria an organization must meet to be eligible for donations made through the Jewish Communal Fund. If an organization is antisemitic, denies Israel’s right to exist, or engages in illegal activity, it is ineligible, she explained.

    JVP rejects Israel’s right to exist as a Jewish supremacist state — the group opposes Zionism, the ideological foundation of such a Jewish ethno-state — but not as a state in general. The group calls for a single state with universal civil and political rights for all, regardless of religion or ethnicity. (Bollag said that, as far as he knows, the Jewish Communal Fund does not restrict contributions from going to organizations involved with illegal settlements in the West Bank; Schnoll did not respond to a question regarding settlement donations.)

    Schnoll told Bollag that if, for instance, he attempted to contribute to the American Nazi Party, such a gift would similarly be barred. She quickly added, Bollag said, that she did not mean to compare JVP and Nazis. Still, she said, the decision was final. The money was stuck.

    The Jewish Communal Fund moves a lot of cash. After the March for Israel in Washington last November, Schnoll sent a letter to members — known as Fundholders — noting that more than $50 million had been passed through the group in support of Israel.

    Before October 7, Bollag had successfully moved his money from the fund to JVP. He also made other regular contributions that touch on the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, including to the organization IfNotNow — which, like JVP, is committed to equality, albeit while “grappling” with Zionism rather than explicitly opposing it — and the Palestine Children’s Relief Fund.

    The donations to IfNotNow and PCRF went through even after October 7. Only Jewish Voice for Peace was forbidden.

    “By shutting down Jews who support equal rights for all, Jewish Communal Fund is transgressing the Jewish values of debate and social justice,” Bollag said. “They should cease calling themselves Jewish Communal Fund and start going by Apartheid Communal Fund. I am currently exploring options to take my money out of JCF into a fund that is either unbiased or aligns with my values. I support a boycott of JCF until they change their policy.” 

    The post Billion-Dollar Jewish Communal Fund Bars Donations to Progressive Jewish Group appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • This article was originally published as a newsletter from Ryan Grim. Sign up to get the next one in your inbox.

    By now you probably know the heartrending story of Hind Rajab, and if not, I hesitate to be the one to tell you about her. But her story needs to be as widely known as possible. Two weeks ago, on January 29, Hind, a 6-year-old girl, climbed into a car with her aunt, uncle, and cousins. They were doing what so many Palestinians have been doing for the past four months: trying to find the least unsafe place possible. Safe zones are dangerous. Moving toward safe zones is dangerous. Staying put can be fatal. With Israeli troops approaching, the family decided to flee, some in the car, some on foot. 

    Hind and her family quickly came under fire. Her older cousin called the Red Crescent, pleading to be rescued. The call was cut off as she was killed along with the rest of her family by Israeli gunfire. Only Hind remained alive. Wounded, she called the Red Crescent back, begging to be rescued. She was scared of the dark, she told them, and it was getting late. “I’m so scared, please come,” she said. 

    The distraught dispatcher told her over the course of a three-hour call that they couldn’t dispatch rescuers until they had approval from the Israeli forces. Without that approval, the rescuers could be struck. As we reported earlier with the killing of Al Jazeera cameraman Samer Abu Daqqa, often those approvals can be fatally slow to come. 

    Finally, permission was granted, and two medics were sent in an ambulance. Dispatchers heard a terrible noise, and then lost contact with the medics. Since then, the world has been on edge, praying for news of Hind’s successful rescue, but fearing the worst. Finally, Israeli forces withdrew from the area, and on Saturday morning, Hind’s surviving family ventured back to the neighborhood. There, they found the decomposing victims of the Israeli attack. Hind was dead. Just yards away were the charred ruins of the ambulance and the impossibly heroic medics. 

    Hind’s life and death, her courage and her fear, had captivated the globe. Her killing was also an unspeakable war crime. The Israel Defense Forces can’t say it was the unfortunate but unintended consequence of a strike on a terrorist, because we know that the Red Crescent was in direct communication with the IDF, which therefore knew that an ambulance was heading to those precise coordinates to rescue a little girl. Somebody pulled the trigger — or pressed the button — that ended their lives. Somebody higher up signed off on it, if the snippets of cockpit and drone operator recordings from previous Israeli assaults represent standard practices. As we speak, somebody — perhaps many people — inside the IDF knows who committed this spectacular atrocity and is staying silent. 

    Matthew Miller, a State Department spokesperson, spoke with unusual emotion about Hind’s killing at the daily briefing on Monday afternoon. “We are devastated about the reports of the death of Hind Rajab. I will tell you that I have a little girl that is about to turn 6 myself and so — it is just a devastating account, a heartbreaking account for this child and of course there have been thousands of others who have died as a result of this conflict.”

    He then volunteered that the U.S. was demanding a timely investigation. “We have asked the Israeli authorities to investigate this incident on an urgent basis. We understand that they are doing so, and we expect to see those results in a timely fashion and they should include accountability measures as appropriate,” he added. 

    GAZA CITY, GAZA - FEBRUARY 10: A view of the heavy damaged ambulance going to aid Rajab family, which was targeted by Israeli forces and became unusable, Tel al-Hawa neighborhood of Gaza City, Gaza on February 10, 2024. After the Israeli forces withdrew from the region, it was seen that an ambulance going to the region to help the 6-year-old Hind Rajab and five members of her family, who was shot in the Israeli attack, was also targeted by the Israeli forces. The Palestinian Red Crescent Society (PRCS) said six-year-old girl Hind Rajab, who was trapped in her family car after it came under Israeli army in Gaza City, was found dead after nearly two weeks of uncertainty. The non-profit in a statement late Friday said the bodies of the child, and two of its paramedics, Youssef Zeino and Ahmed Al-Madhoon, who went out on a mission to rescue the little girl on Jan. 29 had been found. (Photo by Dawoud Abo Alkas/Anadolu via Getty Images)
    A view of the heavy damaged ambulance going to aid the Rajab family, which was targeted by Israeli forces in the Tel al-Hawa neighborhood of Gaza City, Gaza, on Feb. 10, 2024.
    Photo: Dawoud Abo Alkas/Anadolu via Getty Images

    The reporter who raised Hind’s killing noted that U.S. weapons appeared to be involved and asked if that was a particular concern. Miller said that no matter whose weapons were used, it shouldn’t have happened. 

    From there, Associated Press reporter Matt Lee jumped in to ask whether the State Department had ever gotten any results after it demanded Israel investigate the blowing up of the Islamic University of Gaza. Miller said they had not and moved on. 

    When I got a chance later in the briefing, I referred back to Lee’s question and suggested that he wasn’t merely asking about the investigation into the university bombing that has gone nowhere. “Matt’s point, though, is that you’ve urged a lot of investigations and a lot of accountability and we don’t have evidence of them coming back with accountability,” I said. “Should there be a second-level investigation into her killing?” I’m not exactly sure what I meant by “second level” — it’s sometimes awkward for me to watch the clips back and wish I could phrase something differently — but something independent, something with higher jurisdiction, like the International Criminal Court, would be appropriate. 

    “It’s hard to comment on a second level before we’ve concluded the first level,” Miller responded. “We want to see the government of Israel investigate this matter. If they find somebody behaved inappropriately or in violation of the law, we want to see accountability. And I wouldn’t want to speculate on what further measures might be appropriate before that first step has been completed.”

    I can’t promise much, but I can promise we’re not going to let this one rest. 

    Had the ambulance sent to rescue Hind not been incinerated by the IDF, she would have still faced the challenge of starvation. Democratic Sen. Chris Van Hollen, who is a leader in the Democratic foreign policy establishment, gave an extraordinary speech on the Senate floor on Monday night, excoriating the Netanyahu government for deliberately blocking aid to civilians. He and Sen. Jeff Merkley traveled to the Egypt side of the Rafah crossing around five weeks ago, and Van Hollen came back livid at Israel’s deliberate stalling of aid. On the Senate floor, he said that he had recently heard reports that children are now beyond starving and are actually dying of starvation. He texted Cindy McCain, the head of the World Food Programme, and asked if the rumors were true. He quoted her response to him: “This is true. We are unable to get in enough food to keep people from the brink. Famine is imminent. I wish I had better news.”

    He drove the point home: “Kids in Gaza are now dying from the deliberate withholding of food. In addition to the horror of that news, one other thing is true: That is a war crime. It is a textbook war crime. And that makes those who orchestrate it war criminals,” he said, adding that he had recently spoken with officials at humanitarian relief organizations. “Every one of them, every one, has stated that their organizations have never experienced a humanitarian disaster as dire and terrible as the world is witnessing in Gaza.”

    He went on to say that three weeks ago, he met with officials at the State Department to ask why they were not enforcing a section of the Foreign Assistance Act that blocks security assistance to countries that hinder the delivery of U.S. humanitarian aid. That law clearly applies to Israel, Van Hollen said, but the State Department has yet to respond to him. 

    Van Hollen pulled no punches. “What should the United States do when the Netanyahu government refuses to prioritize the release of the hostages?” he asked, attacking Benjamin Netanyahu for going on an American Sunday show to announce that despite Joe Biden’s pressure, he’d still be launching an assault on Rafah, the southern Gaza city that is home to some 1.3 million huddling and starving Palestinians.

    The senator’s speech pulsed with moral clarity — until it petered out into a stumbling rationale for his forthcoming yes vote. He would still be voting to send some $14 billion to the people he had just described as “war criminals,” he said, because the bill also included $60 billion for Ukraine’s war effort and humanitarian aid for Sudan, Gaza, Ukraine, and elsewhere. (It also ponies up $8 billion for a Taiwan war effort.) He acknowledged that the aid money wouldn’t be worth anything to the Palestinians if Netanyahu wouldn’t let it in, and he pleaded with Biden to pressure Netanyahu to do so. But if even this level of moral clarity from somebody like Van Hollen isn’t matched with any action, it’s hard to see why those pleas will be heard this time. 

    When the roll was called, only Sen. Bernie Sanders and Merkley, Van Hollen’s companion on that recent trip to Rafah, voted no. It needed 60 votes to overcome a filibuster, and thanks to significant opposition from Republicans, it only got 66. A small bloc of Democrats could have blocked it and forced the Senate to consider each spending piece separately. 

    Now it heads for the buzzsaw of the dysfunctional House of Representatives, where Speaker Mike Johnson says he won’t take it up because it doesn’t include border provisions. That’s laugh-out-loud stuff, since it was Johnson who insisted the bill not include the border deal the Senate came up with. Johnson said the House will now write its own legislation, so who knows where this aid package heads next. Either way, the slaughter continues, and the legislation the Senate approved bans U.S. funding for United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East, the main relief and works agency in Gaza. 

    The post Dem Senator Calls Israeli Leadership “War Criminals,” Votes to Send Them $14 Billion Anyway appeared first on The Intercept.

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  • This article was originally published as a newsletter from Ryan Grim. Sign up to get the next one in your inbox.

    When covering the politics of foreign countries, it’s hard for me not to transpose what’s going on there back onto the United States and try to see it from that perspective. That’s made easier in Pakistan since we have roughly similar population sizes and much of Pakistani politics plays out in spectacle on Twitter and Facebook. That much of it is in English helps too (as does the “translate” button).

    Yet what Pakistani voters managed to pull off over the past few days strains my imagination to its breaking point. I just can’t picture us doing it. 

    Consider this: The leading opposition party, the populist PTI, led by legendary cricket star Imran Khan, was officially banned from the ballots by the courts. Its candidates were forced to run as independents instead. The candidates were prohibited from using the PTI’s party symbol – a cricket bat – on the ballot, a crucial marker in a country where some 40 percent of the population can’t read. Khan himself was jailed on bogus charges and ruled ineligible to run. Candidates who did file to run were abducted and tortured and pressured to withdraw. So were the new ones who then replaced them. Virtually the entire party leadership was imprisoned or exiled. Rallies were attacked and bombed; rank and file workers jailed and disappeared. Campaigning was basically impossible as candidates had to go into hiding. 

    On election day Thursday, polling locations were randomly changed and the internet and cell service was taken down. Western media described the race as over, a fait accompli for the military’s preferred candidate Nawaz Sharif. And yet. 

    And yet. Pakistani voters came out in such historic numbers that it caught the military off guard. The ISI — Pakistan’s powerful intelligence agency — was prepared to steal a close election or nudge Sharif to his inevitable victory, but they were swamped by the tsunami they didn’t see coming. In a crucial mistake, they had allowed individual polling locations to release official vote tallies, which parties and TV broadcasters could then total up themselves. 

    According to those broadcasts, watched by millions of people, PTI (or “independent”) candidates had won 137 seats by official counts, well on their way to a majority (there are 342 seats in the National Assembly; 266 are filled by direct elections). There were another 24 seats where 90 percent of the vote was counted and PTI was ahead. It was a clear landslide. 

    Then the military moved in, shutting down the election commission website and halting the count. Military and police forces surged into polling locations. Fantastical numbers began to be announced, sometimes just reversing the totals so the winner became the loser. The military was clearly unprepared to steal such a resounding victory, and the obviousness of the fraud forced politicians in the UK and U.S., including even the State Department, to denounce it. 

    All of this puts the State Department in a difficult position. It’s widely known the U.S. is no fan of Imran Khan. The U.S. prefers to work directly with the Pakistan military as a check against China. Khan has long said he wants a better relationship with the U.S., yet we refuse to believe him – our preferred approach was to oust him, put in more pliant clients, and shrug as the military dismantled democracy in the runup to the election. (The U.S. denied playing a role in ousting him, but we very much did, as The Intercept reported.)

    That approach has now failed.  The military-backed client proved unable to run their own country, losing all faith from the Pakistani people. The establishment in Pakistan may still be able to form a coalition government through fraud and abuse, but that doesn’t mean they’ll come out on top. The Pakistani people showed they can’t be held back anymore. When their will finally translates into real power is only a matter of time. The U.S. can delay it, but can’t stop it. 

    At this point, the State Department’s choice is either to respect the will of the Pakistani public and find a way to work with Khan, or discard all the talk about democracy and usher in a full military dictatorship, one without the pretense of even a civilian hybrid. It’s not clear which route we’ll take, but the pressure from Congress and the fairly strong statement from the State Department suggests the generals may be losing favor in Washington.

    On Thursday afternoon at the State Department, I told spokesperson Vedant Patel that the military’s clear strategy after the election was to abduct, torture, and bribe the independent candidates into switching parties. If PTI candidates won the election, I asked, but were coerced into changing parties, would the U.S. recognize such a government? My mistake was asking a hypothetical, even an easily foreseeable one, because spokespeople are good at ignoring such questions. Patel called it a “made up” scenario and wouldn’t commit either way. 

    One winning candidate, Waseem Qadir, has already flipped. Elected to the national assembly as a PTI-affiliated independent, he claims he was abducted and is now supporting Nawaz Sharif’s party. Skeptics believe he was actually bribed, not tortured, and there protests outside his home – but either way, neither scenario is remotely democratic. The scenario is no longer made up, it’s real, and the State Department has some decisions to make.

    I wrote in more detail about all of this on Friday and talked about it with my colleague Murtaza Hussain and Pakistani journalist Waqas Ahmed on Breaking Points

    Anyway, can you imagine American voters overcoming those sorts of obstacles to get to the polls? I want to leave you with the opening anecdote from my story Friday, one of the most inspiring (and infuriating stories I’ve ever come across in politics):

    Pakistan, a bystander happened to catch, on camera, police raiding the Sialkot home of Usman Dar. At the time, Dar was an opposition candidate representing former Prime Minister Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf, or PTI, party — which the military and its civilian allies were busy suppressing with abductions, raids, blackmail, and threats. Khan, a populist prime minister, was forced from office in 2022 under military pressure with the encouragement of the U.S. 

    Through a window, video shows Pakistani police officials assaulting Dar’s elderly mother, Rehana Dar, in her bedroom. Dar’s brother, Umar Dar, was also picked up, though police only acknowledged he’d been arrested much later at a court hearing. When Usman Dar emerged from custody, he announced he was stepping down from the race and leaving the party — as many other PTI candidates have done under similar pressure. 

    But then came a new wrinkle, a symbol of the refusal of Khan’s supporters to bow to the military-backed government. While the news was announced that Dar was withdrawing from the race, and with another son still missing, his mother went on television to say that she would be running instead. “Khawaja Asif,” Rehana Dar said in a video posted on social media directed to the army-backed political rival of her son, “You have achieved what you wanted by making my son step down at gunpoint, but my son has quit politics, not me. Now you will face me in politics.”

    She was a political novice, an angry mother who represented the country’s frustration with its ruling elite. “Send me to jail or handcuff me. I will contest the general elections for sure,” she said while filing her nomination papers. Those papers were initially rejected — like they were for so many PTI candidates, and only PTI candidates — and she had to refile.

    Nevertheless, she persisted. On Thursday night, election night, with her son Umar still in custody, she shocked the country. With 99 percent of precincts counted, she had beaten that lifetime politician, Khawaja Asif, with 131,615 to 82,615 votes. The loss by Asif, who was allied with Nawaz Sharif — the military-backed candidate whose victory Vox had called “almost a fait accompli” — was a blow to the army. 

    Then came one more wrinkle — one that many in Pakistan expected, but which was still shocking. When the full results were announced, Dar’s total had been reduced by 31,434 votes, while Asif gained votes, and he was declared the winner. 

    Across the country, similar reversals are flowing out from Pakistan’s election commission. As polling ended Thursday evening, early results shocked the establishment and even some dispirited supporters of Khan who had worried that Pakistani authorities had successfully done everything they could to manipulate the outcome. Those results suggested a landslide victory for ousted former Prime Minister Imran Khan’s party even as Khan himself sits in prison, ineligible to run. 

    But in several key races, results have suddenly swung toward the military-backed party, after hours of unexplained delays. In the NA-128 constituency, where the PTI-backed candidate is senior lawyer Salman Akram Raja, Raja was leading with 100,000 votes in 1,310 out of 1,320 polling stations. On Friday, he was trailing by 13,522 votes. But the publicly available totals from the polling stations did not add up with the results announced by the election commission. He took the case to high court, which granted him a stay and stopped the election commission from announcing the winner pending further investigation. Following his lead, multiple PTI candidates have announced that they will take their cases to court. Rehana Dar is one of them.

    Read the full story here.

    The post Pakistan Election: Latest Updates On Imran Khan and PTI’s Surge appeared first on The Intercept.

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  • Last year in Pakistan, a bystander happened to catch, on camera, police raiding the Sialkot home of Usman Dar. At the time, Dar was an opposition candidate representing former Prime Minister Imran Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf, or PTI, party — which the military and its civilian allies were busy suppressing with abductions, raids, blackmail, and threats. Khan, a populist prime minister, was forced from office in 2022 under military pressure with the encouragement of the U.S. 

    Through a window, video shows Pakistani police officials assaulting Dar’s elderly mother, Rehana Dar, in her bedroom. Dar’s brother, Umar Dar, was also picked up, though police only acknowledged he’d been arrested much later at a court hearing. When Usman Dar emerged from custody, he announced he was stepping down from the race and leaving the party — as many other PTI candidates have done under similar pressure. 

    But then came a new wrinkle, a symbol of the refusal of Khan’s supporters to bow to the military-backed government. While the news was announced that Dar was withdrawing from the race, and with another son still missing, his mother went on television to say that she would be running instead. “Khawaja Asif,” Rehana Dar said in a video posted on social media directed to the army-backed political rival of her son, “You have achieved what you wanted by making my son step down at gunpoint, but my son has quit politics, not me. Now you will face me in politics.”

    She was a political novice, an angry mother who represented the country’s frustration with its ruling elite. “Send me to jail or handcuff me. I will contest the general elections for sure,” she said while filing her nomination papers. Those papers were initially rejected — like they were for so many PTI candidates, and only PTI candidates — and she had to refile.

    Nevertheless, she persisted. On Thursday night, election night, with her son Umar still in custody, she shocked the country. With 99 percent of precincts counted, she had beaten that lifetime politician, Khawaja Asif, with 131,615 to 82,615 votes. The loss by Asif, who was allied with Nawaz Sharif — the military-backed candidate whose victory Vox had called “almost a fait accompli” — was a blow to the army. 

    Then came one more wrinkle — one that many in Pakistan expected, but which was still shocking. When the full results were announced, Dar’s total had been reduced by 31,434 votes, while Asif gained votes, and he was declared the winner. 

    Across the country, similar reversals are flowing out from Pakistan’s election commission. As polling ended Thursday evening, early results shocked the establishment and even some dispirited supporters of Khan who had worried that Pakistani authorities had successfully done everything they could to manipulate the outcome. Those results suggested a landslide victory for ousted former Prime Minister Imran Khan’s party even as Khan himself sits in prison, ineligible to run. 

    But in several key races, results have suddenly swung toward the military-backed party, after hours of unexplained delays. In the NA-128 constituency, where the PTI-backed candidate is senior lawyer Salman Akram Raja, Raja was leading with 100,000 votes in 1,310 out of 1,320 polling stations. On Friday, he was trailing by 13,522 votes. But the publicly available totals from the polling stations did not add up with the results announced by the election commission. He took the case to high court, which granted him a stay and stopped the election commission from announcing the winner pending further investigation. Following his lead, multiple PTI candidates have announced that they will take their cases to court. Rehana Dar is one of them.

    The problem now for the Pakistani army is that it seems to have been unprepared for the explosion of support for Khan’s candidates. Pakistani election laws explicitly state that the “returning officer shall compile provisional results on or before 2 a.m. the day immediately following the polling day.” But for thousands of polling stations across Pakistan, results were stopped and had not come in even 24 hours after polling ended. Across the country, candidates and their supporters have refused to leave polling locations without official documentation of the vote, leading to tense and violent confrontations.

    At the same time, because every polling station is required to fill out and distribute something called a “Form 45,” which has the vote tally from that precinct, political parties and news networks had been able to tabulate official results. That’s how we know that Dar was so far ahead. Those Form 45s are officially aggregated at election headquarters, and a Form 47 is produced totaling all the numbers. Prior to the election, the military succeeded in replacing the election workers with state bureaucrats — a move that was blessed by the country’s Supreme Court only after two dissident justices were forced off the bench. Those workers and their fantastical Form 47s are now the focus of the country’s attention. 

    The changes in the official counts also finally caught the attention of the State Department, which had secretly supported the nation’s military in its ouster of Khan in 2022. “We join credible international and local election observers in their assessment that these elections included undue restrictions on freedoms of expression, association, and peaceful assembly,” spokesperson Matthew Miller said. “We condemn electoral violence, restrictions on the exercise of human rights and fundamental freedoms, including attacks on media workers, and restrictions on access to the Internet and telecommunication services, and are concerned about allegations of interference in the electoral process. Claims of interference or fraud should be fully investigated.” 

    But it was the next line of Miller’s statement that gives Khan’s supporters hope that the theft of the election may not be inevitable. “The United States is prepared to work with the next Pakistani government, regardless of political party, to advance our shared interests,” Miller said. “We now look forward to timely, complete results that reflect the will of the Pakistani people.” Members of Congress have begun demanding the U.S. not recognize a new government without a thorough investigation of the fraud. Whether that clear mandate is listened to remains an open question. 

    Prior to the election, many observers had raised the alarm about potential fraud in the Pakistani elections. Human rights organizations such as Amnesty International voiced concerns over the possibility of internet shutdown on election day. Those concerns turned out to be warranted; the Pakistani military did indeed shut down internet and mobile data for most of the day. When internet returned early on Friday in Pakistan, independent candidates across Pakistan seemed to have a clear majority in Parliament with 127 seats. Trailing far behind were the Pakistan Muslim League, or PMLN, headed by the former prime minister and military backed-candidate, Sharif; and Bilawal Bhutto Zardari’s Pakistan People’s Party, with 65 and 48 seats respectively.

    The independent candidates are mostly members of PTI who were forced to run as independent in a court decision that was called “a huge blow to fundamental rights” in Pakistan. The move also deprived PTI of its electoral symbol — the cricket bat — and had the candidates run on randomly assigned symbols.

    “PTI backed independents at this moment in the lead in NA, KPK & Punjab assemblies. This is unprecedented,” tweeted Mohammad Zubair, a former minister and member of the PMLN. “The unusual delay in the result announcement has made the process completely dubious leaving no moral authority for PMLN to rule.” 

    On Friday, Sharif absurdly declared victory. From prison, so did Khan, with artificial intelligence being used to simulate his voice reading a statement. “By voting yesterday, you have set up the foundation for true freedom,” the “authorized AI voice” of Khan said, making reference to the “movement for true freedom” he has led since his ouster. “I had complete faith that you would go out to vote. Your massive turnout shocked everyone.”

    The post Historic Turnout in Pakistan Is Swamping the Military’s Effort to Rig the Election appeared first on The Intercept.

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  • This article was originally published as a newsletter from Ryan Grim. Sign up to get the next one in your inbox.

    When it comes to climate policy, there’s the Green New Deal. On health care, we have Medicare For All. For workers, we want union-friendly policy and a higher minimum wage. But what’s the progressive North Star on immigration policy? 

    It’s not obvious. From one direction, you have the idea that used to be pushed by politicians like Bernie Sanders over the years, that immigration needs to be restricted for the benefit of domestic workers. That used to be the AFL-CIO’s position, though it’s not anymore. From the other direction, you have those who argue borders are largely a relic of a bad idea – nationalism – and that human flourishing requires the freedom to migrate to be universal, or nearly so. This week’s podcast is an interview with John Washington, the author of the provocative new book “The Case for Open Borders.” It’ll make you think, at least. 

    On the show Counter Points today, we interviewed Squad-adjacent Rep. Greg Casar of Texas on the unfolding debacle that is this week’s congressional debate over immigration policy. After the Senate attempted to trade border policy for money for Ukraine and Israel, Trump turned on the deal immediately and congressional Republicans killed it without so much as a vote. 

    I put the question to Casar of what the progressive vision truly is when it comes to immigration policy, and he acknowledged there isn’t one, but took a stab at articulating it. 

    The gist: 

    • Create a pathway to citizenship for the undocumented in order to end a two-tier society.
    • Expand legal pathways to citizenship in order to end the chaos at the border and drain power from cartels.
    • End sanctions and other American policies that destabilize foreign countries, which produces an exodus of migrants to our border. 
    • Expand work visas so that if somebody wants to come to the U.S. to do farm or construction labor, for instance, they don’t have to come here permanently and bring their families, which they often would prefer not to do, but are forced to do so by our restrictionist policy. 
    • Surge resources to the asylum system so there are enough judges and attorneys to reasonably manage it.

    Hard to capture all that in a slogan. And it’s also by no means a progressive consensus.  

    We also talked with Casar about tomorrow’s election in Pakistan. Even as the State Department has largely shrugged off reports of flagrant abuse of the electoral process, members of Congress from both parties have been increasingly raising their voices, from both the top Republican and top Democrat on the House Foreign Affairs Committee, to the intel-linked Democrat Abigail Spanberger, to Squad-y members like Rep. Summer Lee of Pennsylvania and Casar. 

    I have a new story up at The Intercept on eight of the most flagrant violations. You have to read it to believe it. 

    Casar said that he has spoken directly to the State Department about his concerns regarding American hypocrisy when it comes to Pakistani democracy, and has also warned the Pakistan ambassador that existing law could be used to cut aid to Pakistan given its human rights abuses.

    The post What Is the Progressive Vision for Immigration? appeared first on The Intercept.

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  • As Pakistan prepares to determine its next government in a general election on Thursday, concerns are intensifying about electoral irregularities. A growing body of evidence points to election manipulation and political interference by the Pakistani military.

    Pakistan was supposed to go to polls last year. The country’s constitution has five-year terms for both the national and provincial assemblies as well as for the post of the prime minister. When the former Prime Minister Imran Khan’s government was toppled in a parliamentary coup backed by the Pakistani military and the U.S. State Department in 2022, it was only in its fourth year. 

    Since then, the Pakistani military has ruled from the shadows, trying to delay the inevitable elections while at the same time trying to ensure that the massively popular Khan and his party Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf, or PTI, do not come back to power. 

    Inside Pakistan, the media is completely muzzled. Outside Pakistan, the upcoming elections are being called the “least credible in the country’s history,” and “more like a coronation,” where the military is understood merely to be choosing a new civilian face for its rule. While the U.S. State Department has consistently said that it has not made a determination about the fairness of Pakistani elections, the events leading up to the elections have not gone unnoticed in Congress.

    “Threats to free and fair elections anywhere is concerning. In light of recent events in Pakistan and the upcoming election, let’s be clear: promoting stability, democracy, and human rights around the globe is paramount to maintaining our values worldwide,” posted Republican Rep. Nathaniel Moran on Twitter. 

    “There can’t be free and fair elections when one of the opposition parties has been criminalized,” posted Democratic Rep. Ilhan Omar, echoing Moran’s sentiments from across the political aisle.

    The publicly visible instances of election rigging — visible, that is, to all but the Biden administration — are too numerous to articulate in a single article. What follows are the most egregious. 

    Banning the Leading Party’s Symbol

    On a Pakistani ballot paper, each political party has an electoral symbol. Candidates in each of Pakistan’s hundreds of constituencies have their party symbols next to their names, a critical guide for the substantial portion of the electorate that can’t read. PTI candidates were stopped from using their unified electoral symbol — a cricket bat — by the court, based on a technicality no other party was subjected to. This means each PTI candidate is assigned a random symbol and has to run an individual campaign. 

    With the loss of its bat, PTI was converted from a formidable political party to a loose group of individuals with no legal affiliation overnight, effectively disenfranchising millions of citizens who placed their trust in PTI as a political entity. The move has been severely criticized as a “huge blow to fundamental rights” by the Pakistani legal fraternity and civil society.

    The implications of this go even further. If, by some miracle, PTI candidates overcome all the obstacles and win a majority in the Parliament, the technically unaffiliated candidates would be missing key legal protections and could be vulnerable to bribes and coercion by the military. 

    Shutting Down the Internet

    The Pakistan Telecommunication Authority is now chaired by a retired general. The chair of the PTA has the ability to shut down the whole country’s internet or specific websites on a moment’s notice. He has shut down social media and the internet every time Khan’s PTI held an election-related event online in the past few months, affecting more than 100 million users.

    The Pakistani media has already expressed concerns that the internet might be shut down on election day to discourage people from voting. Lending credibility to those concerns, a top minister on Tuesday hinted at the possibility of an internet shutdown on election day, alarming human rights organizations including Amnesty International and prompting them to write an open letter and put out a statement

    “Amnesty International, along with several other human rights organizations, call on Pakistani authorities to guarantee uninterrupted access to the internet and digital communication platforms for everyone across the country,” the statement read.

    Banning and Jailing the Leading Candidate

    The charges against ousted prime minister Khan range from incoherent to absurd. He was charged with “exposing state secrets” for publicly discussing the contents of the secret cable that The Intercept reported on last year. He was slapped with a seven-year sentence for what the Supreme Court said was an invalid marriage. And he got 14 years for supposedly keeping state gifts without filing the proper paperwork or compensating the state, though all evidence suggests that he did so.

    Three major court decisions in quick succession just before the elections has been seen inside Pakistan as a message from the Pakistani military establishment. The message is intended not only for the voters, but also for the candidates, signaling the influence and control wielded by the military.

    Hacking the Election Management System

    Just two days ago, a local electoral official complained in a letter circulated to the Election Commission of Pakistan that key software used in managing elections was behaving oddly. In the letter, the official cites specific issues with the software and claims that data related to its staff was erased. “This weakness of system has created many issues and also raises question mark on the reliability and validity of the tool/software. This shows that either the [election management system] is [an] utter failure or there is a someone else [sic] that controls and manages the system behind the veil,” he wrote in the document leaked online

    The election management system was built by the National Database and Registration Authority, a government department that is usually headed by a civilian but since last year has been run by a general in the military. NADRA is the primary custodian of all of Pakistan’s data — from population and demographic data to voter rolls — and is supposed to play a key role in conducting elections along with the Election Commission of Pakistan. As long as the Pakistani military has direct control of NADRA, it controls all the systems used to administer elections and transmit their results. 

    Terrorist Violence

    Last week, 10 PTI activists were killed in a bomb blast at an election rally in the Balochistan province. The same week, a PTI candidate and a senior leader were shot dead in the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province in separate incidents. In Karachi, a PTI candidate’s car was shot at. According to a statement from the United Nations high commissioner for human rights, there have been “no less than 24 reported instances” this year in which armed groups have attacked political parties in Pakistan ahead of the elections.

    At least one of these deadly attacks was claimed by ISKP, the Afghan chapter of the Islamic State, which has never specifically targeted the PTI in the past.

    Police Raids

    When the elections were announced, there were several reports that unknown people and masked government officials were snatching the nomination papers of PTI candidates as soon as they would go to file them, thereby preventing them from filing to run before the deadline. Of the candidates who did manage to file, those who were not arrested faced frequent police raids on their homes. 

    During one raid at a political candidate’s home, an American police officer who happened to be vacationing in Pakistan was also arrested. He was subsequently released following intervention by the U.S. Embassy. In another police raid on a political activist’s house, the activist’s father suffered a heart attack and died.

    Virtually every notable PTI member’s house has been raided and ransacked. In addition, PTI rallies and meetings have also been violently shut down by the police and scores of workers have been arrested. In one constituency in northern Pakistan, there were reports of police shooting at a PTI rally. On Tuesday, the last day of campaigning, almost every PTI rally was attacked by police. In a video that went viral on social media, a PTI candidate, Zartaj Gul Wazir, is seen sitting on the road, crying, after a police attack on her rally. In other areas that have not been so violent, comical social media videos of police chasing PTI activists through the streets have emerged.

    In PTI strongholds, there are even reports of police ticketing people in unusually high numbers and confiscating their identification cards, which won’t be returned until after the election, meaning that they will be unable to vote.

    Abducting Candidates and Their Families

    There are reports of PTI candidates being abducted by unknown men and returning home only after announcing their withdrawal from the race. Most notably, a female PTI candidate, Iffat Tahira Soomro, was abducted and forced to step down under duress. She was the second candidate in the constituency to step down. PTI has now pitched a third candidate for the same seat.

    In another incident, a PTI candidate’s elderly father was picked up from his house to pressure him into leaving the party. After four days, the father died in police custody.

    The U.N. Commission on Human Rights deplored these incidents in their statement on Tuesday. “We are disturbed by the pattern of harassment, arrests and prolonged detentions of leaders of the Pakistan Tehreek e Insaf (PTI) party and their supporters which has continued during the election period,” the statement read.

    Voter Suppression

    PTI has been counting on high voter turnout to counter the efforts to manipulate the elections. But by reducing the number of polling stations in key constituencies, the government is effectively suppressing votes in those areas. 

    There are polling stations that used to have a few thousand voters assigned to them but will now have tens of thousands of voters. One polling station in Lahore that used to have only 8,000 constituents has ballooned to 29,000, including thousands of young and first-time voters from all over Lahore. In some constituencies in Karachi, so many people have been assigned to each polling station that with a 50 percent turnout (roughly the total turnout for the last election), each voter will get only one minute and 13 seconds to vote. 

    Can PTI Still Win?

    Despite the gloomy verdict, a sense of hope persists among many in Pakistan. Nothing illustrates this contradiction more than two women, Yasmin Rashid and Aliya Hamza Malik, who are contesting elections from jail. These two political prisoners, running their campaigns from incarceration and against all odds, have become symbolic figures representing resistance against military interference in Pakistani democracy.

    “The brazen electoral rigging, persecution of political leaders, and sham court trials have substantially increased the stakes.”

    “The election in Pakistan is going to be a referendum against the establishment – a local euphemism for Pakistan Army – and its associated partners,” says Hussain Nadim, an analyst and former policy specialist working with the Pakistani government. “This is why despite all efforts by the establishment otherwise, we can forecast a historic turnout in the elections. The brazen electoral rigging, persecution of political leaders, and sham court trials have substantially increased the stakes,” he added.

    In the week leading up to the elections, Khan has been sentenced to a cumulative 31 years in prison. His political party confronts the imminent risk of outright prohibition, with his motley crew of candidates on the run, evading authorities, attempting to canvass for votes clandestinely (and even using artificial intelligence). 

    Yet, PTI has resisted calls to boycott the election. The goal, they say, is to win in such dramatic and runaway fashion that even all of the above can’t steal it. 

    The post 8 Flagrant Ways the U.S-Backed Government in Pakistan Is Subverting the Election appeared first on The Intercept.

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  • Late last year, 50 humanitarian organizations asked Secretary of State Antony Blinken to make an atrocity determination related to a conflict that was drawing global attention.

    The groups requesting the designation had been lobbying the Biden administration for months. In their November letter, they zeroed in on atrocities committed by the Rapid Support Forces, one of the warring factions in a battle for control of Sudan. Six days later, Blinken responded with a determination that the RSF and the Sudanese Armed Forces were guilty. “Based on the State Department’s careful analysis of the law and available facts, I have determined that members of the SAF and the RSF have committed war crimes in Sudan,” he said in a December 6 statement.

    In the case of the RSF, Blinken went further: “I have also determined that members of the RSF and allied militias have committed crimes against humanity and ethnic cleansing.”

    For the human rights activists who had pushed for the designation, it was a sweet victory. Such a determination can have important foreign policy implications, creating a legal designation for international crimes usually accompanied by limits on weapons and security assistance, economic sanctions, and other penalties. Yet something seemed off. Just over 1,100 miles from Sudan’s capital, Khartoum, well-documented war crimes were being carried out with impunity. But the State Department has been unwilling to make a similar determination in regard to Israel’s war on Gaza.

    “U.S. officials regularly — and often rightly — condemn the actions of other warring parties in other places like Ukraine, Ethiopia, and Sudan,” Sarah Yager, the Washington director at Human Rights Watch, told The Intercept. “But on Gaza, U.S. officials are avoiding passing judgment on Israel’s conduct.”

    “Complicit” in Israeli Atrocities

    On a near-daily basis, a State Department spokesperson takes questions from the media and is routinely pressed about the latest atrocity alleged to have been committed by Israeli forces, whether it’s gunfire aimed at civilians in a church; the bombing of hospitals, mosques, schools, universities, or residential buildings; or the cutting off of food, fuel, and medicine. Generally, the questions refer to either video evidence or on-record statements from Israeli government ministers.

    The State Department consistently declines to cast judgment, often saying that the views or actions of some elements of the security forces or some ministers don’t represent the official Israeli position. “The United States rejects recent statements from Israeli Ministers Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben Gvir advocating for the resettlement of Palestinians outside of Gaza,” State Department spokesperson Matthew Miller said earlier this month. “This rhetoric is inflammatory and irresponsible. We have been told repeatedly and consistently by the government of Israel, including by the prime minister, that such statements do not reflect the policy of the Israeli government.”  

    By refusing to make an atrocity determination relative to Israeli forces, the U.S. is leaving one of its critical levers off the field. The United States has long used atrocity determinations to draw attention to conflicts and mobilize the international community. It has done so with increasing frequency in recent years, employing them for Bosnia and Herzegovina (1993), Rwanda (1994), Iraq (1995, 2014), Darfur (2004), Burma (2021), China (2021), Ethiopia (2023), and Sudan (2023). Experts say the State Department is shirking its obligation to assess whether Israel is complying with the laws of war and has failed to act on backchannel requests from some of the same advocates who lobbied for the Sudan determination to do something similar regarding Israel’s war in Gaza.

    “It is imperative that the United States assess Israel’s international law compliance because many of the weapons that the Israeli military has used to kill civilians, flatten homes, and destroy medical facilities are made in the United States and paid for by U.S. taxpayers,” said John Ramming Chappell, an advocacy and legal fellow at the Center for Civilians in Conflict. “By providing military aid, the United States risks making itself complicit in possible atrocity crimes.”

    The rifle of an Israeli soldier hangs on a wall near the border with the Gaza Strip, upon the return of troops from a mission there on February 1, 2024, amid ongoing battles between Israel and the Palestinian militant group Hamas. (Photo by JACK GUEZ / AFP) (Photo by JACK GUEZ/AFP via Getty Images)
    The rifle of an Israeli soldier hangs on a wall near the border with the Gaza Strip, upon the return of troops from a mission there on Feb. 1, 2024.
    Photo: Jack Guez/AFP via Getty Images

    Billions Worth of U.S. Weapons

    U.S. munitions have been central to Israel’s destruction of Gaza. In the first month and a half of the war alone, Israel dropped more than 22,000 U.S.-supplied bombs on Gaza, according to intelligence figures provided to Congress and disclosed by the Washington Post. Between October and late December 2023, the U.S. delivered more than 10,000 tons of armaments and equipment to Israel, according to the Israel’s Channel 12 television network. That report also noted that Israel’s Defense Ministry had ordered $2.8 billion in additional arms and equipment from the United States.

    The United States already had, as of October 2023, nearly 600 pending Foreign Military Sales to Israel, including F-35 Joint Strike Fighter aircraft and precision-guided munitions, with an overall value of $23.8 billion. Under the Direct Commercial Sales process — by which Israel purchases directly from U.S. arms manufacturers — the U.S. authorized the permanent export of over $5.7 billion in weapons and equipment between 2018 and 2022. The U.S. has provided Israel with another $6.6 billion worth of equipment under the Excess Defense Articles program since 1992. All told, the U.S. has given Israel $158 billion in bilateral assistance and missile defense funding, more than any other country since World War II, according to a March 2023 report by the Congressional Research Service.

    “Administration spokespeople have repeatedly said that the United States is not assessing whether Israel is complying with international law in its operations in Gaza. These statements are inconsistent with the administration’s own conventional arms transfer policy, in which President Biden committed to ‘engage in appropriate monitoring’ to ensure that U.S. weapons are used in accordance with international human rights and humanitarian law obligations,” said Chappell. “The same policy requires government agencies to determine whether a proposed arms transfer is ‘more likely than not’ to aggravate the risk of violations based on a recipient’s past conduct. The Biden administration cannot implement this requirement in good faith without assessing the legality of the Israeli military’s conduct in Gaza.”

    The State Department did not respond to The Intercept’s questions about their atrocity determination for Sudan and their failure to issue a similar designation for Israel. 

    The post State Department Declares “Ethnic Cleansing” in Sudan but Won’t Say the Same About Israel’s War in Gaza appeared first on The Intercept.

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  • The House Foreign Affairs Committee is moving forward next week with legislation to permanently defund UNRWA, or the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees, the primary vehicle for humanitarian aid in Gaza. 

    The committee has publicly announced its vote schedule for Tuesday, February 6, listing 11 pieces of legislation to be considered. One of those is H.R. 7122, described on the agenda only as an act “to prohibit aid that will benefit Hamas, and for other purposes.”

    Cross-checking H.R. 7122 at Congress.gov, however, brings up the bill itself, sponsored by Rep. Chris Smith, a New Jersey Republican known as one of the more outspoken advocates for Israel. While the committee agenda may be opaque, the bill itself is clear. Called the “Stop Support for UNRWA Act,” the bill would do just that: bar the U.S. from ever making any voluntary or assessed contributions to the relief agency.

    The bill is expected to pass committee and could be on the House floor as early as the week of February 12.

    UNRWA works exclusively with Palestinian refugees and is among the largest employers in Gaza, operating schools and distributing aid. Top Israeli officials have long been hostile to UNRWA’s mandate, which they say gives Palestinians false hope they may one day be able to return to presently occupied territories. Israeli officials have also accused UNRWA schools of fomenting hostility toward Israel. “Our main goal in the war is to eliminate the threat and not to neutralize it and we know how to eliminate terrorists. It is more difficult for us with an idea. UNRWA is the source of the idea,” said Israeli Knesset member Noga Arbell on January 6. “And it will be impossible to win the war if we do not destroy UNRWA. And this destruction must begin immediately. … They must be abandoned. Or they must go to hell.”

    The House bill builds on pressure already put on UNRWA by the Biden administration. Shortly after the International Court of Justice announcing its finding that South Africa had made a plausible case that Israel was committing genocide against Palestinians in Gaza, the U.S. announced it was pausing funding for UNRWA. Biden had previously restored funding to UNRWA after it was ended by the Trump administration.

    The recent Biden move, according to State Department spokesperson Matthew Miller, came after UNRWA itself had alerted the U.S. on Wednesday, January 24, that Israel had made allegations against 12 UNRWA staff in Gaza. UNRWA considered at least some of those allegations to be credible, taking action against the employees, Miller said. The U.S. announced its defunding on Friday, January 26, the same day Israel briefed the U.S. on the intelligence it collected.

    The post Republicans Move to One-Up Biden and Permanently Defund UNRWA appeared first on The Intercept.

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  • This article was originally published as a newsletter from Ryan Grim. Sign up to get the next one in your inbox.

    Within moments of the International Court of Justice issuing a preliminary finding on Friday morning that South Africa had made a plausible genocide case against Israel, Western media was suddenly gripped by a new storyline: 12 employees of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees, or UNRWA, were alleged by Israel to have participated in the October 7 attacks. 

    In the most head-spinning pivot I’ve witnessed in my time covering global affairs, the entire conversation in the West (but definitely not the Global South or East, don’t forget that) changed on a dime when the U.S. responded instantly, pausing all funding to the relief agency. A dozen U.S. allies have followed suit.

    One of the primary orders issued by the ICJ related to humanitarian aid, ordering Israel to stop blocking the flow of that aid as the U.N. warned of famine. Instead, Israel has launched its diplomatic assault on UNRWA, and has been allowing Israeli civilian protesters to physically block aid from entering.

    We’re talking about the most important relief agency by miles in Gaza, one in which some 1.2 million displaced people are huddling in its schools, hoping to escape the Israeli bombs, tank shells, and bullets that have claimed the lives of 26,000 Palestinians and counting. 

    If you read the Western media, this is a simple situation: the relief agency employed terrorists, so it has to go. Yet those same people would never say the same thing about, say, a major police force found to have employed a militiaman from a white supremacist group. If a janitor at a university was found to be a terrorist, would we defund the university? You’d fire them, charge them if they committed a crime, and review what went wrong in your process. That’s exactly how UNRWA responded. 

    Norway is a close ally of Europe, but it is among the few not to abandon the refugee agency, and their foreign minister’s comment reads, to me, unimpeachably sound and ethical. “If you have 30,000 employees who are embedded in society,” he said, “to try to be absolutely certain that you have zero risk is very difficult even if you have zero tolerance, which is exactly why I want to continue our funding. I urge other donors to do so and then we will collectively work with UNRWA to make sure everything comes on the table with what actually happened and what UNRWA will do to prevent something like this from happening again, but we cannot collectively punish all the people who are refugees.”

    In a sane world, that would be that, and we’d wait for the investigation. In this world, the agency is staring down the barrel of bankruptcy by the end of February, as they announced today. 

    The ICJ’s order that Israel take concrete steps to avert the plausible genocide underway has been washed away, even as Israel has less than a month to report back to the court on its progress. In its place is debate over October 7 and the role of the 12 former employees. That the 152 UNRWA employees who’ve been killed in the war by Israel get no attention in this news cycle perfectly symbolizes the narrative asymmetry.

    UNRWA, however, was not a random Israeli target. Leaders of the hard-right government have been gunning for the agency for years, and now they see their chance. The claim that the U.N. agency is a front for Hamas is the public rationale, but the less-public one is more straightforward: Israel does not want the Palestinians to be considered refugees under international law, because that implies some right to occupied territory that Israeli leaders are quite clear they intend to annex. 

    Most recently, on January 9, the Knesset discussed the issue, video of which has subsequently gone viral. “Our main goal in the war is to eliminate the threat and not to neutralize it and we know how to eliminate terrorists. It is more difficult for us with an idea. UNRWA is the source of the idea,” said Israeli Knesset member Noga Arbell on January 6. “And it will be impossible to win the war if we do not destroy UNRWA. And this destruction must begin immediately .… They must be abandoned. Or they must go to hell.” 

    The campaign against UNRWA continued over the following days in the Knesset. Later in January, the Christian Broadcasting Network highlighted Knesset members Sharren Haskel and Simcha Rothman, both of whom were calling to shut down UNRWA. Haskel had founded a caucus dedicated to combating UNRWA nine years earlier, CBN noted. “If we want a different future, a future of maybe coexistence, that we’ll be able to live here securely, things must change, and it starts with UNRWA,” Haskel told CBN. UNRWA is an organization of the United Nations that is a complete cover up for Hamas activities and terrorist activities. Hamas has taken over this organization.”

    On January 17, the week before the ICJ ruling, I was at a State Department press briefing when spokesperson Matt Miller was asked about Haskel and Rothman’s calls to defund UNRWA. (I’m pretty sure the reporter works for CBN; I’ll confirm tomorrow when I’m there.)

    Miller gave an unusually forceful response. 

    “I am not going to respond to the comments by individual members of the Knesset, but I will say that UNRWA has done and continues to do invaluable work to address the humanitarian situation in Gaza at great personal risk to UNRWA members. I believe it’s over 100 UNRWA staff members have been killed doing this lifesaving work, and we continue to not only support it but we continue to commend them for the really heroic efforts that they make oftentimes while making the greatest sacrifice,” he said. 

    The reporter followed up by citing a Jerusalem Post report that some UNRWA “teachers and students celebrated Hamas’s brutal attack on Israel October 7 and over half of the Hamas terrorists behind that massacre were graduates of UNRWA schools in Gaza.”

    Miller again pushed back. “Well, I think most people in Gaza are graduates of UNRWA schools,” he said accurately. “There’s a little bit of a breakdown in logic there. But I will answer the question by saying, look, whenever we see reports of that nature, we ask specific questions about UNRWA and ask that they be followed up. It does not change the lifesaving work that UNRWA is doing every day in Gaza that I just detailed a moment ago.”

    Yet, just nine days later, with the situation deteriorating by the hour, that “lifesaving work” was suddenly expendable. 

    Over the weekend, at least a dozen Israeli government ministers participated in a major conference organized to create a framework for a post-war scenario in Gaza. Its goal was the expulsion of Palestinians and their substitution with Israeli settlers. It was short-handed as the “Resettle Gaza Conference,” and its official name was “Conference for the Victory of Israel – Settlement Brings Security: Returning to the Gaza Strip and Northern Samaria.”

    After South Africa filed its genocide charges with The Hague, talk from Israeli ministers about their efforts to depopulate Gaza was largely muzzled. The whole world was watching, after all. 

    The world is no longer watching, and so the talk has gotten loud again. “If we don’t want another October 7, we need to go back home and control [Gaza],” said National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir. “We need to find a legal way to voluntarily emigrate.” 

    Communications Minister Shlomo Karhi unpacked the thought: “’Voluntary’ is at times a state you impose until they give their consent.’” The White House announced that it was “troubled” by the conference and the plans outlined there. But it pledged no action.

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    Within moments of the International Court of Justice issuing a preliminary finding on Friday morning that South Africa had made a plausible genocide case against Israel, Western media was suddenly gripped by a new storyline: 12 employees of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees, or UNRWA, were alleged by Israel to have participated in the October 7 attacks. 

    In the most head-spinning pivot I’ve witnessed in my time covering global affairs, the entire conversation in the West (but definitely not the Global South or East, don’t forget that) changed on a dime when the U.S. responded instantly, pausing all funding to the relief agency. A dozen U.S. allies have followed suit.

    One of the primary orders issued by the ICJ related to humanitarian aid, ordering Israel to stop blocking the flow of that aid as the U.N. warned of famine. Instead, Israel has launched its diplomatic assault on UNRWA, and has been allowing Israeli civilian protesters to physically block aid from entering.

    We’re talking about the most important relief agency by miles in Gaza, one in which some 1.2 million displaced people are huddling in its schools, hoping to escape the Israeli bombs, tank shells, and bullets that have claimed the lives of 26,000 Palestinians and counting. 

    If you read the Western media, this is a simple situation: the relief agency employed terrorists, so it has to go. Yet those same people would never say the same thing about, say, a major police force found to have employed a militiaman from a white supremacist group. If a janitor at a university was found to be a terrorist, would we defund the university? You’d fire them, charge them if they committed a crime, and review what went wrong in your process. That’s exactly how UNRWA responded. 

    Norway is a close ally of Europe, but it is among the few not to abandon the refugee agency, and their foreign minister’s comment reads, to me, unimpeachably sound and ethical. “If you have 30,000 employees who are embedded in society,” he said, “to try to be absolutely certain that you have zero risk is very difficult even if you have zero tolerance, which is exactly why I want to continue our funding. I urge other donors to do so and then we will collectively work with UNRWA to make sure everything comes on the table with what actually happened and what UNRWA will do to prevent something like this from happening again, but we cannot collectively punish all the people who are refugees.”

    In a sane world, that would be that, and we’d wait for the investigation. In this world, the agency is staring down the barrel of bankruptcy by the end of February, as they announced today. 

    The ICJ’s order that Israel take concrete steps to avert the plausible genocide underway has been washed away, even as Israel has less than a month to report back to the court on its progress. In its place is debate over October 7 and the role of the 12 former employees. That the 152 UNRWA employees who’ve been killed in the war by Israel get no attention in this news cycle perfectly symbolizes the narrative asymmetry.

    UNRWA, however, was not a random Israeli target. Leaders of the hard-right government have been gunning for the agency for years, and now they see their chance. The claim that the U.N. agency is a front for Hamas is the public rationale, but the less-public one is more straightforward: Israel does not want the Palestinians to be considered refugees under international law, because that implies some right to occupied territory that Israeli leaders are quite clear they intend to annex. 

    Most recently, on January 9, the Knesset discussed the issue, video of which has subsequently gone viral. “Our main goal in the war is to eliminate the threat and not to neutralize it and we know how to eliminate terrorists. It is more difficult for us with an idea. UNRWA is the source of the idea,” said Israeli Knesset member Noga Arbell on January 6. “And it will be impossible to win the war if we do not destroy UNRWA. And this destruction must begin immediately .… They must be abandoned. Or they must go to hell.” 

    The campaign against UNRWA continued over the following days in the Knesset. Later in January, the Christian Broadcasting Network highlighted Knesset members Sharren Haskel and Simcha Rothman, both of whom were calling to shut down UNRWA. Haskel had founded a caucus dedicated to combating UNRWA nine years earlier, CBN noted. “If we want a different future, a future of maybe coexistence, that we’ll be able to live here securely, things must change, and it starts with UNRWA,” Haskel told CBN. UNRWA is an organization of the United Nations that is a complete cover up for Hamas activities and terrorist activities. Hamas has taken over this organization.”

    On January 17, the week before the ICJ ruling, I was at a State Department press briefing when spokesperson Matt Miller was asked about Haskel and Rothman’s calls to defund UNRWA. (I’m pretty sure the reporter works for CBN; I’ll confirm tomorrow when I’m there.)

    Miller gave an unusually forceful response. 

    “I am not going to respond to the comments by individual members of the Knesset, but I will say that UNRWA has done and continues to do invaluable work to address the humanitarian situation in Gaza at great personal risk to UNRWA members. I believe it’s over 100 UNRWA staff members have been killed doing this lifesaving work, and we continue to not only support it but we continue to commend them for the really heroic efforts that they make oftentimes while making the greatest sacrifice,” he said. 

    The reporter followed up by citing a Jerusalem Post report that some UNRWA “teachers and students celebrated Hamas’s brutal attack on Israel October 7 and over half of the Hamas terrorists behind that massacre were graduates of UNRWA schools in Gaza.”

    Miller again pushed back. “Well, I think most people in Gaza are graduates of UNRWA schools,” he said accurately. “There’s a little bit of a breakdown in logic there. But I will answer the question by saying, look, whenever we see reports of that nature, we ask specific questions about UNRWA and ask that they be followed up. It does not change the lifesaving work that UNRWA is doing every day in Gaza that I just detailed a moment ago.”

    Yet, just nine days later, with the situation deteriorating by the hour, that “lifesaving work” was suddenly expendable. 

    Over the weekend, at least a dozen Israeli government ministers participated in a major conference organized to create a framework for a post-war scenario in Gaza. Its goal was the expulsion of Palestinians and their substitution with Israeli settlers. It was short-handed as the “Resettle Gaza Conference,” and its official name was “Conference for the Victory of Israel – Settlement Brings Security: Returning to the Gaza Strip and Northern Samaria.”

    After South Africa filed its genocide charges with The Hague, talk from Israeli ministers about their efforts to depopulate Gaza was largely muzzled. The whole world was watching, after all. 

    The world is no longer watching, and so the talk has gotten loud again. “If we don’t want another October 7, we need to go back home and control [Gaza],” said National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir. “We need to find a legal way to voluntarily emigrate.” 

    Communications Minister Shlomo Karhi unpacked the thought: “’Voluntary’ is at times a state you impose until they give their consent.’” The White House announced that it was “troubled” by the conference and the plans outlined there. But it pledged no action.

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    The International Court of Justice ruled Friday that South Africa has standing to continue its case against Israel over charges of genocide and that a significant risk of genocide against the Palestinian population requires the Court to issue a preliminary order barring Israel from further such acts, namely: 

    (a) killing members of the group; (b) causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; (c) deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; and (d) imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group.

    You can find the ruling here.

    The Court gave Israel one week to report back on its compliance with the Geneva Convention, but stopped short of fulfilling South Africa’s maximalist demand for an immediate cease fire. However, it would not be possible for Israel to continue waging its war the way it is while simultaneously complying with the Court order. 

    “This is a devastating blow to Israel’s global standing,” said Trita Parsi of the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft. This morning, I interviewed Parsi about what this ruling means and where it goes from here. I even figured out how to play some clips during the broadcast, including Benjamin Netanyahu’s response.

    Israel, as my colleague Jeremy Scahill points out, is already in open defiance of the ruling: 

    The ruling at the court is undoubtedly important in a symbolic sense: It found that the Palestinians of Gaza are a protected group under the provisions of the Genocide Convention and that South Africa had proven that there is a reasonable basis to litigate whether Israel’s military onslaught constitutes a genocide.

    But it also represents a technical coup for Israel, which has already argued it is not committing genocidal acts. The bottom line is that the court has ruled that Israel should stand trial on charges of genocide in Gaza, but the judges carved out a significant loophole that Israel can exploit to continue its war against Gaza. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has vowed that no one will stop the war against Gaza, including The Hague. The court’s decision not to order an immediate cessation of the military assault is already being emphasized in Tel Aviv.

    While generally denouncing the ICJ ruling, Netanyahu asserted that the court “rightly rejected the outrageous demand” for an immediate halt to the military attacks on Gaza. “The very claim that Israel is carrying out genocide against Palestinians is not only false, it’s outrageous, and the willingness of the court to deliberate it at all is a mark of disgrace that will not be erased for generations,” Netanyahu, reacting to the ruling, said.

    He also vowed Israel will keep fighting “until total victory, until we defeat Hamas, return all the captives and ensure that Gaza will not again be a threat to Israel.”

    Gallant, whose statements were cited as evidence of genocidal intent, adding that Israel “does not need to be lectured on morality in order to distinguish between terrorists and the civilian population in Gaza.”

    He said Israel will continue its war. “Those who seek justice, will not find it on the leather chairs of the court chambers in The Hague — they will find it in the Hamas tunnels in Gaza, where 136 hostages are held, and where those who murdered our children are hiding.”

    “Hague Shmague,” tweeted Netanyahu’s minister of national security, Itamar Ben-Gvir.

    You can find more on the response to the ruling from Jeremy here.  

    Where the U.S. Stands

    The ICJ’s ruling can be enforced by the U.N. Security Council, of which the U.S. is a member and wields veto power. Discussions are already underway on the possibility of an enforcement resolution. Yesterday, I asked State Department spokesperson Vedant Patel whether the U.S. would pledge to respect the ruling and at minimum commit not to veto enforcement. He declined to make that commitment (watch here). 

    Today, in its direct response, the State Department attempted to spin the ruling as some sort of victory — saying the Court had affirmed Israel’s “right to action” — because it didn’t call for an immediate ceasefire, a bad misreading of ICJ’s order.

    The U.S. also issued a more indirect response to the ICJ ruling, stunning in its symbolism. The State Department issued a statement Friday morning saying it had paused all funding for the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees, UNRWA, because 12 employees of the agency had been alleged to have participated in Hamas’s October 7 attack on Israel. The head of UNRWA had already terminated the contracts of the 12 suspects and launched an investigation. 

    Meanwhile, UNRWA is one of Gaza’s largest employers, with more than 10,000 Palestinians on staff. Israel, a relentless critic of UNRWA, had previously attempted to undermine the organization by noting that many of the Hamas participants on October 7 had attended UNRWA schools. Matt Miller, a State Department spokesperson, responded by noting a “breakdown of logic,” given that nearly all Palestinians attend such schools. The U.S. is now deploying similar logic to block funding for the UNRWA just as the ICJ finds Gaza at risk of a genocide and orders Israel to do everything in its power to make sure humanitarian aid reaches the Palestinian population. 

    The U.S. is making extremely clear that if Israel goes down, we’re going down swinging with them. 

    The Biden war effort is facing legal complications at home, too. A group of bipartisan members of Congress led by Rep. Ro Khanna sent a letter to the White House urging the administration to seek legal authorization for its war in Yemen. 

    The Houthis, meanwhile, have launched their shipping blockade under the auspices of international law, claiming they’re fulfilling their obligations under applicable conventions to prevent the genocide of Palestinians.

    Finally, on Deconstructed today, Murtaza Hussain and I spoke with Pakistan’s ambassador to the U.N. It was a wide-ranging conversation, touching on the Houthis, India, Gaza, China, and a ton more. That’s here.

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    A group of international human rights activists have taken a page out of the American playbook and produced a deck of cards with the faces of alleged war criminals. They include members of the Biden and Netanyahu administrations, as well as politicians not currently in office who have expressed support for the death and destruction in Gaza.

    The move calls to mind the deck of cards produced by the Bush administration during its invasion and occupation of Iraq, which it adorned with the faces of loyalists of Saddam Hussein and other wanted figures.

    The lead organizer of the effort, Ashish Prashar, is a former adviser to Tony Blair as well as to Boris Johnson. Prashar was on Blair’s staff when the former British prime minister served as Mideast envoy, giving him an insider’s perspective on Israeli-Palestinian relations.

    Much of the rest of Prashar’s playing cards campaign has declined to be named publicly, but one is a former prosecutor at the International Criminal Court. Others are also offering expertise and experience when it comes to converting outrage at apparent Israeli war crimes into criminal charges against specific Israeli officials.

    The coalition of attorneys, activists, and human rights organizations is pursuing charges against Israeli or American officials, or both, in Switzerland, Ireland, Belgium, Spain, Mexico, Bolivia, and Colombia. Many countries, unlike the United States, allow human rights organizations to present evidence of crimes to a judge, who can then decide whether a case can be brought. Prosecutors recently moved ahead with a case in Switzerland aimed at Israeli President Isaac Herzog, timed for his visit to the World Economic Forum in Davos. The charges serve as a model for how the activists plan to move forward. 

    I was at the State Department briefing today and asked if the U.S. would pledge not to veto the International Court of Justice’s preliminary ruling on the genocide charges against Israel, which is due out tomorrow morning at 7 a.m. Spokesperson Vedant Patel wouldn’t commit.

    I was a guest co-host today on the show Breaking Points, and we talked about this new effort. We covered the UAW’s endorsement of Joe Biden, which came after internal dissent, my colleague Prem Thakker reports, and led to protests by UAW members against Biden over Gaza at the event. 

    We also interviewed Emily Kopp, a reporter with the organization U.S. Right To Know, which has continued to secure documents related to the origins of Covid-19 through Freedom of Information Act requests. Her latest revelations are perhaps the most significant in the quest to identify the start of the pandemic.

    For a long time, Dr. Richard Ebright, a prominent biologist who has been outspoken on the origins of Covid-19, has leaned toward believing a lab to be the most likely source of the pandemic, but left room open for a natural origin possibility. Following Kopp’s new report, the room for doubt is closed, he said. “There is no – zero – remaining room for reasonable doubt that EcoHealth and its associates caused the pandemic,” he said, referring to the new report as a “smoking gun.”

    We also talked to Kopp about what it’s like to continue covering an issue of such transcendental importance that the mainstream media is, by now, completely ignoring.

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    “Are the airstrikes in Yemen working?” 

    It was a simple question, delivered directly to President Joe Biden this afternoon. The president delivered a response that ought to be the epitaph for the period of non-Pax Americana we’ve been living through since the fall of the Soviet Union. 

    “Well, when you say, ‘working’ — are they stopping the Houthis? No. Are they gonna continue? Yes.”

    Biden wasn’t lying. On Thursday, the U.S. led another round of airstrikes in Yemen. “U.S. Central Command forces conducted strikes on two Houthi anti-ship missiles that were aimed into the Southern Red Sea and were prepared to launch,” CENTCOM posted on X. 

    Doubling down on things that haven’t worked, the Biden administration also announced new sanctions on the Houthis, the de facto government in Yemen, along with a new “specially designated global terrorist” label, which makes it difficult for the Houthis to engage in global transactions. 

    The designation badly undermines the Saudi–Yemen peace talks and threatens to exacerbate the ongoing humanitarian crisis in Yemen. It also doesn’t make sense: Yemen has been bombed and sanctioned on and off for years, through three presidencies and counting, and the only result has been famine and disease, not a more pliant posture toward the United States or its allies in the region. 

    In fact, the Houthis emerged from the conflict stronger than before, a point highlighted by Ben Rhodes recently. The Houthis have not been stellar when it comes to governing, to say the least, and getting into another conflict with the United States lets them off the hook for that and boosts their popularity both domestically and in the region.

    There’s zero reason to think these sanctions or these airstrikes will get them to stop their blockade of shipping. It’s amazing to see Biden admit it. “Glad POTUS agrees with me that the strikes are not working. Next time come to Congress instead of McGurk,” Rep. Ro Khanna said on X, referring to Brett McGurk, the Mideast envoy who has overseen this catastrophe yet has somehow still retained his job. 

    The way the sanctions are being rolled out has its own story behind it. I joined a background briefing the State Department hosted on the new sanctions, and the transcript is now available. I wanted to highlight one part. From a senior administration official: “This [terror] destination will take effect 30 days from now to allow us to ensure robust humanitarian carveouts are in place so our action targets the Houthis and not the people of Yemen. We are rolling out, as we take this action, unprecedented carveouts and licenses to help prevent adverse impacts on the Yemeni people. The people of Yemen should not pay for the price – pay the price for the actions of the Houthis.”

    The State Department has always insisted, against all evidence and common sense, that U.S. sanctions do not harm civilian populations. Yet here is the State Department saying it is adding “unprecedented carveouts” to mitigate the harm of these sanctions to regular people. They said they’ll monitor how effectively they immunize people from harm and reevaluate down the road. But think about what an admission that is: Why are these “unprecedented carveouts” needed if typical sanctions don’t actually harm civilians?

    That the State Department is waiting 30 days to implement the sanctions is also noteworthy. The Houthis have said they will cease all attacks on shipping if Israel ceases its attack on Gaza. The U.S., too, has said it wants the Israeli attack on Gaza to wind down. But this 30-day delay suggests the U.S. is not at all confident this attack is winding down anytime soon. In fact, the bombing as described by people inside Gaza seems only to be getting fiercer, with disease and starvation spreading, driven by the Israeli refusal to allow in sufficient aid.

    Tomorrow’s episode of Deconstructed is on the rupture inside progressive communities in general post-October 7, and American Jewish communities in particular. It’s a rich conversation with Simone Zimmerman, a former Zionist activist who now leads the Jewish American peace group IfNotNow, and the co-directors of the fascinating new documentary “Israelism.”

    If you’re not subscribed to Deconstructed, you can get it on iTunes or wherever else you listen to podcasts.

    Ibogaine For Ukraine

    The Ukrainian military is experimenting with ibogaine, a psychedelic drug banned in the U.S. but often used to treat opioid use disorder elsewhere, to treat traumatic brain injury, and promote battle readiness. 

    To do so, it is partnering with a founder of the Yippie movement, Irvin Dana Beal, a longtime ibogaine advocate. Beal recently traveled to Ukraine to help launch the project. Oleksii Skyrtach, a Ukrainian military psychologist attached to the 57th Motor Infantry Brigade, provided Beal with a letter for immigration authorities to help him move through customs with the drug. 

    Ibogaine’s most famous American patient may well be Hunter Biden, who has battled his own drug addiction with help from ibogaine treatment at a Mexican clinic. At low doses, Beal and researchers behind the project believe ibogaine can have salutary effects on traumatic brain injury as well as help with battle readiness. “These guys need something for traumatic brain injury,” Beal said. “But nobody else is willing to fucking go into a war zone with ibogaine but me, apparently.”

    Skyrtach agreed. “We really need as much ibogaine as possible,” he said. “Even if the war ends now we’ll have too many ‘rambos’ to come back home from the frontline. It’ll be much more serious problem [than the] USA faced when thousands of veterans came home from the Vietnam war.”

    My full story on this fascinating new project is up at The Intercept

    Earlier this week, I was unable to get in touch with Beal to fact-check a few final details for the article, though we figured out another route to get that done. After the story was published, I learned why he had gone dark: He was arrested in Idaho for marijuana trafficking. He has been working with the state of New York to open up a pot shop, and it’s legal in lots of states — but definitely not in Idaho. The 77-year-old is facing serious charges

    The post Biden on Yemen Airstrikes: “Are They Stopping the Houthis? No. Are They Gonna Continue? Yes.” appeared first on The Intercept.

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  • The Ukrainian military is experimenting with ibogaine, a psychedelic drug banned in the U.S. but often used to treat opioid use disorder elsewhere, to treat traumatic brain injury and promote battle readiness. 

    To do so, it is partnering with a founder of the Yippie movement, Irvin Dana Beal, a longtime ibogaine advocate. Beal recently traveled to Ukraine to help launch the project. Oleksii Skyrtach, a Ukrainian military psychologist attached to the 57th Motor Infantry Brigade, provided Beal with a letter for immigration authorities to help him move through customs with the drug. 

    Ibogaine’s most famous American patient may well be Hunter Biden, who has battled his own drug addiction with help from ibogaine treatment at a Mexican clinic. At low doses, Beal and researchers behind the project believe ibogaine can have salutary effects on TBI as well as help with battle readiness. “These guys need something for traumatic brain injury,” Beal said. “But nobody else is willing to fucking go into a war zone with ibogaine but me, apparently.”

    Skyrtach agreed. “We really need as much Ibogaine as possible,” he said. “Even if the war ends now we’ll have too many ‘rambos’ to come back home from the frontline. It’ll be much more serious problem [than the] USA faced when thousands of veterans came home from the Vietnam war.”

    Militaries since World War II have plied soldiers with amphetamines, with Nazi Germany relying heavily on the practice. Russian soldiers in the current war are known to rely on Captagon, a dirt-grade speed produced primarily in Syria. The benefits of amphetamines — the ability to remain alert while on watch duty or obtain some of the chemical courage helpful for combat — come with significant risks to the mental and physical health of soldiers, including addiction, paranoia, premature aging, and other complications.

    A recent study on ibogaine and TBI published in the prestigious journal Nature Medicine found positive results. Ibogaine, like marijuana, is a Schedule 1 drug in the United States, meaning the federal government bans it outright and considers it to have no therapeutic value. “This is possibly the first study to report evidence for a single treatment with a drug that can improve chronic disability related to repeated TBI from combat/blast exposures,” the authors of the Nature Medicine study wrote. “After [treatment], participants showed a remarkable reduction in these symptoms with large effect sizes … and the benefits were sustained at the 1-month follow-up.”

    “Areas of improvement after treatment” included “processing speed and executive function, without any detrimental changes observed.” Cardiovascular risks, including heart attack, are a known potential side effect of high doses of ibogaine.

    Beal, known as something of a godfather of the pro-pot movement, was a founder of the Youth International Party, known as the Yippies. He’s been interested in ibogaine as a treatment for opioid addiction since the 1970s, when he challenged Democratic presidential candidate George McGovern on live television on the role of the CIA in assisting heroin traffickers in Southeast Asia.

    Rick Doblin, head of the Multidisciplinary Association for Psychedelic Studies, the leading organization aimed at the advancement of the therapeutic potential of psychedelics, said MAPS helped raise funds to back the project bringing medical-grade ibogaine from Africa for Ukrainian military research. Doblin said that the use of MDMA, sometimes known as ecstasy, is banned in Ukraine even for research purposes, which left ibogaine as an intriguing alternative. High doses of ibogaine, the kind used for opioid treatment, put users into a dreamlike state of intense hallucinations — not ideal for combat, which explains why Beal’s project relies on microdoses. 

    Beal said that veteran Jon Lubecky, who has made repeated humanitarian relief visits to Ukraine, also helped finance the project and made connections, including to the Ukrainian Psychedelic Research Association. Lubecky, legislative director for Veterans Exploring Treatment Solutions, confirmed his involvement. “As a combat Veteran of Iraq who suffered through 8 years of crippling PTSD, returning to a war zone, and having no effects, while seeing everyone around suffering as I once did, I knew something had to be done, and I could,” said Lubecky. 

    MAPS is also pushing forward with an educational program around MDMA and post-traumatic stress disorder for Ukrainian therapists now in Poland as refugees, as well as with interested Polish therapists. The aim is to treat Ukrainians in Poland suffering from PTSD, with the goal of expanding the work to Ukraine if and when changes in the law allow it. The U.S. Food and Drug Administration is considering approving MDMA for therapeutic use and may rule as early as this summer.

    Asked to describe the feeling of a microdose of ibogaine, Beal said it has a softer lift than speed. “Say you’re in the morning, and you’ve just done your first thing of the day successfully, you sit back, maybe with a cup of coffee,” Beal said. “On ibogaine, the extra feeling of satisfaction is ineffable. People have better ups, and that kind of reward is extremely important for keeping people’s morale up in a battlefield situation. Also, ibogaine is good for pattern recognition and coincidence detection. The NMDA receptor, which is the one for ketamine, which is also activated by ibogaine, is the coincidence detector and it up-regulates right-brain functioning, so that you have better pattern recognition, faster pattern recognition, get-out-of-the-way-of-the-incoming-shell kind of pattern recognition.” 

    Skyrtach, in the letter he provided Beal, said that both battlefield burnout and TBI were areas the military hoped could be addressed by ibogaine. “On the initiative of Rick Doblin of the Multi-Disciplinary Association of Psychedelic Studies, we have contracted with I. Dana Beal and Howard Lotsof’s Ibogaine Company IboGrow to supply Ukrainian veterans hospitals and the Ukrainian Army with pharmaceutical grade ibogaine both for traumatic brain injury and experimental micro-dose use for battlefield burnout and enhanced performance and survival,” he wrote in the letter to Ukrainian immigration authorities. Skyrtach confirmed the letter as authentic. “It is urgent that we find a battlefield energy supplement other than amphetamine (which promotes premature aging) that will instead act as neurotrophigen and rejuvenant.”

    Ibogaine TPA HCl extract tincture 1.50Ibogaine TPA-HCl 95%Tabernanthe iboga root.
    Ibogaine extract tinctures and ibogaine root.
    Photo: Getty Images

    Ibogaine is derived from an African root, but, the letter adds, a synthetic version is being pursued: “The sample amounts Mr. Beal is bringing us are derived from Voacanga Africana, produced in Accra, Ghana; however Beal is also in talks with the Ukrainian company FarKoS to give Ukraine the process to make completely synthetic cGMP ibogaine in a production-sharing arrangement with his Israeli affiliate Ibogacine.”

    Beal turned toward Ukraine after he ran into immigration problems in Mexico in December, when, he said, he was barred entry at the behest of the U.S. Department of Homeland Security, citing his past criminal record related to cannabis. (DHS did not immediately respond to a request for comment.) Beal, who had flown to Mexico from Spain, was put back on a plane to Europe and made his way to Ukraine. After setting up the experimental project, he has been able to return to the United States. 

    Beal noted the Russian use of Captagon and argued Ukrainians would be at an advantage. “We think what we’ll do is we’ll get our side to live longer,” he said. “It’ll be the Ukrainians on ibogaine versus the Russians on meth.”

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    South Africa’s genocide charges against Israel were formally brought to The Hague today, with the post-apartheid nation facing off against Israel for two days of emergency hearings. South Africa’s immediate aim is to win a ruling later this month – perhaps as early as next week – ordering Israel to cease and desist in its assault of Gaza. 

    Today’s hearing at The Hague was South Africa’s opportunity to lay out its case; tomorrow Israel will respond. The case they made (watch it here), which played live on TV’s set up outside the building for crowds to watch, was straightforward: Netanyahu has spoken in biblical terms about wiping out the Palestinians, and followed up by urging them to flee to safe zones, and then flattening those safe zones with 2,000 bombs. The government also played clips of Israeli soldiers echoing Netanyahu’s genocidal rhetoric, vowing to wipe out “the seed of Amalek.” “What more evidence could be required?” one South African lawyer asked. My colleague Jeremy Scahill has more of the blow-by-blow.

    A preliminary ruling to cease the assault, if it’s made, would then raise the question of how it would be enforced and who would be willing to stand up to the United States to enforce it. It would also give new global legitimacy to the Yemeni blockade of shipping in the Red Sea destined for or originating from Israeli ports.  

    In the hours before the hearing, the number of countries backing the genocide charges exploded. In our hemisphere, Brazil, Colombia, and Nicaragua signed on; Malaysia, Turkey, Brazil, The Maldives, Namibia, Jordan, Iran, Bangladesh, Algeria, Bahrain, Comoros, Djibouti, Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Mauritania, Morocco, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Somalia, Sudan, Syria, Tunisia, United Arab Emirates, and Yemen also joined. Many of these countries endorsed the charges through the Arab League, whose support is a body blow to the Abraham Accords.

    South Africa needs to win over eight of the 15 ICJ judges hearing the case, and it’s hard to imagine many of them supporting a charge of genocide. The judges are from the United States, Russia, China, France, Australia, Brazil, Germany, India, Jamaica, Japan, Lebanon, Morocco, Slovakia, Somalia, and Uganda. The U.S. judge, obviously, won’t be easy to win over, but neither will the Russian, as their country faces charges for its invasion of Ukraine, and China may tread lightly given its own treatment of Uyghurs in western China. China, however, is also poised to benefit geostrategically if the crisis can help displace American power in the Mideast.

    The makeup gives South Africa at least a plausible path toward a victory; judges are not necessarily under instructions from their home countries, though they are of course aware of the political pressures at work.

    Biden, meanwhile, is being sued in federal court for his failure to stop the genocide, a case joined now by 77 human rights and civil society organizations, my colleague Prem Thakker reports. On Wednesday, we covered the South African charges on Counter Points.

    Netanyahu is clearly feeling the weight of the charges. He posted an English-language video to social media Wednesday afternoon that was markedly different from his bellicose rhetoric to date. “I want to make a few points absolutely clear: Israel has no intention of permanently occupying Gaza or displacing its civilian population,” Netanyahu said in the video, a break from his previous willingness to entertain the idea, which is regularly floated by ministers in his government. “Israel is fighting Hamas terrorists, not the Palestinian population, and we are doing so in full compliance with international law.”

    But the rest of his government continues to reiterate that mass displacement is their goal. Here is his minister of communications on Wednesday: “We certainly need to encourage emigration so that there’s as little pressure as possible inside the Gaza Strip from people who, yes, at the moment they’re uninvolved, but they’re not exactly lovers of Israel and they educate their children to [embrace] terror. And we’d like to see, and we’ve talked about this in government meetings, by the way, there aren’t any countries that want to take them in. No one wants them, even if we pay a lot of money. Voluntary emigration is important. It doesn’t in any way harm human rights,” he said. “We should encourage voluntary migration and we should compel them until they say they want it.”

    “How?” he was asked by an Israeli presenter. 

    “The war does what it does,” he explained. 

    That the Israeli ministers are still speaking openly like this — talking about the war as one against an entire population — as the hearings are underway at The Hague only strengthens South Africa’s case. 

    A new report from Save The Children has found that, on average, 10 children in Gaza have lost at least one limb on every day of Israel’s bombing campaign. For those who required amputations, many were performed without proper anesthesia, they note, as well as a lack of access to antibiotics, due to Israel’s blockade of the area. 

    In the Senate yesterday, Bernie Sanders moved forward on a privileged resolution that will force a vote on whether to order the State Department to investigate whether Israel is committing human rights violations with U.S. weapons. After 30 days, Congress can then vote to block the weapons transfers. Sanders is relying on an obscure provision of the Foreign Assistance Act, section 502(b), which, believe it or not, I floated back in November as a path available to Sanders after he told my colleague Dan Boguslaw in the Capitol hallway he was considering forcing a vote on the issue of arms sales to Israel. Unless I’m mistaken, this is the first time this has ever been tried.

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    My colleague Dan Boguslaw published an eye-opening story about CNN’s Gaza coverage today, discovering that — whether reporting from the Middle East, the United States, or anywhere else across the globe — every CNN journalist covering Israel and Palestine must submit their work for review by the news organization’s bureau in Jerusalem prior to publication, under a long-standing CNN policy. While CNN says the policy is meant to ensure accuracy in reporting on a polarizing subject, it means that much of the network’s recent coverage of the war in Gaza — and its reverberations around the world — has been shaped by journalists who operate under the shadow of the country’s military censor. 

    One member of CNN’s staff who spoke to The Intercept said that the internal review policy has had a demonstrable impact on coverage of the Gaza war. “Every single Israel-Palestine-related line for reporting must seek approval from the [Jerusalem] bureau — or, when the bureau is not staffed, from a select few handpicked by the bureau and senior management — from which lines are most often edited with a very specific nuance” that favors Israeli narratives.

    A shaky arrangement has long existed between the IDF censor and the domestic and foreign press, forcing journalists to frequently self-censor their reporting for fear of running afoul of prohibited subjects, losing their press credentials, and potentially being forced to offer public apology. CNN, like other American broadcasters, has repeatedly agreed to submit footage recorded in Gaza to the military censor prior to airing it in exchange for limited access to the strip, drawing criticism from those who say the censor is providing a filtered view of events unfolding on the ground. 

    “When you have a protocol that routes all stories through one checkpoint, you’re interested in control, and the question is who is controlling the story?” Jim Naureckas, editor of the watchdog group Fairness and Accuracy In Reporting, told The Intercept. 

    His full story (which I heavily plagiarized above) is here

    I went to the State Department briefing again today and this time asked about the upcoming Pakistani elections, following up on a question by Jahanzaib Ali, the D.C. correspondent for Pakistan’s ARY News TV. Ali asked about irregularities in the upcoming elections, and spokesperson Matt Miller responded by saying that Pakistan’s future government was the choice of the Pakistani people. A nice sentiment, to be sure, but I pointed out that Pakistan’s military-backed regime was arresting and abducting down ballot candidates just for filing their papers, and the most popular politician, the former prime minister Imran Khan, is in jail and unable to run, despite no conviction having been held up. It led to this exchange which ended with a Freudian slip for the ages: 

    Me: “How can the Pakistani people choose their government if there are no candidates to choose from?” 

    Miller: “We want to see free and fair elections that are conducted in accordance with Pakistan’s laws. It’s not for the U.S. to dictate to Pakistan the exact specifics of how it conducts its elections…We will continue to support democratic suppression.”

    AP Reporter Matt Lee: “You just said you will continue to support democratic suppression.”

    Miller: “I said expression, expression.”

    The fact is, however, that the U.S. is currently supporting democratic suppression. (Imran Khan just wrote an essay, by the way, for The Economist from jail.)

    Yesterday, I was able to get three different questions in at the State Department, including one that led Miller to amend a previous public statement. (The exchanges are in this article.

    On Tuesday, Matt Miller and U.S. ambassador to the United States Linda Thomas-Greenfield both issued identical remarks pushing back against Israeli National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir and Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, both of whom made clear in public statements the end goal of the assault on Gaza is to push out much of the Palestinian population and build Israeli settlements. “There should be no mass displacement of Palestinians from Gaza,” Miller and Thomas-Greenfield both said in statements.

    Because the U.S. has repeatedly insisted that Israel “should” take a variety of steps that it has refused to take — allow sufficient humanitarian aid into Gaza, take efforts to reduce civilian casualties, and so on — the repeated use of the word, “should” raised questions about how firm the U.S. opposition to mass displacement really is. Asked why the statements weren’t more definitive, Miller amended his remark. “There must not be,” he told me.

    Ben-Gvir on Tuesday fired back at the U.S. with an extraordinary response. “Really appreciate the United States of America but with all due respect we are not another star on the American flag,” Ben-Gvir posted on Twitter in Hebrew. “The United States is our best friend, but first of all we will do what is best for the State of Israel: the emigration of hundreds of thousands from Gaza will enable the residents of the [Gaza] envelope to return home and live in safety, and will protect the soldiers of the IDF.”

    Smotrich also doubled down, saying that mass emigration of Palestinians to foreign countries was still desirable because “a small country like ours cannot afford a reality where four minutes away from our communities there is a hotbed of hatred and terrorism, where two million people wake up every morning with aspiration for the destruction of the State of Israel and with a desire to slaughter and rape and murder Jews wherever they are.”

    Asked about the blunt response, Miller said the “doubling down” was unsurprising. “The point of the statement I made yesterday was that the comments that Ben-Gvir and Minister Smotrich have made are in direct contradiction of Israeli government policy as has been represented to us by multiple Israeli government officials including the prime minister himself,” he said. “So I’m not surprised that he continues to double down and make those statements, but they are not only in contradiction with United States policy and what we think is in the best interests of the Israeli people, the Palestinian people, the broader region and ultimately civility in the world, but they are in direct contradiction of his own government’s policy and we believe those statements should stop.” 

    Whatever Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has told the U.S. government privately, his public remarks suggest that Smotrich and Ben-Gvir are not out of line with Israeli government policy. “Regarding voluntary emigration, I have no problem with that,” Netanyahu told Likud Knesset Member Danny Danon, after Danon had previously floated the controversial idea. “Our problem is not allowing the exit, but a lack of countries that are ready to take Palestinians in. And we are working on it. This is the direction we are going in.”

    The Times of Israel reported this week that Israel was in negotiations with Congo to deport Palestinians there, though Israeli officials have called the report inaccurate. 

    Turkey on Wednesday joined South Africa and Malaysia in pursing charges of genocide against Israel in the International Court of Justice. White House national security spokesperson John Kirby called the charges “meritless, counterproductive, and completely without any basis in fact whatsoever.”

    I asked Miller if U.S. officials were concerned about getting roped into the prosecution due to support of Israel’s war effort, and he said there were no such worries.  

    “No, I will say as it relates to the State Department we have been committed to addressing the humanitarian situation in Gaza and have made a priority of preventing, as I just said in response to your question, the displacement of Palestinians. I will also say that of course genocide is a heinous atrocity,” he said. “Those are allegations that should not be made lightly, and as it pertains to the United States, we are not seeing any acts that constitute genocide.”

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  • Israel “must not” engage in the “mass displacement of Palestinians from Gaza,” State Department spokesperson Matthew Miller insisted on Wednesday afternoon at a briefing with reporters. 

    Miller’s remark followed earlier statements from him as well as from U.S. ambassador to the United States Linda Thomas-Greenfield, both of whom issued identical remarks Tuesday, saying, “There should be no mass displacement of Palestinians from Gaza.” The statements were issued in response to public comments from Israeli National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir and Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, both of whom made clear the end goal of the assault on Gaza is to push out much of the Palestinian population and build Israeli settlements. 

    Because the U.S. has repeatedly insisted that Israel “should” take a variety of steps that it has refused to take — allow sufficient humanitarian aid into Gaza, take efforts to reduce civilian casualties, and so on — the repeated use of the word, “should” raised questions about how firm the U.S. opposition to mass displacement really is. Asked why the statements weren’t more definitive, Miller amended his remark. “There must not be,” he said Wednesday. 

    Ben-Gvir on Tuesday fired back at the U.S. with an extraordinary response. “Really appreciate the United States of America but with all due respect we are not another star on the American flag,” Ben-Gvir posted on Twitter in Hebrew. “The United States is our best friend, but first of all we will do what is best for the State of Israel: the emigration of hundreds of thousands from Gaza will enable the residents of the [Gaza] envelope to return home and live in safety, and will protect the soldiers of the IDF.”

    Smotrich also doubled down, saying that mass emigration of Palestinians to foreign countries was still desirable because “a small country like ours cannot afford a reality where four minutes away from our communities there is a hotbed of hatred and terrorism, where two million people wake up every morning with aspiration for the destruction of the State of Israel and with a desire to slaughter and rape and murder Jews wherever they are.”

    Asked about the blunt response, Miller said the “doubling down” was unsurprising. “The point of the statement I made yesterday was that the comments that Ben-Gvir and Minister Smotrich have made are in direct contradiction of Israeli government policy as has been represented to us by multiple Israeli government officials including the prime minister himself,” he said. “So I’m not surprised that he continues to double down and make those statements, but they are not only in contradiction with United States policy and what we think is in the best interests of the Israeli people, the Palestinian people, the broader region and ultimately civility in the world, but they are in direct contradiction of his own government’s policy and we believe those statements should stop.” 

    Whatever Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has told the U.S. government privately, his public remarks suggest that Smotrich and Ben-Gvir are not out of line with Israeli government policy. “Regarding voluntary emigration, I have no problem with that,” Netanyahu told Likud Knesset Member Danny Danon, after Danon had previously floated the controversial idea. “Our problem is not allowing the exit, but a lack of countries that are ready to take Palestinians in. And we are working on it. This is the direction we are going in.”

    The Times of Israel reported this week that Israel was in negotiations with Congo to deport Palestinians there, though Israeli officials have called the report inaccurate. 

    Turkey on Wednesday joined South Africa and Malaysia in pursing charges of genocide against Israel in the International Court of Justice. White House national security spokesperson John Kirby called the charges “meritless, counterproductive, and completely without any basis in fact whatsoever.”

    Miller, asked by The Intercept if U.S. officials were concerned about getting roped into the prosecution due to support of Israel’s war effort, said there were no such worries.  

    “No, I will say as it relates to the State Department we have been committed to addressing the humanitarian situation in Gaza and have made a priority of preventing, as I just said in response to your question, the displacement of Palestinians. I will also say that of course genocide is a heinous atrocity,” he said. “Those are allegations that should not be made lightly, and as it pertains to the United States, we are not seeing any acts that constitute genocide.”

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    At the end of November, my colleague Dan Boguslaw caught up with Bernie Sanders on his way into a meeting with Democrats in the Capitol, and had a chance for a brief interview. He asked Sanders if he had any plans to force a vote that would condition military aid to Israel on the country’s willingness to abide by international laws of war. Sanders responded in the affirmative

    I covered the exchange the next day on Counter Points, and added that there actually is an obscure procedural tool Sanders could use to force a vote. It’s outlined in Section 502(b) of the Foreign Assistance Act, and it’s never been used in this way, but the law is extremely clear. Two weeks later, Sanders has now introduced a resolution to force a vote using 502(b). It has to sit in the Foreign Relations Committee for 10 days before it can be brought to the floor, which means it’ll be ripe in the New Year when the Senate returns. 

    If a majority of senators approve the resolution, the State Department will have 30 days to report back on whether Israel is following the laws of war. (Politico reported the resolution would have to pass both chambers; that’s untrue, a simple Senate resolution would trigger the State action.) After the 30 days, all of Congress would then be able to vote on a joint resolution to disapprove military aid — which would be binding — if the report found Israel was out of compliance. With Republicans controlling the House, that’s perhaps an insurmountable bar, but Sanders is setting up the first serious effort to put people on record.

    If the vote were held on the merits, it wouldn’t be a difficult one. Human Rights Watch, for instance, has just released a report that finds Israel is using starvation as a weapon of war — which, needless to say, is a war crime. Much of the report is based on public comments made by Israeli officials. 

    We’ve also continued following the prosecution of Pakistan’s former Prime Minister Imran Khan, who is (falsely) accused of mishandling a classified cable reported on by The Intercept in August. As we’ve said, he wasn’t our source, but the case against Khan hinges on a claim by prosecutors that revealing the contents of a cable allows an adversary to then crack the encryption system used by Pakistan. But the ISI studied the question of whether the revelation of the cable’s contents would compromise the system, and concluded that it most certainly would not. My colleague Murtaza Hussain and I obtained that ISI analysis

    Book update: I was on MSNBC to talk about “The Squad: AOC and the Hope of a Political Revolution.” (If you haven’t gotten a copy yet, you can do that from an independent bookseller here. If you have, please give it a review.)

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  • A crucial document from Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence agency, or ISI, undermines a major plank in the high-profile prosecution of the country’s former prime minister, Imran Khan.

    Khan remains behind bars while he faces trial for allegedly mishandling a secret document, known as a cypher, which the prosecution claims compromised the integrity of the encrypted communication system used by the state’s security apparatus. But according to an ISI analysis leaked to The Intercept, that claim is entirely false. Internally, the agency concluded that the leak of the text of a cypher could in no way compromise the integrity of the system, an assessment contrary to public claims made repeatedly by prosecutors.

    The main charge against Khan relates to his handling of a diplomatic cable describing a key meeting in March 2022 between U.S. and Pakistani officials in Washington. Khan, while prime minister, had repeatedly alluded to the existence of a cypher that outlined U.S. pressure on Pakistan to remove him from power in a vote of no confidence. Though he never disclosed its full contents, at times, in public speeches, he quoted statements recorded in it from U.S. officials promising to reward Pakistan for his ouster. At one rally, Khan even waved what he said was the printed text of the document, without revealing its exact contents.

    Prosecutors assert that Khan damaged Pakistani national security by exposing the text of this encrypted document, contents they say could potentially be used by rival intelligence agencies to crack the code of a wide range of other secret Pakistani communications. A criminal complaint against Khan alleges that he “compromised the entire cypher security system of the state and secret communication method of Pakistani missions abroad,” through his alleged mishandling of the cypher. The former prime minister faces up to 10 years in prison if found guilty under Pakistan’s Official Secrets Act and could face the death penalty if charged with treason in the case.

    On August 9, 2023, The Intercept published the text of the cypher outlining U.S. pressure against Pakistan to remove Khan. Shortly afterward, Pakistan’s own intelligence agency issued an assessment addressing the very question of how damaging publishing such a text would be.

    The internal conclusion of the ISI was crystal clear: No threat to Pakistan’s encryption existed.

    Pakistan did not respond to a request for comment.

    On August 11, two days after The Intercept story was published, an internal request for information was sent to the ISI by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The question at hand: Does the revelation of the plain text of such a cypher compromise the integrity of the system’s encryption? The response, filed by the Inter-Services Intelligence Secretariat under the heading ISI-Policy Matters, and titled “Breach of Crypto Security,” determined that contrary to the present charges against Khan, revealing the text of a cypher poses no risk to the government’s encrypted communications network. “If plain text of an encrypted message (cryptogram) … is leaked it has no effect on security of encryptor,” the analysis, which was filed on August 23, concludes. “Leakage of a plain text message does not compromise the algorithm.”

    Concern about the security of an encryption system is not entirely unfounded. Some encryption systems can theoretically be compromised by what is known as a “plaintext attack,” in which an attacker has access to a copy of both the plain and encrypted versions of a document’s text and can use the two versions to determine the encryption system.

    But the spy agency’s conclusion in the days following The Intercept’s publication of the secret cypher was that the disclosure of the short piece of text alone — without the encryption key — did not pose a risk.

    “If plain text of an encrypted message (cryptogram) using DTE is leaked, it has no effect on security of the encryptor due to following,” the analysis reads, referring to “an offline encryption device.”

    “The encryption algorithm,” it goes on to explain, “is designed with an assumption that the plain/cipher text pairs and algorithms are known to the adversary, the security lies in the secrecy of the key. Therefore leakage of a plain text message does not compromise the algorithm.”

    According to the agency’s own analysis, to launch a plaintext attack an adversary would need a minimum of 2256 bits of “plain/cipher text data encrypted with the same key” to figure it out. That would be an amount of text that exceeds not just the length of Khan’s diplomatic cable, but also the total amount of digital storage space available worldwide. In other words, there was never any risk whatsoever that publishing the contents of the cypher could allow an adversary to crack the state’s encryption system.

    “Not Compromised”

    The cypher published by The Intercept deals with a March 7, 2022, meeting between a senior State Department official, Donald Lu, and Pakistan’s then-ambassador to the U.S. The document describes a tense meeting in which State Department officials expressed their concerns about Khan’s stance on the Russian invasion of Ukraine and threatened that Pakistan could face isolation from the U.S. and European allies. According to the cable, Lu tells the Pakistani ambassador that “all will be forgiven” if Khan were removed from power by a vote of no confidence.

    The day after the meeting described in the cypher, on March 8, 2022, Khan’s opponents in Parliament moved forward with a key procedural step toward a no-confidence vote against him — a vote largely seen as having been orchestrated by Pakistan’s powerful military establishment. A month later, Khan was ousted from power, time during which he tried to blow the whistle on U.S. involvement in his removal.

    Khan had said that the meeting detailed in the cypher showed proof of a U.S.-led conspiracy against his government. The text of the document published in August 2023 by The Intercept broadly validated his account of that meeting, with portions of it matching word for word what little Khan had quoted from it. (The cypher was leaked to The Intercept by a source within Pakistan’s military, not by Khan.)

    Khan, according to prosecutors, did not declassify the cypher document while in office, even as it had become a major part of his battle for political survival. At several points while he was in power, representatives of other branches of the government expressed opposition to declassifying the document, including at a critical March 30 cabinet meeting, arguing that revealing the text of the document would compromise Pakistan’s national security.

    Khan’s former foreign secretary echoed these claims, saying that Khan’s government discussed revealing the full text to quiet critics who said he was fabricating the U.S. pressure, but had been informed that doing so might endanger Pakistan’s encrypted communication systems. A probe by Pakistan’s Federal Investigation Agency this November into Khan’s handling of the document also cited a former aide to the prime minister, Azam Khan, who reportedly told investigators that he warned that the “cipher was a decoded secret document and its contents could neither be disclosed nor be discussed in public.”

    The allegation that Khan undermined the cryptographic security now forms a major part of state security charges against the former prime minister, who remains Pakistan’s most popular politician. A conviction on the charges would likely prevent Khan from being able to contest future elections, including those expected early next year.

    Smoke erupts from a burning objects set on fire by angry supporters of Pakistan's former Prime Minister Imran Khan as police fire tear gas to disperse them during a protest against the arrest of Khan, in Peshawar, Pakistan, Tuesday, May 9, 2023.  Khan was arrested Tuesday as he appeared in a court in the country’s capital, Islamabad, to face charges in multiple graft cases. Security agents dragged Khan outside and shoved him into an armored car before whisking him away.  (AP Photo/Muhammad Sajjad)
    Smoke from a fire billows during a protest by angry supporters of Pakistan’s former Prime Minister Imran Khan as police fire tear gas to disperse them after the arrest of Khan, in Peshawar, Pakistan, on May 9, 2023.
    Photo: Muhammad Sajjad/AP

    “Regime Change” Cypher

    The scandal over the cypher and Khan’s claim that it described a “regime change” conspiracy has gripped Pakistan since his removal from power in 2022. In public statements, Khan had claimed that attempts had been made by foreign powers “to influence our foreign policy from abroad.” After his removal the U.S. subsequently assisted Pakistan in obtaining a generous IMF loan, while Pakistan began producing ammunition for the war in Ukraine. Khan had sought to keep Pakistan neutral in the conflict, a stance the State Department had angrily objected to in the meeting described in the cypher.

    Following Khan’s removal, Pakistan has been gripped by a series of political, economic, and security crises. The country has experienced record-breaking inflation, social unrest, and a wave of terrorist attacks by the Pakistani Taliban. Pakistan’s current army chief, Gen. Asim Munir, visited the U.S. last week to build ties with U.S. policymakers, even as the country continues to be nominally led by a civilian caretaker government.

    Khan was arrested on August 5, 2023, after being sentenced to three years in prison over a politically dubious corruption case. That conviction was suspended by the High Court later that month, yet he has remained behind bars ever since thanks to subsequent charges made against him over his handling of the cypher.

    Khan’s lawyers have criticized his jailing as illegal and unconstitutional. Legal proceedings against him have been mired in secrecy, legal irregularities, and accusations of abuse, including violations of his privacy while imprisoned. Khan’s trial has been under strict controls that have impeded media coverage. During his imprisonment, supporters of his party, the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf, continue to hold large rallies in the country despite attempts at government suppression.

    After a long delay, Pakistan is expected to hold elections early next year, though Khan, who polls show would likely win a free vote, is unlikely to participate thanks to his compounding legal challenges. Prominent among these is the charge that Khan’s alleged mishandling of the cypher document risked compromising Pakistan’s encryption systems — notwithstanding the ISI’s own internal conclusion that no such risk existed.

    While his state secrets trial continues, there is no public indication that the ISI has turned this exculpatory evidence over to Khan’s defense team.

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