Guatemala City, April 1, 2022 — Guatemalan authorities should immediately drop criminal charges against journalist Carlos Ernesto Choc, a correspondent for local news outlet Prensa Comunitaria, and stop using the country’s justice system to harass and silence the press, the Committee to Protect Journalists said Friday.
On January 14, a criminal court judge in Puerto Barrios, in the eastern Guatemalan department of Izabal, issued an arrest warrant for Choc based on a complaint from 13 police officers who accused the journalist of “instigation to commit a crime” after he reported on an October 2021 demonstration against mining activities in El Estor, Izabal, according to Prensa Comunitaria and the Guatemalan Association of Journalists.
Although the arrest order dates back to January, Choc and Prensa Comunitaria only learned that his name was included on the warrant last week, according to the outlet. As of April 1, Choc had not been arrested.
In the complaint, filed on December 1, 2021, the police officers allege that 12 people, including Choc, attacked them during the demonstration, Prensa Comunitaria reported. Choc said police officers shoved him and confiscated his phone and microphone while he was attempting to cover the protests, according to a video from that day taken by Prensa Comunitaria and as CPJ documented.
“Once again, Carlos Choc is facing criminal charges simply for being one of the few reporters documenting the state response to demonstrations,” said Natalie Southwick, CPJ’s Latin America and the Caribbean program coordinator, in New York. “Guatemalan authorities must immediately drop the absurd charges against Choc, stop treating community journalists like criminals for doing their job, and put an end to their campaign to intimidate and threaten the press.”
Police spokesperson Jorge Aguilar did not respond to a request for comment sent via messaging app, and the attorney general’s office did not respond to an emailed request for comment.
In August 2017, Choc was charged with incitement to commit crimes, illegal protests, and illegal detention during protests, and was subsequently forced to go into hiding for several months for his safety, as CPJ documented. He remains under “substitute measures” stemming from that case, which require him to check in with authorities once a month, according to newsreports.
In April 2020, an unidentified individual broke into Choc’s home in El Estor and stole his reporting equipment, including a camera and two phones, as CPJ documented.
At least 23 people are dead and 80 are missing 11 days after a landslide at a jade mine in Myanmar’s Kachin state, but junta officials and the mine’s operators have yet to confirm the casualties and are seeking to keep the incident under wraps, aid workers and residents said Friday.
The landslide occurred on Feb. 28 in Hpakant township’s Mat Lin Gyaung village at a quarry that is jointly run by private firms Myanmar National Co. and Shan Yoma Co., according to sources. Jade mining has been illegal in Hpakant since 2019, but many companies defy the ban, and operations have increased in the area since the military seized power in a Feb. 1, 2021 coup.
On March 3, the military announced that no one had been killed in the incident, but two days later aid workers and family members of miners told RFA’s Myanmar Service that authorities had recovered the bodies of 23 people and buried them at the nearby Mat Lin Gyaung Cemetery.
An official with a Hpakant-based aid group, who spoke on condition of anonymity, said Friday that the companies and security forces had so far blocked search and rescue teams from entering the area because they want to cover up the severity of the landslide and because the operation is illegal.
“Among those [who remain] missing are scavengers, drivers, supervisors, company staff – altogether there are about 80 people,” he said.
“[Authorities] have blocked the road to stop aid workers from entering the area. No cars are allowed and were turned back. Landslides occur frequently here. Stopping rescue teams and aid workers is hard to understand. In other words, it’s a kind of a news blackout.”
The aid worker said that the 23 bodies recovered from the quarry should have been sent to Hpakant Hospital for autopsies but were instead instantly buried by authorities. He said that after 11 days, those still missing are assumed dead.
Meanwhile, Myanmar National Co. and Shan Yoma Co. have yet to release the exact number of dead and missing.
The aunt of a young scavenger who went missing at the quarry said the companies had not officially notified any families regarding the deaths or the accident. She said that relatives only learned of the landslide from others in the community and were left to investigate on their own.
“I won’t be able to see my boy if I don’t go now. We’ll have to try to find his body on our own, but we won’t give up,” she said.
“[The authorities] don’t want to search anymore and so they will say no [if asked for help]. In fact, only about a third of the parents may have heard their kids were killed or injured in the accident because the companies didn’t tell them … If we waited for them to notify us, we would have never known the truth.”
While the woman did not provide details about her nephew, citing security concerns, she told RFA that all 23 of those confirmed dead in the landslide were under the age of 30.
Miners search for jade stones at a mine dump at a Hpakant jade mine in Kachin state, Myanmar, Nov. 25, 2015. Credit: Reuters
Dangerous conditions
She said that upon entering the site after learning of her nephew’s death it was clear to her that conditions at the mine were unnecessarily dangerous.
“The pile of waste soil is too high. We saw it only when we went there after the landslide … If we had known this before the landslide, we’d have stopped my nephew from working with this company,” she said.
“When the waste soil is piled too high, it collapses under pressure. At the bottom of the pile is where they have the ‘vein’ and it has produced a lot of raw jade, we heard. I don’t know if they didn’t understand the dangers or if they ignored them because of greed.”
The woman’s nephew, who graduated high school recently, had only been working at the mine for three months and was earning around 300,000 kyats (U.S. $170) a month.
She said several Hpakant-based aid groups arrived at the site shortly after the accident on Feb. 28, but company officials did not to let them carry out rescue work.
Attempts by RFA to reach officials from Myanmar National Co. and Shan Yoma Co. went unanswered on Friday. Junta Deputy Information Minister Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun was also unavailable for comment.
An environmental activist in Hpakant said the operation is being covered up was because the companies do not want to pay compensation to the families of the victims. He urged the junta to hold them accountable.
“They obviously do not want to pay compensation, because the bodies of the dead workers were dug up and all of them were buried at Mat Lin Gyaung Cemetery,” he said.
“To put it simply, they must be worried the incident would become public if relief groups were involved in the rescue work … In the meantime, as this is a transitional period, no one is going to act. This is also a time of opportunity for [the companies to evade the law because of the political turmoil … [and] weak rule of law.”
RFA also spoke on Friday with Kachin Independence Army (KIA) spokesman Col. Naw Bu, whose ethnic armed group has taken control of some of the jade quarries in Hpakant, but he said he was unaware of the details.
This photo taken on July 6, 2020 shows a piece of jade on sale in a jade market in Hpakant in Kachin state. Credit: AFP
Popular mining area
Aung Hein Min, a former lawmaker with the deposed National League for Democracy (NLD) in Hpakant, said that about 90 percent of all jade in Myanmar was being produced illegally by the end of 2020, as jade mining licenses had not been renewed under the NLD after it won the country’s election in November that year.
He said the site of the Feb. 28 accident used to produce precious minerals and has seen several landslides and deaths since the coup.
“YTT Hill, as it is known in the area, is a good site to find good quality jade. It contains a very good vein. The stones are of good quality and big chunks weighing tons have been found,” he said, noting that the second largest jade every mined came from the site.
Aung Hein Min said illegal mining is no widespread around YTT Hill, and safety measures are particularly lax.
“In the past, there were groups to oversee quarrying work and rising waste mounds,” he said.
“Now that’s history. There are no such groups. Everyone tries to dig as much as they can and its a free-for-all. So, the likelihood of landslides is increasing day by day.”
Residents say mining rights in Hpakant, which were revoked in 2019 under the NLD government, were reactivated in 2021 after companies began paying taxes to the junta and the KIA.
Two landslides occurred in Hpakant in December last year due to unregulated mining, leaving a total of around 80 scavengers missing. And in May 2020, a landslide in Hpakant’s Hway-kha-Hmaw area killed hundreds of inexperienced miners and scavengers.
In July last year, a report published by international NGO Global Witness said that Myanmar’s military and those in its highest ranks were able to enrich themselves by looking the other way during the NLD’s ban, and that the junta has post-coup threatened to “further open the floodgates of military corruption in the jade industry.”
Control over the multibillion-dollar jade trade was a major cause of conflict in Myanmar between the military and rebel armed ethnic groups and, in the years leading up to the coup, the military increased its stake in the jade trade at a time when the civilian-led government was trying to impose reforms on it, according to the report.
Reported by RFA’s Myanmar Service. Translated by Khin Maung Nyane. Written in English by Joshua Lipes.
This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Radio Free Asia.
Chinese rights lawyer Yu Wensheng is incommunicado after his release from prison, while veteran rights attorney Jiang Tianyong has been under house arrest since his release three years ago.
Yu was released from Nanjing Prison onMarch 1, after which he had a brief phone call with his wife Xu Yan, who was in a Beijing hotel, according to a post on Xu’s Twitter account.
During the call, Yu told Xu he would meet her at the Beijing hotel.
However, it was unclear whether the couple have returned to their Beijing home. Repeated calls to Xu’s mobile number rang unanswered in recent days.
Fellow rights attorney Lin Qilei, who defended Yu, said the couple haven’t been in contact with friends or colleagues since.
“There has been no news at all,” Lin said. “We would at least have expected [Xu] to say that it was inconvenient for them to speak to people, and that Yu was with her, but there has been no statement, nothing.”
“This is very unusual, and it may be that they have been told not to say anything because the parliamentary sessions have just opened in Beijing,” Lin said, in a reference to the opening of China’s rubber-stamp parliament, the National People’s Congress (NPC), during which stringent “stability maintenance” protocols are in place to prevent comment or protest from dissenting voices.
“They’re not allowing her to say anything … did they confiscate her mobile phone? We have know way of knowing,” he said.
Lawyer Huang Hanzhong said Yu is likely still under a huge amount of pressure from state security police, despite having been released at the end of his sentence.
“I [messaged to ask] Xu about Yu Wensheng, but she didn’t answer me,” Huang said. “I tried calling heryesterdayand the day before, but couldn’t get through on the phone.”
“I guess she is being held under [stability maintenance] controls,” he said. “I’m guessing that Yu Wensheng probably went home.”
Fellow rights lawyer Wang Yu said she had messaged Xu on Telegram, and the message was marked as read, but no reply came.
“It doesn’t make sense,” Wang said. “Because even if the state security police are putting her under a lot of pressure, she can still say she is under a lot of pressure, or that it’s inconvenient to speak or give interviews, or to be in touch.”
Veteran rights attorney Jiang Tianyong has remained under house arrest since his release from prison in 2019, and Wang and Huang both said they worry that the same thing will happen to Yu.
“Lawyer Wang Quanzhang was held under house arrest for a period of time in Jinan, while Jiang Tianyong still isn’t truly free,” Huang said. “But Yu’s household registration is in Beijing, not elsewhere in China, so maybe it’ll be different.”
“The reason Xu Yan didn’t go to Nanjing to meet him is that her hometown is in Jiangsu, so everyone thought if she did that, they wouldn’t be allowed to go back to Beijing,” he said.
Meanwhile, Lin said Xu’s attempt to set up a legal consulting firm after Yu’s license to practice law was revoked by the authorities may do little to help the couple, who may face financial hardship.
“It may not be much use for lawyers whose licenses have been canceled or revoked to start a legal services company, because they can still stop you getting involved in cases,” Lin said.
“I don’t think it will make a lot of difference [to their situation].”
InJune 2020, Jiangsu’s Xuzhou Intermediate People’s Court handed a four-year jail term to Yu on subversion charges, after finding him guilty of “incitement to subvert state power” in a secret trial.
The sentence, which came after Yu was held for nearly three years in pretrial detention, was widely seen by fellow lawyers as a form of political retaliation for Yu’s outspokenness following a nationwide operation targeting rights lawyers and law firms that began onJuly 9, 2015.
The overseas-based rights network Chinese Human Rights Defenders (CHRD) said Yu’s role as former defense attorney for fellow attorney Wang Quanzhang was also behind his persecution at the hands of the authorities.
Yu was indicted on Feb. 1, 2019 and his case handed over to the municipal prosecutor in Jiangsu’s Xuzhou city. His lawyers made dozens of attempts to visit him, but all requests were denied.
He was held under “residential surveillance at a designated location” (RSDL), a form of detention used in cases allegedly involving matters of state security.
The measure, which enables the authorities to deny access to lawyers or family visits, has been repeatedly used to target human rights lawyers, and is associated with a higher risk of torture and other mistreatment, rights groups said.
Shortly before his detention, Yu’s application to start a new law firm was rejected over comments he made “opposing Communist Party rule and attacking the country’s socialist legal system,” Amnesty International said.
Yu had earlier described being beaten up and tortured in handcuffs by police in Daxing after he voiced support for the 2014 pro-democracy movement in Hong Kong.
Yu was also detained inOctober 2017after he wrote an open letter criticizing President Xi Jinping as ill-suited to lead China due to his strengthening totalitarian rule over the country.
Translated and edited by Luisetta Mudie.
This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Gao Feng.
Washington, D.C., February 24, 2022 — Iranian authorities should immediately release blogger Seyed Hossein Ronaghi Maleki and drop any charges against him, the Committee to Protect Journalists said Thursday.
On Wednesday, February 23, the Tehran home of Ronaghi Maleki, a freelance blogger and freedom of expression activist who posts reporting critical of the government on social media, was raided by unidentified security forces who took him to an unknown location, according to newsreports and sources familiar with the case who spoke to CPJ on the condition of anonymity due to the fear of reprisal.
Authorities have not officially accepted any responsibility for Ronaghi Maleki’s arrest, no charges have been formally announced, and CPJ was unable to confirm where the blogger is being held, the reasons for his arrest, or which branch of the security forces arrested him.
“With the arrest of Seyed Hossein Ronaghi Maleki, the Iranian government is seemingly continuing its absurd practice of arbitrarily detaining journalists without charge,” said CPJ Program Director Carlos Martinez de la Serna, in New York. “Authorities must release Ronaghi Maleki immediately or at least reveal his location and any charges against him and allow all Iranians to freely access the internet.”
At 11 a.m. on February 23, Ronaghi Maleki called his parents to say he was going to work, according to Reza Ronaghi, the blogger’s father, who spoke to the U.S. Congress-funded Radio Farda, adding that his son had received several threatening calls in recent weeks and told his family that he might be arrested again soon.
When Ronaghi Maleki’s family was unable to get in touch with him, they went to his apartment later that evening where they found the home ransacked and noted that his computer, laptop, hard drives, and several notebooks were missing, according to Hassan Ronaghi, the blogger’s brother, who spoke to CPJ by phone.
“Hossein’s life is at risk because he suffers from several health conditions including kidney, lungs, blood, and digestive issues and we don’t know if the kidnappers will give him his medicine,” Hassan Ronaghi said, adding that the blogger’s family asked the Iranian Ministry of Intelligence about Ronaghi Maleki’s arrest and status, but they have not received a response yet.
CPJ emailed the Iranian mission to the United Nations in New York requesting comment on Ronaghi Maleki’s arrest but did not receive a response. Ronaghi Maleki, also known as Babak Khoramddin, was previously arrested on December 13, 2009, and sentenced to 15 years in prison after discussing politics in a series of critical blogs that were eventually blocked by the government, according to CPJ research. He suffered multiple health issues, undergoing several kidney surgeries, which eventually led to his unconditional release in 2019.
On the anniversary of the assassination of Malcolm X, we speak with the civil rights leader’s daughter Ilyasah Shabazz about her family’s call for a federal probe into his murder, following the exoneration of two men who were wrongfully convicted. “We want to know who killed our father, and we want to make sure that it is properly recorded in history,” says Shabazz. “We want Congress to document the truth,” says Benjamin Crump, who represents the family of Malcolm X.
This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.