Category: aid


  • This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

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  • Seg2 gaza4

    In Gaza, at least 41 Palestinians have been killed in Israeli attacks since midnight, including more Palestinians targeted by Israeli forces while seeking food and humanitarian aid. This comes as UNICEF is warning Gaza is facing what amounts to a “man-made drought” with children at risk of dying from thirst due to Israel’s blockade. We go to Dr. Mark Brauner, an emergency medicine physician who is currently volunteering at the Nasser Hospital in Gaza. He describes “execution-style” killings of Palestinians at food distribution sites and the desperate lack of baby formula leading to the deaths of children suffering from malnutrition and starvation.


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  • Since the return of Donald Trump to the White House, he and his Republican allies have worked to destroy the U.S. government’s overseas humanitarian aid programs.

    This action flies in the face of the U.S. government’s lengthy record of humanitarian assistance to people of other nations whose lives had been blighted by war, poverty, and illness. From the Marshall Plan to rebuild war-devastated Europe, to Senator George McGovern’s Food for Peace project to feed the hungry, to massive international public health campaigns to eradicate global diseases, U.S. aid programs have played an important role in alleviating human suffering around the world.

    Of course, these actions were not unique. Other wealthy nations also developed overseas humanitarian aid programs. In 2023, when the U.S. government allocated 0.24 percent of its gross national income to humanitarian aid, Britain allocated 0.58 percent and Norway allocated over 1 percent.

    Behind the support for the U.S. international aid program lay two key factors―a desire to reduce human misery and a desire to win friends for the United States in foreign lands.

    But such concerns were ignored by the Trump administration. On January 20, 2025, the day of his return to the White House, Donald Trump ordered a 90-day freeze on U.S. foreign assistance. Three days later, the State Department issued a “stop work” order while the aid program received what it called a “comprehensive review.”

    Elon Musk, the arrogant, eccentric, and drug-addled multibillionaire, took the lead in this review process. Unleashing his DOGE minions on the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID), which administered most of the federal government’s humanitarian aid programs, Musk proclaimed that the agency was a “viper’s nest of radical-left Marxists who hate America.” USAID, he announced, “is a criminal organization. Time for it to die.”

    Trump apparently shared this warped perspective and, consequently, most of USAID’s vital signs rapidly plummeted. In response to the president’s orders, its staff was decimated, its website was shut down, and its budget was slashed. After USAID’s shattered remains were transferred to the State Department, Secretary of State Marco Rubio cut 83 percent of its international humanitarian programs, reducing them from 6,200 to about 1,000.

    As the distinguished historian Alfred McCoy reported this May, when USAID’s “skilled specialists in famine prevention, public health, and governance stopped working, the pain was soon felt around the world, particularly among mothers and children.” In Asia, the end of USAID’s funding forced the World Food Program to cut by half the pathetic food rations it provided to a million Rohingya refugees residing in miserable camps in Bangladesh, with food support shrinking to $6 a month per person.

    In Africa, as McCoy noted, departing USAID officials estimated that the aid cuts would likely produce a 30 percent spike in tuberculosis, a disease that kills over a million people worldwide every year, and that 200,000 more children would probably be paralyzed within a decade. In the Congo, 7.8 million war refugees were likely to lose food aid and 2.3 million more children were predicted to suffer from malnutrition. Thanks to cutbacks in USAID health programs, a half-million AIDS patients were projected to die in South Africa, while, in the Congo, an estimated 15,000 could die within a month. In West Africa, the end of USAID’s Malaria Initiative virtually ensured that, within a year, there would be 18 million more malaria infections and 166,000 more likely deaths.

    Malnutrition, as journalist Nicholas Kristof recently reported, already “leaves more than one-fifth of children worldwide stunted, countless millions cognitively impaired, and vast numbers … weak from anemia. Malnutrition is a factor in 45 percent of child deaths worldwide.”

    Nevertheless, in early June, the Trump administration and its Republican allies took further action toward dismantling U.S. overseas humanitarian aid programs. In response to a request by the President, the Republican-controlled House of Representatives voted to claw back billions of dollars Congress had already appropriated for such aid. This included $500 million for activities related to infectious diseases and child maternal health, $400 million to address the global HIV epidemic, and $800 million for a program providing emergency shelter, water and sanitation, and family reunification for people forced to flee their countries.

    Before the House vote, the president of Oxfam America, a leading humanitarian aid organization, appealed to the assembled legislators, arguing that the measure “would do irreversible harm” to millions of people. “We are already seeing women, children and families left without food, clean water and critical services after earlier aid cuts,” she declared, “and aid organizations can barely keep up with rising needs.” Nevertheless, despite unanimous Democratic opposition, the House Republican leadership pushed the bill through by a vote of 214 to 212.

    Applauding GOP passage of the measure, Mike Johnson, the Republican Speaker of the House, promised “more of this in the days to come.” John Thune, the Republican Senate Majority Leader, pledged Senate action on the House bill this July.

    As the United States, the world’s wealthiest nation, is the largest financial contributor to the United Nations, the drastic reductions in U.S. humanitarian aid are already having a devastating impact on UN assistance programs that provide life-saving food, medicine, and shelter to the world’s poorest, most desperate people. In mid-June, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs said that it was being forced to drastically scale back these programs due to “brutal funding cuts.” The UN Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief commented gloomily: “We have been forced into a triage of human survival.”

    Calling for aid “to help 114 million people facing life-threatening needs across the world,” the UN Office for Humanitarian Affairs said that “this isn’t just an appeal for money―it’s a call for global responsibility, for human solidarity, for a commitment to end the suffering.”

    Thus far, there’s no indication that the Trump administration has that commitment.

    The post Scuttling International Humanitarian Assistance first appeared on Dissident Voice.

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  • It’s official. If not, it ought to be. Israeli forces freely butcher Palestinians in Gaza of all stripes, standing and states of desperation. They do so casually or indifferently or maliciously. True, they might get the odd militant here and there, but the supposedly professional Israeli Defense Forces is rather good at killing civilians. In what is becoming an almost daily occurrence, Israeli security personnel are slaughtering those seeking humanitarian aid from facilities that are obscenely restricted and appallingly located. What is unclear in the process is how devastating Palestinian militias armed and supported by the Israelis have been in pushing up the mortality count.

    In one incident on June 17, Israeli tanks – not exactly a light form of population control – fired into a crown scrounging for aid from trucks in Gaza. The resulting death toll was impressively outrageous: 59 killed. A further 14 were also killed by IDF gunfire and air strikes in the enclave, taking the death toll for June 17 to 73. On this occasion, Israel’s normally mendacious publicity arm in the IDF seemed to concede that the firing had taken place. It followed that yet another cleansing review would take place.

    According to Reuters, a witness by the name of Alaa interviewed at Nasser Hospital saw the following spectacle of gore: “All of a sudden, they let us move forward and made everyone gather, and then shells started falling, tank shells.”

    The IDF breezily stated that it was “aware of reports regarding a number of injured individuals from IDF fire following the crowd’s approach. The details of the incident are under view. The IDF regrets any harm to uninvolved individuals and operates to minimise harm as much as possible to them while maintaining the safety of our troops.”

    The previous day, 34 people awaiting to collect food were killed by IDF personnel near an aid centre operated by the Israeli- and US-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, a body whose dubious credentials never cease to amaze. Eyewitnesses in the crowd, including Heba Jouda and Mohamed Abed, recall Israeli troops firing on Palestinians massed around 4 a.m. at the Flag Roundabout prior to the scheduled opening of the Rafah food centre. The roundabout is located some hundreds of metres from the GHF centre, and has been the site of numerous shootings. “Fire was coming from everywhere,” stated Jouda, a worn figure who has made the harrowing journey to the aid centre a number of times. “It’s getting worse by the day.”

    The International Committee on the Red Cross (ICRC) confirmed receiving 200 people at its field hospital located in the Al-Mawasi area near Rafah. Up till that point, the ICRC stated that it had been “the highest number received by the Red Cross Field Hospital in one mass casualty incident.” Carrie Garavan, a British Red Cross nurse working at the field hospital, notes the daily flow of casualties into the facility, most of whom have been queuing for food. “We are having mass casualty incidents almost every day, sometimes twice a day.”

    The GHF, for its part, is lukewarm to the fattening butcher’s bill. None of the shooting incidents, claimed a spokesperson to The Associated Press, “have occurred at our sites or during operating hours.” Implying that those seeking aid were responsible for their own demise, the spokesperson went on to explain that they had moved “during prohibited times … or trying to take a shortcut.” How irresponsible of them.

    In oral evidence given to the UK Foreign Affairs Committee on June 16, Anna Halford, the Médecins Sans Frontières emergency coordinator for Gaza, found it “difficult to overstate at what point this is neither a humanitarian enterprise nor a system.” The entire Israeli aid effort in Gaza, as things stood, “was basically lethal chaos.” Prior to the current lethal order of aid distribution, 400 to 500 community-level points were functioning for those seeking food. Kitchens cooking hot meals and bakeries supplying bread were plentiful. The numbers currently operating had plummeted to four.

    Halford’s picture of what is being provided is grisly. The rations are only of the dry variety. There is an absence of clean water and cooking fuel, with no cooking gas entering the enclave since March 2. Substitute kerosene has proven woefully inadequate, causing those using it burns. Food is cooked on broken wooden pallets, salvaged plastic taken from piles of rubbish or turned up cardboard boxes.

    As for the justification given by Israel for the imposition of such onerous, cruel restrictions to the provision of aid – the deviation and theft of aid by Hamas or allied forces – Halford, speaking on behalf of MSF, was sharp in rebuke. While no aid system could ever guarantee against some deviation or theft of supplies, Israel had never offered any evidence to back its claims. “It is a strawman; it is a specious and cynical position meant to undermine a humanitarian system that was actually functioning.” And that is precisely the point of the current, sanguinary exercise.

    The post Israel’s “Humanitarian” Project in Gaza first appeared on Dissident Voice.

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  • It’s been apparent for some time that the Israeli government intends to expel or kill the population of Gaza and claim the territory. This has become so obvious that even the establishment press is belatedly beginning to notice. In an editorial, the world’s leading business journal, the Financial Times, observed that “each new offensive makes it harder not to suspect that the ultimate goal of Netanyahu’s far-right coalition is to ensure Gaza is uninhabitable and drive Palestinians from their land” (emphasis mine). I’m not quite sure what would need to happen before the Financial Times would consider its suspicions confirmed; the Israeli Prime Minister is much more assertive about his intentions, he identified the expulsion of Gazans to be among his “clear conditions” for ending his genocidal campaign; he speaks of emptying Gaza as one empties a dustbin, and with the same regard for its contents. However, because coverage from the corporate press has been so incommensurate with the scale of the horrors, even this tepid statement from the Financial Times is progress.

    The Israelis have sought to render Gaza uninhabitable, and then encourage what they’re perversely calling “voluntary emigration.” They’ve embraced the logic that someone fleeing a burning building has “volunteered” to leap from the window. This strategy has many components to it: tens of thousands (at least) of Gazans have been massacred by the Israelis, most of the buildings have been destroyed (the Israelis have begun a campaign to eliminate the ones that remain standing after previous assaults), the Gazan health care infrastructure has been repeatedly attacked, and the entire Gaza Strip has been subjected to a medieval siege, the consequences of which have left the population critically short of food and medicine. After reducing Gaza to starvation through months of total blockade, Israel turned aid distribution into another mechanism of murder or expulsion.

    An entity with the philanthropic-sounding name the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), whose name is so starkly at odds with its function that it might have been coined by a satirist, has been tasked with providing aid to the Gazan population. Anyone familiar with Orwell could likely guess the character of a group with such a crudely propagandistic name. Some organizations have demonstrated the competence to deliver aid and the desire to do so efficaciously, but GHF isn’t one of them. Credible humanitarian organizations were disregarded and the GHF empowered, for reasons that Israeli officials have been forthcoming enough to articulate.

    The Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was clear about why he decided to slightly relax the siege that Gaza had been subjected to: Israeli allies were beginning to become squeamish about the forced starvation of the entire population of Gaza. These same allies have supported the Israeli campaign despite the International Court of Justice ruling that it’s plausible Israel is violating the Genocide Convention, and despite the International Criminal Court issuing arrest warrants for top Israeli leaders. The supporters of Israel have demonstrated a willingness to tolerate a great deal of savagery. But Israel’s “closest friends in the world,” as Netanyahu tells us, can’t “handle pictures of mass starvation,” so “minimal” aid deliveries must be allowed. There are no moral concerns about causing a famine in Gaza, only pragmatic considerations. Netanyahu said that “we cannot reach a point of starvation, for practical and diplomatic reasons.” Doing so may cross a “red line” that could cause Israel to lose the support of the United States. Starvation is not wrong—merely inconvenient, like a dinner guest who overstays his welcome.

    Another key objective is to force the Gazan population to the southern portion of the territory and then induce them to leave for other countries. The Israeli Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, speaking at a conference in the first week of May, said: “Within a few months we will be able to declare that we have won. Gaza will be totally destroyed.” He went on to say: “The Gazan citizens will be concentrated in the south. They will be totally despairing, understanding that there is no hope and nothing to look for in Gaza, and will be looking for relocation to begin a new life in other places.” Under the new scheme, the aid distribution sites were limited to only four locations (it was 400 locations when the United Nations was managing the dispersal of aid), and the sites were strategically located in the South of the Strip, which forces the population to congregate in these areas. They will reside under conditions that Israeli planners privately concede will be likened to “concentration camps.”

    But that’s only if the Palestinians reach the distribution sites. Kit Malthouse, a conservative member of parliament in the United Kingdom said that the aid distribution system the United Nations was managing was replaced with “a shooting gallery, an abattoir, where starving people are lured out through combat zones to be shot at.” The United Nations was less poetic when voicing its condemnation of the GHF scheme, it merely said that “aid distribution has become a death trap.” Every day brings news of another massacre at an aid distribution center. The public has been subjected to the standard Israeli deceptions about these incidents, but Israeli culpability becomes clear whenever the evidence is honestly interrogated. At the time of this writing, 245 Palestinian aid seekers have been killed by the Israelis and more than 2,152 were injured; the level of savagery is such that the number is certain to be greater within moments after being transcribed.

    Let us dispense with the fiction of ignorance. The evidence is not hidden, it is flaunted. The intent is not obscured, it is bragged about. The Israeli government, with the serene assurance of a state that knows its crimes will be subsidized, barely troubles itself with denials anymore. And the United States remains a participant in these crimes.

    The post Aid as a Means to Commit Genocide first appeared on Dissident Voice.

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  • This content originally appeared on The Grayzone and was authored by The Grayzone.

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  • This content originally appeared on The Grayzone and was authored by The Grayzone.

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  • This content originally appeared on The Grayzone and was authored by The Grayzone.

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  • Chaos at Gaza Humanitarian Foundation distribution site in Rafah. Photo: AP

    Recent reports say that US AID is considering giving $500 million to the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF)—an “aid” initiative launched at Israel’s request. At first glance, that might sound like a generous effort to help desperate Palestinians in Gaza. But peel back even one layer, and you’ll find a deadly political scheme masquerading as humanitarian relief.

    This is not about helping hungry people. It’s about controlling them, displacing them, and starving them into submission.

    Let’s start with some basics. The Gaza Humanitarian Foundation is not a humanitarian organization. It’s a U.S.- and Israeli-backed scheme run by people with no track record in neutral aid work. Its first director Jake Wood, resigned on May 25, saying the organization failed to uphold humanitarian principles. Then the Boston Consulting Group, which had secretly helped design GHF’s aid operations, pulled out and apologized to staff who were furious about the firm’s complicity in a system that enabled forced displacement and sidelined trusted UN agencies.

    GHF’s brand new director is Johnnie Moore, an American evangelical PR executive best known for helping Donald Trump recognize Israeli sovereignty over Jerusalem and push the U.S. embassy move there—a move that only fanned the flames of conflict.

    GHF’s entire premise is rooted in deception. It was launched with Israeli government oversight, without transparency, without independence, and—critically—without the participation of the United Nations or any respected humanitarian agencies. In fact, the UN has refused to have anything to do with it. So have groups like Doctors Without Borders, the Red Cross, and the World Food Programme, whose leaders have warned in no uncertain terms that GHF’s model militarizes aid, violates humanitarian norms, and places Palestinian lives at even greater risk.

    GHF has never been about delivering aid. It’s about using the illusion of aid to control the population of Gaza—and to give cover to war crimes.

    People in Gaza are starving because Israel wants them to. There are thousands of aid trucks, many loaded with supplies from the United Nations, that—for months—have been blocked from entering Gaza. They contain food, water, medicine, shelter materials—the lifeblood of a besieged civilian population. But instead of letting them through, the U.S. and Israel are pushing their own version of aid: a privatized, militarized operation. Armed U.S. contractors working with the GHF are reportedly earning up to $1,100 per day, along with a $10,000 signing bonus.

    The GHF plan is to make aid available only in the south, forcibly displacing people from the north—driving them toward the Egyptian border, where many fear a permanent expulsion is being engineered.

    From the very start of GHF’s operations, with the opening of two distribution sites in southern Gaza on May 26, the chaos turned deadly, with Israeli military shooting at hungry people seeking food. In its short time of operation, nearly 100 Palestinians have been killed and hundreds more wounded. These are not tragic accidents—they are predictable outcomes of militarizing aid.

    Let’s also address the fear-mongering claim that when the UN was in charge of aid delivery, food was being stolen by Hamas. There is no credible evidence of this and Cindy McCain, head of the World Food Programme, has publicly refuted this allegation, saying that trucks have been looted by hungry, desperate people.

    The real threat to aid integrity isn’t Hamas—it’s the blockade itself, which has created an artificial scarcity and fueled black markets, desperation, and chaos..

    To truly help the people of Gaza, here’s what needs to happen:

    • Shut down GHF and reject all militarized aid schemes.

    • Restore full U.S. funding to UNRWA and the World Food Programme—trusted, experienced agencies that know how to do this work.

    • Demand that Israel end the blockade. Let aid trucks in—UN trucks, Red Cross trucks, WFP trucks. Flood the strip with food, medicines, tents.

    • Demand an immediate ceasefire to stop the killing and create space for meaningful relief and political solutions.

    The starvation in Gaza is not a logistical failure. It is Israel’s political choice. And GHF is not a lifeline. It is a lie. It is complicity. It is diabolical. And U.S. taxpayers should not be forced to fund it.

    The post Don’t Fund the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation: It’s a Genocidal Smokescreen first appeared on Dissident Voice.

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  • Seg guest thiago

    We get an update from the Madleen, the Freedom Flotilla ship sailing to Gaza with vital humanitarian aid for Palestinians. Brazilian activist Thiago Ávila, one of 12 people on the ship, says “spirits are high” despite the constant presence of drones overhead and threats from the Israeli government. “Palestine is now the strategic place for all peoples to unite and fight against oppression, exploitation and the destruction of nature,” says Ávila. “People’s power is the ultimate power, and love and solidarity can beat any hateful, racist and supremacist ideology, like Zionism.” Earlier this week, the ship made a detour to respond to a mayday call to help dozens of migrants aboard a deflating vessel. The Madleen is expected to reach Gaza on Monday, though Israeli officials have said they will not allow it to land.


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  • The post Israel is Fully Integrating its Gaza “Food Aid Hubs” into the Genocide first appeared on Dissident Voice.

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  • What a nasty thing it has turned out to be. It involved subversion – Israel’s desire to ignore international tenets of humanitarian aid in favour of expediency and security – and the naked show of violent desperation. Via the shoddy US- and Israeli-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation company, distribution of necessaries in the Gaza Strip through the organisation’s delivery arm, Safe Reach Solutions (SRS), has been inadequate and selective.

    SRS is a disreputable outfit, one lacking a résumé in humanitarian aid. Its prowess, rather, lies in the realm of military intelligence. A report from Ynet News describes its functions as “operating roadblocks, processing visual data from cameras, drones and satellites and using it to identify Hamas operatives and armed individuals.” In both practice and spirit, this seedy, cynical enterprise violates the four essential principles of humanitarian action: humanity, impartiality, neutrality, and independence.

    The four sites of distribution, located in the Tel Sultan area of Rafah and the Netzarim Corridor south of Gaza City, have been picked for reasons of control, surveillance and forced displacement. The official reason is that doing so ensures that no aid ends up in the eager hands of Hamas. “The establishment of the distribution centres,” went the first official comment on the distribution points by the IDF, “took place over the last few months, facilitated by the Israeli political echelon and in coordination with the US government.” Saliently and devastatingly, the system is intended to exclude the role of experienced aid agencies, notably that of the long abominated United Nations agency for Palestinian refugees (UNRWA).

    A vicious example of this new model of aid delivery was given on May 27, with thousands of starving Palestinians descending on a distribution point in Rafah. Herded and harassed, strife duly broke out. The compound was stormed. Those working for GHF retreated after claiming to have distributed 8,000 food boxes.

    Israeli troops duly opened fire. According to the enclave’s Government Media Office, the IDF “opened direct fire on hungry Palestinian civilians who had gathered to receive aid”, leaving 10 dead and 62 wounded. Locations for distribution were subsequently “transformed into death traps under the occupation’s gunfire”. While there is some dispute about the figures, the International Committee of the Red Cross confirmed that staff at its Red Cross Field Hospital did receive “a mass casualty influx of 48 patients, including women and children. All were suffering from gunshot wounds.”

    This bloody lapse was dismissed by the Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu as a minor blemish – there had been a “loss of control momentarily” at the distribution point. An IDF official, however, preferred to see the overall operation as a success. In keeping with standard practice, the IDF had initially denied ever firing at the desperate throng, merely letting off warning shots outside the compound.

    In remarks to reporters at the Japan National Press Club in Tokyo, the head of UNRWA, Philippe Lazzarini, expressed alarm at “the shocking images of hungry people pushing against fences, desperate for food. It was chaotic, undignified and unsafe.” Crucially, this was “a waste of resources and a distraction from atrocities”. The whole affair was particularly galling given the pre-existing networks of humanitarian aid that UNRWA has mastered over the years. The agency, at one point, had as many as 400 distribution centres in Gaza. But Israel has made the removal and elimination of the agency’s influence a vital part of its policy, one that ties in with the agenda of crushing aspirations for Palestinian statehood.

    Francesca Albanese, the Special Rapporteur on the human rights situation in the occupied Palestinian territory, was also in no mood to accept Israel’s novel slant on providing aid. “We continue to witness a brutal humanitarian camouflage, where the red lines have led to massive atrocities.” This was part of “a deliberate strategy – aimed at masking atrocities, displacing the displaced, bombing the bombarded, burning Palestinians alive and maiming survivors.” The “language of aid” had been used to “divert international attention from legal accountability, in Israel’s attempt to dismantle the very principles upon which humanitarian law was built.”

    The latest turn of events also prompted the rapporteur to reiterate her view that nothing short of a full arms embargo and the suspension of all trade with Israel would do. “The time for sanctions is now, as Israeli politicians continue to call for the extermination of babies while over 80 percent of the Israeli society, according to Israeli media, ask for the forcible removal of Palestinians from Gaza.”

    The disgraceful deployment of select humanitarian services by GHF has already seen its head resign. In a statement, the now former executive director, Jake Wood, claimed that the Foundation had failed to adhere “to the humanitarian principles of humanity, neutrality, impartiality, and independence, which I will not abandon.” Middle management wonks at the GHF, despite being disappointed at the resignation, expressed readiness with the boisterous assertion that “Our trucks are loaded and ready to go”. The body planned “to scale rapidly to serve the full population in the weeks ahead.” Much more humanitarian camouflage is in the offing.

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  • Western journalists – having promoted Israel’s lies for more than a year and half – have grown entirely insensible to their active collusion in genocide.

    Israel’s claim that Hamas is “stealing aid” is so preposterous no serious journalist or politician ought to give it any kind of airing – yet there it is continuously cropping up in the coverage of Gaza.

    How do I know Israel’s claim is utterly worthless? For this simple reason:

    Israel has a fleet of surveillance drones constantly hovering over the tiny strip of land that is Gaza, monitoring every inch of the territory. The incessant whine you hear every time you watch someone there being interviewed is from one of those drones. They are Israel’s eyes on the enclave. If you are outside in Gaza, you might as well be living in the Truman Show.

    Were Hamas stealing aid in Gaza, Israel would easily be able to document it. It would have the video footage from its drones. The fact that it has not provided any footage showing Hamas’ theft of aid – its ransacking of aid trucks, or its fighters smuggling themselves into aid warehouses – is confirmation enough that Israel has simply invented this claim to rationalise its plans to starve the people of Gaza to death through months of an aid blockade or force them to flee into neighbouring Sinai, whichever comes first.

    Without its disinformation campaign about “Hamas stealing aid”, Israel knows popular revulsion at its starvation campaign would grow quickly, and western governments would further struggle to keep opposition in check.

    There are lots of others reasons, of course, to reject Israel’s lies about “Hamas stealing aid”. Not least, because every single charity and aid agency dealing with Gaza says that aid is not being stolen by Hamas.

    But also because, were Hamas fighters doing so, they would be stealing from their own families: from their children and grandparents, who are much more vulnerable to Israel’s starvation campaign than they are. The idea that Hamas is stealing aid makes sense only to a racist, European colonial mindset in which Hamas fighters are viewed as bogeymen figures indifferent to the deaths of their own children, wives and parents.

    What undoubtedly is happening is that Israel is allowing the strongest extended families in Gaza – often crime families with significant private arsenals – to loot the aid. That has become a serious problem since Israel killed off Gaza’s civilian police force (in violation of international law), leaving no one to enforce public order.

    When everyone’s starving, the most powerful families mobilise their strength to grab an unfair share of the aid. That was an entirely predictable outcome of Israel’s policy to smash all of Gaza’s institutions, including its hospitals, government offices, and police stations, on the bogus pretext that they were “Hamas”.

    Note too that Israel has long cultivated close ties to Palestinian crime families, because they provide a potential alternative, and more co-optable, power base to the Palestinian national movements and are a good source of collaborators.

    The evidence suggests Israel is encouraging these crime families to loot the aid precisely to justify its dismantling of an existing aid system that works remarkably well, given the catastrophic circumstances in Gaza, and replace it with its own militarised, completely inadequate “aid distribution” system, which is designed only to herd Palestinians into the southern-most tip of Gaza, ready to be expelled into Sinai.

    No journalist ought to be repeating Israel’s transparent disinformation. To do so is to collude in the promotion of lies to justify genocide. But the western media class have been doing that now for more than a year and half. They have grown entirely insensible to their own active collusion in the genocide.

    The post Israel’s Claim that “Hamas is stealing aid” is Patently a Lie first appeared on Dissident Voice.

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  • Lammy called Israel’s escalation of the genocide “morally unjustifiable.” But what is beyond unjustifiable is for Lammy to say this while directly arming and providing surveillance information for the genocide.

    Yesterday, after releasing a joint statement with France and Canada threatening “concrete actions” if Israel did not allow aid into Gaza, the UK government suspended talks on its upgraded free trade deal, summoned the Israeli ambassador, and imposed new sanctions on settlers in the occupied West Bank. While this might appear substantial for the goal of isolating the zionist state, it amounts to little more than face-saving measures.

    In his speech announcing these measures, Lammy couldn’t even bear to say these words without condemning the October 7th operation and maintaining Israel’s right to commit genocide. We can’t fall for these empty measures, even if they appear to be a positive push toward some justice. In reality, they are a distraction and feign action from a government supporting Israel accelerates its genocidal attacks. Each day, as Israel commits new massacres with American weapons, it is using the RAF Akrotiri, a British military base on Cyprus to conduct surveillance flights and facilitate weapons transfers.

    The government’s suspension of negotiations on its free trade agreement is misleading. This is not the existing free trade agreement in place between Britain and Israel, but a future plan to deepen relations. Known as the 2030 Roadmap, this was initiated under the previous Conservative government in 2022, and the Labour government continued them immediately after entering government in July 2024. Stopping these negotiations is a good first step, but they must end their current free trade agreement if Lammy’s words are worth their salt.

    The sanctions on a handful of people and companies in the occupied West Bank might be a generally positive step. But at a closer look, these measures are only on three people, two outposts, and two organisations. All of the 700,000 settlers occupying the West Bank in their 150 settlements and 129 outposts are illegal under international law. These very narrow sanctions then give wider justification for the illegal occupation of the West Bank, scapegoating a handful of “extreme” characters but not contending with the occupation itself. Last year, the International Court of Justice ruled that Israel’s occupation of Palestine is illegal. Once again, Britain is ignoring international law, just as it does in refusing to hand over surveillance data on Gaza to the International Criminal Court.

    Britain’s recent moves should rightly be compared with the United States, which has formed the ‘Gaza Humanitarian Foundation’, a private company of US military veteran mercenaries to run an aid distribution operation, better described as a trojan horse to occupy Gaza. As Israel accelerates its genocide in Gaza, the US and Britain are attempting to conceal their role in the violence. We might see these as necessary measures for Israel to be committing what many are referring to as the final stage in the genocide.

    Over the past few days, the Starmer government’s statements have given us the illusion of a change in course towards Israel. In five of the past six days, Britain has flown a surveillance flight over Gaza for Israel.

    Britain has made no material change in its policy of arming Israel, providing surveillance information, and using its military base on Cyprus for weapons shipments. Therefore, not only are these statements hollow and vacuous, but they are a pernicious and sly attempt to divert attention from Britain’s role as it directly participates in Israel’s genocide against the Palestinian people.

    On Sunday (May 18), Britain sent an A400M Atlas plane to Israel from RAF Akrotiri, its military base on Cyprus. This aircraft can carry up to 37 tonnes of cargo, including weapons and soldiers. Two hours later, it sent a surveillance flight over Gaza. These operations have been purposefully concealed from public knowledge, but this is clearly shifting. The only reason we know about these flights is because of the work of Matt Kennard, Declassified UK, and Genocide-Free Cyprus, amongst other groups. There clearly is mounting pressure as a result of the revelations of Britain’s direct role in Israel’s genocide, and perhaps we must recognise has a role in Lammy’s face-saving attempts.

    Last week, the UK government defended its continued provision of F-35 fighter jet parts to Israel, pointing to the need for “national security.” In court, they claimed “no genocide has occurred or is occurring,” that Israel is not “deliberately targeting civilian women or children.” Britain is defending Israel legally, diplomatically, and militarily. No statement can change that fact.

    Israel stopped all aid trucks from entering Gaza on March 2. It has taken more than 11 weeks for the government to take any action at all. Every day, the Israeli occupation commits heinous massacres. They are even bragging that “the world won’t stop us.” And so far, they’re right.

    In the face of this, we cannot despair. Palestinians in Gaza remain steadfast each day, for the 18 months of this escalation in the genocide that has been ongoing for more than 77 years. Smotrich, ‘Israeli Finance Minister’, says the “world won’t stop us”. Our leaders bought by zionism will certainly not, but the people will. We must continue our demands for a full arms embargo, an end to British surveillance flights, and the total liberation of Palestine.

    The post Starmer & Lammy’s Empty Words first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • The latest phase of slaughter and seizure on the part of Israeli forces in Gaza has commenced.  Following relentless airstrikes that have left hundreds of Palestinians dead, Operation Gideon’s Chariots is now in full swing, begun even as Israel and Hamas concluded a second day of ceasefire talks in Doha.  The intention, according to the Israeli Defense Forces, is to expand “operational control” in the Strip while seeking to free the remaining Israeli hostages.  In the process, it hopes to achieve what has, to date, been much pie in the sky: defeating Hamas and seizing control of the enclave.

    The mendacious pattern of the IDF and Netanyahu government has become clearer than ever. It comes in instalments, much like a distasteful fashion show.  The opening begins with unequivocal, hot denial: famine is not taking place, and any aid to Gaza has been looted by the Hamas authorities; civilians were not targeted, let alone massacred; aid workers were not butchered but legitimately killed as they had Hamas militants among them.  And there is no ethnic cleansing and genocide to speak of.  To claim otherwise was antisemitic.

    Then comes the large dollop of corrective, inconvenient reality, be it a film, a blatant statement, or some item of damning evidence. The next stage is one of quibbles and qualifications: Gaza will receive some necessaries; there is a humanitarian crisis, because we were told by the United States, our main sponsor, that this was the case; and there might have been some cases where civilians were killed, a problem easily rectified by an internal investigation by the military.

    Just prior to the latest assault, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, in leaked quotes, revealed another dark purpose of the new military operation.  “We are destroying more and more homes.  They have no nowhere to return to,” he said in testimony before the Knesset’s Foreign Affairs and Defence Committee.  “The only inevitable outcome will be the desire of Gazans to emigrate outside the Gaza Strip.”  Here was a state official’s declaration of intent to ethnically cleanse a population.

    Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich was even blunter, something praised by Netanyahu.  Israel’s objective, he revealed in a statement on March 19, was to destroy “everything that’s left of the Gaza Strip”.  What was currently underway involved “conquering, cleansing, and remaining in Gaza until Hamas is destroyed”.

    The Netanyahu government has also added another twist to the ghastly performance.  On March 18, the provision of various “basic” forms of humanitarian aid into Gaza was announced.  The measure was approved by a security cabinet meeting pressed by concerns from military officials warning that food supplies from UN sources and other aid groups had run out.  The pressure had also come from, in Netanyahu’s words in a March 19 video address, Israel’s “greatest friends in the world”, the trying sort who claimed that there was “‘one thing we cannot stand. We cannot accept images of hunger, mass hunger. We cannot stand that.  We will not be able to support you’”.  How inconveniently squeamish of them.

    That same day, United Nations aid chief Tom Fletcher said nine aid trucks had been cleared by Israeli authorities to enter Gaza through the Karem Abu Salem crossing.  This was an absurd, ineffectual number, given the 500 trucks or more that entered Gaza prior to October 2023.

    Fanatics who subscribe to the ethnic cleansing, rid-of-Palestine school were understandably disappointed, even at this obscenely modest provision of aid.  “Any humanitarian aid that enters the Strip… will fuel Hamas and give it oxygen while our hostages languish in tunnels,” moaned National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir.  “We must crush Hamas, not simultaneously give it oxygen.”  He also wished that Netanyahu “explain to our friends in the White House the implications of this ‘aid’, which only prolongs the war and delays our victory and the return of all our hostages.”

    Israel’s Heritage Minister Amichai Eliyahu, also of Ben Gvir’s Otzma Yehudit party, was in a similar mood, making the farcical resumption of aid sound like criminal salvation for a savage people. “This is our tragedy with Netanyahu’s approach.  A leader who could have led to a clear victory and be remembered as the one who defeated radical Islam but who time after time let this historic opportunity slip away. Letting humanitarian aid in now directly harms the war effort to achieve victory and is another obstacle to the release of the hostages.”

    The picture emerging from Israel’s latest mission of carnage is one of murderous dysfunction.  It made little sense to Knesset member Moshe Saada, for instance, that a broader, ever more lethal offensive was in the offing with five new IDF divisions even as aid was being provided.  This was implicitly telling.  Did Palestinian civilians matter in so far as they should be fed, even as they were being butchered and encouraged into fleeing?

    The extent of the horror has now reached the point where it is being acknowledged in the capitals of Israel’s close allies.  A joint statement from the UK, France and Canada affirmed opposition to “the expansion of Israel’s military operations in Gaza.”  Israel’s permission of “a basic quantity of food into Gaza” was wholly inadequate in the face of “intolerable” human suffering.  Denying essential humanitarian assistance to the Palestinian population in the Strip “is unacceptable and risks breaching International Humanitarian Law.  We condemn the abhorrent language used recently by members of the Israeli Government, threatening that, in their despair at the destruction of Gaza, civilians will start to relocate.”

    For much time, the notion of consciously eliminating the Palestinian presence in Gaza, through starvation, massacre and displacement, was confined to the racial, ethnoreligious fringes of purist lunacy typified by Smotrich and Ben Gvir.  Their vocal presence and frank advocacy have now made that ambition a grotesque, ongoing reality.

    The post Israel’s Operation Gideon’s Chariots first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • As Israel unveils its final genocide push, and mass death from starvation looms in Gaza, western media and politicians are tentatively starting to speak up.

    Who could have imagined 19 months ago that it would take more than a year and a half of Israel slaughtering and starving Gaza’s children for the first cracks to appear in what has been a rock-solid wall of support for Israel from western establishments.

    Finally, something looks like it may be about to give.

    The British establishment’s financial daily, the Financial Times, was first to break ranks last week to condemn “the West’s shameful silence” in the face of Israel’s murderous assault on the tiny enclave.

    In an editorial – effectively the paper’s voice – the FT accused the United States and Europe of being increasingly “complicit” as Israel made Gaza “uninhabitable”, an allusion to genocide, and noted that the goal was to “drive Palestinians from their land”, an allusion to ethnic cleansing.

    Of course, both of these grave crimes by Israel have been evidently true not only since Hamas’ violent, single-day breakout from Gaza on 7 October 2023, but for decades.

    So parlous is the state of western reporting, from a media no less complicit than the governments berated by the FT, that we need to seize on any small signs of progress.

    Next, the Economist chimed in, warning that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his ministers were driven by a “dream of emptying Gaza and rebuilding Jewish settlements there”.

    At the weekend, the Independent decided the “deafening silence on Gaza” had to end. It was “time for the world to wake up to what is happening and to demand an end to the suffering of the Palestinians trapped in the enclave.”

    Actually much of the world woke up many, many months ago. It has been the western press corps and western politicians slumbering through the past 19 months of genocide.

    Then on Monday, the supposedly liberal Guardian voiced in its own editorial a fear that Israel is committing “genocide”, though it only dared do so by framing the accusation as a question.

    It wrote of Israel: “Now it plans a Gaza without Palestinians. What is this, if not genocidal? When will the US and its allies act to stop the horror, if not now?”

    The paper could more properly have asked a different question: Why have Israel’s western allies – as well as media like the Guardian and FT – waited 19 months to speak up against the horror?

    And, predictably bringing up the rear, was the BBC. On Wednesday, the BBC Radio’s PM programme chose to give top billing to testimony from Tom Fletcher, the United Nation’s humanitarian affairs chief, to the Security Council. Presenter Evan Davis said the BBC had decided to “do something a little unusual”.

    Unusual indeed. It played Fletcher’s speech in full – all 12 and a half minutes of it. That included Fletcher’s comment: “For those killed and those whose voices are silenced: what more evidence do you need now? Will you act – decisively – to prevent genocide and to ensure respect for international humanitarian law?”

    We had gone in less than a week from the word “genocide” being taboo in relation to Gaza to it becoming almost mainstream.

    Growing cracks

    Cracks are evident in the British parliament too. Mark Pritchard, a Conservative MP and life-long Israel supporter, stood up from the back benches to admit he had been wrong about Israel, and condemned it “for what it is doing to the Palestinian people”.

    He was one of more than a dozen Tory MPs and peers in the House of Lords, all formerly staunch defenders of Israel, who urged British Prime Minister Keir Starmer to immediately recognise a Palestinian state.

    Their move followed an open letter published by 36 members of the Board of Deputies, a 300-member body that claims to represent British Jews, dissenting from its continuing support for the slaughter. The letter warned: “Israel’s soul is being ripped out.”

    Pritchard told fellow MPs it was time to “stand up for humanity, for us being on the right side of history, for having the moral courage to lead.”

    Sadly, there is no sign of that yet. Research published last week, based on Israeli tax authority data, showed Starmer’s government has been lying even about the highly limited restrictions on arms sales to Israel it claimed to have imposed last year.

    Despite an ostensible ban on shipments of weapons that could be used in Gaza, Britain has covertly exported more than 8,500 separate munitions to Israel since the ban.

    This week more details emerged. According to figures published by The National, the current government exported more weapons to Israel in the final three months of last year, after the ban came into effect, than the previous Conservative government did through the whole of 2020 to 2023.

    So shameful is the UK’s support for Israel in the midst of what the International Court of Justice – the World Court – has described as a “plausible genocide” that Starmer’s government needs to pretend it is doing something, even as it actually continues to arm that genocide.

    More than 40 MPs wrote to Foreign Secretary David Lammy last week calling for him to respond to allegations that he had misled the public and parliament. “The public deserves to know the full scale of the UK’s complicity in crimes against humanity,” they wrote.

    There are growing rumblings elsewhere. This week France’s President Emmanuel Macron called Israel’s complete blockade on aid into Gaza “shameful and unacceptable”. He added: “My job is to do everything I can to make it stop.”

    “Everything” seemed to amount to nothing more than mooting possible economic sanctions.

    Still, the rhetorical shift was striking. Italy’s prime minister, Giorgia Meloni, similarly denounced the blockade, calling it “unjustifiable”. She added: “I have always recalled the urgency of finding a way to end the hostilities and respect international law and international humanitarian law.”

    “International law”? Where has that been for the past 19 months?

    There was a similar change of priorities across the Atlantic. Democratic Senator Chris van Hollen, for example, recently dared to call Israel’s actions in Gaza “ethnic cleansing”.

    CNN’s Christiane Amanpour, a bellwether of the Beltway consensus, gave Israel’s deputy foreign minister, Sharren Haskel, an unusually tough grilling. Amanpour all but accused her of lying about Israel starving children.

    Meanwhile, Josep Borrell, the recently departed head of European Union foreign policy, broke another taboo last week by directly accusing Israel of preparing a genocide in Gaza.

    “Seldom have I heard the leader of a state so clearly outline a plan that fits the legal definition of genocide,” he said, adding: “We’re facing the largest ethnic cleansing operation since the end of the Second World War.”

    Borrell, of course, has no influence over EU policy at this point.

    A death camp

    This is all painfully slow progress, but it does suggest that a tipping point may be near.

    If so, there are several reasons. One – the most evident in the mix – is US President Donald Trump.

    It was easier for the Guardian, the FT and old-school Tory MPs to watch the extermination of Gaza’s Palestinians in silence when it was kindly Uncle Joe Biden and the US military industrial complex behind it.

    Unlike his predecessor, Trump too often forgets the bit where he is supposed to put a gloss on Israeli crimes, or distance the US from them, even as Washington ships the weapons to carry out those crimes.

    But also, there are plenty of indications that Trump – with his constant craving to be seen as the top dog – is increasingly annoyed at being publicly outfoxed by Netanyahu.

    This week, as Trump headed to the Middle East, his administration secured the release of Israeli soldier Edan Alexander, the last living US citizen in captivity in Gaza, by bypassing Israel and negotiating directly with Hamas.

    In his comments on the release, Trump insisted it was time to “put an end to this very brutal war” – a remark he had very obviously not coordinated with Netanyahu.

    Notably, Israel is not on Trump’s Middle East schedule.

    Right now seems a relatively safe moment to adopt a more critical stance towards Israel, as presumably the FT and Guardian appreciate.

    Then there is the fact that Israel’s genocide is reaching its endpoint. No food, water or medicines have entered Gaza for more than two months. Everyone is malnourished. It is unclear, given Israel’s destruction of Gaza’s health system, how many have already died from hunger.

    But the pictures of skin-and-bones children emerging from Gaza are uncomfortably reminiscent of 80-year-old images of skeletal Jewish children imprisoned in Nazi camps.

    It is a reminder that Gaza – strictly blockaded by Israel for 16 years before Hamas’ 7 October 2023 breakout – has been transformed over the past 19 months from a concentration camp into a death camp.

    Parts of the media and political class know mass death in Gaza cannot be obscured for much longer, not even after Israel has barred foreign journalists from the enclave and murdered most of the Palestinian journalists trying to record the genocide.

    Cynical political and media actors are trying to get in their excuses before it is too late to show remorse.

    The ‘Gaza war’ myth

    And finally there is the fact that Israel has declared its readiness to take hands-on responsibility for the extermination in Gaza by, in its words, “capturing” the tiny territory.

    The long-anticipated “day after” looks like it is about to arrive.

    For 20 years, Israel and western capitals have conspired in the lie that Gaza’s occupation ended in 2005, when Israel’s then prime minister, Ariel Sharon, pulled out a few thousand Jewish settlers and withdrew Israeli soldiers to a highly fortified perimeter encaging the enclave.

    In a ruling last year, the World Court gave this claim short shrift, emphasising that Gaza, as well as the Palestinian territories of the West Bank and East Jerusalem, had never stopped being under Israeli occupation, and that the occupation must end immediately.

    The truth is that, even before the 2023 Hamas attacks, Israel had been besieging Gaza by land, sea and air for many, many years. Nothing – people or trade – went in or out without the Israeli military’s say-so.

    Israeli officials instituted a secret policy of putting the population there on a strict “diet” – a war crime then as now – one that ensured most of Gaza’s young became progressively more malnourished.

    Drones whined constantly overhead, as they do now, watching the population from the skies 24 hours a day and occasionally raining down death. Fishermen were shot and their boats sunk for trying to fish their own waters. Farmers’ crops were destroyed by herbicides sprayed from Israeli planes.

    And when the mood took it, Israel sent in fighter jets to bomb the enclave or sent soldiers in on military operations, killing hundreds of civilians at a time.

    When Palestinians in Gaza went out week after week to stage protests close to the perimeter fence of their concentration camp, Israeli snipers shot them, killing some 200 and crippling many thousands more.

    Yet, despite all this, Israel and western capitals insisted on the story that Hamas “ruled” Gaza, and that it alone was responsible for what went on there.

    That fiction was very important to the western powers. It allowed Israel to evade accountability for the crimes against humanity committed in Gaza over the past two decades – and it allowed the West to avoid complicity charges for arming the criminals.

    Instead, the political and media class perpetuated the myth that Israel was engaged in a “conflict” with Hamas – as well as intermittent “wars” in Gaza – even as Israel’s own military termed its operations to destroy whole neighbourhoods and kill their residents “mowing the lawn”.

    Israel, of course, viewed Gaza as its lawn to mow. And that is precisely because it never stopped occupying the enclave.

    Even today western media outlets collude in the fiction that Gaza is free from Israeli occupation by casting the slaughter there – and the starvation of the population – as a “war”.

    Loss of cover story

    But the “day after” – signalled by Israel’s promised “capture” and “reoccupation” of Gaza – brings a conundrum for Israel and its western sponsors.

    Till now Israel’s every atrocity has been justified by Hamas’ violent breakout on 7 October 2023.

    Israel and its supporters have insisted that Hamas must return the Israelis it took captive before there can be some undefined “peace”. At the same time, Israel has also maintained that Gaza must be destroyed at all costs to root out Hamas and eliminate it.

    These two goals never looked consistent – not least because the more Palestinian civilians Israel killed “rooting out” Hamas, the more young men Hamas recruited seeking vengeance.

    The constant stream of genocidal rhetoric from Israeli leaders made clear that they believed there were no civilians in Gaza – no “uninvolved” – and that the enclave should be levelled and the population treated like “human animals”, punished with “no food, water or fuel”.

    Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich reiterated that approach last week, vowing that “Gaza will be entirely destroyed” and that its people would be ethnically cleansed – or, as he put it, forced to “leave in great numbers to third countries”.

    Israeli officials have echoed him, threatening to “flatten” Gaza if the hostages are not released. But in truth, the captives held by Hamas are just a convenient pretext.

    Smotrich was more honest in observing that the hostages’ release was “not the most important thing”. His view is apparently shared by the Israeli military, which has reportedly put that aim last in a list of six “war” objectives.

    More important to the military are “operational control” of Gaza, “demilitarization of the territory” and “concentration and movement of the population”.

    With Israel about to be indisputably, visibly in direct charge of Gaza again – with the cover stories stripped away of a “war”, of the need to eliminate of Hamas, of civilian casualties as “collateral damage” – Israel’s responsibility for the genocide will be incontestable too, as will the West’s active collusion.

    That was why more than 250 former officials with Mossad, Israel’s spy agency – including three of its former heads – signed a letter this week decrying Israel’s breaking of the ceasefire in early March and its return to “war”.

    The letter called Israel’s official objectives “unattainable”.

    Similarly, the Israeli media reports large numbers of Israel’s military reservists are no longer showing up when called for a return to duty in Gaza.

    Ethnic cleansing

    Israel’s western patrons must now grapple with Israel’s “plan” for the ruined territory. Its outline has been coming more sharply into focus in recent days.

    In January Israel formally outlawed the United Nations refugee agency UNRWA that feeds and cares for the large proportion of the Palestinian population driven off their historic lands by Israel in earlier phases of its decades-long colonisation of historic Palestine.

    Gaza is packed with such refugees – the outcome of Israel’s biggest ethnic cleansing programme in 1948, at its creation as a “Jewish state”.

    Removing UNRWA had been a long-held ambition, a move by Israel designed to help rid it of the yoke of aid agencies that have been caring for Palestinians – and thereby helping them to resist Israel’s efforts at ethnic cleansing – as well as monitoring Israel’s adherence, or rather lack of it, to international law.

    For the ethnic cleansing and genocide programmes in Gaza to be completed, Israel has needed to produce an alternative system to UNRWA’s.

    Last week, it approved a scheme in which it intends to use private contractors, not the UN, to deliver small quantities of food and water to Palestinians. Israel will allow in 60 trucks a day – barely a tenth of the absolute minimum required, according to the UN.

    There are several catches. To stand any hope of qualifying for this very limited aid, Palestinians will need to collect it from military distribution points located in a small area at the southern tip of the Gaza strip.

    In other words, some two million Palestinians will have to crowd into a location that has no chance of accommodating them all, and even then will have only a tenth of the aid they need.

    They will have to relocate too without any guarantee from Israel that it won’t continue bombing the “humanitarian zones” they have been herded into.

    These military distribution zones just so happen to be right next to Gaza’s sole, short border with Egypt – exactly where Israel has been seeking to drive the Palestinians over the past 19 months in the hope of forcing Egypt to open the border so the people of Gaza can be ethnically cleansed into Sinai.

    Under Israel’s scheme, Palestinians will be screened in these military hubs using biometric data before they stand any hope of receiving minimum calorie-controlled handouts of food.

    Once inside the hubs, they can be arrested and shipped off to one of Israel’s torture camps.

    Just last week Israel’s Haaretz newspaper published testimony from an Israeli soldier turned whistleblower – confirming accounts from doctors and other guards – that torture and abuse are rife against Palestinians, including civilians, at Sde Teiman, the most notorious of the camps.

    War on aid

    Last Friday, shortly after Israel announced its “aid” plan, it fired a missile into an UNRWA centre in Jabaliya camp, destroying its food distribution centre and warehouse.

    Then on Saturday, Israel bombed tents used for preparing food in Khan Younis and Gaza City. It has been targeting charity kitchens and bakeries to close them down, in an echo of its campaign of destruction against Gaza’s hospitals and health system.

    In recent days, a third of UN-supported community kitchens – the population’s last life line – have closed because their stores of food are depleted, as is their access to fuel.

    According to the UN agency OCHA, that number is rising “by the day”, leading to “widespread” hunger.

    The UN reported this week that nearly half a million people in Gaza – a fifth of the population – faced “catastrophic hunger”.

    Predictably, Israel and its ghoulish apologists are making light of this sea of immense suffering. Jonathan Turner, chief executive of UK Lawyers for Israel, argued that critics were unfairly condemning Israel for starving Gaza’s population, and ignoring the health benefits of reducing “obesity” among Palestinians.

    In a joint statement last week, 15 UN agencies and more than 200 charities and humanitarian groups denounced Israel’s “aid” plan. The UN children’s fund UNICEF warned that Israel was forcing Palestinians to choose between “displacement and death”.

    But worse, Israel is setting up its stall once again to turn reality on its head.

    Those Palestinians who refuse to cooperate with its “aid” plan will be blamed for their own starvation. And international agencies who refuse to go along with Israeli criminality will be smeared both as “antisemitic” and as responsible for the mounting toll of starvation on Gaza’s population.

    There is a way to stop these crimes degenerating further. But it will require western politicians and journalists to find far more courage than they have dared muster so far. It will need more than rhetorical flourishes. It will need more than public handwringing.

    Are they capable of more? Don’t hold your breath.

  • Middle East Eye
  • The post Why the Wall of Silence on the Genocide of Gazans is Finally Starting to Crack first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.


  • This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Myanmar’s ousted civilian government called for international intervention, accusing the military regime of committing “war crimes” by killing nearly 400 people within a month, despite the junta’s declaration of a ceasefire on April 2.

    From April 3 to May 13, junta airstrikes across 11 of Myanmar’s 14 territories have killed a total of 182 people and injured 298, said the National League for Democracy, or NLD, the party that won a landslide in the 2020 election but was ousted in a coup the following year.

    The majority of attacks have targeted those affected by the earthquake-affected areas of Sagaing and Mandalay region, it added.

    “We’re sending this appeal directly to the United Nations and to ASEAN,” said a member of the NLD central work committee Kyaw Htwe. “We have confirmed this information with media outlets, party members and the public on the ground.”

    On March 28, 2025, Myanmar experienced a devastating 7.7 magnitude earthquake centered near Mandalay, resulting in over 5,400 deaths, more than 11,000 injuries, and widespread destruction across six regions, including the capital Naypyidaw.

    In response to the disaster, Myanmar’s military junta and various rebel groups declared temporary ceasefires in early April to facilitate humanitarian aid and recovery efforts. The junta extended its ceasefire until May 31. However, despite these declarations, hostilities have continued, with reports indicating that the military has persisted with airstrikes and artillery attacks.

    On Monday, an airstrike on a school in rebel militia-controlled Tabayin township in Sagaing region killed 22 students and two teachers. On the same day, junta soldiers raiding Lel Ma village in Magway region’s Gangaw township shot 11 people and arrested eight others.

    An attack on Arakan Army-controlled Rathedaung township in Rakhine the following day killed 13 civilians, including children and their parents.

    Similarly, attacks with heavy artillery between April 3 and May 13 across five territories killed 14 people and injured 43. Another 166, including infants, were killed by junta raids on villages, when soldiers set fire to civilian homes.

    Junta spokesperson Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun has not responded to Radio Free Asia’s inquiries.

    Translated by Kiana Duncan. Edited by Mike Firn and Taejun Kang.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by RFA Burmese.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Read RFA coverage of this topic in Burmese.

    Myanmar residents forced to flee their homes for camps across the border in Thailand are facing growing hardship amid cuts to international aid, with more than 108,000 people now struggling to access stable food supplies, civil society organizations told Radio Free Asia on Wednesday.

    Predominantly ethnic Karen from eastern Myanmar’s Kayin state, facing brutal village burnings and airstrikes by the junta, have fled en masse to camps in Thailand, where many have lived for years seeking refugee status with no access to jobs or legal documents.

    The difficult life of residents in the camps escalated when the U.S. government slashed the budget of the U.S. Agency for International Development, or USAID.

    The United States, through USAID, has been the largest donor, contributing about 69% of the camps’ funding as of early 2025. This significant support facilitated essential services including healthcare, food distribution, and sanitation, often implemented by NGOs like the International Rescue Committee and The Border Consortium, according to the Organization for World Peace.

    “Because aid donations have continued not to arrive, the refugees’ situations will become worse than before, because they have no documents,” said Karen Peace Support Network spokesperson Cherry, who only gave one name.

    “They have no permission to come and go from the camp without identification, passport or Thai citizenship documents, they have a lot of difficulty in searching for jobs.”

    Children five years old and under have had their food budget slashed to just five U.S. cents per day, while those over five will receive eight cents a day in allocated food, according to a statement co-published by 20 Karen groups on Wednesday, adding that over one million people in Kayin state and neighboring areas alone are affected by aid cuts.

    “Even before these drastic reductions, food provisions were already below the minimum required for survival,” the groups said in their statement, attributing it to not only U.S. budget cuts, but steadily declining international support for displaced Karen.

    “These aid reductions could not come at a worse time. The Burmese military continues to target homes, schools, plantations, religious sites and medical centers with airstrikes and artillery.”

    The groups called for a reversal of long-term aid cuts for Myanmar residents of Thailand, existing donors to increase their funding, for Bangkok to grant them the right to work and for the country to lift restrictions on cross-border aid delivery to areas not controlled by the Myanmar military.

    While USAID was the primary donor, other countries such as Australia also contributed to funding the camps, though to a lesser extent.

    Following the dissolution of much of USAID’s programming in Myanmar and Thailand, civil society organizations dependent on their funding have been forced to reduce programming and lay off staff, while others have sounded alarms about the potential rise in HIV, tuberculosis, malaria and vaccine-preventable diseases.

    Despite a ceasefire extended to May 31 by the military junta that seized power in a 2021 coup, airstrikes have continued, killing over 200 people and displacing tens of thousands. The ceasefire was declared following the March 28 earthquake that claimed the lives of over 3,700 people in Myanmar.

    Translated by Kiana Duncan. Edited by Mike Firn and Taejun Kang.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by RFA Burmese.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • In conflict-hit zones on the eastern and western border regions of Myanmar, health workers are reporting rising cases of tuberculosis and other diseases amid global aid cuts from the U.S and other international donors.

    Myanmar had meager investment in the health sector, even before the military seized power in a coup four years ago, triggering widespread fighting. Strain on the system has intensified with a 7.7 magnitude earthquake on March 28 that killed more than 3,800 people.

    Drastic cutbacks by the Trump administration at the Agency for International Development, or USAID, are impacting local health organizations that vulnerable populations rely on, particularly in border regions.

    A worker packs medicine delivered into the country by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) in Yangon, March 7, 2013.
    A worker packs medicine delivered into the country by the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) in Yangon, March 7, 2013.
    (Soe Than Win/AFP)

    The Mon State Federal Council of Humanitarian and Rescue Department does public health reporting and provides medication and malaria testing kits to parts of eastern Myanmar’s Mon and Kayin states. They say their capacity has been slashed to a fraction of what it once was.

    “I think thousands of people may have a lack of access in this area out of our 300,000 [population] before,” said department head Mi Soa Ta Jo, adding that they can only provide 30% of the malaria testing kits and medication they previously could to communities requesting it. Delayed testing and medication for malaria can have serious consequences like brain damage, impacting already overburdened caregivers, she said.

    The group, one of many receiving USAID funding through intermediary organizations, says the cuts coincide with a rise in diseases like tuberculosis and HIV.

    An HIV-infected woman in Yangon, Nov. 29, 2014
    An HIV-infected woman in Yangon, Nov. 29, 2014
    (Lauren DeCicca/Getty Images)

    It‘s not just the U.S. that is scaling back its aid. The United Kingdom and France have also announced decreases in global development spending, with France cutting its overseas development assistance by 35% in February and launching a commission to investigate the funding’s impact.

    “If there are consequences of the funding cuts from the U.S, from Europe, from everywhere — it’s not only the U.S., it’s everybody who’s cutting funding – we will see them first on things like tuberculosis and vaccine-preventable diseases,” said Dr. Francois Nosten, director of the Shoklo Malaria Research Unit working on the Thai-Myanmar border. “That’s what we are concerned about.”

    The four years of fighting, which has displaced 3 million people and killed thousands, has already disrupted vaccinations. From 2021 to 2023 in Myanmar, the World Health Organization reported an increase in cases of diphtheria, measles, Japanese encephalitis and a significant rise in acute flaccid paralysis, an indicator for polio.

    Cuts to programming

    In Myanmar’s northwestern region of Chin state, conflict between ethnic armed groups and junta forces has led to mass displacement.

    Dr. Biak Cung Lian, the program manager for health and protection at the Chin Human Rights Organization, said that medical supply chains from cities have been disrupted. Health problems are being exacerbated by malnutrition and poor immunity.

    A makeshift hospital in Demoso, Kayah state, Myanmar, Nov. 10, 2024.
    A makeshift hospital in Demoso, Kayah state, Myanmar, Nov. 10, 2024.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)

    The cuts in USAID funding have affected his group’s efforts to treat tuberculosis, or TB, which spreads easily in crowded conditions. It has two mobile health programs focusing on TB screening, gender-based violence and psycho-social support. They have already laid off 60 staff.

    The doctor also worries that HIV may spread more easily than before. Recently, many young people tested positive in a camp for displaced people on the border between the region of Sagaing and Chin state.

    “Recently we heard that anti-retroviral therapy [for HIV] would be withheld because of the funding disruption. I’m not sure whether we will be able to procure (anti-retroviral therapy) drugs with our network,” he said, referencing medication taken by HIV patients to reduce the risk of transmission and slow the progression of the virus into AIDS.

    “So we are in a state where we can’t do anything yet, but hopefully there will be something we can figure out,” Biak Cung Lian said.

    A post-surgery recovery ward at a makeshift hospital in Demoso, Kayah state, Myanmar, Nov. 6, 2024.
    A post-surgery recovery ward at a makeshift hospital in Demoso, Kayah state, Myanmar, Nov. 6, 2024.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)

    Lack of support for those displaced will also make it harder for other groups to treat illnesses compounded by malnutrition and poor immunity, health workers say.

    “There is a certain level of difficulty in providing nutritional services to children under five years of age,” said Thitsar, a doctor from the Karenni Loyalty Mobile team, a nonprofit medical group in northeastern Myanmar’s Kayah state.

    The group is helping to treat common illnesses like malaria and tuberculosis with limited medicine. The mobile clinic, set up by medical personnel participating in the protest for civil servants against Myanmar’s military, the Civil Disobedience Movement, is one of the few groups providing regular healthcare to internally displaced people in the region for communicable and non-communicable diseases.

    Patients in a tent opened after the March 28  earthquake in Naypyidaw, Myanmar, Friday, April 4, 2025.
    Patients in a tent opened after the March 28 earthquake in Naypyidaw, Myanmar, Friday, April 4, 2025.
    (AP)

    “There is malaria, and it’s expected to increase during the upcoming monsoon season. There is a limited amount of medicine available. We could not tell the exact numbers, the situation on the ground is quite challenging,” Thitsar, who goes by one name, said.

    The U.S. State Department responded to RFA’s request for information about its ongoing commitment to public health funding in Myanmar by emphasizing its continued support for Myanmar following the recent earthquake.

    But it made no mention of any ongoing commitments to assist public health programs in Myanmar.

    RFA Burmese journalist Khin Khin Ei contributed reporting. Edited by Ginny Stein and Mat Pennington.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Kiana Duncan for RFA.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

  • Read RFA coverage of this topic in Burmese.

    Some families have waited as long as one month to receive critical aid in the aftermath of Myanmar’s earthquake, which killed over 3,700 people, victims and aid groups told Radio Free Asia.

    Myanmar’s military has been accused of hampering aid efforts by preventing international and local rescue groups from entering earthquake-stricken areas and demanding that groups distribute essential items like food and temporary shelter through junta officials.

    One resident in Mandalay, the country’s second-largest city and close to the epicenter of the earthquake, said he hadn’t received any aid since his house collapsed.

    “Because of the aftershocks, we can’t go back. Up until today, we’ve been sleeping on the side of the road. Yesterday, there were more aftershocks and we’ve been on edge,” he said, declining to be named for fear of reprisals.

    “I want to say especially that we have not gotten any type of help listed from officials at the ward, township or district level. We haven’t gotten even one bottle of water or one wafer of biscuit – that’s the honest truth.”

    Recovery from the March 28 earthquake has been hampered still further by hundreds of airstrikes by Myanmar’s military, which have killed over 160 people across the country, according to data compiled by Radio Free Asia..

    Residents sleeping outdoors have also been subject to monsoon rains, extreme heat and unpredictable weather, adding to the predicted public health crisis.

    In crowded areas, aid groups who have been permitted entry don’t have enough food for all the victims, said the Mandalay resident.

    Aid organizations from 29 countries were operating in Myanmar until April 20, providing more than 3,700 tons of relief supplies, said junta spokesperson Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun on state-owned broadcaster MRTV.

    All available supplies, except for “a few shelters and raincoats” had been distributed in earthquake-affected areas of Naypyidaw, the country’s capital, as well as in Mandalay region, Sagaing region and Shan state, he said on Wednesday.

    On the ground, victims have only been able to receive aid from the United Nations Development Programme, or UNDP, said one volunteer who was himself affected by the earthquake in Mandalay region’s Pyawbwe town.

    “UNDP is the only one who arrived with household items, shelters, power banks, solar lights, canned fish, red beans, clothing, women’s items and medical kits,” he said, refusing to be named for security reasons.

    He said the junta collected lists of the dead and those affected by the earthquake, but victims haven’t received any help. Rescue teams reported at least 300 people died in Pyawbwe town alone.

    Residents in other areas of Mandalay region and Sagaing region, as well as parts of the country with a strong junta presence, like Shan state’s Inle region and the capital of Naypyidaw, also say they have faced limited aid as a result of poor systematic distribution, rescue committee volunteers said.

    But the junta denied claims of mismanagement.

    “For those who have faced destruction, the amount must be assessed and aid will be apportioned based on what’s decided by government organizations,” said Lay Shwe Zin Oo, director of the Disaster Management Department of the military’s Ministry of Social Welfare.

    “If they haven’t gotten it yet, they should contact their general administrators and negotiate an amount of aid,” she said, adding that many victims had not registered for aid yet.

    Over 5,100 people were injured in the earthquake and more than 100 are still missing, according to the latest data from Myanmar’s military. As of April 24, nearly 64,000 houses were destroyed, affecting some 629,000 people.

    Translated by Kiana Duncan. Edited by Taejun Kang and Mike Firn.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by RFA Burmese.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Palestinians pushed into new misery as supplies of food, fuel and medicine run out in seven-week siege

    Gaza has been pushed to new depths of despair, civilians, medics and humanitarian workers say, by the unprecedented seven-week-long Israeli military blockade that has cut off all aid to the strip.

    The siege has left the Palestinian territory facing conditions unmatched in severity since the beginning of the war as residents grapple with sweeping new evacuation orders, the renewed bombing of civilian infrastructure such as hospitals, and the exhaustion of food, fuel for generators and medical supplies.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.