Category: Agriculture

  • Algorithms for milk supply chain audits, beef e-certifications and emissions tracking systems for rice crops are among the 15 projects to share in $6 million in federal regtech grants for agricultural traceability systems. Agriculture minister Murray Watt announced the successful recipients of the RegTech Research and Insights Grants on Monday, with the funding to be…

    The post Milk algorithms, beef e-certs among $6m in regtech grants appeared first on InnovationAus.com.

    This post was originally published on InnovationAus.com.

  • Worldwide, 49% of all wild bird species are in steep decline, according to a new report, writes Ian Angus.

    This post was originally published on Green Left.

  • Thirty years ago, in my economics textbook in India, the section on international trade referred to Argentina. It would be better, according to the textbook, for Argentina to concentrate on the production and export of beef, while Germany should direct its resources towards the production of electronics. This example was used to illustrate Adam Smith’s ‘absolute advantage’ principle – countries should focus on what they do ‘best’, rather than diversify their economies. It seemed churlish to me, that developing countries such as Argentina should only produce raw materials, while wealthy countries such as Germany went ahead with technological development.

    Argentina, at that time, was still a major producer and exporter of beef. My peers and I had no access to José Hernández’s epic poem ‘Martín Fierro’, about the gauchos of the pampas, the cowboys of the plains of Argentina, but we knew of the ferocious compadritos (‘streetcorner thugs’) and cuchilleros (‘knife fighters’) from the short stories of Jorge Luis Borges. There were cowboys mixed in here, loners who sat on their horses on Argentina’s flatlands and gathered their cattle for the market. No longer do these horsemen define Argentina’s rural society. Today, the countryside is defined by the small farmer and the agricultural proletariat who work for the large agribusinesses and are the protagonists of the country’s fortunes.

    According to Argentina’s National Agricultural Census, the number of agricultural holdings (EAPs) in the country decreased by roughly 41 percent between 1988 and 2018, due to the increasing concentration of land into the hands of a small elite.

    In 2021, the World Trade Organisation (WTO) noted that Argentina remains ‘a major exporter of agricultural products’, which, at that time, accounted for nearly two-thirds of the country’s exports (as of April 2023, agricultural goods accounted for 56.4% of the country’s exports). The main products are grains (wheat, maize), soya, and beef. Argentina’s agribusinesses enthusiastically entered into the global soybean market, even producing a ‘soy dollar’ scheme to encourage greater exports so that the country could earn dollars to offset its major foreign exchange crises.

    Argentina has been wracked by three consecutive years of drought (exacerbated by the climate catastrophe) and faced pressure from the increasing acreage for soybeans in the other four leading producers (Brazil, the United States, China, and India). The production of soybeans has transformed Argentina’s countryside, drawing in over half of the country’s arable lands and concentrating production into the hands of what the economist Claudio Scaletta called the ‘invisible giants’ (corporations such as Cargill, Archer Daniels Midland Argentina, Bunge Argentina, Dreyfus, and Noble Argentina). It is no longer cattle that run through the pampas; it is now the soybean flowers that tilt in the breeze.

    In this graph, we can see the proportion of agricultural holdings, or EAPs, categorised according to size (hectares), in orange, as well as the share of total surface area that each category accounts for, in yellow. The majority of the productive EAPs are small; as they increase in size, the number of farms is reduced, but the amount of land they account for increases.

    Our latest dossier, Whose Land Is It and What Is It For? An Unfinished Debate about Land Access in Argentina (June 2023), explores some of the most startling contradictions that afflict Argentina’s rural landscape. The most obvious incongruity is that Argentina has more than enough arable land to feed its 46 million people, and yet hunger is growing in the country. Most of the food consumed by the people is produced not by the large agribusiness conglomerates but by family farms, and yet these family farms are disappearing as families find it impossible to economically sustain themselves and make the trek from rural areas to the cities in large numbers. Rising landlessness and hunger have produced the social reality out of which new forms of political protest have appeared: verdurazos (‘vegetable protests’) and panazos (‘bread protests’), often led by rural social organisations, confront the ridiculous situation in which those who farm the soil cannot eat its crops.

    A few years ago, I spent some time with small-scale farmers outside La Plata. Wildo Eizaguirre of the Federación Rural told me that the greatest burden for farmers such as himself is rent. Antonio García as well as Else and Mable Yanaje agreed that rent is a dead weight for them. The cost of land is prohibitive and their tenure on the land is uncertain. It prevents the farmers from making capital improvements to the farm or even from buying equipment (such as tractors) to make their labour more productive. These farmers neither own the fields nor do they control the pathways to the market. Brokers buy their produce at the lowest prices and then take them to be processed or sold directly to supermarkets. The money is made elsewhere than on the fields.

    The land access bills proposed in Argentina in recent years are based on two key laws, the Historical Reparation of Family Agriculture Law (no. 27118, 2014) and the Indigenous Territories Emergency Law (no. 26160, 2006).

    It is out of the struggles of people such as Wildo and Mable that Argentina’s government passed key laws such as the Historical Reparation of Family Agriculture Law of 2014 and the Indigenous Territories Emergency Law of 2006 (repeatedly extended in 2009, 2013, 2017, and 2021). The Historical Reparation of Family Agriculture Law seeks to ‘construct a new rural life in Argentina’ and guarantee ‘access to land for family, peasant, and indigenous agriculture, given that land is a social good’. These are powerful words but, in the face of the power of the agribusiness, they are not often translated into deeds. The law itself does not close off the class struggle. In Brazil, for instance, the Movement of Rural Landless Workers (MST) uses the 1988 Brazilian Constitution to the letter as a legal justification for its land occupations. And yet, punctually, Brazil’s agribusinesses and their political allies try to criminalise the MST occupations with a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry, which MST leader João Paulo Rodrigues correctly considers an opportunity to hold a public dialogue about agrarian reform, food sovereignty, and social equality.

    In 2020, the International Land Coalition and Oxfam released an important report called Uneven Ground. Land Inequality at the Heart of Unequal Societies. There are 608 million farms in the world, the report notes, most of them being family farms (with 2.5 billion people involved in smallholder farming). The largest 1% of the farms, however, control more than 70% of global farmland, while 80% of the farmers are smallholders who operate less than two hectares. Land concentration, the report shows, has increased dramatically since 1980. Meanwhile, according to a study by Luis Bauluz, Yajna Govind, and Filip Novokmet, in Latin America the top 10% of landowners capture up to 75% of the agricultural land value, while the bottom 50% own less than 2%. As the dossier highlights, in Argentina the disparity is extremely sharp: 80% of family farmers (who are characterised as smallholders) occupy around 11% of demarcated agricultural land, while the big landowners who make up 0.3% of farmers occupy almost double that land. The tendency towards land concentration is hastened by the power of multinational agribusinesses and by the increasing use of farmland as a financial asset by private equity firms and asset managers (as Madeleine Fairbairn argues in her book Fields of Gold: Financing the Global Land Rush, 2020). On the African continent, farmers are being pushed off the land due to ‘nature conservation’ and the growth of the mining sector (such as we documented in Xolobeni in South Africa).

    Over the past century, peasant movements have put forward a demand for ‘agrarian reform’ as the antidote to capitalism’s devastation of the countryside. In the foreword to our dossier, Manuel Bertoldi of the Federación Rural writes, ‘We must start talking without fear about agrarian reform, food sovereignty, agroecology, and about socialism as an alternative system, since it is through socialism that these ideas become viable’.

    In recent years, a number of proposals, such as the ‘March to the Countryside’ programme, have been put forward to address Argentina’s agrarian crisis.

    The Brazilian poet João Cabral de Melo Neto wrote with great feeling about the only piece of land to which the peasants are entitled, their graves. In 1955, he composed the verse ‘Morte e Vida Severina’ (‘Death and Life of Severino’), where he wrote,

    – The grave you’re in
    Is measured by hand,
    The best bargain you got
    In all the land.

    – You fit it well,
    Not too long or deep,
    The part of the latifundio
    Which you will keep.

    – The grave’s not too big,
    Nor is it too wide,
    It’s the land you wanted
    To see them divide.

    – It’s a big grave
    For a body so spare,
    But you’ll be more at ease
    Than you ever were.

    – You’re a skinny corpse
    For such a big tomb,
    But at least down there
    You’ll have plenty of room.

    Farmers and peasants around the world know that their struggles are existential, a feeling that gripped the Indian farmers and peasants during their ongoing struggle against the privatisation of the marketplace for agricultural commodities. They want land to live, not just for their graves.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • Water rights negotiators from California, Arizona and Nevada announced earlier this month that they have reached an agreement to reduce their draw of water from the Colorado River by 3 million acre-feet between now and 2026. That translates to the amount of water that several million households use in a year, and it represents a 14 percent reduction in water usage. Slightly over half of that…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • Environmental groups have been clamoring for Congress to make this year’s farm bill the next big climate law. With more funding, climate advocates say, farmers could cut greenhouse gas emissions by storing carbon in soil, curbing nitrogen fertilizer use, and planting trees. But the farm bill — and the movement to make it climate-friendly — isn’t just about farming. It also pumps tens of millions of dollars each year into clean energy projects: solar panels on a poultry and cattle farm in Georgia; an energy-efficient refrigerator at a grocery store in South Dakota; a wind turbine in Minnesota. 

    The source of those funds, the farm bill’s Rural Energy for America Program, “helps to reduce input costs for farmers, to cut their energy costs, and to lower their carbon footprints,” said Andy Olsen, senior policy advocate at the Environmental Law and Policy Center. 

    That program, which is voluntary for farmers and rural small business owners, was supposed to get an additional $2 billion through the Inflation Reduction Act. Now, it’s being targeted by House Republicans looking for spending cuts. They’ve proposed clawing back half a billion dollars meant for the program — along with $3 billion for renewable energy projects run by rural electric cooperatives, and eliminating funding for the Department of Agriculture’s climate research. The cuts, proposed separately from the deal that House Republicans and the White House reached on the debt limit, are sure to encounter resistance if they make it through the House of Representatives and get sent to the Democrat-led Senate. But the development signals that turning this year’s farm bill into a historic climate law might be harder than advocates have hoped. And it has put a bullseye on a rural energy program that had, until recently, a history of bipartisan support. 

    “We want to see Congress reject any cuts to this program,” said Alexander Ratner, federal policy manager at the American Council for an Energy-Efficient Economy. “It’s our view that they would hurt communities that really need this funding. They would hurt farmers. They would hurt ranchers. They would hurt rural small businesses.” 

    The rural energy program was established in the 2002 Farm Bill, signed into law by President George W. Bush, and gets about $50 million each year. When Congress passed the Inflation Reduction Act last August, Olsen considered it a “watershed event” for rural renewable energy and climate-friendly agriculture. Agriculture accounts for 10 percent of the country’s greenhouse gas emissions, and the landmark bill aimed to encourage farmers to adopt “climate-smart” practices, including $2 billion for the rural energy program, $20 billion for four USDA conservation programs, and $11 billion for renewable power through rural electric cooperatives. “We’re staring down the barrel of a 1.5 degree centigrade increase, so we’ve got to get moving on clean tech ASAP,” Olsen said, noting that as renewables have gotten cheaper, more farmers have turned to the Rural Energy for America Program to help switch to wind and solar. 

    Not all the Inflation Reduction Act funding was guaranteed. As climate advocates have lobbied Congress to dole out cash to climate-conscious farmers, they’ve also been worried that Republican lawmakers would siphon off some of the billions earmarked in the Inflation Reduction Act. And that’s exactly what Republicans on the House agriculture appropriations subcommittee suggested doing on May 18, when they recommended big cuts to the USDA’s discretionary funding. 

    “This legislation rejects the Biden administration’s unrealistic proposed spending levels that are detached from the dire fiscal reality our country faces,” said Representative Andy Harris, a Republican from Maryland who chairs the subcommittee. 

    After the spending bill cleared the House subcommittee on party lines, Department of Agriculture Secretary Tom Vilsack reportedly said it “is pathetic, it is punitive, and it is petty.” The bill would restrict the department’s access to a $30 billion reserve that it has used to pay for climate-smart initiatives, like technical assistance for farmers who want to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and pilot programs for monitoring carbon and methane pollution. 

    “We’re not liking what we see in the appropriations bill,” said Cathy Day, climate policy coordinator at the National Sustainable Agriculture Coalition. “It doesn’t make a whole lot of sense except for scoring political points.” 

    Climate advocates meanwhile had been celebrating a $11 billion federal infusion into rural renewable energy projects, with money from the Inflation Reduction Act. Vilsack heralded it as the biggest investment in rural electrification since the New Deal. “This is an exciting and historic day,” Vilsack proclaimed on May 16 — a day before House Republicans proposed the $4 billion raid on clean energy funds.

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Another target of GOP spending cuts: renewables for farmers on May 30, 2023.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • This story was originally published by The 19th and is reproduced here with permission.

    Sommer Sibilly-Brown didn’t set out to join the food sovereignty movement. The movement found her. 

    In 2012, Sibilly-Brown was working as an elementary school teacher in St. Croix, part of the U.S. Virgin Islands, when her students presented an idea at an agriculture fair to bring locally grown food to their schools.

    Through working on their presentation, the students learned of a national initiative that could do just that. It’s called the National Farm to School Network, and it’s a nonprofit organization that works to connect local farms with school cafeterias — a model that both bolsters local food systems and provides healthier school lunches for kids — a win-win for farmers and their communities. 

    But the network didn’t reach the U.S. Virgin Islands, and Sibilly-Brown remembers one of her students asking: If the program was national, why didn’t it reach their territory? 

    “That question has been the question that has driven my work,” Sibilly-Brown said. “If we are the United States, why not here?” 

    It set her on a path to find answers and solutions to an important problem — an over-reliance on imported foods. She wanted her students to be able to eat food grown nearby and for the U.S. Virgin Islands to achieve a level of food sovereignty, or the ability to produce healthy and culturally relevant food on the islands. 

    Sibilly-Brown is not alone in her desire to see local food systems grow. Across U.S. island territories, women are forming connections with one another and working to ensure that their communities can be resilient in the face of climate change and future pandemics.

    In Guam, one of the few places where matrilineal traditions still run strong, women are empowered to make the decisions that lead their communities and their homes. And in Puerto Rico, women have been at the forefront of the community-building aspects of the local food system. 

    The same is true of the Virgin Islands, where Sibilly-Brown said she mostly encounters women in the food systems work she’s been doing. “I absolutely think this is a women’s movement,” she said.

    “It comes from things as spiritual and inherent as childbearing where that seed becomes a baby, Or making something out of nothing in the kitchen that is delicious for our families,” she said. “We harness the power of transformation really, really well, and I see it daily within the food system.”

    While these territories are technically a part of the United States, Sibilly-Brown says it is more accurate to think of them as possessions. They share a particular kind of invisibility, viewed as strategic military locations and vacation destinations, but overlooked when it comes to supporting their local economies.  

    This is particularly true in the context of food and sustainability. Currently, the U.S. Virgin Islands imports between 95 and 99 percent of its food from the U.S. and other countries. Other island territories have similarly high rates, with Guam at around 90 percent and Puerto Rico at 85 percent

    Annika McFarlane/Getty Images

    Growing the local food system is one way in which territories can address vulnerabilities caused by importing food. Climate change has fueled more intense hurricane seasons, which affect shipping; supply-chain issues caused by the pandemic showed the need to have more local production. Furthermore, a prevalence in health problems like diabetes, caused in part by the highly processed foods being brought to the islands, has illustrated a need to reconnect with traditionally grown fruits and vegetables. 

    So Sibilly-Brown and her students got to work on a year-long service learning project to bring local food back into the school cafeteria. She began to see important ways in which the islands and the United States mainland were disconnected — and still are. 

    “I realized that there was this big gap of knowledge between all of these different actors in the system,” she said. Some of the people she has to work with through the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) are based in Virginia and Florida, for example.  “I sought to become the bridge that could connect people, just like a pollinator, buzzing around the place and talking about food systems.” 

    After successfully integrating the U.S. Virgin Islands into the National Farm to School Network, she started a nonprofit, called the Virgin Islands Good Food Coalition, to support and advocate for policies and funds that support farmers on the Virgin Islands. 

    In Puerto Rico, Crystal Díaz has taken a similar approach, looking for ways to strengthen and support local food production by connecting farmers with consumers. 

    The devastation wrought by Hurricane María in 2017 illustrated the need to bolster the local food systems. The main port that sends food to Puerto Rico is in Florida, and it, too, was damaged by the storm.  “Hurricane Maria was a slap in the face for everybody,” said Díaz, who recently spoke on a forum with Brown about food sovereignty on U.S. territories. It was then that many people realized the extent of their reliance on boats to bring in the food. “Supermarkets started to have their aisles empty. That was a wakeup call for a lot of people,” she said. 

    Through an app she co-founded in 2018 called PRoduce, restaurants and residents are now able to order local produce directly from small farmers on the island. So far, the app has been able to link 400 producers with over 70,000 consumers. 

    She sees food security as one way to build resiliency against future storms and says the type of agricultural practices farmers utilize will be important too.  

    “We need to do it in a resilient, sustainable way, using soil conservation practices, agroecology and sustainable farming practices that then allow us to be resilient towards climate change,” she said. “Hurricanes are going to continue to hit the island, and they are going to get stronger, apparently, because of climate change.” 

    For Ursula Herrera, who works at the Guam Department of Agriculture, food sovereignty isn’t just about surviving climate change but is a tool to reclaim a cultural connection to food that has been eroded by colonialism. 

    Through her work with the department, Herrera connects local farmers to microgrants from the USDA that are aimed at increasing the quantity and quality of food grown on Guam. Other initiatives include starting up a local food bank supplied with produce by a farmers coop and promoting seed saving. 

    Herrera, who is CHamoru — an Indigenous person from Guam and the Northern Mariana Islands — said it is also about finding ways to educate the next generation. She takes youth groups on medicinal plant hikes, for example, passing down the knowledge that she learned from her grandmother. “[I point out] the plants that heal us and help us and just reclaiming our cultural identity with the land,” she said.    

    Before occupation by the Japanese during World War II, where CHamoru people were sent to concentration camps, Herrera said most families in Guam – its Indigenous name is Guåhan [GWAH-hahn] – practiced subsistence farming. “Every house had their own backyard garden,” she said. “We bartered with one another. And then comes the war and the loss of prime agricultural land for the [U.S.] military bases.” The economy also became cash-based. 

    A lot of her work is about bringing that hyper-local food production back. “We have a nursery, and we have the lowest prices on the island so that we can support our food growth,” she said. “We have all these food crops and fruits, but also, we’re carrying traditional herbal medicine, herbal plants.” 

    But for this work to continue and grow, places like Guam, Puerto Rico, U.S. Virgin Islands and other U.S. territories need government investment and to be better served by the USDA and the resources it can provide to farmers, Sibilly-Brown said. 

    In recent years, she’s focused on reaching government officials on the mainland. Most recently, she visited Washington, D.C., in February to raise the visibility of the needs of territories while lawmakers worked on the Farm Bill, a piece of legislation passed every five years that sets national policy on fields such as agriculture, nutrition, conservation and forestry.

    “Because we’re isolated geographic areas, there are limits on our representation,” she said. The U.S. Virgin Islands, for example, has one nonvoting delegate in the U.S. House of Representatives but no counterpart in the Senate. Other territories also send someone to the House to represent their voices, but they cannot cast votes on legislation.

    So it’s up to grassroots groups to advocate for their own needs.

    The first step for Sibilly-Brown and her allies is raising the profile of the territories in the Farm Bill. “We are seeking voice and partnership and visibility among our nation,” she said. 

    Outside of the microgrants that the USDA has set aside for territories and that max out at $10,000, farmers on the islands are otherwise in a competitive pool for more robust funding with farms on the mainland, where there are more resources and investments already. “How will our proposals ever actually measure up?” Sibilly-Brown wonders, when farmers have less contact with USDA officials and less help putting together applications. 

    It’s why she’s begun advocating for an Office of Territorial Affairs to be created at the USDA — one that could meet the unique needs of island territories. 

    She’s not under any illusions that it will be created any time soon. But it’s about planting the seed for what an office might accomplish as a liaison to better serve farmers in isolated territories. 

    “What I want people to understand is we’re not asking for exceptions because we’re territories; we’re asking for inclusion in what should be afforded to every producer who’s producing in this nation,” she said. “We’re asking them to consider small farms at scale. Like what does scalable hyperlocal farming look like [in order] to add food security and work at the intersections of environment and health that our communities really need?” 

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Meet the women working to grow local food systems on U.S. island territories on May 29, 2023.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • Almost half of all the water that flows through the Colorado River each year is consumed by just two states: Arizona and California. Over the past year, as the Biden administration has scrambled to respond to a decades-long drought that has sapped the river, these two states have known a reckoning is coming. In order to stabilize the river, both of them will have to use less water.

    At a press conference overlooking the Hoover Dam on Tuesday, the administration unveiled two plans to achieve those cuts, promising to reach a final conclusion by August. One plan would divide future cuts equally between Arizona and California, a potential violation of California’s stronger legal rights to the river. The other plan would recognize the Golden State’s seniority and reduce Arizona’s water allocation by more than half its current size during the driest years.

    Both scenarios would be unprecedented in scale and severity, requiring at least some big reductions from both states as well as neighboring Nevada. The mandatory cuts would force farmers in these states to take land out of service and would raise water prices in cities and suburbs. They might also hinder industries such as mining and semiconductor fabrication. 

    In Arizona’s case, the risks are existential. The pro-California plan would all but dry up the federal canal that moves water to Phoenix and Tucson, eliminating a primary water supply for millions of people in those areas. Under that plan, Arizona’s labor market would lose around half a billion dollars in wages thanks to job loss in agriculture and other industries, and the state would also lose millions in tax revenue. Meanwhile, in the plan that spreads cuts evenly between the states, California’s economy would lose around $170 million as major vegetable and alfalfa farmers in the state’s Imperial Valley planted fewer crops.

    Tommy Beaudreau, the deputy secretary of the U.S. Department of the Interior, hinted during the press conference that the pro-California plan — the plan that most fully complies with legal precedent for dividing up the river — was not likely to prevail.

    “I don’t know that I’ve ever heard anyone advocate straight priority,” he said. “But it’s important for everyone to see what that would look like.” The administration can still consider options beyond the two plans it published Tuesday.

    The government’s aim in drafting these new cuts is to prevent the collapse of the river’s two main reservoirs, Lake Powell and Lake Mead, which have shriveled during the recent climate-change-fueled drought. If the water level in these man-made lakes falls much lower, their dams will stop producing electricity. In the worst-case scenarios, water would no longer be able to move through the dams at all, causing a humanitarian crisis across the Southwest.

    The river states began planning for severe drought more than 15 years ago, agreeing to trim water usage little by little as Powell and Mead emptied. But the two reservoirs have fallen much farther and faster than anticipated, making previous cut agreements obsolete and forcing states into emergency negotiations.

    The negotiations began last June when a senior administration official ordered the seven states to cut their water consumption by between 2 and 4 million acre-feet, or as much as a third of total usage. After the states failed to reach an agreement on new cuts, the administration threatened to impose its own cuts.

    That threat led six states to endorse a plan that would see California, Nevada, and Arizona all lose more than a quarter of their Colorado River water during the driest years. California alone objected to that plan, arguing that the law requires Arizona to shoulder the burden of the shortage, and proposed a set of cuts that was more forgiving to the Golden State. The two plans that federal officials unveiled on Tuesday largely reflect those two blueprints.

    In the months since the states drafted those plans, a massive amount of snow has fallen in the mountains that feed the river, brightening the outlook for Lakes Powell and Mead. Once that snow melts, water levels in the two reservoirs will likely rise, taking the worst-case scenarios off the table. But even after a wet winter, the structural deficit remains.

    “We’re thankful for this winter snow and rain,” Beaudreau said. “But everyone who lives and works in the basin knows that one good year will not save us from more than two decades of drought.”

    Responding to that drought will require the federal government to make a painful choice between two plans that would both inflict serious economic harm on the Southwest. Beaudreau tried to strike a positive note, though, saying the crisis had brought about unprecedented collaboration between the states.

    “Some of the commentary has depicted an us-versus-them dynamic in the basin,” he said. “I don’t see that at all. I see commitment, collaboration, and problem solving.”

    Whether or not that spirit of collaboration can survive the implementation of historic water cuts remains to be seen.

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Feds’ Colorado River choice: California’s rights or Arizona’s future? on Apr 11, 2023.



  • The latest report from the United Nations on the direction the environment is heading is the scariest so far. In order to turn things around, the UN recommends—among other things—that each of us eat more plant-based foods. I’m willing to accept that eating plant-based food is good for the climate and for animals. But as someone who has eaten meat my entire life, I had to ask the question—is plant-based food good for me?”

    Like many people, I’ve heard that plant-based diets lead to protein deficiency. I may like eating meat, but I can’t stomach disinformation. After diving into the research, what I found surprised me. The Academy of Nutrition and Dietetics makes it clear: “vegetarian, including vegan, diets typically meet or exceed recommended protein intakes.” The Academy adds that a well-rounded plant-based diet “supplies enough of all indispensable (essential) amino acids,” contrary to the myth that plant-based options lack specific essential amino acids.

    But even as I came across more and more scientific studies about the positive health benefits of plant-based meats and foods, it was still difficult on a subconscious level to accept that I can build muscle without—well—eating muscle. As a very active person, I’ve always operated under the implicit belief that flesh builds flesh. So, I went even deeper into the science to see if there are any plant-based options that can compete with meat.

    As it turns out, it’s entirely possible to supplant the meat in my diet with high-protein plant-based options like nuts, seeds, and legumes, all of which are widely available. Other protein-rich plant-based foods include wheat-based seitan or soybean products like tofu and soy milk. But can those options actually replace all of what I love about meat? Including, let’s be blunt – taste?

    Well, according to senior clinical nutritionist Emily Gelsomin of Harvard’s Massachusetts General Hospital, both the Beyond Burger and Impossible Burgers have as much if not more protein than meat. Gelsomin also noted that both meat alternatives contain key vitamins and minerals like Zinc and cobalamin (B12) which are found in meat protein. As for taste—many of these plant-based meats are earning rave reviews, even from those with far more sophisticated pallets than mine.

    Furthermore—and this was harder to swallow – with the United States currently experiencing a mortality crisis compared to other industrialized nations, I had to pay attention to the fact that plant-based diets have been connected to a decrease in mortality. Even the US Department of Agriculture (USDA), a traditional backer of meat, has admitted that people who eat more plant-based foods tend to have “lower levels of obesity, a reduced risk of cardiovascular disease, and lower total mortality.”

    As it turns out, a 2022 study found that rates of heart attack mortality in America are alarmingly high compared to other wealthy nations. Red meat consumption is associated with poor health, as proved by a Harvard University longitudinal study. Nonetheless, despite its detrimental health impact, beef consumption remains widespread in America. The US has over 100 million fewer people than the European Union —around 336 million to 447 million in 2021—, but we consume 10,000,000,000 more pounds of beef.

    In light of these statistics, even making small choices like picking a plant-based burger over a beef patty could be a big win. According to the American Heart Association (AHA), “eating a nutritious, plant-based diet may lower the risk for heart attacks and other types of cardiovascular disease.” A study by researchers from Harvard Medical School and Brigham and Women’s Hospital found that eating tofu reduces LDL cholesterol and lowers the risk of a heart attack. In a nation where heart attacks occur every 40 seconds, each of us choosing even occasional plant-based alternatives to red meat probably makes a lot of sense.

    Let’s also talk about fiber. I and most of my friends don’t tend to focus on the role of fiber in building a well-rounded diet. According to the American Society for Nutrition, the average American diet is lacking in fiber. It turns out plant-based meat alternatives have higher fiber contents than meat. I was stunned to learn, in fact, that meat has no fiber at all, which might be why sometimes I get a heavy feeling after eating meat. A study of people who switched out at least two servings of meat a day in favor of meat alternatives found that participants came out with higher rates of fiber consumption and lower rates of saturated fat consumption.

    All this could be why a 2021 survey by the International Food Information Council found that one in four Americans reported consuming more protein derived from plant sources than they had done the year prior. According to the Washington Post, a majority of U.S. households bought plant-based foods during the peak days of the pandemic, with milk alternatives and meat alternatives proving the most popular. I myself made the switch to oat milk in 2021 and haven’t looked back since — and as recent data from Morning Consult found, I’m hardly the only one.

    At a time when even the fast food chains that rose to popularity with “eat more chikin” billboards are testing plant-based options, it’s obvious where the winds are heading. Plant-based foods are becoming as American as apple pie — and with more plant-based alternatives to milk, butter, and eggs available than ever before, it’s getting pretty easy to make a plant-based apple pie. A Bloomberg Intelligence report from 2021 estimated that plant-based food sales would see fivefold growth by the end of the decade, and it’s not hard to see why: American consumers have more options than ever when it comes to building a plant-based diet.

    Anyway. All that research gave me an appetite. And I think I’m finally at the point where I’d prefer to bite into something that’s going to help me live longer and healthier. So—maybe don’t tell my friends just yet—but a plant-based burger, it is.

    This post was originally published on Common Dreams.

  • When Congress renegotiates the farm bill every five years, it doesn’t exactly grab headlines. But this year, as the sweeping trillion-dollar legislative package that deals with everything from manure lagoons to food stamps comes up for renewal, climate advocates say it could be momentous. 

    Typically passed with bipartisan support, the legislation, projected to cost $1.4 trillion over 10 years, encompasses relatively mundane things like crop insurance and money for rural broadband. Nutrition programs alone usually claim three-quarters of the bill’s funding. But environmental groups and some farmer advocacy organizations are lobbying Congress to turn this year’s bill — due for an update by October — into the next historic climate law. They say it could curb warming caused by agriculture, a key emitter of greenhouse gasses, in large part by converting the country’s vast farmlands into fields that suck carbon out of the air.

    Climate activists rally to prioritize climate action in the 2023 Farm Bill
    Climate activists march to the U.S. Capitol after the Farmers for Climate Action: Rally for Resilience in Freedom Plaza on March 7, 2023 in Washington, DC.
    Paul Morigi / Getty Images

    But as farm bill negotiations get under way on Capitol Hill, climate-specific policy ideas — like subsidizing farmers who plant cover crops that store carbon — are emerging as a point of contention in a divided Congress.

    “It’s still in the early stages,” said Representative Chellie Pingree, a Democrat from Maine who sits on the House Agriculture Committee. “I’m feeling less discouraged than I could be,” she added, noting a history of broad support for farm bill programs that benefit both farmers and climate — say, by promoting soil health or making farms more resilient to drought — even if they don’t explicitly target emissions. 

    As climate advocates prod lawmakers to tamp down on farm-related greenhouse gas emissions, new research shows food production alone is on track to warm the planet 1 degree Celsius (1.8 degrees Fahrenheit) by the end of the century. In the United States, agriculture accounts for more than a 10th of the country’s emissions but could produce as much as a third by 2050, according to a recent Environmental Working Group analysis. But the soil beneath the country’s corn, soybeans, other crops, and pastures is capable of storing enough carbon to offset emissions by up to 10 percent.  

    The farm bill could transform U.S. agriculture into a climate solution, said Cathy Day, climate policy coordinator at the National Sustainable Agriculture Coalition. Her organization is pushing Congress to boost funds for already existing conservation programs that help farmers plant trees and cover crops, reduce use of fertilizers that emit nitrous oxide, a potent greenhouse gas, and shift to grazing systems that keep soil intact, among other practices that cut emissions directly or lock carbon in the ground. Day also wants to see lawmakers invest in research and technology to help growers monitor how much carbon they sequester on their lands — a key metric for understanding how effective farms are at combating climate change.

    Congress allocated $20 billion for the U.S. Department of Agriculture’s conservation programs under the Inflation Reduction Act, the landmark bill that President Joe Biden signed last year. According to Day and other climate advocates, that wasn’t enough. While the bill made slashing emissions an explicit part of a few USDA programs, the funding will last only 10 years, Day said. “If we want to see that kind of funding go forward, we need to make [similar] funding permanent rather than have it a one-off situation.” 

    Key farm bill programs that the IRA promised to infuse with cash — the Conservation Stewardship Program and Environmental Quality Incentives Program — are notoriously oversubscribed. About three-quarters of farmers who apply for those programs don’t get funded, according to a recent report by the Institute for Agriculture and Trade Policy. That analysis, though, focused on data from before the IRA went into effect, and the billions of dollars authorized by the bill will help cover the backlog, said Michael Happ, program associate for climate and rural communities at the institute. 

    Still, that money will do little more than make up for cuts — including those to the Conservation Stewardship Program — in the past two farm bills, according to Day. Groups like the National Sustainable Agriculture Coalition and even the more conventional American Farm Bureau Federation want to see Congress spend more on the conservation programs and target emissions. In recent years, those programs have shied away from funding “climate-smart” agriculture, according to an Environmental Working Group analysis published last year. Currently, half of the farm bill-authorized funds for the Environmental Quality Incentives Program, which shares costs for conservation-minded farm projects, goes to farmers’ livestock needs. That includes bankrolling methane digesters — systems usually made up of sealed tanks or ponds — that some farms use to convert methane from manure into fuel, called biogas, and fertilizer. 

    “On the surface, that absolutely reduces the magnitude of greenhouse gas emissions,” Day said. “However, those methane digesters also support an existing agricultural system that is built around high fossil-fuel use.” Digesters are often, though not always, used at Concentrated Animal Feeding Operations, sometimes called CAFOs, industrial livestock pens that are a major source of methane emissions. Rather than propping those facilities up, Day said the farm bill should subsidize practices like perennial grazing and agroforestry, which involves diversifying farmland with trees and shrubs that limit soil erosion, create wildlife habitat, and store carbon. Day said she’s not sure yet if such proposals will see bipartisan support but that incentive-based policies stand a better chance than mandates. 

    Representative Chellie Pingree, a Democrat from Maine, gives a speech
    Representative Chellie Pingree, a Democrat from Maine, wants to make sure the farm bill addresses climate change. Robert F. Bukaty / AP Photo

    Even if the farm bill boosts “climate-smart” farming by the billions, that alone won’t solve a major problem: Most growers don’t have the tools to know how much carbon they’re storing in their soil, said Cristel Zoebisch, deputy director of policy at Carbon180, a nonprofit focused on carbon removal and storage. “We need to be fairly certain that the amount of CO2 we’re saying we’re offsetting is actually being sequestered in agricultural lands,” Zoebisch said. “We don’t really have a good sense of what the baseline, what the starting point of soil carbon stocks looks like across the country today.” 

    Zoebisch wants to see the farm bill fix that by directing money toward research, local demonstration trials and the development of equipment farmers could use to measure the carbon they sequester. While Congress recently passed the bipartisan Growing Climate Solutions Act to help farmers access carbon markets — where they could profit from the carbon stored on their land — the bill didn’t resolve uncertainty around how to measure soil carbon or if the markets are worth it financially for farmers. 

    And while that act showed bipartisan interest in voluntary farm programs that could curb emissions, a Republican-led House and a narrow Democratic majority in the Senate could stand in the way of more stringent regulations, like Senator Cory Booker’s proposal to ban CAFOs. Representative Glenn Thompson, a Republican from Pennsylvania who chairs the House Agriculture Committee, said last year he wants to “make sure the farm bill doesn’t become the next climate bill.” And Senator John Boozman, a senior Republican on the Senate Agriculture, Nutrition, and Forestry Committee, raised concerns at a committee hearing earlier this month about the climate-specific agriculture funding earmarked in the IRA, which Republicans unanimously opposed. But Republican leaders, including Thompson and Boozman, also have intimated they could be open to climate-beneficial programs with limitations. 

    Success in getting Republicans on board might hinge on how programs are framed. For example, lawmakers from both parties have signaled support for voluntary programs that assist farmers in planting cover crops, while some Republicans have pushed back against requiring growers to engage in climate-friendly practices to get subsidies for crop insurance. “There is a lot of potential for climate targeting — without calling it climate,”  Day said.

    On Tuesday, Pingree and Senator Martin Heinrich, a Democrat from New Mexico, reintroduced the Agriculture Resilience Act, an ambitious marker bill that aims to make agricultural emissions net-zero by 2040. Pingree told Grist it could be hard to get a Republican cosponsor on her bill, but she expects the farm bill alone to help lower emissions, even if implicitly, through established programs that strengthen local food systems and improve soil health. That includes the USDA conservation programs and, among others, the Local Agriculture Market Program, which funds farmers markets. 

    “Unless it was gutted and destroyed, the farm bill will be a climate package,” Pingree said. “Optimism might be a little too strong of a word, but I’m keeping an open mind that this process could work.”

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline The next farm bill could be a historic climate law – if Congress can agree on it on Mar 30, 2023.

  • Indian farmers held a successful march to demand crop price guarantees, land ownership rights for tribal farmers, immediate financial relief and loan waivers, reports Peoples Dispatch.

  • Allan Todd discusses the urgent need to address climate change, as highlighted in the recent Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change Report, and the upcoming Extinction Rebellion protest in London, calling for system change to tackle climate, social and economic crises.

  • This story was originally published by the Star Tribune.

    During the 2021 drought, nearly 800 Minnesota farmers with high-capacity wells pumped 6.5 billion more gallons of water than their permits allowed, state records show.

    Farms on land owned or operated by R.D. Offutt Co., a potato-growing giant that has become one of the biggest water users in the state, were responsible for 23 percent of the excessive pumping.

    “That’s quite a bit of overuse,” said Randall Doneen, a section manager for the Minnesota Department of Natural Resources. “We’re trying to get people back into compliance.”

    The overpumping in 2021 put more stress on already depleted aquifers, lakes, and streams and raised the risk that neighboring wells would run dry.

    A Star Tribune review of water permit data reported each year to the DNR found more than three of four water users who violated their permits were agricultural irrigators. But they are unlikely to face fines or other consequences because of laws that the DNR says are too lenient. Many irrigators may not even have to pay for the extra water they used, based on the tiered fee system the state charges heavy users.

    In some cases, farmers needed to go over their permits to keep their crops alive, said Jake Wildman, president of the Irrigators Association of Minnesota.

    “Nobody wants to have to pump as much we did,” Wildman said. “We all understand rules and regulations are there for a reason. We all want to follow them. I truly believe we did the best we could with the tools we had and climate we were given.”

    The permit violations on R.D. Offutt farms is particularly concerning to neighbors and water quality advocates, because many of them are located in the Pineland Sands region of central Minnesota. The same sandy porous soil that makes the land attractive for growing potatoes also makes it vulnerable to pollution.

    When too much water is drawn from the ground for crops, it allows pollutants to seep into the soil, potentially contaminating drinking water.

    Based in Fargo and founded 60 years ago, R.D. Offutt is one of the largest potato growing operations in the world. Much of their produce is cut into French fries, and the company is a major supplier to McDonalds restaurants.

    It rapidly expanded in Minnesota in the past two decades. Many forests and timberlands in the Pineland Sands area, which covers parts of Hubbard, Wadena, Cass, and Becker counties, were cleared and turned into irrigated cropland.

    By 2018, the company’s growth concerned DNR officials to the point that the agency stopped approving its well permit applications. The DNR said a comprehensive study was needed to find out whether increased water use was drying up lakes and streams, or hurting water quality in wells in the region. R.D. Offutt had dozens of pending well applications at the time.

    Rather than fund the study, the company reached a deal with the DNR that withdrew all but five permit applications. The DNR asked lawmakers to fund the study. They did not, and it was never done.

    By 2021, R.D. Offutt was the registered landowner or agent of more than 650 high-capacity well permits in the state. Together, those farms pumped 22 billion gallons of water — about 2.5 billion more than was used by the entire city of Minneapolis’ water treatment plant, which serves about 500,000 people.

    The overuse was a result of just how bad the 2021 drought was, R.D. Offutt spokeswoman Jennifer Maleitzke said. It was the state’s most severe dry spell since at least 1988.

    “Without measurable rainfall, farmers like us relied on irrigation to make sure crops across the state survived and there were no disruptions to the food supply chain,” she said.

    In the years before the drought, R.D. Offutt farms complied with their permits. Less than 1 percent of the company’s permit holders went over their limit in 2020 and 2019.

    “Every single growing season is different,” Maleitzke said. “We take our responsibility seriously to preserve the water supply in Minnesota, and we’ve made significant investments during our 60 years of farming potatoes to do just that.”

    The overuse shows how irrigators and high-capacity water users face few repercussions if they violate a permit, said Mike Tauber, who lives in the Pineland Sands region in Backus, Minn., and has helped organize petitions demanding in-depth water quality studies.

    “They’re thumbing their nose at the agencies,” Tauber said.

    Everyone with a permit to draw more than 1 million gallons of water a year is required to report how much water they use. But that reporting is largely done on the honor system. There are no compliance checks.

    The city of Blaine opened three new wells and pumped millions of gallons in 2021 and 2022 without getting permits. The DNR learned about it only after 141 nearby private well owners complained about running dry.

    Blaine, too, likely won’t face any fines. Lawmakers have given the DNR few ways to penalize anyone that violates the permits.

    The DNR could issue an “administrative penalty” ranging up to $20,000, depending on the severity of the breach. But the fine would be forgiven as soon as the user comes into compliance, Doneen said.

    The DNR only typically issues a penalty in the most egregious cases, Doneen said. He doesn’t except any fines to be issued for farmers who overpumped during the drought.

    But dry spells are precisely when the state should be more aggressive in protecting water supplies, said Carrie Jennings, research and policy director at the St. Paul-based Freshwater Society.

    “That’s the critical time when you would want to do it,” she said.

    DNR administrators have asked lawmakers in each of the last two years to allow them to increase the fines they can impose on permit violations. A bill in the House would let the agency fine up to $40,000. The agency also would get more discretion over whether fines are forgiven.

    “The tools we have aren’t what we need,” said Bob Meier, assistant DNR commissioner.

    Permit holders that exceeded the limits would still need to pay the same tiered water-use rates as everyone else. All permit holders pay $140 a year to pump up to 50 million gallons of water. They’re charged $3.50 for every million gallons after that. The price rises again after 100 million.

    The average R.D. Offutt permit that was violated had a limit of 43 million gallons in 2021. Those that went over, but still pumped less than 50 million gallons, wouldn’t have to pay any more than the $140 minimum. The users that exceeded the permits did so by an average of 10 million gallons. If they were only permitted to pump 43 million gallons, those users would need to pay an extra $10.50 — roughly the cost of a Big Mac with large fries.

    This story was shared with permission through the Mississippi River Basin Ag & Water Desk, an editorially independent reporting network based at the University of Missouri.

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Fighting drought, potato farmers in northern Minnesota overdrew their water permits by tens of millions of gallons on Mar 11, 2023.

  • The global food system’s greenhouse gas emissions will add nearly 1C to Earth’s surface temperatures by 2100 on current trends, scientists warned on 6 March. This would obliterate the Paris Agreement climate goals.

    But a major overhaul of the sector – from production to distribution to consumption – could reduce those emissions. A transformation of the sector could cut emissions by more than half even as the global human population increases, the  scientists reported in Nature Climate Change.

    Food system emissions

    The Earth’s surface has warmed 1.2C since the late 1800s. The 2015 Paris Agreement set a core goal of trying to limit warming to 1.5C. They also seek to cap it at “well under” 2C.

    Science has shown the 1.5C limit to be a much safer threshold to avoid more devastating climate impacts, including coastal flooding, heatwaves and drought, and possibly irreversible climate tipping points. These are thresholds that could trigger large-scale changes in the Earth system, such as the collapse of certain vast ice sheets.

    As Carbon Brief has reported, research indicates that, at warming above 1.5C, there is a “significant likelihood” of the world crossing multiple tipping points.

    According to some estimates, the global food system accounts for about 15% of current warming levels. Nonetheless, only a third of national emissions reductions plans under the Paris pact include any measure to cut carbon pollution from agriculture or animal-based farming. The study’s lead author Catherine Ivanovich, a doctoral student at Columbia University in New York, told Agence France-Presse:

    Mitigating emissions from the food sector is essential to working toward a secure climate future

    Food emissions in the future

    To make their own estimates of how much the food system adds to global warming – now and in the future – Ivanovich and her colleagues looked separately at the three main greenhouse gases. These gases vary in potency and staying power in the atmosphere.

    Once emitted, carbon dioxide can remain in the atmosphere for centuries. Methane only lingers for about a decade but, on that timescale, is almost 100 times more efficient in retaining the Sun’s heat.

    CO2 from machinery and transport are significant contributors to greenhouse gas emissions. Nitrous oxide from excess use of chemical fertilisers is similarly harmful. But the researchers calculated that around 80% of:

    future warming from food consumption will be from meat, rice and dairy products.

    These are “high-methane food groups”, they highlighted.

    Without a sharp change in production and diet, the study concluded, global food consumption will boost Earth’s average surface temperature 0.7C and 0.9C by century’s end. The authors emphasised that:

    This additional warming alone is enough to surpass the 1.5C global warming target and approach the 2C threshold

    The study based its estimates on the continuation of “current dietary patterns and agricultural production practices”. As the study highlighted, this means that if consumption levels of animal-based foods increase, as projected, the situation could be much worse.

    Dietary change needed

    Methane, the study showed, is clearly the key to curbing food-related carbon pollution. Ivanovich said:

    The majority of future warming from the food sector comes from the emissions of methane

    “Because it is a short-lived pollutant, immediate reductions in its emissions can result in climate benefits in the near future.”

    The study found that improving production methods for meat, dairy, and rice, and slashing food waste would help to cut these emissions. The same can be said of using renewables rather than fossil fuels for power.

    Meanwhile, people adopting a diet optimal for human health could curb the emissions by 0.2C. This is around 20% of the anticipated warming, according to the analysis. The researchers used Harvard medical school’s recommendations as the measure of a healthy diet. It advises only a single serving of red meat weekly and “limited consumption” of other animal-based foods, namely fish, birds, and eggs. This means a substantial drop in consumption of animal-based foods is necessary in richer countries. Conversely, some poorer countries could increase consumption.

    To date, however, trend lines for many of these measures are stagnant. In the case of meat consumption, they’re moving in the wrong direction.

    Additional reporting by Agence France-Presse

    Featured image via Vaarok / Wikimedia, cropped to 770×403, licensed under CC BY 2.5

    By Tracy Keeling

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • This story was originally published by the Food and Environment Reporting Network.

    In 2002, Deirdre Birmingham and her husband, John Biondi, bought a 166-acre farm in southwestern Wisconsin’s Driftless region. On a portion of that land — once used to raise cattle and grow feed crops like corn, soybeans, and alfalfa — they planted apple and pear trees to make fermented ciders. On a larger, spring-fed portion, abutting the orchard and en route to meadow and oak forest, they seeded in Indian and June and bluestem grasses, echinacea and bergamot, spiderwort and blazing stars, restoring a portion of the region’s native prairie. They knew this would benefit beleaguered wild bees but they weren’t fully aware how this decision to rewild their landscape would help the farm, too.

    Two decades later, on June 14, 2022, the weather turned unseasonably hot. After tedious cold and wet weeks, temperatures swelled throughout the morning until they hit the high 90 degrees F. “We had this record-breaking heat and the trees just fast-forwarded into blossom, and dandelions and so many other things also went into bloom,” Birmingham said. “I could see wild bees on our pears and I thought, they just have tons of work to do, and a lot of choices” of flowers to visit. She worried they’d skip her orchard’s 16,000 trees, which like many food plants rely on pollinators to produce a crop. Honeybees, which are trucked in to perform this task on orchards around the nation, were nowhere to be found — her beekeeper neighbor’s shipment was late. To her surprise, though, local wild pollinators like bumble, sweat, and mason bees, nesting in the restored prairie, did all the pollination work. The result: a bountiful apple crop. “The wild will do it for you,” Birmingham said.

    There’s plenty of research that supports Birmingham’s experience of wild bees’ relevance in pollinating crops like tree fruits, blueberries, and cranberries, and the role diverse plantings play in giving bees a needed forage and habitat boost. That’s why USDA and conservation nonprofits like the Xerces Society encourage farmers to plant buffers like pollinator strips — wide swaths of flowering plants adjacent to crop fields. (Birmingham got help from both.) But there may be more going on between Birmingham’s plants and bees in this era of climate change. Her property, with its multifaceted landscape of forest and crop trees, hedgerows and prairie, has the hallmarks of a refugium.

    Refugia, from the Latin for shelter and first used in biology in the 1940s, are viewed as “relatively buffered” from climate change and a haven for vulnerable species. A refugium might be found in a sheltered valley along a river, with plenty of cover from trees. As extreme heat and drought wither plants, obliterate pollen, dry up water sources and make it harder for bees to function or find food — not to mention, threaten the human food supply — a refugium’s cooler, damper microclimate could help all manner of species survive.

    In fact, refugia have played a critical role in protecting species before. During the last Ice Age, the woodland ringlet butterfly, the common European viper, brown bear, black hellebore and mountain ash, hunkered down in warmer microclimates to survive the cycle of extreme cold. When things warmed up, they re-emerged and repopulated parts of the planet.

    Researchers are now looking at ways this might work in our age of rising temperatures, and the role that farms might play in enhancing biodiversity. The UN Environment Program found that food and agriculture currently drive 70 percent of species loss, through deforestation, grassland conversion, chemical use, and other changes to the landscape. But farms like Birmingham’s might help counter that trend at a time when climate change is accelerating the threat to species.

    For example, in a “complex landscape structure” like Birmingham’s, tree canopy provides cooling shade; densely planted trees and woody shrubs (i.e., hedgerows) block wind to prevent the land from drying out; soil covered with low-lying cover crops retains moisture; and flora move moisture into the air to lower the surrounding temperature. All of this help bees, birds, and the plants themselves.

    At Dru Rivers’ Full Belly organic farm in California’s northern Capay Valley — about a 90-minute drive from the Bay Area — she and her partners planted hedgerows over 30 years ago, including some that yield crops, like pomegranates and olives. The farm’s 400 acres also produce about 100 varieties of fruits, vegetables, and nuts, through which they rotate cover crops. All of those choices enhanced the soil. So when torrential rains from the state’s unprecedented atmospheric river hit this past January, the porous soil managed to absorb all the water rather than flooding the farm. And, said Rivers, “We have the firm belief that our healthy soil helped in the drought” that hammered California over the last three years. “We still have really vibrant orchards.”

    As Full Belly’s plant life has survived extremes, so too has extensive wildlife. Studies found that Full Belly provides so much welcoming habitat that it virtually “grow[s] their own [wild] bees,” making honeybee pollination unnecessary. Full Belly also supports a vast amount of birdlife, including wood ducks, Western bluebirds, and red shouldered hawks. Although researchers haven’t recorded temperatures in the farm’s microclimate, it bears the hallmarks of a refugium and “the greenness of it is comforting, even for people habitat,” Rivers says.

    Data show that the best climate-mitigating effect comes from a mosaic of landscape types, with more greenery producing greater benefits. These “dampen the impact of extreme weather events, be it high temperature, extreme drought, extreme precipitation,” wrote Jonas Lembrechts, an ecologist at the University of Antwerp, in an email. “Such ‘green solutions’ can certainly be highlighted as one of the better climate adaption scenarios a person can do.”

    A small farm near Ponte de Lima, Portugal, which grows herbs, citrus, and olives, creates a biodiverse microclimate for insects and birds. Samuel Fromartz / Food & Environment Reporting Network

    These habitats are plentiful in nature too. Scientists around the world have been locating existing refugia and tallying their various soil types, water availability and slope direction, all of which play a role in creating nurturing microclimates. One meadow refugium in a Sierra Nevada, California, valley was found to be 18 degrees F cooler than surrounding mountainsides; researchers identified 400 plant and 100 bird species on just 800 acres. “Especially at night, the cooling effect of nature reserves can reach to 2 kilometers (nearly one mile),” Lembrechts wrote, expanding a refugium’s reach.

    These protective reserves are critical for the future of species. Refugia in general “harbor large amounts of genetic diversity, so I guess that gives some hope,” said biologist Matthew Koski at Clemson University, because the species that survive in these microclimates can potentially evolve. “So conserving these regions is extremely important.” One challenge: “What if these refugia are kept to very small, protected areas and then developed around? That’s going to be totally problematic because it’s likely that those population sizes will decline,” he said, unless some connectivity between microhabitats can be established. Work is already underway in the U.S. to address those problems, with solutions like pollinator corridors in rural and urban areas.

    A recent study pointed out that even a farm that supports a monoculture like wheat is often scattered with less-productive tracts suitable for habitat. Ilona Naujokaitis-Lewis, a landscape ecologist with Environment and Climate Change Canada at Canada’s National Wildlife Research Centre, has been studying 30 agricultural landscapes in Ontario. She sees particular promise in hedgerows, under which she’s found summer temperatures to be “remarkably” cooler than on adjacent crop fields, sometimes by nearly 15 degrees F. (Lembrechts found a similar scenario in Flemish gardens.) The more trees, the more cooling effects from direct shading and wind movement patterns. Treed hedgerows in particular “can maximize biodiversity of beneficial insects and provide co-benefits for climate mitigation,” concluded research co-conducted by Naujokaitis-Lewis.

    That doesn’t mean refugia are immune to the stresses of extreme weather. “Microclimates that are a few degrees cooler might be enough to weather a short period of extreme heat or drought, but eventually pollinators need to leave their relative safety to forage for food,” said Grant Duffy, an ecologist at the University of Otago in New Zealand. And plants will eventually succumb to persistent scorch and lack of water, even if your “soil sponge,” as Lembrechts calls it, helps out for a while.

    Nevertheless, a range of plants that bloom across the span of a bee’s life might allow it to stay put in a protected oasis longer. “Anything that adds more habitat complexity is going to create more microclimate variability [to give] pollinators … a better range of options when temperatures are especially warm (or cold), so they can avoid the worst of those extremes,” Duffy said.

    In other words, refugia could buy species some time. First to adapt, then to wend their way toward more comfortable areas. “All animals can survive within certain critical thermal limits — the lower and higher temperatures at which they die — which they achieve by something we call plasticity, or acclimation,” said Hester Weaving, an entomologist at the University of Bristol. Insects can adapt to heat by producing heat-shock proteins, for example. “You can imagine that this process could be really useful for climate change, because, different from evolution, which is occurring over many generations and might be too slow, acclimation can happen within hours.” How plastic are insects, including bees? Not very, a recent study of Weaving’s revealed. “That’s when you know these microclimates are going to be really important for [their] survival,” she said.

    Agricultural landscapes with a robust array of plants will likely become even more important as temperatures warm. “When we create pollinator-friendly habitat, we create larger populations of pollinators that are going to have a better capacity to adapt to future changes,” said biologist Jessica Forrest of the University of Ottawa, who studies how climate change affects plant-pollinator interactions. The bigger those populations are, “the more chance there is that one individual’s got a mutation that allows it to tolerate whatever new environmental condition is coming along.”

    Sadly, those benefits aren’t recognized often enough. Naujokaitis-Lewis, for example, has encountered farmers bent on removing hedgerows from their property to keep them from toppling onto fields in intensifying storms, fully unaware of the climatic advantages of keeping them intact. Birmingham, meanwhile, has experienced these advantages firsthand. Two years ago, her landscape proved its greater worth. “We had a drought year that didn’t faze our prairie because these plants are so deep-rooted,” she said. Not only did her fruit trees get pollinated; her wild bees survived and thrived in their habitat.


    Produced with FERN, non-profit reporting on food, agriculture, and environmental health.

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline A chilling effect: How farms can help pollinators survive the stress of climate change on Mar 5, 2023.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • This week’s News on China in 2 minutes.

    • Local officials become influencers
    • Schools strengthen digital education
    • Expanding GM soybean and corn areas
    • Iraq will use yuan in oil trade with China

    The post Local Officials Become Influencers first appeared on Dissident Voice.

  • The cost of living is going through the roof and the housing crisis means more people cannot afford to rent or buy. Nearly everyone is feeling the pinch. That’s why the Socialist Alliance platform for the NSW elections is is ‘People before Profit’.

    This post was originally published on Green Left.

  • A two-year investigation by Hindenbug Research found evidence that Indian conglomerate Adani Group had engaged in a brazen stock manipulation and accounting fraud scheme over decades. Binoy Kampmark reports.

    This post was originally published on Green Left.

  • More than 500 people from 18 states around Mexico, representing 125 different movements, organisations and Indigenous communities, gathered on February 18–19 in the Assembly for Water and For Life, reports Tamara Pearson.

    This post was originally published on Green Left.



  • Even though synthetic pesticides—the majority of which are derived from fossil fuels—contribute significantly to planet-heating pollution and increase the vulnerability of food systems, industrial agriculture interests continue to recklessly portray further pesticide use as a sensible response to the climate emergency’s worsening impacts.

    That’s according to a recent report published by the Pesticide Action Network North America (PANNA), which details how agrochemical corporations exacerbate the climate crisis by refusing to admit that pesticides are part of the problem and instead promoting “false” solutions that enable them to keep peddling their highly profitable petroleum-based products.

    The January report outlines how policymakers can help mitigate the climate crisis and build just and sustainable food systems by setting targets to drastically curb pesticide use, supporting agroecological farming practices, and protecting the rights of low-income individuals, disproportionately people of color, who are most harmed by pesticides, including farmworkers and residents of areas where the toxic substances are produced and applied.

    “Governments are investing billions of dollars to address climate change, but these investments will fall woefully short unless they incorporate pesticide use reduction strategies and promotion of agroecological growing practices.”

    “Reductions in pesticide use and the adoption of agroecology would decrease greenhouse gas emissions, while also reducing acute poisonings, long-term diseases like cancer, and other health impacts that rural communities face from pesticide exposure,” Nayamin Martinez, executive director of Central California Environmental Justice Network, said in a statement.

    As the report explains: “Pesticides contribute to climate change throughout their lifecycle via manufacturing, packaging, transportation, application, and even through environmental degradation and disposal. Importantly, 99% of all synthetic chemicals—including pesticides—are derived from fossil fuels, and several oil and gas companies play major roles in developing pesticide ingredients.”

    Pesticides, the offspring of a World War II-era marriage of Big Ag and Big Oil, help drive global warming to a greater extent than many realize, as the authors document:

    Other chemical inputs in agriculture, such as nitrogen fertilizer, have rightly received significant attention due to their contributions to greenhouse gas emissions. Yet research has shown that the manufacture of one kilogram of pesticide requires, on average, about 10 times more energy than one kilogram of nitrogen fertilizer. Like nitrogen fertilizers, pesticides can also release greenhouse gas emissions after their application, with fumigant pesticides shown to increase nitrous oxide production in soils seven- to eight-fold. Many pesticides also lead to the production of ground-level ozone, a greenhouse gas harmful to both humans and plants. Some pesticides, such as sulfuryl fluoride, are themselves powerful greenhouse gases, having nearly 5,000 times the potency of carbon dioxide.

    Despite mounting evidence that pesticides are helping to accelerate planetary heating, “climate change impacts are expected to lead to increases in pesticide use, creating a vicious cycle between chemical dependency and intensifying climate change,” the report notes. “Research shows that declining efficacy of pesticides, coupled with increases in pest pressures associated with a changing climate, will likely increase synthetic pesticide use in conventional agriculture. An increase in pesticide use will lead to greater resistance to herbicides and insecticides in weeds and insect pests, while also harming public health and the environment.”

    That agricultural production is a substantial contributor to greenhouse gas (GHG) pollution is increasingly acknowledged, but the role played by pesticides is “infrequently addressed” and “many proposed solutions would not result in meaningful GHG emission reductions,” says the report.

    It continues:

    An example of a false solution is precision agriculture, which promises to reduce the use of petroleum-derived pesticides and fertilizers by using computer-aided technologies to more accurately determine need (pest presence) and then more accurately apply pesticides to intended targets. However, precision agriculture maintains a system dependent upon chemical- and energy-intensive technologies and materials, while diverting attention from and investment in more effective climate-friendly strategies in agriculture that have additional social and public health co-benefits, such as agroecology. Precision agriculture also increases the power and control of agrochemical companies, many of which own the precision agriculture platforms and the data inputted by farmers.

    Another flawed solution, carbon markets, allows agribusinesses or farmers to sell carbon credits to corporations to “offset” continued greenhouse gas emissions—perpetuating reliance on fossil fuels. Carbon markets have a poor track record in terms of long-term climate mitigation, and have been shown to worsen economic and racial disparities.

    Co-author Asha Sharma, organizing co-director at PANNA, said that “our new report reveals how oil and gas companies and pesticide manufacturers have followed a similar playbook—strategically promoting flawed solutions to the climate crisis, like carbon capture and storage and new digital agriculture tools, which in reality offer minimal climate benefits.”

    “Corporations tout these novel technologies to protect their reputation, while they continue to profit from fossil fuels,” said Sharma. “We need deeper, transformative approaches to actually solve the root problems of our broken food system.”

    The report makes the case for agroecology, which it defines as “a way of farming rooted in social justice that focuses on working with nature rather than against it.”

    Agroecology “relies on ecological principles for pest management, minimizing the use of synthetic pesticides, while prioritizing the decision-making power of farmers and agricultural workers,” the report notes, adding that such an approach improves “the resilience of our agricultural systems to better withstand climate change impacts.”

    The report makes three key recommendations for policymakers:

    • Establish measurable goals in climate policies to reduce synthetic pesticide use in agriculture;
    • Promote the transition to biodiverse, agroecological food and farming systems, such as by establishing and funding programs that provide increased technical assistance and incentives to farmers to adopt or continue these farming practices; and
    • In line with international law, adopt regulations that uphold and promote the rights of groups most impacted by synthetic pesticide use.

    “Transitioning our agricultural systems to those that uplift ecological and social justice principles will not only help mitigate climate change, but also reduce the negative health impacts of industrial agriculture,” says the report. “While the work toward future policy and practice change continues, we can collectively support the advocacy work of impacted communities and organizations fighting for more equitable and sustainable food and farming systems right now.”

    Co-author Margaret Reeves, a senior scientist at PANNA, argued that “governments are investing billions of dollars to address climate change, but these investments will fall woefully short unless they incorporate pesticide use reduction strategies and promotion of agroecological growing practices.”

    This post was originally published on Common Dreams.



  • “I call bullsh*t.”

    That’s how Nathan Donley, environmental health science director at the Center for Biological Diversity, responded Thursday to the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) issuing limited restrictions for the use of over-the-top dicamba herbicides in four states.

    Noting that it has been over a year since the Biden administration released a report “detailing just how incredibly devastating the 2020 dicamba approval has been,” Donley said, “And now we’re supposed to believe that four states not being able to use dicamba for two weeks in June accomplishes something?”

    Under the EPA’s rules for the 2023 season, farmers in Illinois, Indiana, and Iowa can’t apply the herbicides Engenia, Tavium, and XtendiMax after June 12 or the V4 growth stage for soybeans and first square for cotton—whichever comes first. The previous end date for those states was June 20, which is the new cutoff for South Dakota, where farmers previously had until June 30.

    Some experts warn that the timing of the EPA’s move is “troubling” given the proximity to soybean planting. University of Illinois weed scientist Aaron Hager told FarmProgress that “it’s going to be a challenge. I’m afraid for soybean farmers who have already made their seed and herbicide purchases for the 2023 growing season.”

    Meanwhile, longtime critics of the herbicide like Donley and George Kimbrell, legal director at the Center for Food Safety, called out the EPA for continuously failing to go far enough to limit harm from dicamba, given concerns about drift damage.

    “This marks the fifth time in seven years EPA has made changes to dicamba’s registration,” Kimbrell said in a statement. “Yet faced with a mountain of data that its past measures have utterly failed to protect farmers, the environment, and endangered species, EPA once again failed to make meaningful changes.”

    “What EPA revised only affects four of 34 states, offers nothing to admitted continued risks to endangered species, and makes a label that already was impossible to follow in real-world farming even more impossible to follow,” Kimbrell added.

    “If allowed to stand, EPA’s capitulation to pesticide companies will condemn many thousands of farmers to another year of devastating dicamba clouds injuring their crops, endangering their livelihoods, and tearing apart their rural communities,” he warned, vowing to continue doing “everything we can to stop this harm.”

    This post was originally published on Common Dreams.

  • Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Massachusetts) is demanding answers from the U.S.’s top egg producers as egg prices have soared in recent months, raising questions about whether the industry is participating in anti-competitive behaviors and price gouging. In letters sent to the top five egg producers in the U.S. on Thursday, Warren and Sen. Katie Porter (D-California) called on corporations to elucidate…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • Step away from the blinders that partisan politics uses to distract, divide and conquer, and you will find that we are drowning in a cesspool of problems that individually and collectively threaten our lives, liberties, prosperity and happiness.

    These are not problems the politicians want to talk about, let alone address, yet we cannot afford to ignore them much longer.

    Foreign interests are buying up our farmland and holding our national debt. As of 2021, foreign persons and entities owned 40.8 million acres of U.S. agricultural land, 47% of which was forestland, 29% in cropland, and 22% in pastureland. Foreign land holdings have increased by an average of 2.2 million acres per year since 2015. Foreign countries also own $7.4 trillion worth of U.S. national debt, with Japan and China ranked as our two largest foreign holders of our debt.

    Corporate and governmental censorship have created digital dictators. While the “Twitter files” revealed the lengths to which the FBI has gone to monitor and censor social media content, the government has been colluding with the tech sector for some time now in order to silence its critics and target “dangerous” speech in the name of fighting so-called disinformation. The threat of being labelled “disinformation” is being used to undermine anyone who asks questions, challenges the status quo, and engages in critical thinking.

    Middle- and lower-income Americans are barely keeping up. Rising costs of housing, food, gas and other necessities are presenting nearly insurmountable hurdles towards financial independence for the majority of households who are scrambling to make ends meet. Meanwhile, mounting layoffs in the tens of thousands are adding to the fiscal pain.

    The government is attempting to weaponize mental health care. Increasingly, in communities across the nation, police are being empowered to forcibly detain individuals they believe might be mentally ill, even if they pose no danger to others. While these programs are ostensibly aimed at getting the homeless off the streets, when combined with the government’s ongoing efforts to predict who might pose a threat to public safety based on mental health sensor data (tracked by wearable data and monitored by government agencies such as HARPA), the specter of mental health round-ups begins to sound less far-fetched.

    The military’s global occupation is spreading our resources thin and endangering us at home. America’s war spending and commitment to policing the rest of the world are bankrupting the nation and spreading our troops dangerously thin. In 2022 alone, the U.S. approved more than $50 billion in aid for Ukraine, half of which went towards military spending, with more on the way. The U.S. also maintains some 750 military bases in 80 countries around the world.

    Deepfakes, AI and virtual reality are blurring the line between reality and a computer-generated illusion. Powered by AI software, deepfake audio and video move us into an age where it is almost impossible to discern what is real, especially as it relates to truth and disinformation. At the same time, the technology sector continues to use virtual reality to develop a digital universe—the metaverse—that is envisioned as being the next step in our evolutionary transformation from a human-driven society to a technological one.

    Advances in technology are outstripping our ability to protect ourselves from its menacing side, both in times of rights, humanity and workforce. In the absence of constitutional protections in place to guard against encroachments on our rights in the electronic realm, we desperately need an Electronic Bill of Rights that protects “we the people” from predatory surveillance and data-mining business practices.

    The courts have aligned themselves with the police state. In one ruling after another, the courts have used the doctrine of qualified immunity to shield police officers from accountability for misconduct, tacitly giving them a green light to act as judge, jury and executioner on the populace. All the while, police violence, the result of training that emphasizes brute force over constitutional restraints, continues to endanger the public.

    The nation’s dependence on foreign imports has fueled a $1 trillion trade deficit. While analysts have pointed to the burgeoning trade deficit as a sign that the U.S. economy is growing, it underscores the extent to which very little is actually made in America anymore.

    World governments, including the U.S., continue to use national crises such as COVID-19 to expand their emergency powers. None are willing to relinquish these powers when the crisis passes. According to the Brennan Center for Justice, the U.S. government still has 42 declared national emergencies in effect, allowing it to sidestep constitutional protocols that maintain a system of checks and balances. For instance, the emergency declared after the 9/11 has yet to be withdrawn.

    The nation’s infrastructure is rapidly falling apart. Many of the country’s roads, bridges, airports, dams, levees and water systems are woefully outdated and in dire need of overhauling, and have fallen behind that of other developed countries in recent years. The American Society of Civil Engineers estimates that crumbling infrastructure costs every American household $3,300 in hidden costs a year due to lost time, increased fuel consumption while sitting in traffic jams, and extra car repairs due to poor road conditions.

    The nation is about to hit a healthcare crisis. Despite the fact that the U.S. spends more on health care than any other high-income country, it has the worst health outcomes than its peer nations. Experts are also predicting a collapse in the U.S. health care system as the medical community deals with growing staff shortages and shuttered facilities.

    These are just a small sampling of the many looming problems that threaten to overwhelm us in the near future.

    Thus far, Americans seem inclined to just switch the channel, tune out what they don’t want to hear, and tune into their own personal echo chambers.

    Yet as I make clear in my book Battlefield America: The War on the American People and in its fictional counterpart The Erik Blair Diaries, no amount of escapism can shield us from the harsh reality that the danger in our midst is posed by an entrenched government bureaucracy that has no regard for the Constitution, Congress, the courts or the citizenry.

    The post Distract, Divide, and Conquer first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • Mass shootings at two California mushroom farms last month drew national attention to the dismal working and living conditions imposed on California farmworkers. Surveys of California Terra Garden and Concord Farms, where the assailant had worked, revealed families living in trailers and shipping containers, using makeshift kitchens and portable toilets. State and federal officials have opened investigations into the farms, where workers reported earning below minimum wage.

    The conditions are “very typical images … for California and for the country,” Irene de Barraicua, director of operations at Lideres Campesinas, a network of female farmworker leaders, told the Washington Post after the shooting.  

    Now, the first comprehensive assessment of California farmworker health since 1999, released Friday, demonstrates just how typical those conditions are – and how climate change, and widening inequality, are exacerbating challenges for these workers, some of the most disenfranchised residents of the state.

    The landmark study, by the University of California, Merced’s Community and Labor Center, in partnership with organizations that serve farmworkers across the state, and funded by the California Department of Public Health, surveyed over 1,200 workers about their health, well-being, and workplace conditions. It found widespread exposure to wildfire smoke and pesticides, rodents and cockroaches in rental units, inadequate safety training, and lack of access to clean drinking water. Half of all farmworkers surveyed reported going without health insurance, even when between one-third and one-half had at least one chronic health condition. 

    “Even through these major climate disasters the food supply has not been interrupted,” said Edward Flores, a professor of sociology at UC Merced and one of the report’s authors. “But the conditions that people work in have become riskier to their well-being. And they have fewer resources with which to weather a major event.”

    Temperatures can already exceed 110 degrees Fahrenheit in areas including the San Joaquin Valley, Imperial Valley, Coachella Valley, and Sacramento Valley, where much of the state’s farming happens, and the heat is only getting worse. Meanwhile, intense precipitation events cause damage to substandard rental units, and extreme fire weather days, which have doubled since the 1980s, increase the risk of respiratory illness.

    More than one in three survey respondents, 92 percent of whom were renters, experienced problems keeping a house cool or warm. And about 15 percent encountered rotting wood, water damage, and leaks. 

    California’s Division of Occupational Health and Safety, or Cal/OSHA, has various standards in place to protect workers from extreme weather and other occupational hazards. For outdoor workers, for example, employers have to provide fresh water, access to shade, and cool-down rest breaks at 80 degrees Fahrenheit. They also have to train employees and supervisors on the signs of heat illness and maintain a heat illness prevention plan, with written procedures for what to do in case of an emergency.

    These standards are some of the strongest in the nation. Still, they often don’t protect farmworkers, who report widespread violations and non-compliance. Almost half the farmworkers surveyed had never been provided with a heat illness prevention plan. And 15 percent received no heat illness training at all.

    During wildfire season, 13 percent had to work when smoke made it difficult to breathe, often without respiratory protective equipment as required by Cal/OSHA. While state law also requires pesticide safety training to be provided in a language that farmworkers understand, about half who had worked with the chemicals in the past year did so without receiving adequate training. 

    Even more concerning, when workplaces were out of compliance with labor laws, 36 percent of farmworkers said they would not be willing to file a complaint. Most of the time, that was for fear of employer retaliation. The fact that only 41 percent of the respondents had access to unemployment insurance suggests that 59 percent weren’t documented, said Edward Flores. “A very vulnerable person has to take the job that’s available to them, even if it’s not up to code.”

    As climate change intensifies, challenges facing farmworkers, and especially undocumented workers, will only increase, the report warns. “Whether it’s record heat, catastrophic wildfires, or major floods, farmworkers either have to work in dangerous conditions or they’re unable to work,” said Flores. “They don’t have the same access to a safety net.”

    The researchers hope that as California invests in reducing its emissions and helping agriculture adapt to a warming world, the data from the report will lead to more integrated climate, economic, and labor policy. “We should be thinking about a cohesive strategy so that, for example, investment in technology to improve the way that crops are produced might also be done with farmer organizations at the table, with input from health and safety advocates,” said Flores.

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Even with legal protections, extreme heat and wildfire take a toll on farmworkers on Feb 7, 2023.

    This post was originally published on Grist.



  • As a deadly strain of avian influenza continues to decimate bird populations around the world and spread among other animals, some scientists are warning that mammal-to-mammal transmission has emerged as a real possibility with potentially catastrophic consequences for humans.

    Over the past year, officials in the United States, the United Kingdom, and Canada have detected cases of the highly pathogenic H5N1 bird flu in a variety of species, including bears, foxes, otters, raccoons, and skunks. Last month, a cat suffered serious neurological symptoms from a late 2022 infection, according to French officials who said that the virus showed genetic characteristics consistent with adaptation to mammals.

    Most of these infections are likely the result of mammals eating infected birds, according to Jürgen Richt, director of the Center on Emerging and Zoonotic Infectious Diseases at Kansas State University.

    More alarming, multiple researchers argue, was the large outbreak of H5N1 on a Spanish mink farm last October, which could mark the first known instance of mammal-to-mammal transmission.

    “Farmworkers began noticing a spike in deaths among the animals, with sick minks experiencing an array of dire symptoms like loss of appetite, excessive saliva, bloody snouts, tremors, and a lack of muscle control,” CBC News reported Thursday. “Eventually, the entire population of minks was either killed or culled—more than 50,000 animals in total.”

    “A virus which has evolved on a mink farm and subsequently infects farmworkers exposed to infected animals is a highly plausible route for the emergence of a virus capable of human-to-human transmission to emerge.”

    A study published two weeks ago in Eurosurveillance, a peer-reviewed journal of epidemiological research, described the outbreak and its public health implications. Notably, the authors wrote that their findings “indicate that an onward transmission of the virus to other minks may have taken place in the affected farm.”

    As CBC News noted, “That’s a major shift, after only sporadic cases among humans and other mammals over the last decade.”

    Michelle Wille, a University of Sydney researcher who focuses on the dynamics of wild bird viruses, told the Canadian outlet that “this outbreak signals the very real potential for the emergence of mammal-to-mammal transmission.”

    It’s just one farm and none of the workers—all of whom wore personal protective equipment—were infected. However, Dr. Isaac Bogoch, a Toronto-based infectious disease specialist, warned Thursday that if the virus mutates in a way that enables it to become increasingly transmissible between mammals, including humans, “it could have deadly consequences.”

    “This is an infection that has epidemic and pandemic potential,” Bogoch told CBC News. “I don’t know if people recognize how big a deal this is.”

    A “mass mortality event” involving roughly 2,500 endangered seals found off the coast of Russia’s Caspian Sea last month has also raised alarm.

    According to Phys.org:

    A researcher at Russia’s Dagestan State University, Alimurad Gadzhiyev, said last week that early samples from the seals “tested positive for bird flu,” adding that they were still studying whether the virus caused the die-off.

    Peacock warned there have been mixed reports from Russia about the seals, which could have contracted the virus by eating infected seabirds.

    But if the seals did give bird flu to each other it “would be yet another very concerning development,” he added.

    “The mink outbreaks, the increased number of infections of scavenger mammals, and the potential seal outbreak would all point to this virus having the potential to cause a pandemic” in humans, he said.

    Among birds, the mortality rate of H5N1 can approach 100%, ravaging wild bird populations and poultry farms alike. The World Organization for Animal Health told BBC News on Thursday that it has recorded almost 42 million cases of H5N1 in wild and domestic birds since the current outbreak started in October 2021. Another 193 million domestic birds have been culled in an attempt to curb transmission.

    The highly pathogenic strain of avian flu also frequently causes death in other mammals, including humans. According to the World Health Organization (WHO), nearly 870 cases of H5N1 were reported in humans from 2003 to 2022 and they resulted in at least 457 deaths—a fatality rate that exceeds 50%.

    The virus has “not acquired the ability for sustained transmission among humans,” the WHO stated last month. “Thus the likelihood of human-to-human spread is low.”

    However, a December report from the U.K. Health Security Agency warned that the “rapid and consistent acquisition of the mutation in mammals may imply this virus has a propensity to cause zoonotic infections,” meaning that it could jump to humans.

    Dr. Wenqing Zhang, head of the WHO’s global influenza program, told BBC News on Thursday that the threat posed by the virus spilling over “is very concerning and the risk has been increasing over the years as reflected in the number of outbreaks in animals as well as a number of infections in humans.”

    “We’re closely related to minks and ferrets, in terms of influenza risks… If it’s propagating to minks, and killing minks, it’s worrisome to us.”

    As CBC News reported this week: “Most human infections also appeared to involve people having direct contact with infected birds. Real-world mink-to-mink transmission now firmly suggests H5N1 is now ‘poised to emerge in mammals,’ Wille said—and while the outbreak in Spain may be the first reported instance of mammalian spread, it may not be the last.”

    Wille warned that “a virus which has evolved on a mink farm and subsequently infects farmworkers exposed to infected animals is a highly plausible route for the emergence of a virus capable of human-to-human transmission to emerge.”

    Louise Moncla, an assistant professor of pathobiology at the University of Pennsylvania, told the outlet that viruses often adapt to new host species through an “intermediary host.”

    “And so what’s concerning about this is that this is exactly the kind of scenario you would expect to see that could lead to this type of adaptation, that could allow these viruses to replicate better in other mammals—like us,” Moncla explained.

    The alarm bells sounded this week echo long-standing warnings about the growing prospects of a devastating bird flu pandemic.

    In his 2005 book, The Monster at Our Door, the late historian Mike Davis wrote that “the essence of the avian flu threat… is that a mutant influenza of nightmarish virulence—evolved and now entrenched in ecological niches recently created by global agro-capitalism—is searching for the new gene or two that will enable it to travel at pandemic velocity through a densely urbanized and mostly poor humanity.”

    Alluding to the “constantly evolving nature of influenza viruses,” the WHO recently stressed “the importance of global surveillance to detect and monitor virological, epidemiological, and clinical changes associated with emerging or circulating influenza viruses that may affect human (or animal) health, and timely virus-sharing for risk assessment.”

    To avert a cataclysmic bird flu pandemic, scientists have also emphasized the need to ramp up H5N1 vaccine production, with Wille pointing out that “a very aggressive and successful poultry vaccination campaign ultimately stopped all human cases” of the H7N9 strain of the virus in the early 2010s.

    Others have also criticized the global fur farming industry, citing the spread of bird flu as well the coronavirus among cruelly confined minks.

    “We’re closely related to minks and ferrets, in terms of influenza risks,” Dr. Jan Hajek, an infectious diseases physician at Vancouver General Hospital, told CBC News. “If it’s propagating to minks, and killing minks, it’s worrisome to us.”

    This post was originally published on Common Dreams.

  • After months of tense negotiation, a half-dozen states have reached an agreement to drastically cut their water usage and stabilize the drought-stricken Colorado River — as long as California doesn’t blow up the deal. The plan, which was developed without the input of Mexico or Native American tribes that rely on the river, seeks to stave off total collapse in the river for another few years, giving water users time to find a comprehensive solution for the chronically-depleted waterway. 

    On Monday, six out of the seven states that rely on the Colorado announced their support for steep emergency cuts totaling more than 2 million acre-feet of water, or roughly a quarter of annual usage from the river. The multi-state agreement, prodded into existence by the Biden administration’s threats to impose its own cuts, will likely serve as a blueprint for the federal government as it manages the river over the next four years, ushering in a new era of conservation in the drought-wracked Southwest. While the exact consequences of these massive cuts are still largely uncertain, they will almost certainly spell disaster for water-intensive agriculture operations and new residential development in the region’s booming cities.

    But California, which takes more water than any other state, has rejected the proposal as too onerous, instead proposing its own plan with a less stringent scheme for cutting water usage. If the federal government does adopt the six-state framework, powerful farmers in California’s Imperial Valley may sue to stop it, setting up a legal showdown that could derail the Biden administration’s drought response efforts.

    Nevertheless, the general consensus on pursuing immediate, dramatic water cuts is unprecedented.

    “It puts something down on the table that we haven’t had before,” said Elizabeth Koebele, an associate professor at the University of Nevada-Reno who studies the Colorado River. “The states are saying, ‘We recognize just how bad it is, and we’re willing to take cuts much, much sooner than we had previously agreed to.’”

    The Colorado River has been oversubscribed for more than a century thanks to a much-maligned 1922 contract that allocated more water than actually existed, but it has also been shrinking over the past 20 years thanks to a millennium-scale drought made worse by climate change. Last year, as high winter temperatures caused the snowpack that feeds the river to vanish, water levels plummeted in the river’s two key reservoirs, Lake Powell and Lake Mead, threatening to knock out electricity generation at two major dams.

    Federal officials intervened in June, ordering the seven Colorado River Basin states to find a way to reduce their annual water usage by between 2 and 4 million acre-feet. This was a jaw-dropping demand, far more than the states had ever contemplated cutting, and they blew through an initial August deadline to find a solution. The feds upped the pressure in October, threatening to impose unilateral cuts if state officials didn’t work out a solution.

    A map of the Colorado River
    A century-old agreement divides the Colorado River Basin into two sections, the Upper Basin and the Lower Basin, which are now at odds over how to handle a climate-fueled drought. Grist / Amelia Bates

    As the interstate talks proceeded, long-buried conflicts began to resurface. The first major conflict is between the Upper Basin states — Wyoming, Colorado, New Mexico, and Utah — and the Lower Basin states: Nevada, Arizona, California, and Mexico. The Upper Basin states argue that the Lower Basin states should be the ones to cut water in response to the drought. These states use much more water, the argument goes, and they also waste a lot of water that evaporates as it flows downstream through reservoirs and canals. The Lower Basin states, meanwhile, argue that no states should be exempt from cuts, given the scale of reductions needed.

    The other main conflict is between Arizona and California, the two largest Lower Basin water users and the main targets of future cuts. California’s water rights trump Arizona’s, and therefore the Golden State argues that Arizona should shoulder almost the whole burden of future cuts. Arizona argues in turn that its farms and subdivisions have already cut their water usage in recent years as the drought has gotten worse, and that water-rich farmers in California should do more to help.

    In the middle of these warring parties is Nevada, which takes only a tiny share of the river’s water and has emerged as the Switzerland of the Colorado River system over the past year. Water officials from the Silver State have been trying since late summer to broker a compromise between the Upper and Lower Basins and between Arizona and California, culminating in an intense session of talks in Las Vegas in December.

    The talks were only partly successful. Officials managed to work out a framework that meets the Biden administration’s demands for major cuts, bringing an end to a year of uncertain back-and-forth. The proposal would cut more than a million acre-feet of water each from Arizona and California during the driest years, plus another 625,000 acre-feet from Mexico and 67,000 acre-feet from Nevada, adding new reductions to account for water that evaporates as it moves downstream. In return for these Lower Basin cuts, the Upper Basin states have agreed to move more water downstream to Lake Powell, helping protect that reservoir’s critical energy infrastructure — but they haven’t committed to reduce any water usage themselves.

    Multi-line chart shows proposed plan for water cuts among some states and Mexico in the Colorado River Basin.
    Grist / Jessie Blaeser

    “It seems like the Lower Basin states conceded to the Upper Basin,” said Koebele. An earlier version of the six-state proposal called for the Upper Basin to reduce water usage by a collective 500,000 acre-feet, but that call was absent from the final framework.

    While the fight between the Upper and Lower Basin states appears neutralized, the conflict between the Lower Basin’s two biggest users is ongoing. Around 40 percent of the agreement’s proposed reductions come from California, where state officials have slammed it as a violation of their senior water rights, derived from a series of laws and court decisions known collectively as the “law of the river.”

    “The modeling proposal submitted by the six other basin states is inconsistent with the Law of the River and does not form a seven-state consensus approach,” said J.B. Hamby, California’s lead representative in the talks. Hamby argued that penalizing California for evaporation losses on the river contradicts the legal precedent that gives California clear seniority over Arizona.

    Officials from the Golden State released their own rough framework for dealing with the drought on Tuesday. The plan offers a more forgiving schedule than the six-state framework, saving the largest cuts for when Lake Mead’s water level is extremely low, and it forces more pain on Arizona and Mexico. The framework only requires California to cut around 400,000 acre-feet of new water, which the biggest water users already volunteered to do last September in exchange for federal money to restore the drought-stricken Salton Sea. Water users in the state haven’t made new commitments since.

    If the Biden administration moves forward with the plan, it may trigger legal action from the Imperial Irrigation District, which represents powerful fruit and vegetable farmers in California’s Imperial Valley. The district sued to block a previous drought agreement back in 2019, and its farmers have the most to lose from the new framework, since they’ve been insulated from all previous cuts. The state’s other major water user, the Metropolitan Water District of Southern California, has signaled tentative approval for the broad strokes of six-state formula, indicating that a compromise between the two plans might be possible, although it’s not clear such a compromise would please Imperial’s farmers.

    “I don’t see how we avoid Imperial suing, other than a bunch of big snowpack,” said John Fleck, a professor of water policy at the University of New Mexico. In response to a request for comment from Grist about litigation, an Imperial spokesperson emphasized the need for “constructive dialogue and mutual understanding.” If Imperial did sue and win, the outcome would likely be even further pain for Arizona and Mexico, where farmers and cities are already struggling to deal with previous cuts.

    Two charts show the changes that could head towards Lower Basin states and Mexico. California would lose the largest volume of water under the most severe cuts, while Arizona would lose the greatest percent of its allocation.
    Grist / Jessie Blaeser

    Koebele told Grist that while the exact numbers may change, federal officials will likely adopt some version of the six-state proposal by the end of the summer. Even a modified version would alter life in the Southwest over the next four years, imposing a harsh new regime on a region whose water-guzzling produces a substantial portion of the nation’s vegetables and cattle feed. Major cities like Phoenix, Los Angeles, and Tijuana would also see water cuts, threatening growth in those places.

    Steep as the new cuts are, though, they will only last until 2026, when basin leaders will gather again to work out a long-term plan for managing the river over the next two decades. Unlike the current round of emergency talks, that long-term negotiation will include representatives from Mexico and the dozens of Native American tribes that rely on the river.

    Koebele said that the questions in those talks will be even more difficult than the ones the states are debating now. Instead of just figuring out who takes cuts in the driest years, the parties will have to figure out how to apportion a perennially smaller river while also fulfilling new tribal claims on long-sought water rights. The present crisis has only delayed progress on those bigger questions.

    “Because of the dire situation, we’ve really had to turn our attention to managing for the present,” she said. “So these actions feel more like a Band-Aid to me.”

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline There’s a deal to save the Colorado River — if California doesn’t blow it up on Feb 1, 2023.

    This post was originally published on Grist.



  • Biodiversity defenders have sounded the alarm about the United Kingdom government’s Monday decision to provide another so-called “emergency” exception for the use of an outlawed neonicotinoid pesticide lethal to bees.

    “Bad news again for bees as the U.K. government allows banned neonicotinoids in our fields against the advice of its own experts,” Friends of the Earth campaigner Sandra Bell tweeted. “The real ’emergency’ here is our declining biodiversity—it’s time farmers got support for alternatives, not a green light for using toxic chemicals.”

    Despite U.K. guidance affirming that emergency applications should not be granted more than once, the Department for Environment, Food, and Rural Affairs (DEFRA) announced for the third straight year that it will permit the use of sugar beet seeds coated with thiamethoxam under certain conditions in England.

    “If the government is serious about halting biodiversity loss by 2030, they must support farmers to explore long-term, agroecological solutions that don’t threaten our endangered bee population.”

    Against the recommendation of an independent panel of pesticide experts, the agency approved the use of thiamethoxam just four days after the European Union’s highest court ruled that providing emergency derogations for prohibited neonicotinoid-treated seeds is inconsistent with the bloc’s laws. The U.K. withdrew from the E.U. in 2020.

    DEFRA’s emergency authorization for thiamethoxam-coated sugar beet seeds also comes one month after the U.K. government advocated for a stronger global pesticide reduction target at the United Nations COP15 biodiversity summit.

    Calling the authorization “yet another shameful episode in a long list of failures to protect the U.K. environment,” the British chapter of the Pesticide Action Network (PAN) said that “putting bees and other insects at risk shows just how seriously this government takes the biodiversity crisis.”

    “It’s incredibly brazen to allow a banned bee-harming pesticide back into U.K. fields mere weeks after the government talked up the need for global ambition on reducing pesticides at the U.N. biodiversity talks in Montreal,” Bell said in a statement issued by the Pesticide Collaboration, a progressive coalition of 83 health and environmental organizations, trade unions, farmer and consumer groups, and academics.

    “This is the third consecutive year that the government has gone directly against the advice of its own scientific advisers with potentially devastating consequences for bees and other vital pollinators,” said Bell. “The health of us all and the planet depends on their survival. The government must fulfill its duty to protect wildlife and keep pesticides off our crops for good—that means supporting farmers to find nature-friendly ways to control pests.”

    University of Sussex biology professor Dave Goulson has estimated that a single teaspoon of thiamethoxam—one of three neonicotinoids produced by Bayer, the German biotech corporation that merged with agrochemical giant Monsanto in 2018—is toxic enough to wipe out 1.25 billion bees.

    A Greenpeace U.K. petition imploring Thérèse Coffey, a Conservative Party lawmaker serving as secretary of state for environment, food, and rural affairs, to “enforce a total ban on bee-killing pesticides” has garnered nearly one million signatures.

    Describing DEFRA’s move as “a huge disappointment,” the Stand By Bees campaign on Tuesday urged supporters to “continue pushing” and “write to your local MP.”

    In 2013, the European Commission banned the use of thiamethoxam and two other hazardous neonicotinoids produced by Monsanto—clothianidin and imidacloprid—on bee-attractive crops including maize, rapeseed, and some cereals. This was followed by a prohibition on all outdoor uses in 2018, which the European Court of Justice upheld in 2021, rejecting an appeal by Bayer.

    The Pesticide Collaboration warned Monday that DEFRA’s latest authorization for thiamethoxam-coated sugar beet seeds “raises wider concerns over whether the government will maintain existing restrictions on neonicotinoids and other harmful pesticides, or whether they may be overturned as part of a forthcoming bonfire of regulations that protect nature, wildlife, and communities.”

    At issue is the Retained E.U. Law Bill, which threatens to rescind E.U.-era environmental standards and other measures enacted prior to Brexit.

    “It is inexcusable to see England falling so far behind the E.U. on regulations in place to prevent such a detrimental impact on biodiversity,” Soil Association, a U.K.-based research and advocacy group, tweeted Tuesday. “It’s not credible to claim an exemption is ‘temporary’ or ’emergency’ when it is used year after year. How many more years will it happen?”

    According to Amy Heley of the Pesticide Collaboration: “In previous years, DEFRA insisted that the sugar industry must make progress in finding alternatives, but we are yet to see any outcomes of this. The Pesticide Collaboration is deeply concerned that this emergency derogation is simply another example of the government failing to follow through on their own pledges to improve the environment and protect human health.”

    As Joan Edwards, director of policy & public affairs at the Wildlife Trusts, noted Monday: “Just last month, the Secretary of State Thérèse Coffey committed the U.K. to halving the environmental impact of damaging pesticides by 2030. However, today she has incompatibly authorized the use of a banned neonicotinoid, one of the world’s most environmentally damaging pesticides.”

    “Only a few days ago, the E.U.’s highest court ruled that E.U. countries should no longer be allowed temporary exemptions for banned, bee-toxic neonicotinoid pesticides,” said Edwards. “Yet this government deems it acceptable to allow the use of a toxic pesticide that is extremely harmful to bees and other insects, at a time when populations of our precious pollinators are already in freefall. This is unacceptable.”

    The Soil Association, meanwhile, argued that “if the government is serious about halting biodiversity loss by 2030, they must support farmers to explore long-term, agroecological solutions that don’t threaten our endangered bee population.”

    “Neonicotinoids simply have no place in a sustainable farming system,” the group added.

    This post was originally published on Common Dreams.

  • Microsoft co-founder Bill Gates was surprised by the former Coalition government’s lack of ‘climate commitments’, despite the economic advantages that the energy transition presents to Australia. The world’s seventh wealthiest individual addressed the Lowy Institute on Tuesday, stating “Australia was fairly unique until quite recently at not having a climate commitment… [which] was a little bit…

    The post GreenTech opportunity ‘phenomenal’ in Australia: Bill Gates appeared first on InnovationAus.com.

    This post was originally published on InnovationAus.com.

  • A new study shows that pesticides are a key contributor to climate change, from their manufacturing, transportation, and application, all the way to their degradation and disposal. That’s according to researchers at the Pesticide Action Network North America (PANNA), who say that while pesticides have been critical tools in agricultural production, their efficacy is on the decline while climate change exacerbates the need to use more. 

    According to PANNA, the pesticide-climate change connection is a loop: Pesticides add emissions to the atmosphere that accelerate climate change, warming climates stress agricultural systems and increase the number of pests and insects, requiring more pesticides.

    Compared to agriculture chemicals like nitrogen fertilizer, with well-known negative environmental impacts, greenhouse gas emissions from pesticides are understudied and underestimated. Producing one kilogram of pesticide requires, on average, 10 times more energy than one kilogram of nitrogen fertilizer. Some pesticides, like sulfuryl fluoride, used on insects like termites and beetles, are themselves greenhouse gases: emitting one ton of sulfuryl fluoride is the equivalent of emitting nearly 5,000 tons of CO2. Researchers also say that oil and gas companies add to the issue and profit from it: 99 percent of synthetic pesticides are derived from petroleum.

    California uses nearly 20% of the pesticides applied annually across the United States. The state grows fewer commodity crops than other regions, but supplies a third of the country’s vegetables and two-thirds of the country’s fruits and nuts. Because fruits and vegetables have such high value any losses would be significant and expensive – causing California farmers to use nearly five times more pesticides than the national average to avoid losses.

    “Over the years, billions of pounds of pesticides have been used in California alone, which can spike greenhouse gas emissions, especially when synthetically made,” said Asha Sharma, Organizing Co-Director at PANNA and co-author of the report. “Nearly all – 95% – of California farmers are farming conventionally. Only 5% is organically farmed. With pesticides, this scale is important.”

    Rising temperatures have led to a drop in crop resilience: heat stress, changing rainfall patterns, and more insect pests in more places creating higher demand for synthetic chemicals and pesticides. Some research reports that less than .01% of pesticides reach target pests, which means the excess chemicals end up on other plants or in the soil, water, and air. Hotter temperatures make this problem worse, vaporizing pesticides into a toxic gas, poisoning those exposed.

    Researchers say the solution is agroecology. Agroecological farming emphasizes conservation agriculture, ecological processes that adapt to local conditions, and practices like intercropping, where two or more crops grow  together to increase biodiversity and promote plant health. It also prioritizes the health and decision-making power of farmers and agricultural workers, which has been shown to improve crop yields, profitability, and resilience against climate impacts.  

    The report says agroecology leads to better public health, improved food security and sovereignty, and enhanced biodiversity and social benefits, such as better cooperation between farmers and communities. Researchers add that a shift across the entire food production system would be costly, but that there are ways to incentivize the transition through subsidies, similar to support for adopting green technology.

    “Conventional farming methods don’t account for environmental externalities and health costs. Organic food is more expensive because it accounts for those things,” Sharma said. “A different system would cost more, yes, but the critical role of government is to make sure that people, regardless of income level, can afford food without pesticides.”

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline How pesticides intensify global warming on Jan 23, 2023.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • Susan Price interviews Canadian ecosocialist Marc Bonhomme about the 2022 United Nations Biodiversity Conference (COP15), which took place in Montreal from December 7‒19.

    This post was originally published on Green Left.

  • Why is much modern food of inferior quality? Why is health suffering and smallholder farmers who feed most of the world being forced out of agriculture? 

    Mainly because of the mindset of the likes of Larry Fink of BlackRock – the world’s biggest asset management firm – and the economic system they profit from and promote.  

    In 2011, Fink said agricultural and water investments would be the best performers over the next 10 years. 

    Fink stated:  “Go long agriculture and water and go to the beach.”

    Unsurprisingly then, just three years later, in 2014, the Oakland Institute found that institutional investors, including hedge funds, private equity and pension funds, were capitalising on global farmland as a new and highly desirable asset class. 

    Funds tend to invest for a 10-15-year period, resulting in good returns for investors but often cause long-term environmental and social devastation. They undermine local and regional food security through buying up land and entrenching an industrial, export-oriented model of agriculture.

    In September 2020, Grain.org showed that private equity funds – pools of money that use pension funds, sovereign wealth funds, endowment funds and investments from governments, banks, insurance companies and high net worth individuals – were being injected into the agriculture sector throughout the world. 

    This money was being used to lease or buy up farms on the cheap and aggregate them into large-scale, US-style grain and soybean concerns. Offshore tax havens and the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development had targeted Ukraine in particular.

    Western agribusiness had been coveting Ukraine’s agriculture sector for quite some time. That country contains one third of all arable land in Europe. A 2015 article by Oriental Review noted that, since the mid-90s, Ukrainian-Americans at the helm of the US-Ukraine Business Council have been instrumental in encouraging the foreign control of Ukrainian agriculture.

    In November 2013, the Ukrainian Agrarian Confederation drafted a legal amendment that would benefit global agribusiness producers by allowing the widespread use of genetically modified seeds.

    In June 2020, the IMF approved an 18-month, strings-attached $5 billion loan programme with Ukraine. 

    Even before the conflict, the World Bank incorporated measures relating to the sale of public agricultural land as conditions in a $350 million Development Policy Loan (COVID ‘relief package’) to Ukraine. This included a required ‘prior action’ to “enable the sale of agricultural land and the use of land as collateral.”

    It is interesting to note that Larry Fink and BlackRock are to ‘coordinate’ investment in ‘rebuilding’ Ukraine.  

    An official statement released in late December 2022 said the agreement with BlackRock would:

    … focus in the near term on coordinating the efforts of all potential investors and participants in the reconstruction of our country, channelling investment into the most relevant and impactful sectors of the Ukrainian economy.

    With more than $813.5 billion invested in arms manufacturing companies, BlackRock is in a win-win situation – profiting from both destruction and reconstruction.

    BlackRock is a publicly owned investment manager that primarily provides its services to institutional, intermediary and individual investors. The firm exists to put its assets to work to make money for its clients. And it must ensure the financial system functions to secure this goal. And this is exactly what it does. 

    Back in 2010, the farmlandgrab.org website reported that BlackRock’s global agriculture fund would  target (invest in) companies involved with agriculture-related chemical products, equipment and infrastructure, as well as soft commodities and food, biofuels, forestry, agricultural sciences and arable land.

    According to research by Global Witness, it has since indirectly profited from human rights and environmental abuses through investing in banks notorious for financing harmful palm oil firms (see the article The true price of palm oil, 2021). 

    Blackrock’s Global Consumer Staples exchange rated fund (ETF), which was launched in 2006 and, according to the article The rise of financial investment and common ownership in global agrifood firms (Review of International Political Economy, 2019), has: 

    US$560 million in assets under management, holds shares in a number of the world’s largest food companies, with agrifood stocks making up around 75% of the fund. Nestlé is the funds’s largest holding, and other agrifood firms that make up the fund include Coca-Cola, PepsiCo, Walmart, Anheuser Busch InBev, Mondelez, Danone, and Kraft Heinz.

    The article also states that BlackRock’s iShares Core S&P 500 Index ETF has $150 billion in assets under management. Most of the top publicly traded food and agriculture firms are part of the S&P 500 index and BlackRock holds significant shares in those firms. 

    The author of the article, Professor Jennifer Clapp, also notes BlackRock’s COW Global Agriculture ETF, has $231 million in assets and focuses on firms that provide inputs (seeds, chemicals and fertilizers) and farm equipment and agricultural trading companies. Among its top holdings are Deere & Co, Bunge, ADM and Tyson. This is based on BlackRock’s own data from 2018.

    Jennifer Clapp states:

    Collectively, the asset management giants – BlackRock, Vanguard, State Street, Fidelity, and Capital Group – own significant proportions of the firms that dominate at various points along agrifood supply chains. When considered together, these five asset management firms own around 10%–30% of the shares of the top firms within the agrifood sector.

    BlackRock et al are heavily invested in the success of the prevailing globalised system of food and agriculture. 

    They profit from an inherently predatory system that – focusing on the agrifood sector alone – has been responsible for, among other things, the displacement of indigenous systems of production, the impoverishment of many farmers worldwide, the destruction of rural communities and cultures, poor-quality food and illness, less diverse diets, ecological destruction and the proletarianization of independent producers.

    Due to their size, according to journalist Ernst Wolff, BlackRock and its counterpart Vanguard exert control over governments and important institutions like the European Central Bank (ECB) and the US Federal Reserve. BlackRock and Vanguard have more financial assets than the ECB and the Fed combined. 

    BlackRock currently has $10 trillion in assets under its management and to underline the influence of the firm, Fink himself is a billionaire who sits on the board of the World Economic Forum and the powerful and highly influential Council for Foreign Relations, often referred to as the shadow government of the US – the real power behind the throne.

    Researcher William Engdahl says that since 1988 the company has put itself in a position to de facto control the Federal Reserve, most Wall Street mega-banks, including Goldman Sachs, the Davos World Economic Forum Great Reset and now the Biden Administration.

    Engdahl describes how former top people at BlackRock are now in key government positions, running economic policy for the Biden administration, and that the firm is steering the ‘great reset’ and the global ‘green’ agenda.

    Fink recently eulogised about the future of food and ‘coded’ seeds that would produce their own fertiliser. He says this is “amazing technology”. This technology is years away and whether it can deliver on what he says is another thing. 

    More likely, it will be a great investment opportunity that is par for the course as far as genetically modified organisms in agriculture are concerned: a failure to deliver on its inflated false promises. And even if it does eventually deliver, a whole host of ‘hidden costs’ (health, social, ecological, etc) will probably emerge. 

    And that’s not idle speculation. We need look no further than previous ‘interventions’ in food/farming under the guise of Green Revolution technologies, which did little if anything to boost overall food production (in India at least) but brought with it tremendous ecological, environment and social costs and adverse impacts on human health, highlighted by many researchers and writers, not least in Bhaskar Save’s open letter to Indian officials and the work of Vandana Shiva

    However, the Green Revolution entrenched seed and agrichemical giants in global agriculture and ensured farmers became dependent on their proprietary inputs and global supply chains. After all, value capture that was a key aim of the project.

    But why should Fink care about these ‘hidden costs’, not least the health impacts? 

    Well, actually, he probably does – with his eye on investments in ‘healthcare’ and Big Pharma. BlackRock’s investments support and profit from industrial agriculture as well as the hidden costs. 

    Poor health is good for business (for example, see on the BlackRock website BlackRock on healthcare investment opportunities amid Covid-19). Scroll through BlackRock’s website and it soon becomes clear that it sees the healthcare sector as a strong long-term bet. 

    And for good reason. For instance, increased consumption of ultra-processed foods (UPFs) was associated with more than 10% of all-cause premature, preventable deaths in Brazil in 2019 according to a recent peer-reviewed study in the American Journal of Preventive Medicine.

    The findings are significant not only for Brazil but more so for high income countries such as the US, Canada, the UK, and Australia, where UPFs account for more than half of total calorific intake. Brazilians consume far less of these products than countries with high incomes. This means the estimated impact would be even higher in richer nations.

    Due to corporate influence over trade deals, governments and the WTO, transnational food retail and food processing companies continue to colonise markets around the world and push UPFs.

    In Mexico, global agrifood companies have taken over food distribution channels, replacing local foods with cheap processed items. In Europe, more than half the population of the European Union is overweight or obese, with the poor especially reliant on high-calorie, poor nutrient quality food items. 

    Larry Fink is good at what he does – securing returns for the assets his company holds. He needs to keep expanding into or creating new markets to ensure the accumulation of capital to offset the tendency for the general rate of profit to fall. He needs to accumulate capital (wealth) to be able to reinvest it and make further profits.

    When capital struggles to make sufficient profit, productive wealth (capital) over accumulates, devalues and the system goes into crisis. To avoid crisis, capitalism requires constant growth, expanding markets and sufficient demand. 

    And that means laying the political and legislative groundwork to facilitate this. In India, for example, the now-repealed three farm laws of 2020 would have provided huge investment opportunities for the likes of BlackRock. These three laws – imperialism in all but name – represented a capitulation to the needs of foreign agribusiness and asset managers who require access to India’s farmland. 

    The laws would have sounded a neoliberal death knell for India’s food sovereignty, jeopardized its food security and destroyed tens of millions of livelihoods. But what matters to global agricapital and investment firms is facilitating profit and maximising returns on investment. 

    This has been a key driving force behind the modern food system that sees around a billion people experiencing malnutrition in a world of food abundance. That is not by accident but by design – inherent to a system that privileges corporate profit ahead of human need. 

    The modern agritech/agribusiness sector uses notions of it and its products being essential to ‘feed the world’ by employing ‘amazing technology’ in an attempt to seek legitimacy. But the reality is an inherently unjust globalised food system, farmers forced out of farming or trapped on proprietary product treadmills working for corporate supply chains and the public fed GMOs, more ultra-processed products and lab-engineered food. 

    A system that facilitates ‘going long and going to the beach’ serves elite interests well. For vast swathes of humanity, however, economic warfare is waged on them every day courtesy of a hard-edged rock.

    The post A Hard-Edged Rock: Waging Economic Warfare on Humanity first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.