Category: Australia

  • Human Rights Watch’ submission discusses the risks climate activists have faced in Australia, India, and Uganda. It focuses on examples of activists under age 32, as requested by the UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights Defenders.

    Australia

    Following increased climate protest activity in New South Wales (NSW), the government in March 2022 established a new police unit known as the Strike Force Guard. The unit is designed to “prevent, investigate and disrupt unauthorized protests across the state.” On April 1, the state parliament introduced new laws and penalties specifically targeting protests that blocked roads and ports. Protesters can now be fined up to AU$22,000 (US$15,250) and be jailed for up to two years for protesting without permission on public roads, rail lines, tunnels, bridges, and industrial estates.

    In 2022, Human Rights Watch interviewed three climate protesters who had been arrested and charged under the new laws. These cases indicate that climate protesters are being targeted for disproportionate punishment.

    Violet (Deanna) Coco, a 31-year-old activist, took part in a climate protest on April 13, 2022, that stopped traffic in one lane on the Sydney Harbor Bridge. Coco climbed on the roof of a parked truck and stood holding a lit emergency flare. After approximately 25 minutes, NSW police forcibly removed her and the other protesters from the road. Coco was charged with disrupting vehicles, interfering with the safe operation of a bridge, possessing a bright light distress signal in a public place, failing to comply with police direction, and resisting or hindering a police officer. She was also charged under explosives regulations for holding the emergency flare; with an incitement offense for “encouraging the commission of a crime” by livestreaming the protest on Facebook; and for uploading a video of a climate protest she took the previous week, and with disrupting traffic during three previous protests.

    Coco pleaded guilty to two charges – blocking traffic and failing to comply with police direction – and not guilty to the other charges. She was released on AU$10,000 (US$6,940) bail, but the magistrate ordered her not to leave her apartment for any purpose except for emergency medical assistance or to attend court. She was also ordered not to associate with any other Fireproof Australia member. Coco spent 21 days under what amounted to house arrest. On May 5, 2022, a magistrate amended her bail and, while she was allowed to leave her property, the authorities imposed a curfew banning her from leaving her address before 10 a.m. and after 3 p.m.

    In March 2023, Coco was issued with a 12-month conditional release order after a district court judge heard she had been initially imprisoned on false information provided by the New South Wales police.

    In August 2022, the state of Victoria followed New South Wales with harsh new measures targeting environmental protesters at logging sites with up to 12 months in jail or $21,000 in fines. In Tasmania, environmental activists now face fines of $13,000 or two years in prison, while nongovernmental organizations that have been found to “support members of the community to protest” face fines of over $45,000.

    On May 18, 2023, the South Australia government introduced harsh new anti-protest measures in the South Australian lower house in the morning and then rushed them through after lunch with bipartisan support after just 20 minutes of debate and no public consultation. The bill would increase the punishment for “public obstruction” 60-fold, from $750 to $50,000 or three months in jail, with activists also potentially facing orders to pay for police and other emergency services responding to a protest or action. On May 30, the laws were passed after a 14-hour debate in the South Australian upper house.

    India

    In February 2021, Indian authorities arrested Ravi who was sent to police custody for five days. Indian authorities also issued arrest warrants against Nikita Jacob, a lawyer, and Shantanu Muluk, an activist, who were granted pre-arrest bail. The authorities alleged Ravi was the “key conspirator” in editing and sharing an online toolkit shared by the Swedish Fridays for Future founder Greta Thunberg on social media, including Twitter, aimed at providing information to those seeking to peacefully support ongoing farmers protests. In granting bail to Ravi, the Delhi court said the evidence on record was “scanty and sketchy,” and that citizens cannot be jailed simply because they disagreed with government policies. It added: “The offense of sedition cannot be invoked to minister to the wounded vanity of governments.”

    The Indian government has enforced Information Technology Rules that allow for greater governmental control over online content, threaten to weaken encryption, and seriously undermine media freedoms, rights to privacy, and freedom of expression online. These rules put youth and other human rights defenders and journalists at further risk of being targeted by the authorities for their online content.

    Uganda

    Young people from across Uganda have faced reprisals for fighting for climate justice. On September 25, 2020, Ugandan police arrested and detained for eight hours eight youth climate activists while participating in the global climate strike in Kampala. The police told them election campaigns were not allowed, although the activists repeatedly explained that they were an environmental—not a political—movement. The activists, only two of whom were above the age of 18, were detained in a room for eight hours, questioned, and then allowed to leave.

    Human Rights Watch published a report that documented a range of restrictions on freedom of expression, association, and assembly related to oil development, including the planned East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) by the government. Civil society organizations and environmental defenders regularly report being harassed and intimidated, unlawfully detained, or arbitrarily arrested. Human Rights Watch interviewed 31 people in Uganda between March and October 2023, including 21 environmental defenders, and several of whom were under 32 years old.

    Many student climate activists protesting EACOP have been arrested and charged with various offences in Kampala since 2021. These protests have been largely peaceful and usually small in scale. Since 2021, there have been at least 22 arrests, largely of students, at anti-EACOP protests in Kampala. Nine students were arrested in October 2022 after demonstrating support for the European Parliament resolution on EACOP and charged with “common nuisance.” Their case was finally dismissed on November 6, 2023, after more than 15 court appearances. Another four protesters were arrested on December 9, 2022, as they marched to the National Environmental Management Authority (NEMA) to demand a re-evaluation of the environmental damage caused by EACOP. One of the detainees was kept at an unknown location until the morning of December 12 when all four were released.

    Another protesting student was arrested in Kampala on June 27, 2023, after trying to deliver a petition to the Speaker of the House of Uganda’s parliament. He told Human Rights Watch he was taken to an unlawful place of detention known as a “safe house” with his hands tied behind his back, questioned by plain-clothed security officials about who was providing the funding for the protests, before he was knocked to the floor. He said he awoke two days later in the hospital with serious injuries. On July 11, 2023, five individuals were arrested after protesting EACOP in downtown Kampala.

    On September 15, 2023, four student protesters were arrested after a “Fridays for Future” and “StopEACOP” joint protest at the Ugandan parliament as part of the “Global Fight to End Fossil Fuels,” a global mobilization and day of action. They were released on bond five days later and have been charged with “common nuisance.” Their next hearing is scheduled for November 27, 2023. One of the students described to Human Rights Watch being held in a room inside parliament and beaten by uniformed parliamentary security officials and others in civilian clothes with “batons, gun butts, and using their boots to step on our heads” before being taken to Kampala’s Central Police Station (CPS). At the CPS he described plainclothes intelligence officers asking: “Who are your leaders? Among us, who is your leader? How many are you? Who are your leaders in different universities? Who is managing your social media accounts?” They then described being beaten further in CPS cells by other prisoners, one of whom said, “We have order from above to discipline you. You need to stop working on EACOP.”

    Human Rights Watch encourages the Special Rapporteur to call on governments to:

    • Promote and protect universally recognized human rights and fundamental freedoms, respect, and protect the work of climate activists, in line with their human rights obligations.
    • Publicly condemn assault, threats, harassment, intimidation, and arbitrary arrests of activists, and direct security and other government officials to stop arresting, harassing, or threatening activists for protesting or on false accusations.
    • End arbitrary arrests and prosecutions of human rights defenders, anti-EACOP activists, and peaceful protesters.
    • Respect and protect the rights of all human rights defenders and civil society organizations to exercise freedoms of association, assembly, and expression, in accordance with international human rights norms.
    • Where applicable, ratify and implement regional human rights agreements to ensure public participation in environmental decision-making and to protect environmental defenders.

    Submission to the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders

    This post was originally published on Hans Thoolen on Human Rights Defenders and their awards.

  • The M777 is the leading ultra-lightweight towed artillery gun, with more then 1,250+ currently in operation with the U.S. Army, U.S. Marine Corps, Canadian and Australian forces, as well as expanding its global footprint into the Indian Army and Armed Forces of Ukraine. The M777 155mm ultra-lightweight howitzer was developed to succeed the M198 howitzer […]

    The post M777: Tactical Mobility and Operational Flexibility in Challenging Terrains appeared first on Asian Military Review.

  • A US-funded fuel facility has been completed at Royal Australian Air Force (RAAF) Base Darwin in northern Australia to support the planned deployment of US military aircraft as part of Enhanced Air Cooperation (EAC) between both countries. The Australian Department of Defence (DoD) announced on 30 October that construction of the new fuel facility was […]

    The post RAAF Base Darwin fuelled up for expanded US presence appeared first on Asian Military Review.

    This post was originally published on Asian Military Review.

  • Australia has joined a global push for the responsible use of artificial intelligence in military operations, signing a declaration with 30 other countries that commits it to applying AI guardrails in weapons systems. Australia joined the Declaration on Responsible Military Use of AI and Autonomy on the sidelines of this week’s AI Safety Summit in…

    The post Australia joins US-led push for military AI norms appeared first on InnovationAus.com.

    This post was originally published on InnovationAus.com.

  • Australia’s future prosperity will be propelled forward by technology and innovation, but “bold” new steps are needed if the nation is to fully unlock the economic benefits of the new industrial age, according to innovation leader and former federal minister Wyatt Roy. In a keynote address at the InnovationAus 2023 Awards for Excellence on Wednesday…

    The post Wyatt Roy’s mission possible: Australia as a tech powerhouse appeared first on InnovationAus.com.

    This post was originally published on InnovationAus.com.

  • Unmanned surface vehicles (USVs) operated by the US Navy (USN) have arrived in Sydney, Australia on 24 October for a scheduled port visit ahead of bilateral exercises with the Royal Australian Navy (RAN), the service announced. According to the USN’s Unmanned Surface Vessel Division One’s (USVDIV-1), USVs Ranger, Mariner, Seahawk and Sea Hunter will participate […]

    The post USN USVs converge on Australia for bilateral exercise appeared first on Asian Military Review.

    This post was originally published on Asian Military Review.

  • Australia and the United States have signed off on a long-awaited space technology sharing agreement, giving American space companies the green light to conduct launches from Australian spaceports. The Technology Safeguards Agreement (TSA) was signed in Washington on Thursday morning (AEDT), six months after an in-principal agreement was struck by Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and…

    The post Australia-US sign space technology treaty appeared first on InnovationAus.com.

    This post was originally published on InnovationAus.com.

  • Innovation has become the fourth pillar in Australia’s alliance with the United States, with the two nations announcing plans to work more closely on science and critical technologies. The new Innovation Alliance will see the Australia and the US cooperate on new initiatives in science and critical technologies, according to a joint statement. It will…

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  •  

    Sydney Morning Herald: The time has come to end the sorry Julian Assange saga

    Sydney Morning Herald (5/12/23): “The time has come to end this sorry saga.”

    As WikiLeaks founder and Australian citizen Julian Assange has nearly exhausted his appeals to British courts against a US extradition order, Australia has ramped up its advocacy on his behalf. Six Australian MPs held a press conference outside the US Department of Justice on September 20 to urge the Biden administration to halt its pursuit of Assange (Consortium News, 9/20/23).

    They came representing an impressive national consensus: Almost 80% of Australian citizens, and a cross-party coalition in Australia’s Parliament, support the campaign to free Assange (Sydney Morning Herald, 5/12/23). Opposition leader Peter Dutton joined Prime Minister Anthony Albanese in urging Assange’s release.

    The day before, an open letter to the Biden administration signed by 64 Australian parliamentarians appeared as a full-page ad in the Washington Post. It called the prosecution of Assange “a political decision” and warned that, if Assange is extradited, “there will be a sharp and sustained outcry” from Australians.

    Given what is at stake for freedom of the press in the Assange case, and the intensified pressure from Australia—a country being wooed to actively enlist in the US campaign against China by spending $368 billion on nuclear submarines and supersonic missiles (Sydney Morning Herald, 8/10/23)—we ought to expect coverage from the Washington Post, New York Times and major broadcast networks. But coverage of the press conference was virtually absent from US corporate media.

    Prosecuting publishing

    The US has been seeking to extradite Assange from Britain on charges relating to the leaking of hundreds of thousands of documents to international media in 2010 and 2011, many of which detailed US atrocities carried out in the Afghanistan and Iraq wars and other human rights violations, such as the torture of detainees at Guantánamo Bay (Abby Martin, 3/10/23).

    In 2019, President Donald Trump’s administration brought Espionage Act charges against Assange for obtaining and publishing leaked documents, a dramatic new attack on press freedom (FAIR.org, 8/13/22). Assange could face 175 years in a supermax prison if convicted under the Espionage Act, “a relic of the First World War” meant for spies (American Constitution Society, 9/10/21), and not intended to criminalize leaks to or publications by the press. The Biden administration has rolled back much of the legal mechanism used by Trump to attack journalists, but President Joe Biden has reaffirmed the call to extradite Assange.

    NYT: Leaked Cables Offer Raw Look at U.S. Diplomacy

    The New York Times (11/28/10) published articles based on WikiLeaks‘ revelations, but pays little attention to Julian Assange’s persecution.

    Assange also coordinated with international news outlets to publish other material known as Cablegate about the “inner-workings of bargaining, diplomacy and threat-making around the world” (Intercept, 8/14/23). Indeed, the New York Times (e.g., 11/28/10) published many articles based on the WikiLeaks documents, which had been sent to Assange by US army whistleblower Chelsea Manning.

    US officials have repeatedly justified their case by charging that Assange put lives at risk; to date, no evidence has surfaced that any individuals were harmed by the leaks (BBC, 12/1/10; Chelsea Manning, Readme.txt, 2022). As the Columbia Journalism Review (12/23/20) admonished, don’t let the Justice Department’s

    misdirection around “blown informants” fool you—this case is nothing less than the first time in American history that the US government has sought to prosecute the act of publishing state secrets, something that national security reporters do with some regularity.

    In failing health after suffering a stroke, Assange has been held in London’s high-security Belmarsh Prison since he was removed from the Ecuadorian Embassy in April 2019. He had sought asylum at the embassy in London in 2012 to avoid being sent to Sweden for questioning over sexual assault allegations, because Sweden would not provide assurances it would protect him from extradition to the US. Sweden dropped charges against Assange in November 2019 (BBC, 11/19/19), after he was in British custody.

    International condemnation

    Messenger: Brazil Calls for Release of WikiLeaks leader

    Brazilian President Lula da Silva (9/19/23): “A journalist like Julian Assange cannot be punished [for] informing society in a transparent and legitimate way.”

    The Australian diplomatic mission coincided with the convening of the UN General Assembly in New York City, where President Lula da Silva of Brazil condemned the prosecution of Assange, offering yet another opportunity for US corporate media to cover the strong international opposition to Assange’s treatment.

    A video (9/19/23) of Lula speaking at the opening of the UN General Assembly was widely circulated on social media. “Preserving press freedom is essential,” Lula declared. “A journalist like Julian Assange cannot be punished for informing society in a transparent and legitimate way.”

    Former British ambassador Craig Murray commented about Lula’s reception at the UN (Twitter, 9/17/23):

    It is really not normal for the hall at the UN General Assembly to break into this kind of spontaneous applause. The US has been losing the room internationally for a decade. The appalling treatment of Julian is a focus for that.

    US media absence

    Yet, with a few exceptions (Fox News, 9/20/23; The Hill, 9/21/23; Yahoo News, 9/21/23), none of this made the major US news outlets.

    Business Insider: Joe Biden has a decision to make about Julian Assange

    Business Insider (10/1/23): “The Assange issue is expected to be on the table during Albanese’s upcoming four-day visit to the US, which includes a state dinner hosted by President Joe Biden on October 25.”

    Over a week later, Business Insider (10/1/23) ran a long piece that featured an interview with Gabriel Shipton, Assange’s half-brother. It pointed out that Assange had become an obstacle to US plans to involve Australia in its aggression toward China, quoting the PM. But the piece also hashed through a number of long-debunked claims, including one that reminded readers that Mike Pompeo once called Assange “a fugitive Russian asset” (FAIR.org, 12/03/18; Sheerpost 2/25/23), and another that repeated US assertions that WikiLeaks releases would put the US at risk.

    The New York Times has been conspicuously absent from the coverage of Assange. Though the Times signed a joint open letter (11/28/22) with four other international newspapers that had worked with Assange and WikiLeaks, appealing to the DoJ to drop its charges, the paper has remained almost entirely silent on both Assange and the issues raised by his continued prosecution since then.

    As FAIR pointed out, during the Assange extradition hearing in London, the Times

    published only two bland news articles (9/7/20, 9/16/20)—one of them purely about the technical difficulties in the courtroom—along with a short rehosted AP video (9/7/20).

    There were no editorials on what the case meant for journalism. FAIR contributor Alan MacLeod noted that the Times seemed to distance itself from Assange and WikiLeaks, and its own reporting on the Cablegate scandal, coverage that boosted the papers’ international reputation.

    Other opportunities for coverage have been missed by the Times. For instance, Rep. Rashida Tlaib wrote a letter (4/11/23), signed by six other members of the Progressive Caucus, calling for the DoJ to drop the charges against Assange. Tlaib cited support from the ACLU, Amnesty International, Reporters Without Borders, the Committee to Protect Journalists, Defending Rights & Dissent and Human Rights Watch, and many others, stating that his prosecution “could effectively criminalize” many “common journalistic practices.” The letter was covered by The Nation (4/14/23), the Intercept (3/30/23), Fox News (4/1/23), The Hill (4/11/23) and Politico (4/11/23), but the Times and other major newspapers were conspicuously silent.

    When Assange lost his most recent appeal against extradition in June, a few outlets reported the news online (e.g., AP, 6/9/23; CNN, 6/9/23), but not a single US newspaper report could be found in the Nexis news database. (Newsweek‘s headline framed the news as a “headache for Biden”—6/8/23—rather than a blow for press freedom.)  The Times only vaguely referred to the news (Assange “keeps losing appeals”) two weeks later in a feature (6/18/23) on the late whistleblower Daniel Ellsberg, who had criticized Biden’s decision not to drop the case against Assange.

    The world is watching 

    Common Dreams: 64​ Australian Parliamentarians Endorse Diplomatic Trip to Free Assange

    Australian Greens Sen. David Shoebridge (Common Dreams, 9/19/23) on Julian Assange: “The core crime he faces is the crime of being a journalist.” 

    A huge collective breath is being held as the world watches to see what will happen to Assange, the most famous publisher on the globe. Will he be returned to his country and his family by Christmas, as the Australian MPs have requested? Or will Britain and the US continue to slowly execute him?

    Assange’s case is expected to be discussed during Prime Minister Albanese’s current visit to the US, which includes a state dinner hosted by Biden on October 25. MP Monique Ryan, part of the pro-Assange delegation, told news outlets: “Our prime minister needs to see this as a test case for standing up to the US government. There are concerns among Australians about the AUKUS agreement, and whether we have any agency” (Business Insider, 10/1/23).

    As Common Dreams (9/19/23) quoted from the delegation’s letter:

    We believe the right and best course of action would be for the United States’ Department of Justice to cease its pursuit and prosecution of Julian Assange…. It is well and truly time for this matter to end, and for Julian Assange to return home.

     

     

     

    The post Australians Call to End Long Persecution of WikiLeaks’ Julian Assange appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  • better bet ventures
    4 Mins Read

    Better Bite Ventures has announced investments in three APAC food tech startups as part of its early-stage First Bite initiative and has opened applications for the next funding round.

    The three startups part of the latest First Bite funding round – which offers early-stage investments of between $50,000 and $150,000 – are Singapore’s Fattastic, Australia’s Pivot Eat, and South Korea’s Everything But.

    “As part of the broader transition to a net-zero economy, we need new, more sustainable ways of making food,” said Better Bite Ventures founding partner Michal Klar. “But these new products must also be tasty – only then will consumers truly buy in.”

    New fats, whole cuts and cultivated pet food

    fattastic
    Courtesy: Fattastic

    Klar added: “The startups we are announcing today are pioneering new solutions to improve the taste and texture of meat and dairy alternatives.” Fattastic, for example, engineers plant-based fats to improve the sensorial and functional attributes of vegan meat and dairy analogues. Its oil structuring tech transforms plant oils into solid states to resemble animal fats. It was founded by Satnam Singh, a former researcher at A*STAR agency in Singapore.

    Pivot Eat, meanwhile, is working on a novel process to enhance the structure and accelerate the scalability of plant-based whole-cut meat. Founder Ann Limley is a food scientist with over two decades of food R&D experience across Singapore, Europe and Australia.

    Finally, South Korea-based Everything But is Asia’s first cultivated meat startup for pet food. One study suggests that if cats and dogs were considered their own nation, they would rank as the world’s fifth-largest meat-consuming entity. To reduce the impact of our furry friends on the environment, the startup – founded by veterinarians and scientists and helmed by CEO Yoonchan Hwang – is developing more sustainable, protein-rich pet food with high taste, texture and nutritional quality.

    Klar reiterated that sustainable food products need to have better taste and textural attributes for greater consumer adoption. “Hence [the] focus on solutions like enhanced plant-based fats replacing animal fat and better structure of whole cuts. With Everything But, it is about [the] important and growing climate impact of pet food.”

    Building upon previous early-stage investments

    eatkinda
    Courtesy: EatKinda

    Better Bite Ventures launched the First Bite initiative last year, with a focus on APAC startups tackling food system challenges with innovative solutions. To qualify for investment, founders need to be working on meat, seafood, dairy or egg replacements using plant-based, fermentation, cultivated or molecular farming technology, be based in the APAC region, and be at the idea or just-begun phase.

    “Bold technology innovation is needed to reduce the climate impact of our current food system in Asia. The response to the First Bite initiative has been encouraging – to date, we’ve invested in seven food tech startups, and are now open for more,” said Better Bite Ventures founding partner Simon Newstead.

    In April, it unveiled four investments in early-stage APAC alt-protein startups. These included Singaporean startups Allium Bio, which co-cultures microalgae and mycelium and turns them into functional ingredients like protein isolates, and Cultivaer, which is working on bioreactor-free tech to slash the costs and speed up the scalability of fermentation-derived protein. The other two startups part of the First Bite funding in April were New Zealand-based cauliflower ice cream brand EatKinda, and Klevermeat, which claims to be India’s first cultivated seafood startup.

    Better Bite Ventures was launched in early 2022 by Klar and Simon Newstead as APAC’s first dedicated climate-centric food tech fund, with $15M in assets under management. It typically invests between $200,000 and $700,000 in pre-seed and seed rounds across the cultivated, precision fermentation and plant-based protein sectors.

    It has already invested in over 20 food tech startups, including Aussie-American precision fermentation dairy maker Change Foods, Indian alt-meat brands Greenest and Liberate Foods, Indonesian plant-based giant Green Rebel, Australian mushroom meat maker Fable Food, Chinese cultivated meat company CellX, and Singapore-headquartered vegan meat producer TiNDLE.

    Now, it’s opened applications for the next round of First BIte investments, earmarking between $50,000 to $100,000 for early-stage founders.

    Disclaimer: Green Queen founder and editor-in-chief Sonalie Figueiras is a Venture Partner at Better Bite Ventures.

    The post First Bite: APAC Startups Developing Plant Fats, Whole Cuts & Cultured Pet Food Backed by Climate-Centric VC Fund appeared first on Green Queen.

    This post was originally published on Green Queen.

  • The stakes are high as Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese arrives in Washington, D.C., today to meet with President Joe Biden. The U.S. government hopes to obtain Australia’s support for its cold war initiatives against China. Australia is one of the United States’ closest allies. Australia, the U.S. and the U.K. comprise “AUKUS,” a trilateral “security” alliance in the Indo-Pacific.

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • Commemorative occasions are often draped in fatty platitudes.  Within such platitudes lie excuses and apologies.  People are celebrated after the fact, not for their faults but for their virtues.  It’s just the polite thing to do.  At the time of their achievement, they were ridiculed, condemned, and flayed.  Buildings are also remembered, not for the blemishes they caused or the arguments they ignited, but the fact that they were (the pun is irresistible) foundational.  After the fact, they stand as glorious fragments of culture.

    Much of this can be seen in the horrendously treacle-covered slurry about the Sydney Opera House, which was opened on October 20, 1973 by Queen Elizabeth II.  After 50 years, it is arguably the most internationally recognisable symbol of Australia, leaving aside its astonishing collection of natural wonders.

    The current tributes never deviate from admiration verging on wince worthy worship.  The ABC News Breakfast program diligently cobbled together a montage of events, performances and celebrations, with the edifice as star performer.  No mention of controversy; not mention of the efforts to kill it off.  For those versed in public relations, the following proved mandatory: The House functions as a multi-venue performing arts centre, hosting 1,500 performances each year receiving audiences of 1.2 million people.  The site around the building is visited by almost eight times that many people, with 350,000 taking guided tours around it.

    The administrative wonks have also made sure to court and flatter artists to add their ingredients to the commemorative cake.  Nuance is not the name of the game here.  “I adore the Opera House,” says Australian singer and composer Tim Minchin.  Minchin can be relied upon to give us the sacerdotal worship befitting a son of the sunburnt land: “playing in and around this beautiful building”; doing so being “one of the great honours of my creative life” and, naturally, feeling “hugely flattered” when asked to write a celebratory piece for the five decade anniversary.  He sees this edifice as a reminder to Australians “that our not-entirely-mythological ‘larrikin’ spirit is the same spirit that allows us to be bold and brave and not care too much what other people think.”

    This is sad nonsense.  It was brave to initially embark on the construction of a daring design, but there was little bravery in the construction phase of the Opera House, much of it marked by spite and exploitation.  And as for the larrikin spirit, Minchin is only right in so far as the decision to commence the project had much to do with a premier who felt that the city needed an Opera House as much as his party needed a change of image.  (The Australian Labor Party could be cultured too!)  The rest was up to a daring, immutably haughty Dane, and every imaginable obstacle put in his path.

    Architecturally, the building is seen as a modernist expressionist masterpiece, one that germinated in the mind of architect Jørn Utzon who worked, not without difficulty, alongside the engineering exploits of Ove Arup.  In what can only be seen as a feat of unintended inspiration, the building was the result of Utzon’s winning design in 1957. His controversial, baffling genius led to the creation of a singular roof structure inspired by the peeling of an orange.  In terms of construction, the sail, or wing-like structure, is constituted of precast concrete panels which are, in turn, bolstered by precast concrete ribs.

    But genius, notably when it comes to architecture, only functions in a narrow range, frail before global assault, rival designers and accountants.  It is viewed with abundant suspicion by the political and administrative mind, even more so by the budgetary minded.  Utzon proved no exception.  New South Wales Premier J.J. Cahill was bold enough to approve the project in 1958, but his death a year later, compounded by acrimony in the project itself, augured ill for the building.  The Liberal government of Robert Askin, which came into office after 24 years of Labor rule, proved hostile, and the Minister for Public Works David Hughes had little time for Utzon’s insistence on maintaining complete control over the project.

    Costs began mounting. Estimated at 3.5 million pounds in 1959, the budget had blown out to 13.7 million pounds by 1962.  The NSW government began meddling in the construction phase, stating its own views on seating in the main hall.  Philistine did battle with Renaissance Man.  In July 1964, the observation was made in the publication Tharunka that the press, with the support of “political intrigue”, had achieved some success “in destroying the public image of the Opera House.”

    Utzon would eventually throw in the towel with a heave of disgust, leaving the project, and country, after falling out with a plywood manufacturer who was retained to produce prototypes of the beams intended to support the ceilings and glass exterior walls.  The decision was also helped, in no small measure, by the tart response to Utzon from Hughes when they met at the latter’s office on February 28, 1966.  Seeking to be paid for outstanding fees regarding the stage machinery, Hughes cited a contrarian report from Arup.  “You are always threatening to quit,” Hughes said dismissively.  But quit, Utzon did.

    Rage filled protests followed.  In March 1966, a 1,000 strong protest, armed with a petition of 3,000 signatures backing Utzon’s reinstatement, took place.  A sculptor went on hunger strike.  All of it was in vain.  The gold laying goose had fled.  Hughes, left without the guide for the design (or so he claimed), could only tell the public that it was “the Government’s intention to complete the Opera House, ensuring that the spirit of the original conception is fulfilled.”

    The mangling, readjustments and cuts began, a point made by a despairing critic Laurie Thomas in September 1968.  Writing in The Australian, Thomas thought the small opera hall was passable, but the concert hall, “a disaster.  It has the air of an extraordinarily fussy Town Hall.  The ceiling is covered in knobs that can only be described as inverted teats.”  Hughes, ever the apologist, put much of this down to Utzon’s own defective approach, a state of affairs challenged with some severity by the 1994 exhibition The Unseen Utzon.  Even after almost three decades, the now knighted Davis would dismiss Utzon’s defenders such as architect Harry Seidler, his wife Penelope, along with Elias Duke-Cohen as partaking in an illusion.  “I wanted [Utzon] to produce something. I would have loved him to do it.”

    For just a taster of the spray that came during the construction, there is no better source than Keith Dunstan’s 1972 gem Knockers.  The compiled comments are a delightful, acid corrective to the worshipful, after the fact responses that would follow the opening of the Opera House.  Sir John Barbirolli remarked bitchily that it was, “A piece of Danish pastry.” Sydney architect Walter Bunning savaged the design, claiming it would “be a second-rate building when compared with the Lincoln Center Opera House being built in New York”. Tenor Giuseppe Di Stefano admitted to knowing little about Australia, but knew more than a thing or two about opera.  “I think they are crazy to think opera can succeed in Sydney.”

    When it comes to greatness in vision and pettiness in decision, the latter often wins out.  The appreciation, and the appreciative, can only come later.  Peter Hall duly stepped into Utzon’s shoes.  Costs soared further by some $102 million (or A$1 billion in today’s terms).  Only years later would the remarkable, though somewhat more wounded structure, assume the proportions of a fable.


    This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Binoy Kampmark.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • There has always been something impressive, if slightly idiosyncratic, about political ideas emanating from Pacific states.  In recent years, on the world’s largest body of water, the various island states seeing themselves as part of the Blue Pacific have tried to identify a set of principles by which to abide, forming an understanding of the environment that threatens to submerge them.  Some sixteen states and territories in the Pacific became the second grouping to establish a nuclear free zone in 1985 via the Treaty of Rarotonga, first proposed by New Zealand at the South Pacific Forum meeting in Tonga in July 1975.  Since then, climate change has taken centre stage.

    Given that this vast aqueous area has again become an area of great power competition, it is time for the leaders, some cheeky, a number reckless, and all open to persuasion, to come to some arrangement to neutralise such competition even as they exploit it.  Sitiveni Rabuka, Fiji’s coup burnished Prime Minister, has put up his hand in this regard.  As he put it in his October 17 address to the Sydney-based Lowy Institute, “For us in the Blue Pacific, history may be calling, it might be our manifest destiny to carry banners for peace and speak out for harmony in our time and forever.”

    This is daringly opportunistic, as it should be.  Doing so means that bulky, cloddish powers such as the United States and China may be discouraged from going to war, one that would be incalculably ruinous across the Indo- and Asia-Pacific.  Afterall, once the missiles start flying between Beijing and Washington, notions of a tranquil Blue Pacific can be filed in the cabinet of oblivion.

    In the words of Rabuka, “Rivalry between the two most powerful nations, the US and China, looks to be intensifying.”  The PM could only wonder, for instance, what would happen in instances where Chinese and Filipino ships confronted each other in the South China Sea.  “Will this bring the US into an encounter with China?”

    Concerns were also expressed about the deteriorating state of affairs regarding Taiwan.  “Tensions over Taiwan are escalating with the potential for an armed face-off, or worse.”  With this in mind, “Fiji’s position was clear.  We are friendly with China and the US and do not want to be caught in the struggle between the superpowers.”  The leaders in the Pacific, he warned, should not be made to choose sides.

    With apostolic virtue, Rabuka suggested something of a different, middling formula: an “Ocean of Peace”.  Such an idea was first aired in his September address to the United Nations General Assembly, where he urged “nations to come together” in tackling a whole set of crises, from great power competition to climate change.

    This contemplated “Zone”, involving the major powers and Pacific Island states, would refrain “from actions that may jeopardise regional order and stability” and maintain “respect for each other’s sovereignty and territorial integrity”.  Such an arrangement might also have immediate, tangible benefits, such as the deployment of Fijian peacekeepers to Papua New Guinea to quell tribal conflict, or brokering peace talks between West Papua and Indonesia.  “There would be a continued emphasis on the Pacific way of dialogue, diplomacy and consensus,” he explained.  “Protection and conservation of the environment would be central – a positive element for more harmony and peace.”

    Rabuka’s ideas on peace and order are bound to cause a snigger over the canteen meals in foreign affairs departments.  This was a man not averse to leading his own disruptive actions in undermining the very things he now redemptively extols.  The ABC’s eternally looking adolescent, Stephen Dziedzic, was mature enough to note the obvious fact that Rabuka, “once nicknamed ‘Rambo’ – illegally seized power in a 1987 military coup”.  A gentle exoneration follows, as Rambo “has since publicly apologised for his actions, and won a tight election 10 months ago to take Fiji’s top job once again.”

    On that score, Fiji’s leader has much to apologise for.  His coup (technically two coups staged over a few months) ensured the overthrow of the elected government of Timoci Bavadra in May 1987.  He then daringly deposed Queen Elizabeth II as Queen of Fiji the following September, despite having been made an officer of the Order of the British Empire in 1981 for showing “imagination and innovation” in confronting and restraining the activities of the Palestinian Liberation Organisation in Lebanon.  (He had done so commanding the first battalion of the Fiji Infantry Regiment, which was serving with the UN Interim Force in Lebanon.)

    With such a resume, Rabuka tried to be penitent to his audience.  He had “repented” and was “reborn.  My past cannot be removed, but I can compensate to some extent for what I did.”  Along the long road of political stuttering, he “became a convinced democrat … and now this democratic politician will do what he can to be an apostle of peace.”

    Rabuka, like some of his Pacific nation colleagues, continues to be an irrepressible tease in dealings with Australia, China and the United States.  “We are more comfortable dealing with traditional friends that have similar systems of government, that our democracies are the same brand of democracy, coming out of the Westminster system of parliament, and also based on British law that we inherited.”

    Having previously shown a glorious contempt for that system, he is perfectly placed to cash in on his continuing relationship with Canberra and, by extension, Washington, while dancing with the emissaries of Beijing.  And what better way to do that than through a solution that seeks preservation rather than suicidal annihilation?

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • By Dionisia Tabureguci in Suva

    The political superpowers of the world have been gently reminded this week of Fiji’s intention to turn the Pacific islands region into a zone of peace and not be pawns in geopolitics.

    In his address at a Lowy Institute event in Canberra on Tuesday afternoon, Fiji Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka emphasised the Pacific’s peace stand in a world that has become riddled with volatile conflicts.

    Referring to the US-China rivalry as “very evident” in the Blue Pacific, Rabuka said Fiji did not want to be caught in the middle.

    “Fiji’s position is very clear. We’re friendly with China now. And with the US — always. And we do not want to be caught in the struggle between the superpowers,” he said.

    The Pacific region has become known as a contested region, with interest from the two conflicting superpowers increasing in recent times.

    University of the South Pacific academic Professor Sandra Tarte said in an earlier interview with this newspaper that Fiji and other Pacific countries could turn the increased engagement from these countries into economic opportunities to benefit them.

    “I think certainly countries want to retain their independence to do what they want and who they deal with,” she said.

    ‘We don’t want to provoke’
    “I think while you can applaud that, there is also the question: how can our countries actually work more collectively on this sort of thing? And we don’t want to provoke any anything.

    “We don’t want to create more tension. We are a region of peace or zone of peace, as our prime minister said, so how can we as a Pacific Island region actually work together to make that happen?”

    Rabuka said this would be discussed at the next Pacific Islands Forum (PIF) leader’s meeting in Cook Islands next month.

    “I envisage the basic foundation built on refraining from actions that may jeorpadise regional order and stability. And maintaining respects for each other’s sovereignty and territorial integrity,” he said.

    “There will be continued emphasis on the Pacific way of dialogue, diplomacy and consensus. We will continue to promote our concept of the vuvale cooperation and our vuvale way of resolving our differences,” Rabuka said.

    After bilateral talks in Canberra on Wednesday, Rabuka and Australia’s Prime Minister Anthony Albanese signed a “renewed and elevated Vuvale Partnership, with a pledge of A$68 million (F$98 million) in budgetary support to Fiji.

    Dionisia Tabureguci is a Fiji Times reporter. Republished with permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.


  • The US “socialist” left currently playing the bothsides-ism game with Israeli genocide of Palestinians in the name of some bullshit notion of ‘nuance,’ must remember the words of Howard Zinn: “You can’t be neutral on a moving train.”

    Nothing is accomplished with an abstract support of Palestine when it’s convenient. It is when the empire’s ideological apparatuses are pumping out atrocity propaganda to dehumanize Palestinian anti-colonial resistance that support for Palestinian freedom struggles count.

    The recent events have shown who is willing to stand for Palestine in the concrete, when the people grab arms to throw off their occupying force. “Decolonization,” as the great Frantz Fanon noted, “is always a violent phenomenon.”

    If your purity fetish requests a bloodless anti-colonial revolution, you’ll be doomed to always condemning freedom movements of colonized peoples. You’ll be chained to playing the role of the defenders of empire from the ‘left’. Your ‘siding’ with the oppressed will always be conditioned by their being oppressed; you’ll be with them only insofar as they’re the victim, but never when they fight back and become an emancipatory force.

    The Western left’s treatment of violence, like everything else, is abstract. It is unable to distinguish between particular forms of violence, between the ever-present violence of the oppressor, and the emancipatory violence of the oppressed. As Maximillien Robespierre noted, to equate the violence of the people’s struggle for freedom to the violence of their exploitative and oppressive rulers is as folly and empty as saying that “the sword that gleams in the hands of the heroes of liberty resembles that with which the henchmen of tyranny are armed.”

    The key issue here is violence by whom, against whom, and towards what ends. The Palestinian uprising is a legitimate, self-defensive, violence of a people against an apartheid occupational state. It is the violence of the colonized, against the colonizers, for freedom. It is a violence that has been taken up as the last resort in a long struggle against Zionist colonialism. It is the only route the colonizers have left for Palestinians to fight for their freedom. Violence, as Fidel Castro noted, is the route the oppressors force on the people, it is taken up when all other means of struggle have been exhausted. We must remember the words of Paulo Freire, “Never in history has violence been initiated by the oppressed.”

    But their struggle for freedom is not limited to Palestinians. A defeat of Israel, the US empire’s outpost in the so-called Middle East –  the “baby child of imperialism in the Middle East” as Kwame Ture said –  would be a victory for all of humanity.

    A defeat of empire in any corner of the earth, as Che Guevara noted, must be celebrated cheerfully by every communist, every person driven by a deep love of humanity. The imperialists hate humanity; their capitalist system undermines, as Marx had noted, the “original sources of all wealth – the soil and the worker.” The Palestinian struggle against the racist Israeli colonial US-outpost is a struggle for humanity – for the exploited and oppressed across the earth. It is a struggle for life, a struggle against the Israeli imperialist death machine.

    Paradoxically, a Palestinian victory would be the conditions for the possibility of current Israeli settlers experiencing real freedom. As the Peruvian indigenous politician Dionisio Yupanqui says in his 1810 speech to the Cortes de Cádiz, “a people that oppresses another cannot be free.” The Israeli settlers cannot be free, cannot experience genuine human autonomy, insofar as their existence necessitates the oppression and extermination of Palestinian people. In their oppression of the Palestinian they stifle their capacity to live fully human lives. As Plato had long ago noted, injustice against an other corrupts the soul; the worst evil we can be inflicted with is that which we do to ourselves when we harm others. A society predicated on such disdain and obliteration of its “other” destroys itself from within. Like Oscar Wilde’s Dorian Gray, Israel’s sins against the Palestinians are making a monstrosity out of the soul of its people.

    Palestinian freedom must be acquired, in the words of Malcolm X, “by any means necessary.” A victorious Palestinian struggle is in the interests of all of humanity – of all working and oppressed peoples of the world.

    US socialists must stand, as some comrades have been doing, with the Palestinian struggle for freedom. We must push back against Zionist genocidal efforts, and those echoed by our morally hollow capitalist politicians.

    It is difficult to imagine that Israeli intelligence was truly caught by surprise. It is plausible to suspect that they have allowing events to play out so that they may intensify their genocidal war against Palestine while using atrocity propaganda to legitimize their efforts.

    This does not change, however, the fact that Palestinians are up in arms fighting for their freedom. Neither does it change the fact that, like all hubris-filled Goliaths, this apartheid-colonial state – as we currently know it – may fall.

    Humanity sees itself in the struggle of the Palestinians.

    Because this great humanity has said: Enough! and has started walking. And their march of giants will no longer stop until they achieve true independence, for which they have already died more than once in vain. Now, in any case, those who will die, will die like those of Cuba, those of Playa Girón, will die for their only, true, inalienable independence!
    Che Guevara.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • bleeding vegan burger
    6 Mins Read

    At this week’s South by Southwest (SXSW) Sydney tech conference, Australian plant-based meat companies v2food and Nourish Ingredients debuted new ingredients that change the colour of vegan meat alternatives and give them a more realistic texture, respectively. Can these appeal to consumers more concerned with flavour and health?

    As the plant-based meat sector endeavours to overcome a difficult period, the key is to lean into what consumers want from their food. Surveys in different countries have shown that taste and health are more important than ever before when it comes to meat alternatives, with price and texture also playing a significant role.

    One company is adding another component to that list of priorities: appearance. At SXSW, Aussie brand v2food unveiled its new colour system for plant-based meat, banking on visuals to rope in consumer interest.

    v2food’s new bleeding burger ingredient

    plant based meat australia
    Courtesy: v2food

    The brand, which makes meat alternatives including burgers, mince, sausages and schnitzels, is calling the ingredient RepliHue. It argues that most plant proteins remain the same colour before and after cooking, but its tech enables vegan meat to change colour from raw-looking to brown-grey at the same time and temperature as its conventional counterparts do.

    The effect creates ‘bleeding’ alt-proteins – the storied effect achieved by Impossible Foods thanks to an ingredient called heme, which makes its burgers bleed and taste more akin to animal-derived meat. But unlike heme, which is a soy-derived genetically modified element, RepliHue is derived naturally from red algae and other plants.

    v2food claims red algae can be produced sustainably as it has the ability to consume carbon dioxide and uses light for energy. The company calls the ingredient a breakthrough that will create an “authentic and more normalised experience for chefs and consumers cooking with plant-based meats”.

    CEO Tim York said: “Our red algae is a breakthrough, natural solution that has been developed to create this highly desirable attribute that will play a major role in fighting climate change.”

    What do consumers really want?

    But while v2food is creating a more ‘realistic’ cooking experience with the colour-changing ingredient, it says RepliHue “incorporates multiple advances” in taste and texture too. And it’s those latter two factors that have been cited as a consumer priority in multiple studies.

    Take YouGov Australia’s 1,039-person poll, published last week, which found that across the diet spectrum – meat-eaters, flexitarians, vegans/vegetarians and pescetarians – taste was the number-one factor influencing them to consume foods. This was followed by price for three of the groups, with health effects coming in second for flexitarians.

    Similarly, an 11-country European survey by ProVeg in 2020 found that taste and health are the most significant purchase drivers for the 7,500 flexitarians polled when it comes to choosing plant-based products. In the US, the Plant Based Foods Association and insights firm 84.51° collated Kroger data from 60 million American households earlier this year, revealing that health benefits, animal welfare aspects, and taste were the things American shoppers like most about plant-based food, while texture, price and processing are the biggest detractors. Appearance didn't play a role in either study.

    v2food meat
    Courtesy: PBFA/84.51°

    It did, however, appear in global research by vegan certification organisation V-Label, which revealed that while taste is important for 82% of consumers buying plant-based analogues, texture and appearance were key for 75% of consumers.

    plant based consumer survey
    Courtesy: V-Label

    Could fat be the key to consumer adoption?

    This is what v2food may be cashing in on. It's certainly what Nourish Ingredients is hoping to do with Tastilux, as the team shared on the SXSW stage. It's described as a breakthrough fat to help plant proteins deliver the same taste, smell and experience as animal-based meats.

    Tastilux is the result of three years of work and relies on naturally occurring lipids scaled through precision fermentation. The proprietary fat is said to provide the distinct taste and aroma of conventional meat fats and enable similar cooking reactions when used in plant-based chicken, beef, pork and other alternatives.

    nourish ingredients
    Courtesy: Nourish Ingredients

    The company showcased the fat's features in a vegan chicken wing with edible bones made from calcium. “Tastilux represents a quantum leap in making plant-based meats live up to the rich, fatty taste and cooking performance consumers want and love,” said Nourish Ingredients founder and CEO James Petrie. "We saw an opportunity to revolutionise plant proteins by focusing on the power of fat. Most alternative fats simply can’t replicate the rich, authentic flavour of cooked meat."

    He explained: "So rather than take a plant-based approach, we analysed the most flavourful animal fats in their uncooked state. Then identified where we could find these in nature, without the animal. By fermenting only the most potent fats, we’re able to recreate the authentic meat experience."

    Given that its fat is produced via precision fermentation, it will need to obtain regulatory approval, with Australian legislation classing these as 'novel foods'. "We are actively engaged in the regulatory processes essential for our products. It’s important to note that not all of the solutions we are developing require extensive regulation, allowing us to expedite certain aspects of our work," Petrie told Green Queen.

    "We are currently navigating the regulatory landscape, drawing upon our extensive experience in omega-3 oils. This background equips us with the knowledge and tools to effectively navigate the regulatory pathways."

    v2food & Nourish Ingredients target 2024 launch

    v2food aims to begin retail distribution for RepliHue – which can be used in beef, pork and chicken analogues – by 2024. "We are thrilled to be unveiling the latest game-changing technology in the plant-based protein market," said York. "RepliHue is the next generation of meat alternatives, that incorporates multiple advancements in texture, flavour and colour, making it only right to be revealing the breakthrough at the world-renowned SXSW conference."

    Nourish Ingredients is looking to introduce Tastilux by 2024 aswell, and has already set up multiple collaborations. "We have established collaborations with several prominent plant-based protein companies, and we eagerly anticipate unveiling these exciting partnerships in the near future," said Petrie.

    "We hold ambitious global aspirations, and our actions reflect this vision. We have a pilot facility in Singapore, and we’ve established numerous strategic partnerships in both the UK and the US," he added. "The challenge we are tackling is one that transcends borders, making it imperative for us to adopt a truly global perspective.

    v2food
    Courtesy: V2Food

    The news comes months after a 3,016-person study by Queensland’s Griffith University found that nearly a third (32.2%) of Australians have reduced their meat consumption over the last year. Crucially, 71.3% said they either eat completely meatless diets, mostly vegan or have some plant-based dishes in an overall omnivorous diet – and 45.6% reported eating plant-based meat sometimes.

    So the opportunity is there to appeal to flexitarians – who make up 19% of Australia's population, according to the YouGov survey – and it's exactly what ingredients like v2food's RepliHue and Nourish Ingredient's Tastilux are aiming to do.

    The post SXSW Sydney 2023 Showcases Colour-Changing Plant-Based Meat & Ultra Realistic Molecular Fat appeared first on Green Queen.

    This post was originally published on Green Queen.

  • It took place with hardly any debate, though it interested some parliamentary members at the committee stage.  The Australian state of Victoria now faces laws that will lock a person up for 12 months or punish individuals with fines of A$23,000 or above if they dare enact a gesture.  That gesture is giving, with intent, the Nazi salute.

    Victoria had already banned displays of the Nazi Hakenkreuz last December, imposing fines of approximately A$22,000 or a period of 12 months’ imprisonment for breaching the injunction. (That notably, had no effect whatsoever.)  But vocal advocates such as Dr Dvir Abramovich of the Anti-Defamation Commission always wanted more.  “To see the Hitler salute, it’s as threatening as being confronted with a gun,” he explained to Australia’s SBS network.  “It is a weapon in my view.  It is an unacceptable reality that in 2023, it is still legal.”

    On August 29, the Victorian Premier’s office announced that, “The Nazi salute and other gestures and symbols used by the Nazi party will be banned in Victoria under new reforms to prevent hateful conduct and address the harm that it causes the community.”  To aid that reformist claim, Attorney-General Jaclyn Symes duly introduced the Summary Offences (Nazi Salute Prohibition) Bill 2023 into Parliament, intending “to send a clear message that Nazi ideology and the hatred it represents is not tolerated in Victoria.”

    On August 30, the Minister for Police, Crime Prevention and Racing (such a comic combination is standard in Australian States), predictably tabled a “statement of compatibility” with the state’s Charter of Human Rights and Responsibilities Act 2006 (Vic).  “Under the Charter, rights can be subject to limits that are reasonable and justifiable in a free and democratic society based on human dignity, equality and freedom.  Rights may be limited in order to protect other rights.”

    According to the Minister, Anthony Carbines, public displays or the “performance of Nazi gestures, particularly the Nazi salute, and other Nazi symbols impinges” the right of people to enjoy their human rights without discrimination.  The minister specifically notes the threat to “the dignity and self-worth of groups that have been historically persecuted by the Nazi Party and targeted by neo-Nazi groups,” among them the Jewish community, LGBTIQ+ individuals and people with disability.

    Across Australian territories and states, including New South Wales, the Australian Capital Territory, Tasmania and Western Australia, such measures are being enacted, though with an initial focus on banning Nazi symbols.

    Ultimately, laws explicitly punishing such conduct must be judged by their effect.  Blanket bans are usually the sign that the account of ideas has been overdrawn, if not closed altogether.  We are told that prohibiting such symbols, and the salute, is intended to stifle the “recruitment drive” for far-right groups.  “To the often alienated and angry young men attracted to far-right ideologies, photos of groups of men making the Nazi salute offer a sense of a collective and belonging,” writes the anthropologically attuned Josh Roose.

    The Australian Security Intelligence Organisation (ASIO), an agency prone to sketchy assessments at the best of times, is concerned about the lowest common denominator.  “Extremist insignia [are] an effective propaganda tool because they are easy to remember and understand.  They also can transcend language, cultural and ethnic divides; creating and distributing them is not limited to a select few or one cultural or language group.”  The conclusion, it follows, is that a ban is good to keep the thickos in check.

    If that is the purpose, that it can hardly be said to have worked in a number of jurisdictions keen to stomp out the twitch felt in the arms of some individuals.  In Europe, where the Nazi salute is banned on pain of various grades of penalty (Germany, Austria, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Poland, for instance), nationalist movements can hardly be said to have felt awe and trepidation at such regulations.

    While Victoria’s parliamentarians have acted out their somnambulistic rituals in passing this reactive legislation, aided, no doubt, by the outbreak of the Israel-Hamas War, a sprinkling of Australian commentary has been wise to failing of such prohibitions.

    Lydia Khalil of the Lowy Institute says with crisp confidence that such bans do little to “decrease anti-Semitism, the hateful targeting of LGBTQ communities or counter right-wing and fascist extremists.  If anything, it may make matters worse.”  Case in point: the rise of right-wing extremism in Germany, with 2021 being a particularly notable year.  In December 2022, Khalil reminds readers, German security forces “arrested more than two dozen people for an expansive plot to overthrow the state.”  Those same security forces, ironically enough, are facing the threat of infiltration by neo-Nazi groups.  So much for the laws against the salute.

    Greg Barton, Chair of Global Islamic Politics at Deakin University, though more cautious than Khalil, is also wise to the fact that banning Nazi symbols might well “only serve to amplify the groups’ message and draw attention to their hateful cause.”  Small organisations with minimal political clout and influence, such as the puny National Socialist Network, suddenly have something to talk about, if only because they are being spoken about.  “Prosecuting them for symbolic action risks giving them the very thing they so desperately want: attention.”  (Khalil also remarks on this same point: [I]f there’s anything that these neo-Nazi groups want, it’s a reaction.”)

    The explanatory memorandum behind the Nazi Salute Prohibition bill does what so many such instruments do when a crisis is inflated and fattened by unimaginative politicians.  Has Victoria seen thousands march and salute to the Horst Wessel Lied, rioting with hearty hatred?  Hardly.  But something must be seen to be done or, as the memorandum says, “The purpose of this amendment is to address the recent increase in the public display and performance of the Nazi salute in Victoria.” That way, the political representatives can always give the impression that something threatening and noxious is being dealt with, however large that threat is, while drawing attention to the seductive allure of doing so.  That way, the problem is not solved but compounded.

    In terms of symbolism and the state’s efforts to criminalise displays, the sharper tools in the box of extremist politics can always come up with another gesture, if not another symbol altogether. (Admittedly, many such characters lack imagination and would prefer to stick with the traditional staple of the salute and Hakenkreuz.)  An example of such subversive responses is the use of the OK symbol in place of the salute.  The normally banal can then be suffused with ideological potency, while baffling law enforcement.  There will always be issues of difficulty, then, in discharging the burden of proof.

    Evidently, Victoria’s authorities think they can afford to expend resources upon what would essentially be fatuous prosecutions, when existing criminal laws are already in place to achieve much the same purpose.  And how fabulous it will be to see prosecutions stumble over what is accepted as satirical depiction and what is not.  How the ghost of Charlie Chaplin and the working pen of Larry David must delight when such buffoonery manifests.

    As for the parliamentarians themselves, having done and dusted the bill with speed verging on irresponsibility, they could then turn their minds to far worthier concerns: expressing outrage at the banning of Sprite the rescue dog from their place of work.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • aussie plant based co
    5 Mins Read

    As Australians eat less meat, vegan companies All G Foods’ Love Buds and Fenn Foods’ vEEF have announced a strategic merger to form The Aussie Plant-Based Co. The two brands will see access expanded to 6,000 distribution points, while All G Foods will dig deep into its mission to reach price parity for precision fermentation dairy.

    All G Foods, a portfolio company of VC firm and cellular agriculture investor Agronomics (which owns 8% of the business), will spin out its Love Buds brand to form The Aussie Plant-Based Co. with Fenn’s vEEF. As a result, All G Foods will own 49% of the merged company.

    Love Buds makes plant-based mince, burgers, sausages, chicken nuggets and schnitzels, while vEEF makes beef and chicken burgers and pieces, as well as bacon bits. Both companies have products in retail and foodservice locations, with the merger combing the footprint to 6,000 stores across Australia. The move will also combine production at vEEF’s Sunshine Coast manufacturing facility, helping the brands expand into Asia and the Middle East.

    Fenn, founded by Aussie chef Alejandro Cancino in 2015, claims it’s the country’s first company to introduce a certified carbon-neutral mince alternative under the vEEF brand. All G Foods, meanwhile, had multiple focuses: while Love Buds produced plant-based meat, its biotech arm focused on producing precision fermentation dairy proteins.

    fenn foods
    Courtesy: Veef

    All G Foods doubles down on precision fermentation

    The merger will allow All G Foods, which raised $25M in a Series A round last year to bring total funding to $41M, to focus solely on its precision fermentation research and development. The company is initially looking to create animal-free bioidentical lactoferrin, which is a component of whey protein. It has teamed up with Australia’s Food and Beverage Accelerator to speed up development as well as create dairy products that consumers are looking for.

    “Since inception, we have always had one foot in the ‘deep-tech’ segment of precision fermentation and the other in the consumer-facing ‘plant-based meat’ business,” explained All G Foods founder and CEO Jan Pacas, who is chairman of the newly merged company. “This transaction represents a pivotal strategic move to allow the two different businesses to concentrate exclusively on their respective and unique needs.”

    To advance its mission, the company invested in a 24/7 BioFoundry located in Sydney, which has an AI-driven ecosystem. All G Foods is working on lactoferrin first due to its prized antiviral, antibacterial, anti-inflammatory, prebiotic and probiotic attributes, according to Pacas.

    all g foods
    Courtesy: All G Foods

    While the company hasn’t conducted a life-cycle assessment to determine the exact climate benefits of its animal-free protein, De Novo Foodlabs, an Anglo-South African startup also making precision-fermented lactoferrin, has published an environmental impact report for its protein. It was potentially found to have a 99.9% lower GHG footprint and land use footprint, and an equal decrease in water use compared to conventional lactoferrin.

    All G Foods isn’t just stopping there – it plans to make precision-fermented casein proteins too, which represent 80% of the total protein content found in dairy and are responsible for the key functional attributes these foods are associated with. The company has previously earmarked plans to launch in Singapore by the end of 2024 while looking at other APAC markets, the Middle East, and the US as well.

    Eden Brew is another Aussie precision fermentation dairy startup, which is focusing on animal-free casein micelle, and earlier this month, it closed a $24.4M Series A round. Other developments in the sector down under include Cauldron’s $10.5M raise earlier this year to build APAC’s largest network of microbial fermentation facilities, and Aussie-American startup Change Foods’ award of two government grants last year to develop manufacturing plants and scale up its animal-free dairy production.

    A key obstacle for startups like All G Foods is regulatory approval. In Australia, cellular agriculture products are classed as novel foods and require pre-market authorisation before being cleared for sale. Currently, no company has filed for approval in the country.

    Catering to a meat-reducing Australia

    Speaking about the merger, Pacas said: “I believe our team’s strong chemistry and dedication to success will help The Aussie Plant-Based Co to succeed [in] reaching new and old customers and consumers alike with a variety of taste-first plant-based meat products.”

    He told Food & Drink Business: “There are significant synergies between the two companies we can leverage to accelerate growth for both brands. VEEF has superior manufacturing processing while we have stronger R&D and vEEF is in the retail market while Love Buds is strong in foodservice.”

    Cancino, who is the CEO of the new brand, added: “This collaboration is a testament to our shared commitment to creating a sustainable, healthier and tastier future for Australians. By combining our strengths, we can accelerate the adoption of plant-based alternatives and contribute to a greener planet and more ethical sources of protein.”

    veef
    Courtesy: Veef

    It comes shortly after a study by Queensland’s Griffith University found that nearly a third (32.2%) of Australians have reduced their meat consumption over the last year. Crucially, 71.3% said they either eat completely meatless diets, mostly vegan or have some plant-based dishes in an overall omnivorous diet. And 45.6% said they eat plant-based analogues to animal foods sometimes.

    It highlights an opportunity for brands like The Aussie Plant-Based Co, which should zero in on taste and health credentials. A YouGov Australia poll of 1,093 Aussies conducted last week found that 19% identify as flexitarians, and 6% as vegan/vegetarian – across the board, taste was the number one factor prioritised by consumers when explaining their food choices, with health coming in second for flexitarians and price for the rest of the groups.

    Can The Aussie Plant-Based Co capitalise on these trends? We’ll find out soon enough.

    The post The Aussie Plant-Based Co: All G Foods Spins Off Vegan Meat Brand to Focus on Precision Fermentation Dairy Proteins appeared first on Green Queen.

    This post was originally published on Green Queen.

  • SPECIAL REPORT: By Yamin Kogoya

    The referendum on the indigenous Voice in Australia last Saturday was an historic event. Australians were asked to vote on whether to recognise Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples as the First Peoples of Australia in the Constitution through an indigenous Voice.

    The voters were asked to vote “yes” or “no” on a single question:

    “A Proposed Law: to alter the Constitution to recognise the First Peoples of Australia by establishing an Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Voice.

    “Do you approve this proposed alteration?”

    The Voice was proposed as an independent, representative body for First Nations peoples to advise the Australian Parliament and government, giving them a voice on issues that affect them.

    Here are some key points:

    • The proposal was to recognise Indigenous Australians in the Constitution by creating a body to advise Parliament, known as the “Voice”.
    • The “Voice” would be an independent advisory body. Members would be chosen by First Nations communities around Australia to represent them.
    • The “Voice” would provide advice to governments on matters relating to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, such as health, education, and housing, in the hope that such advice will lead to better outcomes.
    • Under the Constitution, the federal government already has the power to make laws for Indigenous people. The “Voice” would be a way for them to be consulted on those laws. However, the government would be under no obligation to act on the advice.
    • Indigenous people have called for the “Voice” to be included in the Constitution so that it can’t be removed by the government of the day, which has been the fate of every previous indigenous advisory body. It is also the way indigenous people have said they want to be recognised in the constitution as the First Nations with a 65,000-year connection to the continent — not simply through symbolic words.

    It was necessary for a majority of voters to vote “yes” nationally, as well as a majority of voters in at least four out of six states, for the referendum to pass.

    Unfortunately, it was rejected by the majority with more than 60 percent with the vote still being counted. In all six states and the Northern Territory, a “No” vote was projected.

    The Voice vote nationally
    The Voice vote nationally – “no” ahead with 60 percent with counting still ongoing. Source: The Guardian

    According to the ABC, a majority of voters in all six states and the Northern Territory voted against the proposal.

    New South Wales
    81.2 percent counted, 1.81 million voted yes (40.5 percent) and 2.67M million voted no (59.5 percent).

    Victoria
    78.5 percent counted, 1.56 million voted yes (45.0 percent), and 1.91 million voted no (55.0 percent).

    Tasmania
    82.7 percent counted, 134,809 voted yes (40.5 percent), and 198,152 voted no (59.5 percent).

    South Australia
    79.1 percent counted, 355,682 voted yes (35.4 percent), 648,769 voted no (64.6 percent).

    Queensland
    74.3 percent counted, 835,159 voted yes (31.2 percent), 1.84 million voted no (68.8 percent).

    Western Australia
    75.3 percent counted, 495,448 voted yes (36.4 percent), and 866,902 voted no (63.6 percent).

    Northern Territory
    63.4 percent counted, 37,969 voted yes (39.5 percent), and 58,193 voted no (60.5 percent).

    ACT
    82.8 percent counted, 158,097 voted yes (60.8 percent), and 102,002 voted no (39.2 percent).

    In addition to being viewed as divisive along racial lines, concerns about how the Voice to Parliament would work (whether indigenous Australians would be given greater power) and uncertainties about how the new body would result in meaningful change for indigenous Australians contributed to the rejection.

    Australia has held 44 referendums since its founding in 1901. However, the referendum on the Indigenous Voice to Parliament in 2023 was the first of its kind to focus specifically on Indigenous Australians.

    As part of a broader push to establish constitutional recognition of Indigenous Australians, the Voice proposal was seen as a significant step towards reconciliation and was the result of decades of indigenous advocacy and work.

    A key turning point came in 2017 when 250 Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander delegates from across the country met at Uluru for the First Nations’ National Constitutional Convention. The proposal, known as the Voice, sought to recognise Indigenous people in Australia’s constitution and establish a First Nations body to advise the government on issues affecting their communities.

    However, the Voice proposal was not unanimously accepted. In the course of the campaign, intense conflict and discussion ensued between supporters and opponents, resulting in what supporters viewed as a tragic outcome, while the victorious opponents celebrated their victory.

    The support of Oceania’s indigenous leaders
    Pacific Islanders expressed their views before the referendum on the Voice to Parliament.

    Henry Puna, Secretary-General of the Pacific Islands Forum, said that Australia’s credibility would be boosted on the world stage if the yes vote won the Indigenous voice referendum. He stated that it would be “wonderful” if Australia were to vote yes, because he believed it would elevate Australia’s position, and perhaps even its credibility, internationally.

    The former Foreign Minister of Vanuatu (nd current Climate Change Minister), Ralph Regevanu, warned Australia’s reputation would plummet among its allies in the Pacific if the Voice to Parliament was defeated.

    These views indicate the potential impact of the voice referendum on Australia’s relationship with Pacific Island nations, which it often refers to as “its own backyard”.

    Division, defeat and impact
    A tragic aspect of the Voice proposal is the fact that not only were Australian settlers divided about it, but even worse, indigenous leaders themselves, who were in a position to bring together a fragmented and tormented nation, were at odds with each other — including full-on verbal wars in media.

    While their opinions on the proposal were divided, some had practical and realistic ideas to address the problems faced by indigenous communities in remote towns. Others proposed a treaty between settlers and original indigenous people.

    There are also those who advocate for a strong political recognition within the nation’s constitutional framework.

    Despite these divisions among indigenous leaders, the referendum on Voice represents a significant milestone in the ongoing indigenous resistance that spans over 200 years.

    It is a resistance that began on January 26, 1788, when the invasion began (Pemulwuy’s War), and continued through various milestones such as the 1937 Petition for citizenship, land rights, and representation, the 1938 Day of Mourning, the 1963 Yirrkala bark petitions, the 1965 Freedom Rides, and the establishment of the Aboriginal Tent Embassy in Canberra in 1972.

    It further extended to 1990-2005 with the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission (ATSIC), the 1991 Song Treaty by Yothu Yindi, Eddie Mabo overturning terra nullius in 1992, Kevin Rudd’s 2008 apology, and the Uluru Statement from the Heart until the recent defeat of the Voice Referendum in 2023.

    A dangerous settlers’ myth and its consequences
    The modern nation of Australia (aged 235 years) has been shaped by one of European myths: “Terra Nullius”, the Latin term for “nobody’s land”. This myth was used to describe the legal position at the time of British colonisation.

    Accordingly, the land had been deemed as terra nullius, which implies that it had belonged to no one before the British Crown declared sovereignty over it.

    Eddy Mabo: A Melanesian Hero
    An indigenous Melanesian, Eddy Mabo, overturned this myth in 1992, known as “the Mabo Case,” which recognised the land rights of the Meriam people and other indigenous peoples.

    The Mabo Case resulted in significant changes in Australian law in several areas. One of the most notable changes was the overturning of the long-standing legal fiction of “terra nullius,” which posited that Australia was unpopulated (no man’s land) at the time of British colonisation.

    In this decision, the High Court of Australia recognized the legal rights of Indigenous Australians to make claims to lands in Australia. It marked a historic moment, as it was the first time that the law acknowledged the traditional rights of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. In addition, the Mabo Case contributed directly to the establishment of the Native Title Act in 1993.

    Even though these changes are significant, debates persist regarding the state of indigenous Australians under colonial settlement.

    Indigenous leaders need to see a big picture
    The recent referendum on the Voice sparked heated debates on a topic that has long been a source of contention: the age-old battle of “my country versus your country, my mob versus your mob, I know best versus you know nothing.”

    While it’s important to celebrate and protect cultural diversity and the unique perspectives it brings, it’s equally important to recognise that British settlers didn’t just apply the myth of terra nullius to a select few groups or regions — they applied it to all areas inhabited by indigenous peoples, treating them as a single, homogenous entity.

    This means that any solution to indigenous issues must be rooted in a collective, unified voice, rather than a patchwork of fragmented groups.

    Indigenous leaders need to prioritise the creation of a unified front among themselves and mobilise their people before seeking support from Australians. Currently, they are engaging in competition, outdoing each other, and fighting over the same issue on mainstream media platforms, indigenous-run media platforms, and social media.

    This approach is reminiscent of the “divide, conquer, and rule” strategy that the British effectively employed worldwide to expand and maintain their dominion. This strategy has historically caused harm to indigenous nations worldwide, and it is now harming indigenous people because their leaders are fighting among themselves.

    It is important to note that this does not imply a rejection of every distinct indigenous language group, clan, or tribe. However, it is crucial to recognise that indigenous peoples throughout Oceania were viewed through a particular European lens, which scholars refer to as “Eurocentrism”.

    This “lens” is a double-edged sword, providing semantic definition and dissection power while also compartmentalising based on a hierarchy of values. Melanesians and indigenous Australians were placed at the bottom of this hierarchy and deemed to be of no historical or cultural significance.

    This realisation is of utmost importance for the collective attainment of redemption, unity and reconciliation.

    The larger Australian indigenous’ cause
    From Vasco Núñez de Balboa’s momentous crossing of the Isthmus of Panama to Ferdinand Magellan’s pioneering Spanish expedition across the Pacific Ocean in 1521, and Abel Janszoon Tasman’s remarkable exploration of Tasmania, Australia, New Zealand, and Fiji, to James Cook’s renowned voyages in the Pacific Ocean between 1768 and 1779, the indigenous peoples of Oceania have endured immense suffering and torment as a consequence of the European scramble for these territories.

    The indigenous peoples of Oceania were forever scarred by the merciless onslaught of European maritime marauders. When the race for supremacy over these unspoiled regions unfolded, their lives were shattered, and their communities torn asunder.

    The web of life in Australia and Oceania was severely disrupted, devalued, rejected, and subjected to brutality and torment as a result of the waves of colonisation that forcefully impacted their shores.

    The colonisers imposed various racial prejudices, civilising agendas, legal myths, and the Discovery doctrine, all of which were conceived within the collective conceptual mindset of Europeans and applied to the indigenous people.

    These actions have had a lasting and fatalistic impact on the collective indigenous population in Australia and Oceania, resulting in dehumanisation, enslavement, genocide, and persistent marginalisation of their humanity, leading to unwarranted guilt for their mere existence.

    The European collective perception of Oceania, exemplified by the notion of terra nullius, has resulted in numerous transgressions of indigenous laws, customs, and cosmologies, affecting every aspect of life within the entire landscape. These violations have led to the loss of land, destruction of language, erasure of memories, and imposition of British customs.

    Furthermore, indigenous peoples were forcibly relocated to concentration camps, missions, and reserves.

    The Declaration received support from a total of 144 countries, with only four countries (which have historically displaced indigenous populations through settler occupation) voting against it — Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the United States.

    However, all four countries subsequently reversed their positions and endorsed the Declaration. It should be noted that while the Declaration does not possess legal binding force, it does serve as a reflection of the commitments and responsibilities that states have under international law and human rights standards.

    The challenges and concerns confronting indigenous communities are undeniably more severe and deplorable than the current “yes or no” referendum. It is imperative for the entire nation, including indigenous leaders, to acknowledge the profound extent of the Indigenous human tragedy that extends beyond the divisive binary.

    Old and new imperial vultures
    Similar to the European vultures that once encircled Oceania centuries ago, partitioned its territories, subjugated its people, conducted bomb experiments, and eradicated its population in Tasmania, the present-day vultures from the Eastern and Western regions exhibit comparable behaviours.

    It is imperative for indigenous leaders hailing from Australia, Melanesia, Polynesia, and Micronesia to unite and demand that the colonial governments be held responsible for the multitude of crimes they have perpetrated.

    Message to divided indigenous leaders
    Simply assigning blame to already fragmented, tormented, and highly marginalised Indigenous communities, and endeavouring to empower them solely through a range of government handouts and community-based development programs, will not be adequate.

    Because the trust between indigenous peoples and settlers has been shattered over centuries of abuse, deeply impacting the core of Indigenous self-image, dignity, and respect.

    My personal experience in remote indigenous communities
    I am a Papuan who came to Australia over 20 years ago to study in the remote NSW town of Bourke. I lived, studied, and worked at a small Christian College called Cornerstone Community.

    During my time there, I was adopted by the McKellar clan of the Wangkumara Tribe in Bourke and worked closely with indigenous communities in Bourke, Brewarrina, Walgett, Cobar, Wilcannia, and Dubbo.

    Unfortunately, my experiences in these places left me traumatised.

    These communities have become so broken. I found myself succumbing to depression as a result of the distressing experiences I witnessed. It dawned upon me being “blackfella” — Papuan indigenous descent — was and still consistently subjected to similar mistreatment regardless of location.

    This realisation instilled within me a sense of guilt for my own identity, as I was constantly made feel guilty of who I was. Tragically, a significant number of the young indigenous whom I endeavoured to aid and guide through diverse community and youth initiatives have either been incarcerated or committed suicide.

    West Papua, my home country, is currently experiencing a genocide due to the Indonesian settler occupation, which is supported by the Australian government. This is similar to what indigenous Australians have endured under the colonial system of settlers.

    Indigenous Australians in every region, town, and city face a complex and diverse set of issues, which are unique, tragic, and devastating. These issues are a result of how the settler colony interacted with them upon their arrival in the country.

    Nevertheless, the indigenous people were not subjected to centuries of abuse and mistreatment solely based on their tribal affiliations. Rather, they were targeted by the settler government as a collective, disregarding the diversity among indigenous groups.

    This included the indigenous people from Oceania, who have endured dehumanisation and racism as a result of colonisation.

    It is imperative to acknowledge that the resolution of these predicaments cannot be attained by a solitary leader representing a particular group. The indigenous leaders need a unified vision and strategy to combat these issues.

    All indigenous individuals across the globe, including Australia, New Zealand, Oceania, and West Papua, are afflicted by the same affliction. The only distinguishing factor is the degree of harm inflicted by the virus, along with the circumstances surrounding its occurrence.

    A paradigm shift
    Imagine a world where indigenous peoples in Australia and Oceania reclaim their original languages and redefine the ideas, myths, and behaviours displayed on their land with their own concepts of law, morality, and cosmology. In this world, I am confident that every legal product, civilisational idea, and colonial moral code applied to these peoples would be deemed illegal.

    It is time to empower indigenous voices and perspectives and challenge the oppressive systems that have silenced them for far too long.

    Commence the process of renaming each island, city, town, mountain, lake, river, valley, animal, tree, rock, country, and region with their authentic local languages and names, thereby reinstating their original significance and worth.

    However, in order to accomplish this, it is imperative that indigenous communities are granted the necessary authority, as it is ultimately their power that will reinforce such transformation. This power does not solely rely on weapons or monetary resources, but rather on the determination to preserve their way of life, restore their self-image, and demand the recognition of their dignity and respect.

    Last Saturday’s No Vote tragedy wasn’t just about the majority of Australians rejecting it. It was a heartbreaking moment where indigenous leaders, who should have been united, found themselves fiercely divided.

    Accusations were flying left and right, targeting each other’s backgrounds, positions, and portfolios. This bitter divide ended up gambling away any chance of redemption and reconciliation that had reached such a high national level.

    It was a devastating blow to the hopes and aspirations for a better world for one of the most disadvantaged originals continues human on this ancient timeless continent — Australia.

    Yamin Kogoya is a West Papuan academic who has a Master of Applied Anthropology and Participatory Development from the Australian National University and who contributes to Asia Pacific Report. From the Lani tribe in the Papuan Highlands, he is currently living in Brisbane, Queensland, Australia.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • On 15 October, Indigenous Australians grieved the collapse of a landmark push for Indigenous rights and recognition that was spurned by the country’s white majority in a binding constitutional referendum.

    Indigenous leaders called for a “week of silence” to mourn the bitter outcome of Saturday 14’s landside vote. The defeat has called into question decades-long reconciliation efforts.

    ‘This rejection was never for others to issue’

    Aboriginal advocacy groups stated that millions of Australians had ignored the chance to atone for the country’s colonial past and the “brutal dispossession of our people”. A joint statement read:

    Now is the time for silence, to mourn and deeply consider the consequence of this outcome.

    Much will be asked about the role of racism and prejudice against Indigenous people in this result. The only thing we ask is that each and every Australian who voted in this election reflect hard on this question.

    To our people we say: do not shed tears. This rejection was never for others to issue.

    The truth is that rejection was always ours to determine. The truth is that we offered this recognition and it has been refused. We now know where we stand in this our own country.

    More than 70% of ballots had been counted by Sunday 15 October. In them, around 61% of Australians said “no” when asked if the 1901 constitution should be changed to recognise the country’s indigenous inhabitants.

    In doing so, Australians also voted against creating a new consultative body. This ‘Voice’ to Parliament would have had a say on issues related to Indigenous communities. The proposal was defeated in every state of the country, despite being backed by Australia’s centre-left government.

    ‘They don’t know our history’

    Political gains have never come easily for Aboriginal Australians. They’ve had to fight tooth-and-nail over the years to secure basic voting rights, own traditional lands, and win election to parliament.

    Supporters saw the referendum as a way to address the historical injustices inflicted upon First Nations people. Instead, it has exposed the deep racism that still runs through the country more than two centuries since British colonisers dropped anchor in Sydney Harbour.

    Indigenous leader Esme Bamblett said that white voters’ unfamiliarity enabled the misinformation that dominated the referendum campaign. Social media posts spread disinformation suggesting that the Voice would lead to land seizures, create a South African-style system of apartheid, or was part of a United Nations plot.

    Bamblett said:

    A lot of people don’t know about Aboriginal people. They don’t live in our communities, they don’t work in our communities, and they don’t know what we go through. They don’t know the extent of dispossession and they don’t know our history

    ‘Reconciliation is dead’

    Prominent Aboriginal activist and scholar Marcia Langton declared that decades of work to build trust between Australians had failed. In an interview with NITV, she said:

    It’s very clear that Reconciliation is dead. A majority of Australians have said no to an invitation from Indigenous Australia, with a minimal proposition, to give us a bare say in matters that affect our lives, advice that doesn’t need to be taken by the parliament.

    I think the No campaigners have a lot to answer for. In poisoning Australia against this proposition and against Indigenous Australia. They say they’re not celebrating, but let’s see how they wheel themselves out in the future.

    Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has urged his divided nation to heal “in the spirit of unity”. He also vowed that his government will continue working to deliver Indigenous recognition. However, it is now deeply unclear what options remain. And, as Langton highlighted, Indigenous Australians are as vulnerable as ever to the political forces arrayed against them:

    this has been a cynical political exercise by the Coalition … They’ll now be pressing hard for policies that cause us harm.

    Additional reporting via Agence France-Presse.

    Featured image via Wikimedia Commons/Matthem McMullin, licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 4.0 International license, resized to 1910*1000. 

    By Alex/Rose Cocker

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • Indigenous groups in Australia on Sunday called for a “Week of Silence” beginning Saturday night to protest what one campaigner called the “gut-wrenching” outcome of a referendum that would have formally recognized Indigenous Australians in the country’s Constitution and created a body to advise the government on policies that affect them. Communities with large populations of Aboriginal people...

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • Even before October 14, The Voice, or, to describe in full, the Referendum on the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Voice to Parliament, was in dire straits.  Referenda proposals are rarely successful in Australia: prior to October 14, 44 referenda had been conducted since the creation of the Commonwealth in 1901.  Only eight had passed.

    On this occasion, the measure, which had been an article of faith for Labor Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, hinged on whether an advisory body purportedly expert and informed on the interests and affairs of the First Nations Peoples would be constitutionally enshrined.  The body was always intended as a modest power: to advise Parliament on policies and legislative instruments directly of concern to them.  But details on who would make up such a body, nor how it could actually achieve such Olympian aims as abolishing indigence in remote indigenous communities or reducing the horrendous incarceration rate among its citizenry, were deemed inconsequential.  The near cocky assumption of the Yes case was that the measure should pass, leaving Parliament to sort out the rest.

    In the early evening, it became clear that the Yes vote was failing in every state, including Victoria, where campaigners felt almost complacently confident.  But it was bound to, with Yes campaigners failing to convince undecided voters even as they rejoiced in preaching to their own faithful.  The loss occurred largely because of two marshalled forces ideologically opposite yet united in purpose.  They exploited a fundamental, and fatal contradiction in the proposal: the measure was advertised as “substantive” in terms of constitutional reform while simultaneously being conservative in giving Parliament a free hand.

    From one side, the conservative “Australia as egalitarian” view took the position that creating a forum or chamber based on race would be repugnant to a country blissfully steeped in tolerance and colour-blindness.  Much of that is nonsense, ignoring the British Empire’s thick historical links with race, eugenics and policies that, certainly in the Australian context, would have to be judged as genocidal.  Even the current Australian Constitution retains what can only be called a race power: section 51(xxvi) which stipulates that Parliament may make laws regarding “the people of any race for whom it is deemed necessary to make special laws.”

    Beneath the epidermis of such a view is also an assumption held by such Indigenous conservatives as Warren Mundine that there have been more than a fair share of “voices” and channels to scream through over several decades, be it through committees or such bodies as the disbanded Aboriginal and Torres Strait Island Commission.  The plethora of these measures did not address inequality, did not improve health and educational outcomes directly, and merely served to create a managerial class of lobbyists and activists.  To merely enshrine an advisory body in the Constitution would only serve to make such an entity harder to abolish in the event it failed to achieve its set purposes.

    Campaigners for the Voice will shake their heads and chide those who voted against the measure as backward reprobates who fell for a gross disinformation campaign waged by No campaigners.  They were the ones who, like worshippers having filled the church till, could go about morally soothed proclaiming they had done their duty for the indigenous and downtrodden.  Given that the No vote was overwhelming (59%), the dis- and mis-information angle is a feeble one.

    It is true to say that the No campaign was beset by a range of concerns, some of them ingenuous, some distinctly not.  There was the concern that, while the advice from Voice members on government legislation and policy would be non-binding on Parliamentarians, this would still lead to court challenges that would tie up legislation.  Or that this was merely the prelude to a broader tarnishing of the Australian brand of exceptionalism: first, comes the Voice, then the Treaty process, then the “truth telling” to be divulged over national reconciliation processes.

    The first of these was always unlikely to carry much weight.  Even if any parliamentary decision to ignore advice from the Voice would ever go to court, it would never survive the holy supremacy of Parliament in the Westminster model of government.  What Parliament says in the Anglo-Australian orbit of constitutional doctrine tends to be near unquestionable writ.  No court would ever say otherwise.

    The second concern was probably more on point, insofar as the Voice would act as a spur in the constitutional system, one to build upon in the broader journey of reconciliation.  But the No casers here, with former Australian foreign minister Alexander Downer being fairly typical of this, regard matters such as treaty and truth-telling commissions as divisive and best scotched.  “The most destructive feature of failed societies is that they are divided on the basis of ethnicity, race or religion,” he wrote this month.  For Downer and his ilk, Australia remains a pleasant land – not exactly verdant, but pleasant nonetheless – where Jerusalem was built; don’t let any uppity First Nations advocate tell you otherwise.

    The procedurally minded and pragmatic sort – which count themselves amongst the majority of Australian voters, were always concerned about how the advisory body would be constituted.  Any new creature born from political initiative will always risk falling into the clutches of political intriguers in the government of the day, vulnerable to the puppeteering of the establishment.  In Australian elections, where pragmatism is elevated to the level of a questioning, punishing God, the question of the “how” soon leads to the question of “how much”.  The Voice would ultimately have to face the invoice.

    Another, equally persuasive criticism of the Voice came from what might be loosely described as the Black Sovereignty movement, led by such representatives as independent Senator Lidia Thorpe.  From that perspective, the Voice is only a ceremonial sham, a bauble, tinsel cover that, while finding form in the Constitution, would have meant little.  “This referendum, portrayed by the government as the solution to bringing justice to First Peoples in this country,” she opines, “has instead divided and hurt us.”

    Precisely because it would not bind elected members, it had no powers to compel the members of parliament to necessarily follow their guidance.  “The supremacy of the colonial parliament over ‘our Voice’,” Thorpe goes on to stress, “is a continuation of the oppression of our people, and the writing of our people into the colonial Constitution is another step in their ongoing attempt to assimilate us.”  This would make the body a pantomime of policy making, with its membership respectfully listened to even if they could be ultimately ignored.  Impotence, and the effective extinguishment of indigenous sovereignty, would be affirmed.

    Among some undecided voters lay an agonising prospect, notably for those who felt that this was yet another measure that, while well-meant in spirit, was yet another on the potted road of failures.  The indigenous activist Celeste Liddle represents an aspect of such a view, one of dissatisfaction, stung by broken promises.  Her view is one of morose, inconsolable scepticism.  “I’m at a time in my life,” she writes in Arena, “where I have seen a lot of promises, a lot of lies, a lot of attacks on Indigenous communities, and not a lot of change.  I therefore lack faith in the current political system and its ability to ever be that agent of change.”  That’s an almost dead certifiable “No”, then.

    The sinking of the Yes measure need not kill off the program for improving and ameliorating the condition of First Nations people in Australia.  But for those seeking a triumphant Yes vote, the lesson was always threatening: no measure will ever pass the hurdle of the double majority in a majority of states if it does not have near uniform approval from the outset.  It never has.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • The Australian Department of Defence (DoD) announced on 6 October that the government it will invest A$220 million in state-owned munitions production factories in Mulwala in New South Wales and Benalla in Victoria. The DoD asserted that the investment will enhance local defence industrial capacity and support infrastructure redevelopments at each site to meet future demand […]

    The post Australia commits to local ammunition manufacturing appeared first on Asian Military Review.

    This post was originally published on Asian Military Review.

  • Airbus Defence and Space (DS) has completed the flight-testing phase of its automatic air-to-air refuelling (A3R) system in partnership with the Republic of Singapore Air Force (RSAF), the company announced on 11 October. According to the company, flight testing was carried out over three weeks in August and involved several RSAF-operated aircraft including an A330 […]

    The post Airbus concludes A3R refuelling trials with Singaporean air force appeared first on Asian Military Review.

    This post was originally published on Asian Military Review.

  • Pacific Media Watch

    The Journalism Education and Research Association of Australia (JERAA) says it is “deeply concerned” at reports that Western Australian police are demanding the ABC hand over footage about climate protesters filmed as part of a Four Corners investigation.

    “As researchers and teachers of journalism, we uphold the ethical obligation of journalists to honour any assurances given to protect sources,” said JERAA president Associate Professor Alexandra Wake in a statement.

    “This obligation is imperative in supporting the Western democratic tradition of journalism and to investigative journalism in particular.”

    The ABC case relates to an investigation due to be broadcast on Four Corners tonight: “Escalation: Climate, protest and the fight for the future”.


    “I’m going to remember this for the rest of my life.” Video: ABC Four Corners

    WA police are reported to have demanded footage via “Order to Produce” provisions of the WA Criminal Investigations Act. The law compels organisations to comply.

    One of JERAA’s core aims was to promote freedom of expression and communication, said the statement.

    “The association is concerned that the WA police action represents a direct threat to media freedom and the practice of ethical investigative journalism,” Dr Wake said.

    “We join the Media Entertainment and Arts Alliance (MEAA) in urging the ABC to stand firm and not hand over footage which could potentially undermine assurances by the Four Corners team to their sources.”

    The union for Australian journalists said it was alarmed at the reports that WA police were demanding the ABC hand over footage featuring climate activists filmed as part of the television investigation before it had even aired.

    • “Escalation” reported by Hagar Cohen goes to air tonight, Monday, 9 October 2023, at 8.30pm AEST on ABC TV and ABC iview.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • By Jeffrey Elapa in Port Moresby

    Papua New Guinea’s government has appealed to the Australian Federal Police and the Singapore Police to assist PNG police to link money laundering trails.

    Speaking in Parliament yesterday, Prime Minister James Marape said Australia and Singapore had been the major hub of transit for possible money laundering activities.

    He wants help from police in the two countries to assist PNG police in their fight against corruption in the country.

    “We are fighting corruption. For instance, we are following the footprints of the [A$1.2 billion Swiss bank] UBS money that has gone deeply rooted so our police are working on it,” he said.

    “Therefore I want to encourage police in Singapore and police in Australia assist PNG police to deal with money laundered from PNG.

    “I want to appeal again to the Australian police and Singaporean police to assist our police and I make this statement as the Prime Minister of this country.

    “And in the case of UBS, we have made [a] deep incision, we are following the money trail, the entire loot that was looted from this country,” he said.

    ‘Prioritise law and order’
    “I want to give commendation to the Police Commissioner, David Manning — he is not here to stop tribal fights; stopping tribal fights is the job of our members of Parliament.

    “Governors you have PSIP (constituency development funds) funds so prioritise law and order using your funds, do not wait for police commissioners to come and stop tribal fights.

    “PNG has been labelled a corrupt country so I don’t want to leave this label for the next 20 years so we have to make an example out of other existing corruption that has been documented and evidence are used.

    “And the ICAC [Independent Commission Against Corruption] commission of inquiry has sufficient evidence for us to pursue our efforts to fight corruption.

    “I will indicate to this House that we will bring to this floor of Parliament the Finance Inquiry again and other inquiries that are outstanding.

    “We will revisit if they are not time bound but we will not limit the limited police capacity so that is why I appeal to Singapore police and Australia police to assist my policemen to link to the money trails,” the Prime Minister said.

    “Monies do not hide, monies move from one bank account to another bank account, forensic auditors and investigators will follow the money trials and our police are working as part of the law and order conversation, focusing on our country like fighting corruption like never before,” he said.

    Marape said the ICAC, Ombudsman Commission and police would work in partnership in the pursuit to address corruption in the country.

    He said with the efforts to strengthening the work of the ICAC, three commissioners had been appointed while a third Ombudsman commissioner would be appointed this week.

    Jeffrey Elapa is a PNG Post-Courier reporter. Republished with permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Australian National Anti-Corruption Commission NACC ignores huge Australian War Crimes & Carbon Debt

    I have made 5 huge successive Submissions to the newly formed  Australian National Anti-Corruption Commission (NACC). However my 2 most serious Submissions – on horrendous Australian war crimes (Submission #2: 6 million Afghan avoidable deaths from deprivation under Australian and US Alliance occupation in gross violation of Articles 55 and 56 of the Fourth Geneva Convention) and on horrendous, planet-threatening  Carbon Debt (Submission #3: an enormous  $5 trillion fraud perpetrated on Australian children, grandchildren and future generations) – were rejected by the NACC on the basis that the NACC had “not been able to identify a clear allegation of corrupt conduct as defined by the National Anti-Corruption Commission Act (2022). As a result, the Commission is unable to take any further action in this matter”. My 5 Submissions are summarized below with the rejected Submissions asterisked.

    (1). “Submission To National Anti-Corruption Commission: Australian Labor Government’s Lying For Apartheid Israel”. On a bipartisan Coalition Opposition and Labor Government basis, Zionist-subverted and US-beholden Australia is second only to the US as a fervent a supporter of Apartheid Israel and hence of the evil crime of Apartheid that is condemned by the International Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid. Departure from fervent support for the Zionist-subverted US and for Apartheid Israel means potential political oblivion for Coalition and Labor MPs noting that Australian Federal MPs receive huge remuneration. MPs and governments should not lie and benefit from lying (fraud and corruption) and should not lie in the interest of inimical foreign governments (treason). Apartheid Israel and its Zionist agents have damaged Australians, Australian institutions and Australia in numerous serious ways. However the  Australian Labor Government lies for Apartheid Israel in 15 matters.

    *(2). “Submission To Australian National Anti-Corruption Commission Over Huge But Ignored Australian War Crimes”. Variously as UK or US lackeys Australians have invaded about 85 countries with 30 of these invasions being genocidal. In the last 80 years (i.e. within living memory) Australia has violated all circa 80 Indo-Pacific countries variously through occupation and invasion (most countries), complicity in US regime-changing coups (8 countries), and through disproportionate climate criminality (impacting all countries). The Brereton Report found that 39 Afghans had allegedly been unlawfully killed by Australian soldiers. However successive Australian Governments and their public servants have grossly violated  Articles 55 and 56 of the Fourth Geneva Convention by criminally rejecting their unequivocal demand for Occupier provision to the Conquered Afghan Subjects of life-sustaining food and medical services  “to the fullest extent of the means available to it”. Now 6,000,000 (Afghans passively murdered over 20 years by the US Alliance including Australia) / 39 (Afghans allegedly unlawfully killed by Australian soldiers) = 154,000 i.e. the passive mass murder of 6,000,000 Afghans (mostly women and children) by Australian and US Alliance politicians is 154,000 times worse than the alleged unlawful killing of 39 Afghans by Australian soldiers. Of course all war crimes should be thoroughly investigated and the perpetrators tried and punished, but in my opinion no Australian soldier should be tried for any of these 39 alleged unlawful killings of Afghans before the politicians complicit in the 154,000 times greater war crime (the passive mass murder of 6,000,000 Afghans) are exposed and tried. The same argument applies to horrendous avoidable deaths from deprivation in the Australia-complicit WW2 Bengali Holocaust (6-7 million Indian avoidable deaths, 1942-1945) and Iraqi Holocaust (3 million avoidable deaths, 1990-2011).

    *(3). “Submission To Australian National  Anti-Corruption Commission: Corporations & Governments Ignore  Huge Carbon Debt”. Australia is among world-leading climate criminal countries in 16 areas. Corporations, governments and Mainstream media conspire to fraudulently and corruptly ignore Australia’s huge and inescapable Carbon Debt that totals (in USD) about $5 trillion, is increasing at up to about $0.7 trillion each year, and at $69,000  per head per year for under-30 year old Australians. The Carbon Debt of the World is $250 trillion and increasing at $13 trillion each year. This is appalling intergenerational injustice because this ever-increasing and inescapable Carbon Debt will have to be paid by our children, grandchildren and  future generations. The damage-related Carbon Price is about $200 per tonne CO2-equivalent but the global applied average is merely $2 per tonne CO2-equivalent. A general principle of national law and the Natural Law  is that people are recompensed in full for damage done to them by others but this is rejected in relation to deadly Carbon Pollution by a greedy, fraudulent, corrupt, and traitorous Australian Mainstream (except notably for the science-informed and humane Australian Greens). Carbon Pollution from carbon fuel burning kills about 7 million people each year but the previous Coalition Government’s response to the IMF demand to adopt a modest $75 per tonne CO2-equivalent  Carbon Price to save 4 million lives by 2030 was a simple “No”. The present climate criminal Labor Government ignores Australia’s huge exported greenhouse gas (GHG) pollution and supports over 100 new coal and gas extraction projects. Australia has 0.33% of the world’s population but its annual Domestic plus Exported GHG pollution is 5.4% of the World’s total annual GHG pollution. In the absence of requisite action (atmospheric pollution by GHGs is increasing at record high rates) the direst expert prediction is that 10 billion people will die this century in a worsening Climate Genocide en route to a sustainable population in 2100 of  only 1 billion people.

    (4). “Submission To Australian National Anti-Corruption Commission: Huge & Fraudulent University Fees Exposed”. Education is a basic human right and all education should be free for all. However the commodification and corporatizing of higher education has meant that free university education presently only obtains in about 25 countries. Australian universities charge impoverished local and overseas students hugely excessive tuition fees whereas Accredited Remote Learning (ARL) can deliver top quality, reading-based courses and accrediting examinations essentially for free. All societies and nations need to have a large complement of expert scholars and scientists for a variety of economic, health, national security  and national prestige reasons – however  why should impoverished, circa 20 year old undergraduate students have to pay for this? Tertiary education provision in Australia can be vastly cheaper off-campus than on-campus. Thus off-campus university education can be essentially cost-free by simply involving students reading prescribed texts and addressing other  teaching materials, with qualifications established by expert accrediting examinations. This indeed was the de facto off-campus scheme during the Covid-19 Pandemic except that huge full fees were dishonestly applied to local and overseas students. The student debt from fees presently totals A$74 billion, a massive fraud perpetrated on Australian students, and indeed one of the biggest frauds in Australian history.

    (5). Submission To Australian National Anti-Corruption Commission, NACC: Mainstream Media Lying”. Australian Mainstream media (MSM), including the publicly-funded ABC (the Australian Broadcasting Corporation), and the dominant US Murdoch empire media have an appalling and ongoing record of lying by omission and lying by commission. Lying by omission is far, far worse than repugnant lying by commission because the latter at least permits public refutation and public debate (subject, of course, to the will of MSM gate-keepers). Democracy ideally requires an informed electorate but driven by ever-increasing wealth inequity Western democracies (including Australia) have become kleptocracies, plutocracies,  Murdochracies. lobbyocracies, corporatocracies and dollarocracies  in which Big Money corruptly purchases public perception of reality, votes, more political power and hence more private profit. Although individual journalists can have certain opinions and biases, lying by omission and lying by commission by media is fraud and corruption when perpetrated for personal gain, and treason when perpetrated in the interests of inimical foreign governments such as those of Apartheid Israel and pro-Apartheid America. Experience of Australian MSM mendacity over many decades instructs that the serious examples of fraud, corruption and treason in my 5 Submissions will be resolutely ignored by cowardly and mendacious Australian MSM presstitutes. Australia can be saved from fraudulent MSM in part by (a) publicly exposing and listing all MSM falsehoods on the Web, and (b) banning foreign MSM ownership.

    For details and documentation see Gideon Polya, “Australian National Anti-Corruption Commission Rejects Submissions Re Huge Australian War Crimes and Carbon Debt,” Countercurrents, 2 October 2023.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • Australia’s “History Wars” of the 1990s were marked by a public debate between proponents of contrasting ways of understanding Australia’s past. But our figuring of history should not be limited to two opposing positions. Focusing on centuries of diverse cultural interactions in our coastal North offers a broader view. It enables us to recognise Australia’s multicultural history, a history that predates the voyages of Cook and the settlement at Sydney Cove.

    In what follows, we will adopt a multicultural view to understand the Cocos Malays of the Cocos (Keeling) Islands. This small island community wishes to maintain their traditional practices and has made claims for Indigenous status. Their historic cemetery contains some Christian tombstones of the former ruling family as well as graves of their own Muslim ancestors. Indeed, they continue to use this cemetery to this day, where they maintain their uniquely Southeast Asian and Muslim traditions. They gather at this graveyard to perform crucial rituals. We see these practices as a lens through which to better understand Australia’s broader multicultural history and heritage.

    Figure 2. Praying at the grave of a man

    Turning Australia’s map upside down

    Prior to the 1990s, public awareness of Australia’s history had largely focused on the exploits of European explorers and settlers. But thanks to the efforts of a number of historians, Australians became increasingly aware of the destruction and suffering, as well as the struggle and resistance, of Indigenous Australians. This valuable new direction sparked a public debate known as Australia’s “History Wars”. The topic of Australia’s past now became a pressing social and political matter.

    Unfortunately, the public debate in the ensuing three decades has, at times, fallen into simplistic dichotomies of Black and White and who was “good” or “bad”. To create a better understanding of Australia’s multicultural history, we need to go past these dichotomies. One clear way forward is to focus on our Asian and Pacific histories of our coastal north.

    This new vista on Australia’s past has been neatly described as “turning the map upside down”—in doing so locating the beginning of Australia’s human history in the north. This began with the arrival of Indigenous Australians more than 60,000 years ago, when they came from the north to inhabit what was then a larger Australian landmass. But as historian Regina Ganter explains, less well known are our Asian and Pacific histories.

    These histories began with groundbreaking publications of the 1970s. The edited volume Bridge and Barrier (1972) focused on island peoples in the Torres Strait, showing how they provided a crucial link in an extensive trade network incorporating northern Australia and New Guinea. This link belies the idea that Australia was an isolated continent before

    1919, 1969, and memories of Malay cosmopolitanism

    Why riots in Wales in June 1919 are a useful resource for appreciating histories of Malay identity beyond the violence of 13 May 1969.

    European arrival. Then, in his 1976 Voyage to Marege, Campbell McKnight described our historical connections with Indonesian fishermen. Building on earlier visits, these fishermen made annual trips, from the 1750s, to Australia’s north coast. Over the next two centuries, the Indonesian fishermen interacted with northern Indigenous coastal peoples, including the Yolngu, creating deep intercultural links that influenced both societies.

    At the outbreak of WWII, from the Cocos (Keeling) Islands to Christmas Island, Broome, Derby, Wyndham, Darwin, Cooktown, and on to Cairns, diverse communities could be found with Indigenous, Asian, and/or European people. These resulted from a history of mixed relations in the coastal north. But our multicultural history has been partly obscured while the public has debated over the roles of Indigenous versus European.

    What is most exciting about our multicultural history is that we can point to a rich, ongoing heritage. “Heritage” traditionally refers to something we inherit from our past and want to keep for future generations. But as we show, heritage can be even more than that. It can be something that is relevant for local communities, and also for all Australians, because heritage relates to who we are. It can also be about our practices which connect us to the places around us.

    Figure 3. A woman’s grave adorned with sandals and flowers.

    Our research site: Home Island

    The Cocos (Keeling) Islands are part of Australia’s Indian Ocean territories. They consist of two atolls as island groups. North Keeling Island is an uninhabited designated national park. 27 kms to the south lie the Cocos Islands. They are comprised of 27 or so islands on the main atoll, only two of which are inhabited. On West Island live around 200 “expatriate” Australians, mostly teachers, technicians, other government employees, and their families.

    Around 400 Cocos Malays live on Home Island. They could be considered Australia’s oldest continuous Muslim community—indeed, they recently pushed for Indigenous status. And although they are Australian citizens, their early history is closely tied up with Southeast Asia’s past. It seems their ancestors first came together in Singapore, Borneo, and Java in the early 1800s. They were the slaves of a trader named Alexander Hare, who took them, via South Africa, to the Cocos Islands in 1826. (For context, that was prior to the formation of European settlements in Melbourne, Adelaide, and Perth.)

    Hare was promptly ousted by another adventurer, John Clunies-Ross. In 1831, Clunies-Ross took over the islands and their Malay inhabitants for himself and 4 succeeding generations of his family. In 1955, the Cocos Islands became an Australian territory. After this, the Australian government bought out most of the Clunies-Ross land in 1978. Under a UN-supervised vote of self-determination in 1984, the Cocos Malays voted to fully integrate with Australia. Since that time, the Cocos Malays have adopted and adapted their Muslim and Malay traditions, customs, and heritage as part of a diverse Australia. And, as we will show here, their cemetery not only plays a crucial role in contemporary religious life but also pays testament to their long multicultural history.

    Pulu Gangsa cemetery

    Cemeteries in Australia, being the final resting places for people of many backgrounds, serve as unique spaces where we can observe an array of cultural rituals and beliefs. A striking example of this cultural tapestry can be found in the history of the cemetery on Home Island, known as Pulu Gangsa. Its origins trace back to around 1900, when this small island to the north of Home Island was established as a burial ground. Following the turmoil of World War II, resourceful locals joined Pulu Gangsa to Home Island with a land bridge that has withstood seven decades of swells, tides, and even cyclones. So, strictly speaking, it is no longer a separate island, but instead could be considered as a peninsula of Home Island.

    Figure 4. Pulu Gangsa is a peninsula on the north side of Home Island.

    Pulu Gangsa cemetery is about the size of a football field. As you walk in, you feel immersed in tranquillity. Aside from your footsteps, the only things you can hear are the rustling of trade winds through the leaves and the distant sound of waves crashing on the reefs. The air carries the sweet fragrance of flowers from the Frangipani trees planted among the graves. Coconut palms line the edges of the grounds, providing shade. Between the palms you can catch glimpses of both the powerful breakers on one side and the serene lagoon on the other.

    Within the cemetery, you encounter a collection of wooden and stone grave markers belonging to the Muslim Cocos Malays. Those markers with pointed tops resemble spoons. They are the resting places of men. In contrast, those with flatter or more rounded tops are designated for women. The newer graves are adorned with scarves and are sheltered beneath protective umbrellas. The bereaved often leave offerings, such as bottled water, flowers, and sandals, as tokens of respect for the departed spirits. In times gone by, it was also a tradition to provide the deceased with cigarettes or their favourite food, if that was what they enjoyed in life.

    Figure 5. Photo of various graves. At the back left, a white umbrella sits over what appears to be a recent grave. Photo thanks to Marcie Connelly-Lynn.

    Adjacent to these markers lie Christian gravestones, the final resting places of certain members of the Clunies-Ross family. You might stumble upon the gravestone for John Sidney Clunies-Ross, the fourth in the lineage of the Clunies-Ross rulers. There is also a memorial for Inin, the first wife of the third Clunies-Ross ruler.

    Figure 6. Christian graves of John Sidney and Inin. Photo thanks to Marcie Connelly-Lynn.

    With both Muslim and historic Christian graves, the cemetery is part of the Cocos (Keeling) Islands’ cultural heritage. Indeed, it is listed in the Western Australian and Australian Heritage Database. Preserving it is a concern. With rising sea levels, locals are worried that the graves will be washed away. But the graveyard is not just a historical remnant to be safeguarded. It still plays a role in three different kinds of Cocos Malay ritual.

    Funerals

    The first ritual of Pulu Gangsa cemetery we wish to consider is funerals. When a local Cocos Malay passes away, a dedicated committee assumes the solemn responsibility of conducting the funeral rites. These rites adhere to Islamic and local customs, with one step being the purification of the deceased through a sacred cleansing ceremony known as wudhu. Following this, a payung (“shade” or “umbrella”) is created. This is also sprinkled with water.

    Figure 7. White payung held over the deceased.

    The body is then transported to the cemetery. Mourner used to walk the body over; helping to carry it provide religious merit. Nowadays, the body is transported by van and the mourners use the local form of transport, four-wheelers and golf buggies, to take themselves and the body to the cemetery. At the graveside, the mourners recite a prayer for the spirit of the dead. The body, wrapped in a white shroud, is placed in the grave and then covered with soil, in accordance with Islamic practice. So Islamic customs of washing and burying the body are combined with Malay customs like the white umbrella and frangipani trees as well as with local practices such as the offerings at the graves. These provide a poignant tribute to the cultural richness found within the cemetery’s sacred grounds.

    Figure 8. Men, dressed in white, and shading from the heat with umbrellas, perform prayers graveside.

    End of the fasting month

    Another notable ritual associated with the cemetery occurs at the culmination of the Islamic fasting month, known as Hari Raya Idul Fitri. This sequence of ceremonies signifies the joyous conclusion of fasting and devotion. The term “Hari Raya” translates to “Days of Celebration”, reflecting the festive nature of the event. However, it also serves as a time for contemplation of sombre religious duties and obligations. On the first morning of Hari Raya, the Cocos Malays partake in the tradition known as melawat tanah kubur, which translates to “traveling to visit the graveyard.” Families, in matching outfits, visit the graveyard together to pay respects to the deceased. In 2014, two of the authors (Herriman and Winarnita) observed this ritual, discerning two primary aspects.

    Figure 10. A wife asks forgiveness of another wife, while their husbands do the same.

    First is tending to the graves of deceased loved ones. Family members clean the graves, spread flowers and water, and then perform prayers. As Radal Feyrel explains:

    we ask forgiveness for the dead and wish that they are put in the right place, which is hopefully heaven [not one of the other worlds between hell and heaven, where] if you’re not a good person, you’ll be stuck. We ask God to forgive them for what they have done. Most people read the Koran. Some people just pray. They bring flowers to decorate the graveyards and water to cool the place. When we were kids, we believed they wore the flowers, drank the water, some people brought cigarettes and lollies, but now there’s not that belief anymore. Now we believe that when you are dead you are gone. Some families still believe that. At the kenduri (ritual meal) they give Coca-Cola if they [the deceased] liked to drink that.

    The other major aspect is asking forgiveness. Hari Raya is a time when the wrongdoings to other people of the past year can be forgiven. You can do this at a person’s home but, seeing as they often run into other families tending graves at this time, Cocos Malays also do this at the cemetery. Men greet other men and women other women. This intensely emotional ritual involves fairly formulaic Cocos Malay expressions. One of the authors, Radal Feyrel, for instance, greets male family heads saying something like:

    Hari Raya Greetings. Please forgive any of my wrong doings or thoughts. May the food and drink we have shared be acceptable. Please forgive any of my words that were in error or arrogant, harsh, or inappropriate. Hopefully, we will meet again in the future. I hope that God keeps you well and secure. Until we meet again in the coming year. (Selamat Hari Raya, ma’af zahir dan batin. Makan dan minum minta dihalalkan. Kata yang tersilap atau tersalah, atau yang tertinggi, bahasa yang kasar yang tidak enak minta diampunkan. Mudah-mudahan dapat dijumpa lagi lain tahun. Semoga tuhan beri kesehetan dan keselamatan. Sampai jumpa lagi di tahun yang akan datang.)

    While making this speech, the theme perform salam which is a kind gentle handshake. Eye contact is limited. While one person speaks, the other nods silently.

    Figure 11. Asking forgiveness.

    It is difficult to do justice to the emotional significance of the graveyard rituals. So, instead, we wish to draw attention to several things. The Hari Raya rituals can be found in similar form in most parts of Muslim Southeast Asia. The difference here is that it occurs in Australia, and the graveyard it takes place on points to the Cocos Islands’ rich multicultural history. This multicultural element is also multifaith, as Muslim and Christian graves share the same graveyard. And, finally, ritual is undertaken at what might be considered a sacred heritage site. So it is very much a lived and performed heritage. These are some basic observations that can be gleaned from the Hari Raya graveyard ritual.

    Wedding rituals

    The final ritual usage of Pulu Gangsa graveyard which we touch upon occurs just before the culmination of wedding ceremonies. Weddings can involve years of planning and months of preparation. For instance, the bride and groom’s families separately put on meals every evening. This all culminates on the Friday and the Saturday of the wedding.

    As Radal Feyrel explains, on the Friday, the bride and groom are particularly busy. In the morning, an imam washes off the turmeric that has been applied to whiten the bride and groom’s faces. Then the couple put on ceremonial dress and, accompanied by their family, head over to the graveyard. This is the first time the couple meet each other after being separated for a week. They sit by the graves of family members who have recently passed away. Traditionally, the Cocos Malays asked the spirits in order to have good luck on their wedding day and in their marriage. This is no longer the belief these days. Now Cocos Malays pray for the blessings of Allah to forgive the deceased. They also wish to pay their respects to the deceased because deceased will not be able to attend the wedding. After about half an hour, the bride, groom and their families return to the village. On that night is the nikah, the religious marriage. The following day, Saturday, the festivities begin; these involve a rich variety of music and dance.

    Figure 12. Bride and groom sitting by a grave.

    Conclusion

    We have observed how the Cocos Malays utilise Pulu Gangsa graveyard in three significant ceremonies: funerals, Hari Raya, and weddings. This graveyard is not simply a relic or a piece of history; it is an enduring aspect of importance for the Cocos Malays, representing what we define as “heritage”. Moreover, it holds significance for all Australians, serving as a tribute to our ongoing multicultural story. The term “multicultural” is subject to debate, but in this context, it is an acknowledgment of cultural diversity beyond the scope of White Australia.

    In particular, the idea of “turning the map upside down” provides a radical new vista on coastal locations in our North. The rich heritage associated with the Pulu Gangsa graveyard on Home Island is an example of this. Attending to these kinds of places and practices will enable us to better recognise our multicultural past.

    The post Australia’s Malay history & heritage: Cocos (Keeling) Islands appeared first on New Mandala.

    This post was originally published on New Mandala.

  • The Australian Defence Force (ADF)’s troubled MRH-90 Taipan helicopter fleet has all but phased out of service, according to a 29 September announcement from the Australian government. “The MRH-90 Taipan helicopters will not return to flying operations before their planned withdrawal date of December 2024,” it said. The type is a variant of the NH […]

    The post Australia permanently grounds Taipan helos ahead of fleet withdrawal appeared first on Asian Military Review.

    This post was originally published on Asian Military Review.

  • By Patrick Decloitre, RNZ French Pacific correspondent

    Defence ministers from several Asian and Pacific states are scheduled to meet in New Caledonia for two days during the first week of December, French Armed Forces in New Caledonia (FANC) commander General Yann Latil announced at the weekend.

    He added that French Defence Minister Sebastien Lecornu was also scheduled to attend.

    The high-level meeting would also see the attendance of other defence ministers, including Australia’s Richard Marles, who has met Lecornu on several occasions over the past few months.

    In October 2022, a previous regional meeting took place in Tonga and it included defence ministers from the host country and also from Australia, New Zealand, France, Chile, Fiji and Papua New Guinea.

    Hosting the meeting in New Caledonia by France is widely regarded as in line with the French Indo-Pacific strategy to reaffirm its presence in the region through its three overseas territories of New Caledonia, French Polynesia and Wallis and Futuna.

    In this context, New Caledonia is perceived as the hub of French presence in the Pacific.

    During his recent visit in New Caledonia in late July, French President Emmanuel Macron announced a budget increase for the Pacific base and plans to set up a “Pacific Military Academy Military” in Nouméa to train soldiers from neighbouring Pacific island states under the principle of “partnership”.

    The number of soldiers permanently posted in New Caledonia is also scheduled to increase from the current 1350 to more than 2000 by the end of 2023, General Latil told French media.

    Last week, French and Japanese armed forces also concluded for the first time a three-week joint terrestrial exercise that took place in New Caledonia.

    It involved about 350 French soldiers and and about 50 Japanese troops.

    “This is a new step in strengthening our ties with Japan, which shares France’s vision of a free and open Indo-Pacific,” General Latil said.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.