Category: Bahrain

  • On 30 January 2025, Saudi Arabia and the International Criminal Police Organization (INTERPOL) announced an agreement to open a regional office in Saudi Arabia to support law enforcement efforts across the Middle East and North Africa. This included plans for the new office to cooperate with regional structures such as the Arab Interiors Ministers’ Council (AIMC). While framed as a step toward regional security, this decision raises grave concerns about human rights in a region where Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries and institutions like AIMC follow flawed legal frameworks that repress freedom of expression, extradite dissidents, and impose lengthy prison terms that risk inhumane treatment. In such an environment, establishing an INTERPOL office risks politicizing law enforcement activities and facilitating the misuse of the organization’s resources for repression.

    INTERPOL, as the world’s largest international policing body, facilitates cross-border collaboration among 196 member states by sharing and providing access to data on crimes and criminals. However, despite its potential for security, INTERPOL has long faced criticism for enabling human rights abuses through its mechanisms, particularly Red Notices and diffusions. These concerns have intensified under the leadership of its current president, Emirati General Ahmed Naser Al Raisi, who faces allegations of overseeing torture and political repression in the UAE. His election, along with growing financial contributions from Gulf states, has heightened fears over INTERPOL’s vulnerability to political influence.

    INTERPOL’s Red Notices and diffusions were designed to help locate and apprehend serious criminals. Red Notices are formal alerts issued by a country’s National Central Bureau (NCB) to facilitate the arrest or restriction of a wanted individual’s movement, leading to their eventual extradition to the requesting country. Diffusions are less formal alerts circulated directly among NCBs without oversight by INTERPOL’s General Secretariat, making them easier to abuse. Both systems face due process violations by GCC states, which often refrain from disclosing information regarding Red Notice requests, leaving individuals unaware until they are detained abroad. Diffusions are even more secretive; individuals may never learn they are listed unless they face detention, making it nearly impossible to challenge their cases. Investigations by Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) uncovered secret files on individuals, many of which were easily deleted once contested, suggesting they lacked a substantial legal basis. Despite this, engagement with INTERPOL was described as cumbersome and slow, prolonging uncertainty for those affected.

    Concrete cases illustrate the severe repercussions of abusing INTERPOL’s instruments. In 2021, Saudi-Australian dual national Osama al-Hasani was detained in Morocco under a Saudi-issued Red Notice and extradited to Saudi Arabia, despite the fact that his charges, relating to a car theft, had already been cleared. Similarly, Bahraini political dissident Ahmed Jaffer Muhammad was extradited from Serbia to Bahrain in 2022 based on a Red Notice, to serve a life sentence issued in his absence, despite the risk of torture he had previously endured at the hands of Bahraini authorities. These cases highlight how INTERPOL’s systems are increasingly weaponized to facilitate political persecution and violate the principle of non-refoulement under international human rights law.

    The decision to establish an INTERPOL office in Saudi Arabia underscores how international policing mechanisms risk being co-opted to serve authoritarian interests, rather than global security and justice. Without substantial reforms to strengthen transparency, human rights protections, and oversight, INTERPOL’s expansion in the Gulf could further enable transnational repression, undermining the organization’s credibility and contributing to the erosion of international human rights norms.

    The post Saudi Arabia’s New INTERPOL Office: A Dangerous Expansion of Transnational Repression appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

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  • On 24 April 2025, three United Nations Special Rapporteurs published an allegation letter on their websites, sent to the Government of Bahrain on 17 February 2025, regarding the case of Bahraini human rights defender and blogger Naji Fateel. The letter raised serious concerns about retaliatory actions following Fateel’s release under royal pardon on 8 April 2024. These included a lack of necessary post-release support, repeated summonses for questioning, and restrictions on his social and economic rights, including his right to work and access to housing allowance.

    The allegation letter, signed by the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders; the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression; and the Special Rapporteur on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association, outlined a series of alleged reprisals against Fateel. These included repeated police summonses, threats from law enforcement authorities, job dismissal, and the denial of his rights to work, housing, and essential post-release support. The Special Rapporteurs noted that these actions may constitute violations of several international human rights standards.

    According to the letter, Fateel was released under a royal pardon on 8 April 2024, which annulled the remainder of his sentence along with the sentences of over 1,500 other detainees. While the release was welcomed by the UN experts as a “very positive development”, subsequent events raised serious concerns.

    In August and September 2024, Fateel was reportedly summoned twice by law enforcement officials—first to the Budaiya Police Station and then to the Criminal Investigation Directorate (CID). During these interrogations, he was accused of organizing protests and questioned about his financial situation, with officials advising him to “look after his family”. Although he was not prosecuted, the UN experts highlighted the pattern of repeated questioning and implied threats, noting that this pressure forced Fateel to self-censor and restrict his human rights work.

    Additionally, the letter outlined how Fateel was suspended from his job in October 2024, just four months after he had started, following accusations of workplace misconduct. Although he successfully disproved the allegations, he was dismissed shortly thereafter. The company reportedly admitted that the charges were arbitrary but refused to reinstate him, instead offering only a minimal settlement far below the legal requirement. Moreover, despite submitting multiple applications, Fateel was unable to have his housing allowance reinstated, a benefit that had been suspended since his 2013 detention. Each time, the Ministry of Housing informed him that his application was still under review. Fateel believes that the ongoing delay in addressing his housing allowance is yet another form of retaliation linked to his human rights advocacy after his release from prison.

    The special rapporteurs noted that these measures may constitute retaliation for Fateel’s human rights work, despite the Bahraini government’s stated plans for the reintegration of pardoned prisoners. They called on the Government of Bahrain to cease all such violations and reprisals, ensure they are not repeated, and conduct thorough investigations to hold those responsible accountable.

    The UN experts emphasized that these actions violate Bahrain’s obligations under Articles 19, 21, and 22 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which protect the rights to freedom of expression, peaceful assembly, and association. They also pointed out that these measures contravene Bahrain’s obligations under Article 11 of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), which guarantees the right to an adequate standard of living, including housing and employment. The experts called on Bahrain to clarify the reasons for Naji Fateel’s repeated interrogations related to his activism and to explain how these actions align with international human rights standards on freedom of expression and association. They also requested information on the measures taken to ensure Fateel’s access to reintegration support for pardoned prisoners, and how these measures align with international standards on economic and social rights. Additionally, they sought clarification on how Fateel and other human rights defenders in Bahrain can carry out their peaceful and legitimate work in a safe and enabling environment, free from threats, intimidation, or harassment.

    In response, on 3 April 2025, the Government of Bahrain issued a reply refuting the allegations. It denied that Fateel had been summoned to the Budaiya Police Station and claimed that his appearance at the CID on 1 September 2024 was solely for the issuance of a ‘No Objection Certificate’ required for employment. The government further stated that Fateel failed to collect the certificate on time, retrieving it more than a month later, on 17 October. Additionally, the government asserted that all pardoned individuals, including Fateel, were granted access to unemployment benefits and job reintegration programs, but claimed that Fateel did not comply with the required procedures under the unemployment insurance system.

    However, the government’s response was largely dismissive, relying on generic references to oversight bodies such as the Special Investigation Unit and the Ombudsman, without addressing longstanding concerns regarding the effectiveness and independence of these institutions. While the response mentioned support programs for former prisoners, it failed to explain how Fateel had benefited from them or how these programs were effectively implemented in practice. Notably, the reply contained contradictions, stating that Fateel had received the necessary support while simultaneously blaming him for not benefiting from reintegration programs. Moreover, the government’s response did not address key details of the alleged retaliatory measures outlined in the allegation letter, particularly regarding Fateel’s job dismissal, his inability to secure new employment, and his ongoing issues with his suspended housing allowance request.

    ADHRB welcomes the commentary of the UN Special Rapporteurs and echoes their concerns regarding post-pardon reprisals, the use of administrative and socio-economic measures to restrict human rights work, and the apparent failure of reintegration initiatives to meet international standards.

    “Naji Fateel has already been imprisoned for absolutely no reason. Now, even after his release, the government continues to hound him – again, for absolutely no reason”, said Husain Abdulla, Executive Director of ADHRB. “When will the Bahraini government honor its commitment to human rights – and finally let leave this peaceful human rights defender alone?”

    ADHRB calls on the Bahraini authorities to cease all acts of retaliation against Fateel and other human rights defenders, ensure access to employment and social benefits, and uphold the rights to freedom of expression, association, and peaceful assembly in both law and practice. ADHRB also reiterates the UN experts’ call for the Bahraini government to conduct thorough investigations into these violations, hold those responsible accountable, and ensure such actions are not repeated.

    The post UN Experts Condemn Bahraini Retaliation Against Released Human Rights Defender Naji Fateel, Including Police Questionings and Denial of Essential Post-Release Support appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

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  • On April 13, 2025, Bahrain hosted its 20th Formula 1 Grand Prix at the Bahrain International Circuit in Sakhir—an event once again promoted as a celebration of global sport and national pride. But for many human rights advocates, this milestone doesn’t represent progress. Instead, it marks two decades of sportswashing—the use of international events to polish a government’s image while serious abuses continue behind the scenes.

    Ahead of the 2024 edition of the race, more than 20 human rights organizations—including Freedom House, BIRD, and ADHRB—signed a public letter to Formula 1 CEO Stefano Domenicali, urging the sport to finally reckon with its role in legitimizing repression. The message was clear: if F1 wants to claim it respects human rights, it can’t keep turning a blind eye. The letter described the race as a “distraction from repression” and called for the organization to engage directly with victims, apply proper due diligence, and stop lending legitimacy to an abusive regime.

    While Bahrain’s leadership promotes the Grand Prix as a symbol of openness and modernity, the reality for many inside the country couldn’t be further from that image. Human rights groups continue to document arbitrary arrests, torture, and unfair trials, particularly targeting those who speak out against the government. As of early 2025, at least 26 people remain on death row, many of them sentenced for protesting or criticizing authorities. Among them are Mohammed Ramadhan and Husain Moosa, both convicted based on confessions allegedly extracted under torture.

    One particularly serious case is that of Mohammed Isa Khatam, arrested at the age of 16. He was held in solitary confinement, forcibly disappeared, and subjected to repeated torture. Denied access to legal counsel and contact with his family, he was eventually sentenced to life in prison under Bahrain’s anti-terror laws . His story is one of many—and a stark reminder that Bahrain’s crackdown affects even children.

    Moreover,civil society hasn’t just been restricted—it’s been deliberately crushed. Independent organizations are tightly controlled: they’re forced to register with the state, seek approval for every activity, and operate under constant surveillance. Political groups have been banned outright, and the space for peaceful protest has been all but erased. Activists like Abduljalil Al-Singace and Abdulhadi Al-Khawaja are still behind bars, enduring long prison sentences, denied medical care, and reportedly subjected to degrading treatment. These aren’t just individual cases—they reflect a broader effort to silence critical voices and stamp out any form of dissent. International observers, including the United Nations, have called Bahrain out repeatedly—but the crackdown continues .

    In 2014, Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) filed a formal complaint with the UK National Contact Point (NCP) under the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises, accusing Formula One Management Ltd. and affiliated companies of contributing to ongoing human rights abuses in Bahrain. The complaint alleged that by going ahead with races during Bahrain’s violent crackdown on pro-democracy protests, the companies involved had—whether inadvertently or not—helped enable further violations and reinforced impunity. It also contended that Formula 1 failed to conduct meaningful human rights due diligence or take steps to mitigate the harm linked to its operations. The aim was to engage the organizers in a mediated dialogue that could protect both corporate interests and the rights of the Bahraini people.

    Although Formula 1 eventually committed—publicly—to respect international human rights standards and to develop a due diligence policy, no meaningful steps were taken to implement that promise. More than a decade later, the races continue, but the safeguards do not.

    Meanwhile, the race continues to grow. The world tunes in. The cameras capture the spectacle. The fireworks, the flags, the sponsorships—it all looks polished, even perfect. But just beyond the track, the reality is very different. Activists remain in prison. Families wait for justice that may never come. The Grand Prix has become more than a race. It’s a way to shift the spotlight away from what’s happening on the ground.

    As Bahrain reaches 20 years of hosting Formula 1, that gap—between what’s shown and what’s silenced—feels especially stark. What the world sees is celebration. What many Bahrainis live is fear, loss, and frustration. Until Formula 1 is willing to take responsibility for where it races and who it partners with, it risks becoming part of the problem, not part of the solution.

    The post Racing Through Repression: 20 Years of Formula 1 Sportswashing in Bahrain appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

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  • Aqeel Muslem AbdulHusain Juma, a 16-year-old minor and school student, was arrested by Bahraini authorities on 14 January 2025 after appearing for a summons before the High Criminal Court. He is the younger brother of 17-year-old detained minor Abbas Muslem AbdulHusain Juma, who was arrested on 26 August 2024 and convicted on similar charges in the same case, including unlawful assembly, rioting, and arson. During his detention, he has endured torture, denial of family visits and legal counsel, deprivation of education, and an unfair trial. He is currently held in the Juvenile section of Dry Dock Prison, serving a one-year sentence.

    In October 2024, at just 15 years old, Aqeel was repeatedly summoned for questioning at Budaiya Police Station. Accompanied by his father during each session, he was released under assurances from the responsible officer that his legal status was secure, he would not be arrested, and there was no cause for concern. On 21 October 2024, at 8:30 A.M., he attended what was supposed to be his final questioning with his father. 

    On 9 January 2025, at the end of his first school term, Aqeel’s family received a summons requiring his attendance before the High Criminal Court on 14 January 2025, along with a referral order—issued on 26 December 2024—for their detained older son, Abbas. The order also referred 15-year-olds Ali Husain Matrook Abdulla and AbdulAziz Husain AlHammadi to the High Criminal Court, all on charges of arson, unlawful assembly, and rioting. When the family reviewed the referral order, they were shocked to find that Aqeel had also been referred to the High Criminal Court in the same case on the same charges and labeled as a “wanted” and “fugitive,” despite having fully complied with all previous summonses.. 

    On 14 January 2025, Aqeel, accompanied by his family, complied with the summons and appeared before the High Criminal Court. The judge ordered his detention until 21 January 2025 pending investigation on charges of 1) arson and 2) unlawful assembly and rioting, brought by the Public Prosecution Office (PPO) on 26 December 2024.

    Between 14 and 28 January 2025, Aqeel was interrogated without the presence of a lawyer or guardian, despite being a minor. His family could not afford legal representation, and the authorities failed to appoint one for him. During this time, officers threatened him and pressured him to confess. To protect his family’s emotional well-being, he refrained from disclosing the methods of torture he endured. On 21 January 2025, the Public Prosecution Office (PPO) extended Aqeel’s detention by another week pending investigation. His trial began on 28 January 2025 without legal representation, as his family could not afford a lawyer, and the court failed to appoint one.

    Aqeel was not brought before a judge within 24 hours of his arrest and was denied legal representation during both interrogation and trial. He was not given adequate time or resources to prepare his defense, nor was he able to present evidence or challenge the charges against him. His family could not afford a lawyer, and the court failed again to appoint one during the trial period. On 11 February 2025, the High Criminal Court sentenced Aqeel, along with his brother Abbas and their friends Ali Husain Matrook Abdulla and AbdulAziz Husain AlHammadi, to one year in prison on charges of 1) unlawful assembly and rioting and 2) arson related to burning tires.

    Following his arrest, Bahraini authorities banned Aqeel’s family from visiting him in detention. The Dry Dock Prison administration has also deprived Aqeel of his right to education. 

    On 11 March 2025, two months after his arrest, Aqeel’s family was finally allowed to visit him at Dry Dock Prison for the first time.

    Aqeel’s arbitrary arrest as a minor, torture, denial of family visits and legal counsel, unfair trial, and deprivation of his right to education constitute clear violations of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), and the United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners, also known as the Nelson Mandela Rules, to which Bahrain is a party.

    Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) calls upon Bahraini authorities to fulfill their human rights obligations by immediately and unconditionally releasing Aqeel. ADHRB further urges the Bahraini government to investigate allegations of arbitrary arrest, torture, denial of family visits and legal counsel, and deprivation of education, ensuring that perpetrators are held accountable and that Aqeel is compensated for the violations he endured. At the very least, ADHRB advocates for a fair retrial for Aqeel under the Bahraini Restorative Justice Law for Children and in accordance with international legal standards, leading to his release. Furthermore, ADHRB calls on Bahraini authorities to allow regular family visits for Aqeel, permit him to resume his education, and offer the necessary support to enable him to complete his studies.

    The post Profile in Persecution: Aqeel Muslem AbdulHusain Juma appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

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  • Since the beginning of the Israeli aggression on Gaza, many demonstrations have taken to the streets of Bahrain in protest. Minors participating in said demonstrations were not spared from the arbitrary mass arrests of protestors. Despite supposed clemency from the ruling family of Bahrain in the form of an official pardon, many minors are kept in prison by authorities.

    One tactic used to keep Bahraini minors in prison is to charge incarcerated minors with additional charges. First, minors are arrested, often without a warrant, for taking part in demonstrations. Then, while incarcerated, additional charges are brought against the minors in order to keep them locked up. This ensures that minors and adults alike are kept inside the prison system, where they often face abuses and torture.

    In April 2024, a royal pardon was declared in order to clear the prisons of minors incarcerated because of taking part in the peaceful protests. This has done little to protect minors from arbitrary arrests and the leveling of additional charges after arrest. Multiple minors have been arrested since the pardon, while others still remain in prison post-pardon on new charges. Several examples highlight how the government has used the pardon to avoid criticism while simultaneously carrying out the arrests and detentions of children in the same manner as before.

    Take the cases of Abbas Muslim AbdAli, Ali Husain Matrook Abdulla, and AbdulAziz Husain AlHammadi. The three minors were arrested on political charges and sentenced to six months on the 27th of January 2025. 15 days later on the 11th of February, Bahraini authorities charged the minors with multiple additional charges of unlawful assembly related to participating in protests. Thus, extending their sentence to 18 months.

    Though all three have suffered during their incarceration, things look especially bleak for Ali Husain Matrook Abdulla. Since receiving additional sentencing, Ali has been medically neglected with the issue stemming from an exposure of his front teeth after nerve extraction and gum surgery. When Ali was free, he received special medical treatment for the dental pain. While incarcerated, authorities have ignored his need for medical attention despite his pleas. Ali recently fainted from the pain, collapsing to the floor.

    He claims that authorities have provided inmates with insufficient and poor-quality food or food that is inedible. The holy month of Ramadan only added to the misery that Ali faced. Poor-quality food was provided for Iftar, the meal that is eaten at sunset to break the fast, and inmates often resorted to eating crumbs for the Suhoor, the pre-dawn meal.

    Despite the royal pardon, the minors of Bahrain continue to face abuse by the hands of authorities. The illusion of clemency was nothing more than a ruse to save face and has done nothing to stem the tide of arbitrary arrests of minors. Minors have been sentenced and then resentenced multiple times as a means of keeping these peaceful dissidents imprisoned on phony charges for as long as possible. Multiple charges are a tool of the Bahraini government to suppress minors within the country.

    The post The Use of Multiple Charges Against Minors and the Illusion of Clemency in Bahrain appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

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  • Over 30 years ago, on 13 February 1992, Bahrain became a party to the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC). This landmark treaty established universal human rights for children under the age of 18 years old. The treaty has been almost unanimously adopted in the United Nations with all but one party, the United States, ratifying the treaty.

    By ratifying the treaty, Bahrain has agreed to the contents of the CRC. The CRC establishes safeguards to protect and care for children. For example, Article 37 ensures that minors have their personal liberties protected while incarcerated. Article 40 provides children with fair hearing and an assumption of innocence. These protections offer children throughout the world a means to guarantee their personal liberties and human rights.

    Bahrain has not abided by the CRC. Numerous minors are currently incarcerated in the Bahrani prison system. Inside this system, they face numerous difficulties and are often deprived of the rights guaranteed to them by the CRC. Unfair trials, arbitrary detention, denial of legal assistance, and even torture are all common experiences for the children incarcerated in Bahrain.

    The arrest of Ali Husain Matrook Abdulla is just one of numerous cases that highlights the failures of the Bahraini authorities to abide by the CRC. The 15-year-old was arrested without a warrant while spending time with friends. Ali’s family has been unable to visit him. His own attorney was prohibited from attending the interrogation, during which Ali faced physical and psychological abuse from police officers. The officers then used threats of violence to coerce him to confess.

    Since his coerced confession, Bahraini authorities have made mounting a legal defence to the charges an impossible task for Ali and his attorney. Ali is consistently denied access to his attorney, Bahraini authorities continue to charge him with additional crimes, and his court date is continually delayed. Ali and his attorney face insurmountable odds in ensuring that Ali receives a fair and impartial trial.

    All of Ali’s woes have been brought on by the Bahraini authorities, who have flouted the CRC time and time again. The Bahraini authorities have arbitrarily arrested the minor, tortured him, coerced a confession from him. They do this while simultaneously denying Ali his day in court by delaying his trial date.

    With the 58th session of the United Nations Human Rights Council currently ongoing, it’s time for the international community to take a stand against the inhumane conditions that children face within the Bahraini prison system. Bahrain’s blatant disregard for the CRC should be met with scrutiny and criticism from the international community with the ultimate goal being the immediate release of all children arbitrarily and unjustly imprisoned in Bahrain.

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  • Watan News on 30 March 2025 came with a rather remarkable story about the UAE’s covert efforts to damage Qatar and Saudi Arabia’s reputations through paid campaigns using African NGOs Human rights sources in Geneva. Whether this is all true or not I cannot say, but it is worth reporting on.

    Watan writes that “human rights circles in Geneva’ have revealed the United Arab Emirates’ involvement in leading coordinated incitement campaigns against its adversaries, using African organizations in exchange for financial bribes to attack Abu Dhabi’s opponents and whitewash its own dire human rights record. According to the source, Abu Dhabi’s campaign aims to bring in so-called “victims,” such as migrant workers, to testify before the UN Human Rights Council in an effort to damage Qatar’s international reputation.

    Reliable reports indicate that the UAE has continuously funded this campaign over the past three years. Several human rights organizations and active institutions in Geneva have reportedly received large sums of money to support anti-Qatar activities. The funds are reportedly channeled through the UAE Embassy in Geneva and a key intermediary, Issa Al-Arabi, a Bahraini national who acts as a liaison for the UAE in supporting various rights groups at the UN.

    According to the source, the campaign is being executed by the Rencontre Africaine pour la Défense des Droits de l’Homme (African Meeting for the Defense of Human Rights) under the leadership of Nishkarsh Singh, along with the Tomoko Development and Cultural Union (TACUDU) led by Fazal-ur-Rehman, and the International Network for Human Rights (INHR).

    Another UN source said that the UAE’s campaign is coordinated by key figures within the diplomatic and human rights community in Geneva and Washington, primarily operating within the INHR network.

    This organization plays a major role in organizing human rights events at the UN, with a team of participating legal and diplomatic experts.

    Notable individuals involved include:

    • Biro Diawara – A veteran human rights activist in Geneva for over 20 years, representing African civil society including journalists, parliamentarians, religious leaders, and human rights defenders. He has strong ties to African delegations in New York, Geneva, and the continent, with a focus on Sudan, West Africa, and his native Guinea.
    • Clément N. Voule – Former UN Special Rapporteur on the Rights to Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and of Association. After completing his term in the summer of 2024, he joined the Geneva Human Rights Institute in September. A Togolese international lawyer, he specializes in human rights and security sector reform and holds multiple roles within Geneva’s human rights community.
    • Jane Galvão – Director of Resource Mobilization at INHR and Global Health Advisor. With over 20 years of experience managing health programs, she has worked on infectious diseases and women’s and children’s health, managing over $750 million in funding for organizations like UNITAID and WHO.
    • Eric N. Richardson – Founding President of INHR. A former U.S. diplomat and attorney, he led the U.S. team at the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva from 2013 to 2016. With experience in countries like China, North Korea, Libya, Tunisia, New Zealand, and Israel, he now focuses on mediation efforts with Amnesty International and teaches law at the University of Michigan and UC Berkeley.
    • John Shyamana – Expert in Social and Economic Rights, New York. With over 30 years of experience, he specializes in child policy, labor rights, and social welfare, having worked with the U.S. Congress and state legislatures on legislative and advocacy efforts.
    • Kumar – Senior Human Rights Advisor, Washington D.C. Former Advocacy Director for Amnesty International USA. With more than two decades of experience, he has championed human rights and humanitarian causes worldwide, particularly in Asia, Afghanistan, and Myanmar.
    • Jeff Landsman – Managing Director and Treasurer at INHR. A certified financial planner and seasoned international buyer, he oversees the institute’s financial operations and strategic planning.
    • Asel Alimbayeva – Program Officer and Director, INHR Geneva. Fluent in English, French, Russian, and Kazakh. She has worked at the UN Office in Geneva and Kazakhstan’s Permanent Mission, leading social media and HR operations at the institute.
    • Pedro Cherinos Terrones – Legal Advisor, Lima. A Peruvian lawyer specializing in international trade, business law, human rights, and compliance with international law.
    • Sean Wessing – AI and Innovation Specialist, Bologna. Holds dual Master’s degrees from SAIS–Johns Hopkins and Bologna Business School. Leads fundraising and AI governance projects at INHR.
    • Zaf Haseem – Videographer and Reconciliation Specialist, Asia. A conflict mediator who has worked in Sri Lanka, Burma, Indonesia, and the Central African Republic, using film as a training tool for peacebuilding.

    UAE’s Smear Campaign Targeting Qatar and Saudi Arabia

    Diplomatic sources indicate that the UAE is recruiting African civil society organizations to conduct media and human rights attacks against Qatar. These efforts are expected to intensify during the UN Human Rights Council sessions in June and September 2025, with a major campaign planned for the September session. Additionally, the UAE is reportedly preparing similar activities within the African Union Commission, targeting both Qatar and Saudi Arabia as part of its escalating geopolitical rivalry in Africa.

    These developments underscore rising regional tensions in Africa, where the UAE is leveraging human rights tools and diplomatic influence to advance its political agenda.

    They also raise serious concerns about the independence of some Geneva-based human rights organizations, which are increasingly being used as instruments of political influence rather than neutral advocacy.

    https://www.watanserb.com/en/2025/03/30/uae-accused-of-funding-smear-campaigns-through-african-ngos/?amp=1

    This post was originally published on Hans Thoolen on Human Rights Defenders and their awards.

  • Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) participated in the 58th session of the United Nations Human Rights Council (HRC), held from 24 February to 4 April 2025.

    During this session, ADHRB delivered 13 oral interventions across four items, highlighting various human rights violations in Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE.

    ADHRB delivered 11 interventions on Bahrain’s human rights situation under items 2, 3, 4, and 5. Under item 3, a 12th intervention highlighted Saudi Arabia’s religious persecution of Shia. Under item 5, a 13th intervention addressed the UAE’s crackdown on human rights defenders, highlighting the case of detained activist Ahmed Mansoor. Additionally, ADHRB delivered an intervention at the Annual Debate on the Rights of Disabled People and another intervention at the Annual Discussion on Children’s Rights.

    Item 2

    Under Item 2, ADHRB delivered an intervention during the General Debate on 4 March 2025, highlighting Bahrain’s ongoing retaliatory measures against political prisoners in Jau Prison. Prisoners face beatings, 24-hour handcuffing, isolation, medical neglect, and denial of basic rights. The intervention noted the severe health deterioration of prisoners like Rajaie Ali Baddaw, who is denied medical care despite serious heart and respiratory issues. ADHRB urged the international community to take immediate action to pressure Bahrain to end these abuses and uphold international human rights standards.

    Item 3

    Under Item 3, ADHRB delivered four interventions on 4, 17, and 21 March 2025, during the General Debate and Interactive Dialogues (ID) with the Special Rapporteurs on minority issues and on torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment.

    In an intervention delivered on 3 March during the ID with the Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, ADHRB drew the council’s attention to ongoing torture in Bahrain’s prisons, where political prisoners, particularly minors, face beatings, humiliation, prolonged isolation, and medical neglect. The intervention exposed Bahraini authorities’ systematic use of torture to extract confessions and silence dissent, in blatant violation of international law. It also cited cases like Abbas Muslem Juma, arbitrarily arrested and beaten during interrogation, and Mohammed Isa Khatam, punished with isolation and communication deprivation simply for speaking loudly.

    In an intervention delivered during the General Debate under Item 3 on 17 March 2025, ADHRB highlighted the continued detention of senior Bahraini opposition leaders and human rights defenders since 2011, despite repeated UN calls for their immediate release and urgent medical care. The intervention highlighted the ongoing suffering of 77-year-old opposition leader Hasan Mushaima, who suffers from chronic illnesses and faces life-threatening medical neglect. It also addressed the case of AbdulHadi AlKhawaja, subjected to serious violations, including prolonged solitary confinement and medical neglect, resulting in health deterioration.

    On 17 March 2025, during the General Debate under Item 3, ADHRB delivered an intervention exposing Bahrain’s continued detention of political prisoners convicted on terrorism charges based on confessions extracted under torture. The intervention highlighted ongoing violations against prisoners like AbdulHadi AlKhawaja, who continue to face serious violations, including prolonged isolation and medical neglect, endangering their lives. It also raised the case of Ebrahim Yusuf AlSamahiji, sentenced to life imprisonment in an unfair trial relying on coerced confessions extracted under torture.

    On 21 March 2025, during the ID under Item 3 with the Special Rapporteur on minority issues, ADHRB delivered an intervention highlighting Saudi Arabia’s systematic discrimination against Shia Muslims. The intervention highlighted the prohibition on building mosques, restrictions on religious freedom, and the promotion of hate speech in school curricula. It also exposed the continued marginalization of Shias, their exclusion from senior positions despite promises of reform, and the widespread repression of Shia activists, who face arbitrary arrests and unfair sentences, including the death penalty, for participating in peaceful protests.

    Item 4

    During the Item 4 General Debate on 20 and 21 March 2025, ADHRB delivered three interventions.

    On 20 March 2025, ADHRB delivered an intervention under Item 4, highlighting Bahrain’s ongoing retaliation against human rights defenders, citing the case of released defender Naji Fateel and the re-arrest of activist Ali AlHajee. The intervention highlighted the ongoing arbitrary restrictions imposed on Naji Fateel after his release, hindering his reintergration into society, and emphasized that Ali AlHajee’s re-arrest for his human rights activism reflects Bahrain’s continued use of laws to silence and punish peaceful dissent.

    On March 20, under Item 4, ADHRB and partner organizations delivered an intervention highlighting the escalating degrading treatment of political prisoners in Jau Prison in violation of the Nelson Mandela Rules. The intervention highlighted worsening medical neglect, with prisoners denied necessary healthcare despite suffering from serious illnesses. It also stressed that these arbitrary practices are intended to suppress demands for improved prison conditions, in blatant violation of international human rights standards.

    In its intervention under Item 4 on 21 March 2025, ADHRB urged Bahrain to end the systematic religious repression of Shia political prisoners, guarantee their right to worship, and cease all forms of collective punishment based on their beliefs. The intervention highlighted that prisoners seeking to exercise their religious rights face increasing reprisals, including threats of solitary confinement and arbitrary transfer to harsher conditions. It also noted that authorities are imposing arbitrary restrictions on religious books and copies of the Quran, attempting to deprive Shia prisoners of any means to express their beliefs.

    Item 5

    On 21 March 2025, ADHRB delivered an intervention during the 58th session of the UN Human Rights Council under Item 5, expressing deep concern over Bahrain’s targeting of human rights defenders. The intervention highlighted the imprisonment of defenders for extended periods and the retaliation against those released, such as activist Ali AlHajee. ADHRB emphasized that Bahrain’s continued targeting of human rights defenders marks a dangerous escalation of repressive measures aimed at silencing dissenting voices and intimidating activists. It also noted that these practices violate Bahrain’s international obligations and call for urgent international intervention to protect human rights and halt all forms of reprisals against activists.

    On 21 March, under Item 5, ADHRB delivered an intervention drawing the council’s attention to the continued detention and ill-treatment of prominent elderly human rights defenders in Bahrain, imprisoned since 2011 for their activism and engagement with UN mechanisms. The intervention cited cases like Dr. AbdulJalil AlSingace, who suffers from chronic illnesses and is denied medical care, and AbdulHadi AlKhawaja, whose health is deteriorating due to medical neglect. ADHRB stressed that the continued detention and mistreatment of prominent elderly human rights defenders, including Dr. AbdulJalil AlSingace, AbdulHadi AlKhawaja, Hasan Mushaima, and AbdulWahab Husain Ismaeel, reflects Bahrain’s blatant disregard for international human rights standards. It urged the council to take immediate action to pressure Bahrain to provide necessary medical care and secure their immediate release.

    On March 21, under Item 5, ADHRB and partner organizations delivered an intervention calling for the immediate and unconditional release of Emirati human rights defender Ahmed Mansoor. The intervention highlighted that Mansoor has been held in harsh conditions since his arrest in 2017, where he was subjected to an unfair trial on fabricated charges linked to his peaceful activism and engagement with UN mechanisms. It also noted his physical torture, denial of healthcare, and denial of contact with his family, all constituting blatant human rights violations.

    Annual debates

    During the annual debates, ADHRB delivered two interventions at the 58th session of the Human Rights Council: one during the Annual Debate on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and another during the Annual Discussion on the Rights of the Child.

     On 10 March 2025, during the Annual Debate on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, ADHRB condemned Bahrain’s medical neglect of political prisoners with disabilities, highlighting the case of Dr. AbdulJalil AlSingace. The intervention expressed grave concern over Bahrain’s continued denial of healthcare and reasonable accommodations to political prisoners, particularly those with physical disabilities. It highlighted the case of Dr. AbdulJalil AlSingace, an activist suffering from post-polio syndrome who has been in detention for 14 years. Despite suffering from severe joint pain and a lack of adequate medical care, Bahraini authorities refuse to provide him with the necessary care, including appropriate crutches and medical slippers.

    On 13 March 2025, during the Annual Discussion on the Rights of the Child, ADHRB expressed deep concern over Bahrain’s blatant violations against minors in detention centers, which contravene the Convention on the Rights of the Child. The intervention highlighted the arbitrary arrest of minors on political charges without warrants, their prolonged pretrial detention, and enforced disappearance. It also exposed their torture and denial of education, jeopardizing their futures.

    Through its participation in HRC58, ADHRB raised international awareness of ongoing human rights violations in Bahrain and the region. Its interventions shed light on critical issues, including political repression, torture, religious discrimination, and the dire conditions of political prisoners and detained children. These interventions serve as an urgent call for the international community to take concrete action to uphold human rights, pressure the concerned governments, and strengthen accountability to achieve justice for victims.

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  • On March 21, 2025, Americans for Democracy and human rights in Bahrain delivered an intervention during the 58th session of the UN Human Rights Council. In its intervention under Item 5, ADHRB drew the Council’s attention to the ongoing detention and mistreatment of Bahrain’s prominent elderly human rights defenders, imprisoned since 2011 for their activism and cooperation with UN mechanisms.

    We draw the Council’s attention to the ongoing detention and mistreatment of prominent elderly Bahraini human rights defenders, imprisoned since 2011 for their activism and cooperation with UN mechanisms.

    A prominent case is 63-year-old human rights defender Dr. AbdulJalil AlSingace, serving a life sentence. Suffering from several chronic illnesses, he is denied medical care, subjecting him to a slow death. On a solid food hunger strike since July 2021, he protests inhumane conditions and medical neglect. His mistreatment continues despite UN calls for his release and care.

    Another notable case is 64-year-old human rights defender AbdulHadi Al-Khawaja, also serving a life sentence. He has faced relentless abuse, including isolation and medical neglect, worsening his chronic illnesses. Repeatedly resorting to hunger strikes in protest, his health has sharply declined, putting him at high risk of fatal cardiac arrest and blindness.

    This mistreatment also affects other imprisoned prominent elderly opposition leaders and defenders, including Hasan Mushaima and AbdulWahab Husain Ismaeel.

    We urge Bahraini authorities to release all detained elderly opposition leaders and human rights defenders, particularly those who cooperated with UN mechanisms.

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  • On March 20, 2025, Americans for Democracy and human rights in Bahrain delivered an intervention during the 58th session of the UN Human Rights Council. In its intervention under Item 4, ADHRB highlighted Bahrain’s continued reprisals against human rights defenders, citing the examples of released human rights defender Naji Fateel and re-arrested human rights defender Ali AlHajee.

    We express deep concerns about Bahrain’s continued reprisals against human rights defenders, as seen in the cases of released defenders like Naji Fateel and Ali AlHajee.

    Although released under royal pardon in April 2024, human rights defender Naji Fateel faces severe restrictions. After 11 years of arbitrary detention, he has received no compensation. Bahrain has effectively barred him from employment by denying him the certificate needed for most jobs.  He is also denied housing assistance, remains under surveillance, and is prohibited from entering certain GCC countries.

    Human rights defender Ali AlHajee, released in June 2023 after 10 years of arbitrary detention, remains a target of repression. Following his release, he was placed under a travel ban. On 28 February 2025, authorities re-arrested him after a summons over his social media posts exposing abuses in Bahraini prisons and advocating for prisoners’ rights.

    We urge the council to pressure Bahrain to end its persecution of human rights defenders and activists.

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  • On March 20, 2025, Americans for Democracy and human rights in Bahrain delivered an intervention during the 58th session of the UN Human Rights Council. In its intervention under Item 4, ADHRB highlighted Bahrain’s escalating degrading treatment of political prisoners in Jau Prison, violating the Nelson Mandela Rules.

    We express deep concern over Bahrain’s ongoing degrading treatment of political prisoners in Jau Prison, violating the Nelson Mandela Rules.

    Following the death of political prisoner Husain Aman on 5 December 2024 after years of medical neglect, prisoners protested their inhumane conditions and demanded accountability. In response, authorities escalated reprisals, forcing inmates to remain handcuffed even while eating, visiting the clinic, or using the toilet, restricting movement within cells, and limiting outdoor time to just one hour per day, during which they remain restrained.

    The most alarming of these reprisals is medical neglect, worsened by the spread of skin diseases due to unhygienic prison conditions. One example is AbdulJabbar Isa Mohamed, whose health has deteriorated from lack of medical treatment. After visiting him post-isolation, his family reported he is denied necessary healthcare and medication despite suffering from severe skin conditions. Instead of receiving treatment, he was placed in solitary confinement for five days on 28 January 2025 as a punitive measure.

    We call on the Council to pressure Bahrain to end these retaliatory measures and adhere to the Nelson Mandela Rules.

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  • On March 21, 2025, Americans for Democracy and human rights in Bahrain delivered an intervention during the 58th session of the UN Human Rights Council. In its intervention under Item 4, ADHRB urged Bahrain to end the systemic religious repression of Shia political prisoners, restore their right to worship, and cease all forms of collective punishment for their beliefs.

    Discrimination against Bahrain’s Shia population remains deeply entrenched, systematically stripping them of religious freedoms and political rights. This repression has recently escalated in Jau Prison, where Shia political prisoners face severe restrictions on practicing their faith and endure widespread abuse.

    After political prisoner Husain Ali Aman died from medical neglect in December 2024, Bahraini authorities intensified reprisals against Shia political prisoners, with religious repression being a key tactic.

    On 2 January 2025, the prison administration banned prisoners from observing religious rituals for the Islamic month of Rajab. Those who practiced in their cells faced further restrictions, including being denied outdoor time and phone calls.

    In early February 2025, Jau prison authorities banned Shia prisoners in Building 3 from marking Imam Husain’s birth anniversary. Those who held commemorations faced retaliation, including solitary confinement, confiscation of belongings, and denial of family visits, phone calls, and outdoor access.

    We urge Bahrain to end the systemic religious repression of Shia political prisoners, restore their right to worship, and cease all forms of collective punishment for their beliefs.

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  • Ali Salman Maki Marhoon was a 16-year-old minor and school student when Bahraini authorities arrested him without a warrant on 5 August 2024 after summoning him to the Sitra Police Station. During his detention, he has endured enforced disappearance, torture, denial of legal representation, unfair trials, and deprivation of his right to education and family visits, along with ongoing reprisals. He is currently held at Dry Dock Prison, serving a one-year and three-month sentence while awaiting trial for other pending cases.

    On the evening of 5 August 2024, Ali and his friends, Mohammed Isa Khatam and Husain Saleh AlBarri, went to Sitra Police Station after receiving a phone call from their detained friend, Sadiq Hobail, requesting them to deliver his mobile phone. Upon arrival, officers arrested them without presenting any arrest warrant or stating any reason for the arrest. At the station, they were later accused by officers of multiple offenses, including illegal assembly and rioting. Ali’s family attempted to contact him, but their calls went unanswered. After searching multiple police stations, officers repeatedly told them he wasn’t in custody. He remained forcibly disappeared for three days, with his family unaware of his whereabouts or well-being. Only on 8 August 2024, three days after his arrest, was Ali finally allowed to call home, revealing that he was being held at Dry Dock Prison and charged with multiple offenses, including 1) illegal assembly, 2) rioting, 3) arson, 4) incitement of hatred against the regime, and 5) two cases of assault on military personnel.

    Between 5 and 8 August 2024, Ali was interrogated at Sitra Police Station without a lawyer or guardian present, despite being a minor. He was neither allowed to consult his lawyer beforehand nor have her present during questioning. Officers tortured him and pressured him to confess, but he refused. Out of concern for his family’s feelings, he did not disclose the specific methods of torture.

    On 8 August 2024, Ali was brought before the Public Prosecution Office (PPO). His lawyer attempted to attend but was denied entry. He only saw her briefly as he was leaving the PPO, without the chance to speak. Despite refusing to confess, the PPO charged him with multiple offenses, including 1) illegal assembly, 2) rioting, 3) arson, 4) incitement of hatred against the regime, and 5) two counts of assault on military personnel. Following this, he was transferred to Dry Dock Prison.

    On 16 December 2024, Ali and his three fellow detained minors—Mohammed Isa Khatam, Ali Omran, and Hussain Saleh AlBarri—began a hunger strike at Dry Dock Prison to protest their prolonged pre-trial detention and denial of their right to education. They demanded either their release or an expedited trial, along with the right to continue their school education in prison. In retaliation, the prison administration isolated all four in a small, closed cell. On 21 December 2024, an officer urged them to end their strike, but they refused, vowing to continue until their demands were met—even as Ali’s blood sugar dropped to a dangerously low level. That same day, a public prosecutor met with them and recorded their demands, yet the authorities took no action. On 22 December 2024, the minors ended their hunger strike. The next day, Ali was brought before the court again for the illegal assembly and rioting case.

    On 20 January 2025, reports revealed that Ali, along with his friends Ali Omran, Husain AlBarri, and Mohammed Isa Khatam -detained in the Dry Dock Prison- had been subjected to additional punitive retaliatory measures. These included confinement to their cells without family contact or outdoor breaks for up to seven consecutive days and denial of access to purchase basic necessities from the prison canteen, all as punishment for speaking loudly. These harsh measures, effectively isolating Ali and his friends, have taken a severe toll on their mental and physical health.

    Ali was not brought before a judge within 24 hours of his arrest and was denied access to his lawyer during trials. He was not given adequate time or facilities to prepare for his defense, nor was he able to present evidence or challenge the evidence presented against him. On an unknown date, Ali was sentenced to three months in prison for 1) illegal assembly and 2) rioting. On 25 February 2025, he received an additional one-year sentence and a 500 Bahraini Dinar fine for 3) arson, bringing his total sentence to one year and three months. He is also awaiting trial for additional charges, including 4) a second arson charge, 5) incitement of hatred against the regime, and 6) two separate cases of assault on military personnel. 

    For six months, Ali was completely denied family visits. His parents were only allowed to visit him for the first time on 6 February 2025—six months after his arrest.

    Ali continues to be denied his right to resume school education. His family submitted complaints to the Ombudsman and the National Institution for Human Rights (NIHR), urging authorities to allow him to continue his education, but they have received no response. 

    Ali continues to face arbitrary bans from purchasing items from the prison canteen, imposed weekly for the slightest reasons—even for simply requesting drinking water. In February, despite the cold weather, hot water for bathing was unavailable. He also suffers from a shortage of clothing, as the prison administration refuses to allow his family to provide him with additional clothes, including winter wear.

    Ali’s warrantless arrest as a minor, enforced disappearance, torture, denial of legal counsel and guardian access during interrogations and trials, deprivation of family visits, unfair trials, denial of his right to education, and reprisals constitute blatant violations of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the Convention against Torture (CAT), the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), and the United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners, also known as the Nelson Mandela Rules, to which Bahrain is a party. 

    Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) urges Bahraini authorities to immediately and unconditionally release Ali. ADHRB also calls for a thorough investigation into allegations of arbitrary arrest, enforced disappearance, torture, deprivation of family visits, denial of legal counsel and guardian access during interrogations and trials, denial of the right to education, and reprisals, demanding that those responsible be held accountable. At the very least, ADHRB demands that Ali be granted a fair retrial for the charges he has already been convicted and sentenced for, as well as a fair trial for the pending charges he faces, in line with the Bahraini Restorative Justice Law for Children and international standards. Additionally, he must be granted immediate access to education. Finally, ADHRB calls on Dry Dock Prison administration to immediately cease all retaliatory measures against Ali and his friends, ensuring their access to basic necessities through the prison canteen and the provision of adequate clothing during detention.

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  • On March 17, 2025, Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) delivered an intervention during the 58th session of the United Nations Human Rights Council. During the Agenda Item 3 General Debate, ADHRB highlighted the ongoing detention of prominent elderly Bahraini opposition leaders and HRDs since 2011, despite multiple UN calls for their immediate release and urgent medical care.

    We draw the Council’s attention to the ongoing detention of prominent elderly Bahraini opposition leaders and human rights defenders imprisoned since 2011 for advocating democracy and human rights. They face dire conditions, including torture, reprisals, and life-threatening medical neglect, despite multiple UN calls for their immediate release and urgent medical care.

    A stark example is 77-year-old prominent opposition leader Hasan Mushaima, who suffers from cancer, diabetes, heart disease, and kidney issues. Serving a life sentence in solitary confinement, he faces life-threatening medical neglect. In July 2024, he developed a nerve issue and severe knee pain, impairing hand movement and daily tasks.

    Similarly, prominent Bahraini-Danish human rights defender AbdulHadi Al-Khawaja, serving a life sentence, has faced severe abuses, including torture-related injuries, prolonged solitary confinement, and systematic life-risking medical neglect that has worsened his chronic illnesses. Repeatedly resorting to hunger strikes in protest, his health has sharply declined, leaving him at high risk of fatal cardiac arrest and blindness.

    We call on the Bahraini authorities to immediately and unconditionally release all prominent elderly opposition leaders and human rights defenders.

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  • On March 17, 2025, Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) delivered an intervention during the 58th session of the United Nations Human Rights Council. During the Agenda Item 3 General Debate, ADHRB highlighted Bahrain’s continued detention of political prisoners convicted on terrorism charges after their confessions were extracted under torture.

     

    We draw the Council’s attention to the ongoing detention of Bahraini political prisoners, many jailed since the 2011 pro-democracy movement. Convicted of terrorism in unfair trials after forced confessions extracted under torture, they have faced systematic human rights violations from interrogation to their continued imprisonment.

    One such case is human rights defender Abdulhadi Al-Khawaja, arbitrarily detained since 2011 and sentenced to life. He has endured relentless abuse, including severe beatings that left permanent injuries, prolonged solitary confinement, and systematic medical neglect, worsening his chronic illnesses. Repeatedly resorting to hunger strikes to protest his treatment, his health has severely deteriorated. Yet, Bahraini authorities still deny him urgent medical care, placing his life at grave risk.

    Another case is Ebrahim Yusuf AlSamahiji, arbitrarily arrested for political reasons in 2015 and sentenced to life. Convicted on terrorism charges after an unfair trial based on forced confessions extracted under torture, he has endured ill-treatment, isolation, and medical neglect.

    We urge the Council to demand Bahrain’s immediate and unconditional release of all political prisoners, ensure independent investigations into these abuses, and hold Bahraini authorities accountable.

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  • On March 13, 2025, ADHRB delivered an intervention at the 58th session of the United Nations Human Rights Council during the Annual Discussion on the Rights of the Child. ADHRB expressed deep concern over Bahrain’s blatant violations of minors’ rights in detention, which contravene the Convention on the Rights of the Child.

    We express deep concern over Bahrain’s blatant violations of minors’ rights in detention, which contravene the Convention on the Rights of the Child.

    Minors in Bahrain are arrested without warrants on political charges, interrogated without legal counsel, and forcibly disappeared from their families for extended periods. Many are tortured to coerce confessions used against them in court. They are also denied education and forced to miss school years, jeopardizing their future.

    One example is Ali Husain Matrook Abdulla, a 15-year-old school student arrested without a warrant on 26 August 2024 for participating in peaceful protests. He was forcibly disappeared and tortured to extract a confession. After five months in pre-trial detention, he was sentenced in early 2025 to two years in prison while awaiting trial for other cases. He faces medical neglect for his dental issues and is deprived of his right to education, as authorities refuse to let him continue his studies.

    We urge the Council to take immediate action to pressure Bahrain to uphold detained children’s rights and comply with the Convention on the Rights of the Child.

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  • On March 10, 2025, Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) delivered an intervention during the Annual Debate on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities at HRC58, condemning Bahrain’s medical neglect of disabled political prisoners, highlighting the case of Dr. Abduljalil AlSingace.

    We express deep concerns over Bahrain’s ongoing denial of healthcare and reasonable accommodations to political prisoners with physical disabilities.

    A notable example is Dr. Abduljalil AlSingace, a prominent human rights defender with a physical disability who has been arbitrarily detained for 14 years. Suffering from post-polio syndrome, Dr. AlSingace endures severe joint pain and struggles with inadequate crutches. Despite his condition, authorities deny him essential medical care, including proper crutches, replacements for worn rubber tips, medical slippers, and an MRI. Since July 2021, he has been on a solid food hunger strike, yet, his requests for critical tests and assistive devices remain unmet.

    Despite being detained at Kanoo Medical Center, authorities subject him to solitary confinement and deny him medical care, further impairing his ability to walk and subjecting him to a slow death. This continues despite calls from UN bodies for his immediate release and urgent medical treatment.

    We urge the council to pressure Bahrain to end Dr. AlSingace’s medical neglect and ensure he receives the necessary care, including for his post-polio syndrome.

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  • 10 March 2025 – Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain, in tandem with Human Rights Watch, today launched a campaign to end the torture of children in Bahrain. As part of that campaign, we are calling on our supporters in the United States to contact their representatives in Congress – including their Congressperson in the House of Representatives and their two Senators – and ask them to raise the issue of child torture in Bahrain with their colleagues. If you support the cause of human rights in Bahrain and live in the United States, we’re counting on you!

    Look up how to contact your Congressperson here!

    Look up how to contact your Senator here!

    Contacting your representatives is easy – you can either craft your own message, or you can use the one we provide below. Your support is vital if the children of Bahrain will ever see their case plead before the US government!

    Honorable Representative,

    I write to you today concerning the grave situation of child detainees in the Kingdom of Bahrain, who are being abused, tortured, and incarcerated on an unprecedented scale. They need your help, and the help of the American Congress, if they are to see their crisis end.

    The violations of children’s rights in Bahrain are systematic and grave. A recent report from Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain <<LINK>> details how the children of Bahrain are being arbitrarily arrested, tortured, and incarcerated by their government. They are being deprived of their rights to both education and medicine, all while the government incarcerates them in squalid conditions. They need help – your help.

    There are few people in the world in a position to come to their aid, but I believe you, as my representative, are one of them. You have the ability to steer the policy, trade, and resources of the most important economy in the world, while the various mechanisms of the union can be advised by your opinions and communications. I ask that you simply use that power to highlight the plight of Bahrain’s children and push for urgent diplomatic action on their behalf.

    Very few other countries in the world are actively persecuting their most vulnerable in such a fashion. Bahrain’s treatment of her children is despicable and sinister, and deserves a spotlight shown on its depravity. The victims themselves would benefit from such a lantern, as Bahrain has shown a reticence to commit its crimes against humanity when it has the attention of the international community.

    Please, raise the issue of Bahrain’s children with your colleagues and at the highest diplomatic levels. They have no other champion.

    Sincerely,

    Your Constituent

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  • This report explores the ongoing arrests and human rights violations against children in Bahrain, particularly those linked to freedom of expression and assembly. Despite the royal pardon in April 2024 and the release of detained minors, the arbitrary arrest, detention, and abuse of children persist.

    Introduction (Pages 1-2)

    Despite the royal decree of April 2024 granting amnesty to 1,584 prisoners—including nearly 40 minors arbitrarily arrested for charges related to freedom of speech and expression—subsequent arrest campaigns have shattered any hope for genuine reform. Dozens of children have been summoned and arrested on fabricated charges linked to their political views or peaceful expression.

    ADHRB has documented the detention of 11 minors who were arbitrarily arrested without warrants, held for prolonged periods without fair trials, and coerced into confessing under threats, psychological abuse, and physical torture. They were denied legal representation and contact with their families throughout their detention. The Public Prosecution Office (PPO) extended their arbitrary detention, fabricated additional charges against them, and repeatedly postponed their trials.

    Violations persist inside the Juvenile Detention Center, including ill-treatment, denial of medical care, education, and family visits, as well as restrictions on religious practices. Prisoners report malnutrition, inadequate bedding and blankets, and being barred from purchasing essentials or obtaining new clothing. Additionally, families are forced to cover the cost of phone calls as a condition for communication.

    Escalation of the Crackdown (Pages 2-3)

    Since October 2023, Bahrain has escalated its crackdown on public freedoms, particularly after protests condemning the aggression on Gaza. ADHRB has documented the targeting of 32 minors between August and December 2023, who were subjected to beatings, threats, and the confiscation of personal belongings during their arrests. Between October 2023 and November 2024, authorities arrested 344 citizens for expressing solidarity with Palestinians and Lebanese. Protests were met with violent repression, including excessive force against minors, such as the shooting of 16-year-old Husain Habib Baddaw in the head in July 2024.

    “Any thought that Bahrain has turned a new leaf should now be completely stricken from memory,” said Husain Abdulla, ADHRB Executive Director. “The amnesties seem to have only made space enough in Bahrain’s prisons for a new batch of children, suffering from the same torture, abuse, and neglect that we saw before. When will we see a real end to this brutality?”

    The Royal Pardon Did Not Halt Arrest Campaigns (Page 3)

    Despite the release of many minors under the royal pardon and alternative sentencing programs, the arrest of children has recently resumed. Currently, around 38 minors are detained at Dry Dock Detention Center, including 14 arrested without warrants. Many have been tortured to extract forced confessions and denied legal representation, underscoring a systemic failure in reforms and ongoing impunity for perpetrators.

    Arbitrary Arrests of Children (Page 4 – 7)

    Bahraini authorities continue to target minors with arbitrary arrests linked to peaceful protests. These arrests, often made without judicial warrants, aim to silence political dissent and punish support for causes like Palestine. Detainees endure prolonged detention without charges, coerced confessions, and denial of legal rights.

    The report documents specific cases of minors who were arrested, sentenced, and re-arrested throughout 2024 and early 2025:

    • April 2024: Three minors sentenced to three months in prison; another goes missing after being summoned by police.
    • May 2024: A minor arrested to serve a three-month sentence; new arrests of minors involved in protests.
    • June 2024: Ongoing arrests of minors as part of broader security crackdowns.
    • July 2024: Minors arrested during protests, including those previously pardoned under the royal decree.
    • August 2024: Escalation of arrests; minors detained after being chased and forced to confess under duress.
    • September 2024: Over 20 minors arrested during solidarity protests for Palestine and Lebanon; others face repeated trial postponements.
    • October 2024: New arrests without warrants; minors sentenced to prison for political activity.
    • November 2024: Minors’ trials repeatedly postponed; some sentenced to two months in prison.
    • December 2024: Sentences of up to six months handed down; arrests continue.
    • January 2025: Harsh sentences of up to one and a half years issued; ongoing arrests of minors.
    • February 2025: Trials continue, with more prison sentences issued; minors arrested on politically motivated charges.

    Violations During Litigation Phases (Pages 7-11)

    The violations include arbitrary arrests without legal warrants, prolonged detention without clear charges, concealment of detention locations, forced confessions extracted through threats and torture, denial of legal representation, failure to present detainees before a judge within 24 hours, trial postponements, and deprivation of visits and communication with lawyers.

    ADHRB has documented the cases of 10 minors who endured ill-treatment, denial of medical care, education, and family visits, as well as poor nutrition, inadequate bedding and blankets, and the lack of recreational programs.

    Postponement of trials (Pages 11-13)

    Trial postponements are used as a retaliatory tactic against minors, extending their detention without trial and subjecting them to repeated court delays.

    Despite the Restorative Justice Law for Children, minors are often prosecuted under Bahrain’s Criminal Procedure Law, exposing them to prolonged detention and adult trials.

    Documented Violations in Dry Dock Prison (Pages 14-23)

    Detention centers, particularly Dry Dock Prison, continue to systematically violate human rights, subjecting minors to inhumane and harsh conditions. These violations include:

    • Torture and Ill-Treatment: Bahraini authorities continue to torture and abuse detained minors. Cases of physical and psychological torture and denial of family contact have been documented.
    • Violation of the Right to Education: Detained children systematically lose access to education. Some are unable to enroll in school or sit for exams due to their detention.
    • Inhumane Conditions: Minors face a lack of clean water, overcrowding, isolation, winter clothing deprivation, and poor nutrition while also being denied family visits.
    • Religious Suppression: Prison authorities impose strict restrictions on religious practices, punishing detainees for attempting to exercise their right to worship.
    • Medical Neglect: Authorities deliberately ignore children’s urgent medical needs, causing serious physical and psychological harm. Cases of denied essential medical care have been documented.
    • Hunger Strikes: Several minors and young detainees at Dry Dock Detention Center have launched hunger strikes to protest their detention conditions and demand basic rights.

    Urgent Recommendations (Pages 23-25)

    • Immediate release of all children detained on political charges or based on confessions extracted under torture.
    • Improved detention conditions for minors to ensure their dignity, safety, and rehabilitation.
    • Accountability for prison officials and judges responsible for sentencing minors based on coerced confessions and exposing them to inhumane detention conditions.
    • Providing compensation to victims for the violations they have suffered.
    • Ensuring the protection of children’s rights remains a top priority in Bahrain.
    • The international community must increase pressure on Bahrain to comply with its human rights commitments.
    • Encouraging Bahrain to implement alternative rehabilitation programs instead of imprisonment.

    Conclusion (Pages 25-26)

    Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) condemns the ongoing violations of children’s rights in Bahrain’s detention centers and urges the government to implement comprehensive reforms to protect detained minors. ADHRB calls on the international community to take responsibility in urging Bahrain to fulfill its international obligations and enhance monitoring mechanisms on human rights conditions in the country.

     

    Download the full report here: Bahraini Children Torn from Classrooms, Thrown into Prisons

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  • 24 human rights organisations call for the immediate release of Bahraini activist Ali AlHajee, detained on 28 February 2025 for “misusing social media.” His arrest is part of a broader crackdown on activists, especially around Formula 1 events. See the full statement below:

    Joint Statement: Bahrain must immediately free detained human rights defender Ali AlHajee

    We, the undersigned human rights organisations, call for the immediate release of human rights defender Ali AlHajee, who was detained by Bahraini authorities following a police summons on Friday, 28 February 2025, and is currently held under investigation at Dry Dock Prison on charges of “misusing social media.” AlHajee’s social media account on X was primarily used to share posts pertaining to human rights.

    Ali AlHajee is a Bahraini human rights defender and former political prisoner who was imprisoned in Bahrain for more than ten years until his release in June 2023.

    On Friday, 28 February, which marked the last day of Formula 1 testing in Bahrain, AlHajee received a written police summons issued by the Interior Ministry’s General Directorate of Crime Detection and Forensic Science. Shortly after, AlHajee received a phone call from an official at the Criminal Investigation Directorate (CID) instructing him to report to the gate of the CID building in Adliya immediately and on his own. After willingly obeying the summons, AlHajee was questioned about his human rights work, especially his social media posts on X (formerly Twitter).

    The next day, AlHajee was arrested, and Bahrain’s Public Prosecution ordered him to be detained for seven days pending investigation on charges of “misusing social media.” Both his prolonged interrogation and detention order occurred without the presence of his lawyer, according to his family.

    If formally charged, he faces imprisonment under Bahrain’s draconian laws restricting freedom of expression, particularly Article 168 of Bahrain’s Penal Code, which allows authorities to punish “any person who deliberately disseminates false reports, statements or malicious rumours, or produces any publicity seeking to damage public security.”

    Ali AlHajee’s arrest is not an isolated incident but part of a broader pattern of crackdowns by Bahraini authorities around Formula 1 races in the country. The 2025 Formula Bahrain Grand Prix race kicks off on April 13.

    In 2023, four Bahraini activists were arrested, threatened, verbally abused and forced to sign a pledge restricting their right to protest in the future after they held a protest near the Bahrain international circuit during the F1 race. During last year’s F1 testing in Bahrain, the son of one of these activists was arbitrarily detained following a house raid. At the same time, AlHajee’s arrest is a concerning reversal from the government’s recent steps to release those detained for exercising their internationally recognised human rights, including more than 600 political prisoners in 2024.

    The United Nations Special Rapporteur on Human Rights Defenders, Mary Lawlor, raised concerns on 3 March 2025 about AlHajee’s detention by authorities regarding his human rights work, stating that he “should be immediately released & the authorities should show they are serious about creating an enabling environment for HRDs.”

    We echo the concerns raised by Ms Lawlor and demand Ali AlHajee’s immediate release. In light of the above, we further call on: 

    • Bahraini authorities to immediately release him and drop all charges related to his legitimate human rights work. In the meantime, we urge them to ensure he has access to a lawyer of his choice and that his family is allowed to visit him.
    • Bahrain’s allies and business partners in the UK, US, and EU to raise concerns about Ali AlHajee’s detention and demand his immediate release. We also urge Formula 1 leadership to support this call.

    Background:

    Ali AlHajee was previously convicted on charges related to peaceful protests and spent more than ten years in prison from 2013 to 2023. He was released on 2 June 2023 under Bahrain’s alternative sentencing laws. Even after his conviction was officially suspended, AlHajee continued to be targeted by Bahraini authorities and was subjected to a travel ban and briefly detained on 14 November 2023. He was then unfairly prosecuted for requesting authorities to lift his travel ban and tried on spurious charges of “entering a prohibited area.” However, he continued to highlight abuses against political prisoners and campaign for greater freedom and accountability in Bahrain after his release.

    Signed by: 

    1. Bahrain Institute for Rights and Democracy (BIRD)
    2. ALQST For Human Rights
    3. Americans for Democracy and Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB)
    4. ARTICLE 19
    5. Bahrain Centre for Human Rights (BCHR)
    6. Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies (CIHRS)
    7. CIVICUS
    8. DAWN
    9. FairSquare
    10. Freedom House
    11. Front Line Defenders
    12. Gulf Centre for Human Rights (GCHR)
    13. Human Rights First
    14. Human Rights Watch
    15. IFEX
    16. Index on Censorship
    17. International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), within the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders
    18. International Service for Human Rights (ISHR)
    19. MENA Rights Group
    20. Middle East Democracy Center (MEDC)
    21. PEN America
    22. Rafto Foundation for Human Rights
    23. The FreeAlKhawaja Campaign
    24. World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), within the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders

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  • Abbas Muslem AbdulHusain Juma was an 18-year-old school student when Bahraini authorities brutally arrested him on 26 August 2024 without a warrant while he was on his way to his grandfather’s house. During his detention, he has endured torture, denial of family visits, deprivation of lawyer access, unfair trials, and medical neglect. He is currently held in the young convicts section of the Dry Dock Prison, serving a two-year sentence while awaiting trial for other pending cases.

    On 26 August 2024, at 8:00 P.M., Abbas was heading to his grandfather’s house in AlMaqsha with his friends when a civilian car stopped. Several masked plainclothes officers emerged and, without warning, assaulted them. They struck Abbas on the body, head, and face, shattering his eyeglasses. The officers forcibly arrested all of them, took them into the car, and continued beating them without presenting any arrest warrant or stating any reason for the arrest or assault. The beatings persisted inside the vehicle as they were transported to the Budaiya Police Station.

    After Abbas’ arrest, local residents informed his family about his and his friends’ detention. The family contacted several police stations, but none confirmed his whereabouts. On 27 August 2024, at 1:00 A.M., Abbas was allowed to call his family for the first time, stating that he had been arrested without knowing the charges or reasons for his detention. During the call, he was not permitted to disclose his location. Meanwhile, the families of his friends went to the Budaiya Police Station to inquire about their sons and learned that they were being held there with Abbas.

    At Budaiya Police Station, Abbas was interrogated without legal representation on charges of alleged participation in an illegal assembly and committing arson on 24 August 2024. He remained at the station for over two weeks, during which officers repeatedly struck his face and head, splitting open his forehead. They also yelled at him, threatened him, and pressured him to confess or incriminate his friends. Initially, Abbas resisted and denied all accusations, but after days of abuse, he eventually confessed to all charges under coercion, fearing further torture. Following his interrogation, officers transferred him to Roundabout 17 Police Station for a few hours, then to the Public Prosecution Office (PPO), and finally to Dry Dock Prison. While held at Dry Dock, he was repeatedly taken back and forth to the PPO for a month, forced to sign confessions for new cases before being returned to detention. Throughout the entire interrogation period, his family was not allowed to visit him.

    On 26 December 2024, the PPO charged Abbas and his friends with 1) arson and 2) illegal assembly, both allegedly committed on 24 August 2024.

    Abbas was not brought before a judge within 48 hours of his arrest and was denied legal representation during both interrogation and trial. He was not given adequate time or facilities to prepare for his defense, nor was he able to present evidence or challenge the charges against him, which were ambiguous and made it difficult for him to defend himself. His family could not financially afford a lawyer, and Abbas remains uncertain whether a court-appointed lawyer represented him at trial. Additionally, his false confessions, extracted under torture, were used as evidence against him.  On 13 January 2025, after nearly five months in pre-trial detention, Abbas and two other minors—15-year-old Ali Husain Matrook Abdulla and 15-year-old AbdulAziz Husain AlHammadi—were convicted of 1) illegal assembly and 2) arson, receiving six-month prison sentences. On 11 February 2025, the High Criminal Court sentenced Abbas and the same group of friends to an additional one-year prison term in a separate case related to 3) burning tires. After the hearing, Abbas was shocked to learn that the number of cases against him had risen to seven. On 2 March 2025, the court sentenced Abbas and the same group of friends to an additional six months in prison for another 4) illegal assembly case, bringing his total sentence to two years. He is still awaiting trial on four more charges..

    Throughout his detention, Abbas’s family was denied visitation. On 21 January 2025, five months after his arrest, they were finally allowed to see him—for the first and only time. The visit coincided with a court session, and Abbas chose to miss the hearing just to see his family. During the visit, they noticed a cut on his forehead and significant weight loss in his face. When they asked about the injury, he appeared fearful and downplayed it, claiming it wasn’t serious and might have been from a fall. However, he eventually admitted—hesitantly and with evident fear—that he had been beaten. He also told them he needed new eyeglasses, as his had been completely broken.

    Abbas’s warrantless arrest, torture, denial of family visits, denial of legal counsel, unfair trials, and medical neglect constitute clear violations of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), and the United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners, also known as the Nelson Mandela Rules, all of which Bahrain is a party to.

    Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) calls on the Bahraini authorities to uphold their human rights obligations by immediately and unconditionally releasing Abbas. ADHRB further urges the government to investigate allegations of arbitrary arrest, torture, denial of family visits, denial of legal counsel, and medical negligence, ensuring that perpetrators are held accountable and that Abbas is compensated for the violations he endured. At the very least, ADHRB advocates for a fair retrial for Abbas under the Bahraini Restorative Justice Law for Children and in accordance with international legal standards, leading to his release. ADHRB also calls on authorities to provide Abbas with new eyeglasses and proper medical care for injuries sustained from torture and holds them accountable for any deterioration in his health.

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  • On March 3, 2025, ADHRB delivered an intervention at the United Nations Human Rights Council’s 58th session under item 3 during the Interactive Dialogue with Special Rapporteur on torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. Adhrb drew the council’s attention to the ongoing torture in Bahrain’s prisons, where political prisoners, especially minors, endure beatings, insults, prolonged isolation, and medical neglect.

    We draw the council’s attention to the ongoing torture in Bahrain’s prisons, where political prisoners, especially minors, endure beatings, insults, prolonged isolation, and medical neglect. Authorities systematically use torture to extract confessions and silence dissent, clearly violating international human rights laws and children’s rights.

    One example is 17-year-old Abbas Muslim Juma, arbitrarily arrested on 26 August 2024 for participating in peaceful gatherings. He was beaten during investigations, suffering a severe head injury and receiving inadequate medical care. He was sentenced to one year and a half in prison, with trials based on coerced confessions. He still awaits trial in other cases relying on the same forced confessions, facing a likely sentence increase.

    Prison officials further punish detained minors with isolation and denied phone calls. For example, 16-year-old Mohammed Isa Khatam was denied family contact and outdoor cell time for a week simply for “speaking loudly”.

    We ask the Rapporteur: What measures should be taken to hold those responsible for torturing minors accountable?

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  • For two decades, the host has been a staple of the Formula One calendar. But behind the glitz and speed of the race lies a troubling reality: Bahrain’s use of F1 to use its ongoing human rights abuses. The government leverages this high-profile sporting event to polish its international image, while simultaneously silencing dissent, imprisoning activists, and restricting fundamental freedoms.

    Since 2004, Bahrain has hosted the Grand Prix as a symbol of its modernity and progress. However, human rights organizations and activists have continuously sounded the alarm about the stark contrast between the spectacle of the race and the suffering of Bahraini citizens. Political prisoners, including those jailed for expressing dissent online, remain behind bars while Formula One brings in millions in sponsorship and tourism revenue.

    The 2011 pro-democracy uprising marked a critical moment when the world saw Bahrain’s brutal repression firsthand. The government’s violent crackdown on protesters led to the cancellation of that year’s race. Yet, despite continued reports of arbitrary arrests, torture, and lack of press freedom, F1 returned the following year—sending a clear message that business and entertainment took precedence over human rights.

    Formula One is not merely a passive participant in this equation—it is complicit. By continuing to race in Bahrain without addressing the country’s human rights record, F1 lends credibility to an authoritarian regime. The race is used as a PR tool to divert attention from abuses, with the roar of engines drowning out the voices of those who demand justice.

    Ahead of the 2024 Bahrain Grand Prix, over 20 human rights organizations, including ADHR,  wrote to F1 CEO Stefano Domenicali, urging the organization to commission an independent inquiry into the human rights violations linked to its events. They also called for the release of political prisoners and a commitment to using F1’s influence to promote human rights . But F1 leadership has remained largely silent, failing to acknowledge the moral responsibility that comes with its global platform.

    Fans, drivers, and sponsors have the power to push for change. Fans can use their voice on social media, calling out F1 and the FIA for ignoring human rights concerns, and boycotting merchandise and events that contribute to sportswashing. Drivers and teams must speak up, following in the footsteps of Lewis Hamilton, who has previously raised concerns about human rights in host countries. More drivers need to refuse to be silent participants in sportswashing. Sponsors investing in F1 should demand ethical policies and transparency regarding host nations’ human rights records, as financial pressure can force meaningful change. Formula One leadership must take a stand by commissioning independent human rights assessments, demanding reform from host nations, and refusing to race in countries where repression is rampant.

    Formula One prides itself on innovation, global reach, and excellence. But true excellence isn’t just about speed—it’s about integrity. The question isn’t whether F1 can survive without Bahrain; it’s whether F1 can continue to thrive while turning a blind eye to injustice. The time for silence is over. The world is watching, and it’s time for Formula One to prove that its values extend beyond the racetrack.

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  • In 2004, Formula 1 (F1) declared its Grand Prix races in Bahrain. Headlines were made as Bahrain hosted the first race of its kind in the Middle East. It was celebrated so much to be given the title for best organized grand prix by the Federation Internationale de l’Automobile (FIA). The races continued throughout seasons, including in 2010. And as Bahrain received international appraisal for hosting such a signifying sporting events, behind the scenes, an issue far bigger than racing cars was taking place. Issues that required Americans for Democracy and Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) to step in to ensure that sporting events were ethical and praise was not handed to a territory whose civilians were silently suffering. This report will look into the pivotal moment ADHRB ensured F1, for the very first time, produced a human rights policy that would mitigate any impact its activities may have on human rights issues. Whilst both parties settled on the right side, the F1 races have continued in the Arabian peninsula, including taking place for the first time in Saudi Arabia in 2021. A nation with various human rights issues. This paper will therefore evaluate the significant role ADHRB played in ensuring the races in Bahrain did not ‘sport wash’ the wider issues occurring in the country, the changes F1 has made in relation to this for the decade through a 10 year review, and finally what changes can be made to the human rights policy guidelines for the Saudi Arabian context today.

    Background 

    Formula 1 races have encapsulated the sports world, as the average global audience reaches 70 million at times. As a motor racing competition, its first race was held in 1950. The workings of the F1 are such that each season will have a number of races, otherwise known as their Grands Prix. Whilst it was centrally hosted in Europe in its beginnings, the races expanded to different parts of the world including the United States, Morocco, Japan, and Australia. The relationship between the F1 and the Middle East can be traced back to its first race in 2004, when Bahrain hosted the F1. The instability of human rights in Bahrain in 2004, startled a cause for concern in ‘sports washing’ nations that neglect human rights issues behind the scenes.

    In fact, in 2004, Nabeel Rajab, a prominent human rights activist was repeatedly subjected to harassment, and his organisation the Bahrain Centre for Human Rights was discarded by the government. The Bahraini government was simultaneously silencing important advocates for human rights, whilst amplifying their gains as the first nation in the Middle East to host the F1 Races.

    As the races and seasons continued, the Americans for Democracy and Human Rights litigation against F1 began in 2012, when private UK companies were organising F1 races at the height of human right violations across the nation. As peaceful protesters against the Bahraini government were taking place, the government authorities turned to violence, leaving many killed and more injured. Whilst, these were atrocities occuring in the streets, those who had been imprisoned died due to torture and neglect under custody of the Bahraini government. The attacks reached medical staff too as nurse and doctor protesters were beaten in voluntary medical tents. The glorification of the F1 races in a nation that was neglecting its own civilians led to the complaint that companies organising the race were inherently complicit in human rights violations in Bahrain.

    ADHRB’s Role 

    Americans for Democracy and Human Rights in Bahrain is a non-profit organisation that aims to tackle the issues Bahraini civilians are suffering with, from the United States. Whilst, previously, four non-government organisations had collectively written a letter that the human rights situation in the nation had not changed for the F1 to return, a new approach was adopted by ADHRB who had filed a complaint to the UK’s contact point of the OECD. And for the first time, F1 had declared its commitment to respect human rights in Bahrain through the arrangement of a human rights policy that would address the violation of human rights in Bahrain. Nabeel Rajab, the activist mentioned earlier, and who was subjected to harassment by the Bahraini government in 2004, was one of the key figures behind this pivotal moment, and consequently was imprisoned, and released after four years in 2020.

    Yet, despite the arrangement of policy, its implementation on F1’s behalf is seen to be very limited. In fact, victims are still silently suffering. In September last year, 13 Bahraini citizens were sentenced to prison for ensuing violence and force against police officers’ in the context of a peaceful demonstration in April of 2021. Amidst this continuation of suffering, ADHRB’s commitment continued as they joined 22 other organisations in writing and signing an advocacy letter to the new F1 CEO, reinstating their concerns about human rights issues in Bahrain despite the human rights policy that F1 adopted following the litigation with ADHRB. The letter has once again urged the following:

    • For the formula 1 organisation to refrain from sports washing violations of human rights continuously
    • To set up a committee of experts that may cautiously investigate the violations occurring in Bahrain
    • Assess and re-evaluate the efficiency of the human rights policy
    • Actively and publicly acknowledge human rights violations in association with the races

    The F1 Human Rights policy guidelines

    Following the mitigation, and as part of the settlement, F1 published a guideline, outlining their human rights policy guidelines that all nations hosting the seasons must adhere to. Their statement of commitment to respect for human rights considers three main points to be summarised in this section. This report will also seek to ensure the guidelines are in line with current locations of the Grand Prix races, including Saudi Arabia. The first is to ensure that international human rights are respected and upheld in the F1 races taking place across seasons. This must align with the United Nations guiding principles on business and human rights. The second point specifically outlines the need for ensuring the activities of the F1 do not directly shape human rights issues within its respective context, to carry out efficient discussions and practical solutions to these issues, and ensure the rights of employees are protected. This is in particular relation to discrimination and child labour. The third and final point seeks to honor domestic laws whilst simultaneously maintaining international human rights law.

    10 year review of F1 in Arabian peninsula 

    2014-2024 – Bahrain edition

    This year will mark a decade since the Formula 1 races were expanded tremendously in the Arabian peninsula. Since then, controversy on whether hosting sports events in territories where human rights are often neglected is unethical is a major topic up to debate. To evaluate this, it will be important to go back to the very beginning of this decade, in 2014, when the Bahrain Grand Prix offered a visual spectacle to the racing world and provided competitors with cooler conditions for racing, as the GP was held as a night race. The first race, now famously remarked as the ‘duel in the desert’ showcased a tense battle between Hamilton and Rosberg, in which Hamilton had won the title of.

    The protests against the races being held in Bahrain in 2011, which cancelled the Grand Prix races that year meant the government focused on a violent crackdown of pro-democracy protests, to silence activists and in return offer a warm welcome to tourists and engagers of the F1 season.This crackdown included death of protestors, arbitary detention, and torture of hundreds and more. These issues extended beyond the events of 2011 into the persecution of innocent individuals on a regular basis to the extent that organizations such as RefWorld have coined Bahrain as a human rights crisis completely. Below covers a summary of the various human rights issues taking place in the nation:

    Serious restriction of freedom of expression

    This restriction is not simply limited to citizens of the nation but crosses into the restrictions of the media. In fact, the constitution explicitly states that:

    “Provided the fundamental beliefs of Islamic doctrine are not infringed, and the unity of the people is not prejudiced”.

    Any individual that the government deems against this may issue penal codes that may include up to seven years of imprisonment. The Americans for Democracy and Human Rights website has specifically dedicated a profile in persecution which outlines and updates the imprisonment and torture of individuals deemed ‘infringing the integrity of the nation’.

    The media in their own ways are severely restricted further. Government censorship is prominent where the Ministry of information Affairs is able to closely monitor and manage media reports that arouse public access to certain information regarding the state.

    Limitation on freedom of movement and the right to leave Bahrain 

    A prominent human right concern that perhaps initiated the litigation and F1 controversy in allowing the races to take place in Bahrain is the suppression of political dissent that exists in the nation. Bahrain has continuously cracked down on political opposition and peaceful protests. With this in mind, activists, and human right defenders are frequently imprisoned, or disappeared. These sort of restrictions have also restricted freedom of assembly where public gatherings often face violent dismissal. In fact, as the Bahrain Grand Prix in November of 2020 was to mark the 20th anniversary of the race, marking a special occasion as its 20th anniversary with F1, activists including an 11 year old boy were arrested for joining the protests.

    2014-2024 – Abu Dhabi edition

    The spread around the Middle East continued in the Abu Dhabi Grand Prix. Whilst the first race took place in November of 2009 on the Yas Marina circuit, Abu Dhabi’s consecutive grand prix races led to a 10 year agreement in December 2021, in which the Formula one group has enabled for Abu Dhabi to hold the final race of the F1 season until 2030, a huge landmark for Abu Dhabi and their sporting successes. Amidst these successes for the nation, the workers constructing and ensuring the circuits and stadiums are well fit for viewers and tourists are at a cost and danger to their life, with exposure to extreme heat without protection.

    2014- 2024 – Saudi Arabia edition

    Similarly, for Saudi Arabia, we could go further into the role F1 plays in normalizing or distracting from the ongoing human rights violations, particularly around the Shia minority. You’ve touched on important facts, but we could benefit from a more thorough exploration of how F1’s presence in these countries is directly or indirectly supporting problematic practices.

    Yet, the widespread controversy for sportswashing in nations that are suffering with human rights issues, rose through the Grand Prix’s held in Jeddah for the very first time in 2021. The fastest street circuit and a pleasing visual sight has not detracted human right activists and many from ignoring the bloodshed and violence that occurs in the nation. Many have suggested the F1 races are in ways enabling violence as over 1000 people have been executed by the regime in the past decade. In 2022, 81 men were simultaneously executed one day prior to the grand prix in Saudi Arabia, half of whom were murdered for their religious affiliation with the Shia minority sect of Islam.

    This is worrying, that as competitors, viewers and tourists are tuning into the spectacles of the Grand Prix in Jeddah, innocent civilians are relentlessly murdered for the simple act of practicing a certain religion, or voicing a certain thought. It is imperative to consider the plight of the shia minority in Saudi arabia within this context. Whilst they only comprise 5-10% of the total population in Saudi Arabia, they are often treated as second class citizens and under harassment as far back as 1802. The government often refuses to allow for the construction of mosques, denying many the basic right to practice their religious belief. The political tension between Iran, its influence in neighboring Iraq has not helped the situation, given that in 2015, the government had beheaded 37 Shia men for supposedly spying on behalf of Iran. By taking pride in hosting their games in such regions, F1 is normalising discrimination of minorities based on religious practices, and enabling governments to continue their relentless persecution. Whilst this connection may be deemed indirect, and for some irrelevant, the concept of sportswashing takes place at its best; the use of a high profile sports where high profile players and celebrities alike Lewis Hamilton divert the attention away from the real, painful and consistent human rights abuses to the night lights, and the flashing race cars.

    In this light, to encapsulate the extent to which the human rights policy document has been put into practice, it will be important to consider its actions post litigation. Concerns have been raised as Saudi Arabia hosted the F1 grand prix in 2021 for the very first time. This is interesting given that Saudi Arabia has a longstanding track record of neglecting human rights issues. Human rights abuses that have occurred in the county include the following:

    Freedom of expression and belief

    Saudi citizens and media users, who have voiced their concerns or criticized the government, are subject to serving long prison sentences. This is particularly the case for female activists, human rights lawyers and activists. Women’s rights in Saudi Arabia are very limited and often under the control of male guardianship. Domestic violence and sexual abuse in marriage is therefore common and openly justified.

    The treatment of asylum seekers and migrant workers 

    Human Rights Watch has found that Saudi border police guards tend to use explosive weapons against unarmed migrants at close range, this is not limited to women and children.

    Despite this, the nation’s economy heavily relies on migrant workers. Yet, through the abusive visa sponsorship system, Saudi employers are handed the power to neglect and exploit the mobility of migrant workers, and expose them to various abuses including confiscating their passports, and not paying their wages enough or on time.

    Both human rights issues above concentrate under the inefficient criminal justice system of Saudi Arabia that permits for a range of human rights abuses to take place across all sectors of society. The nation does not have a set of laws that protect sexual or gender discrimination, and by using Islamic principles to dictate law, leaving many innocent individuals under harm of prosecution by the government for simply existing.

    2014-2024 – Qatar edition

    The new addition to the Middle East expansion of the F1 races includes the Qatar Grand Prix that has only first been held in 2021, but where a 10 year deal has taken place ensuring its sturdy position in the future of F1 races. Qatar’s role in international sports has gained he momentum as they held the FIFA world cup in 2022 which has enhanced its global profile, and placed Qatar in the spotlight. However, this has not always been represented positively.

    The rights of laborers in Qatar has been a long standing issue, before the Formula 1 races. Workers would be required to obtain permission from their employers to resign and change their jobs. This is part of their kafala system which essentially permits private citizens and companies of many Arab Gulf countries total control over the employment and status of their employees.

    Fortunately, changes to this system in 2020 have provided workers some level of autonomy, with a notice period of up to two months. Nonetheless, F1 has decided to host its games in a nation that must continue to change traditional systems that abuse the rights and wellbeing of overseas employees.

    Whilst limited reports have been concluded for the F1 races, in preparation for the highly anticipated FIFA world cup in 2022, the construction of stadiums and many other tourist infrastructure such as hotels and public transport systems have caused work related injuries and deaths. The same prediction can be made for the F1 races that are scheduled to take place in Qatar. In fact, Amnesty International has called on F1 to ensure they protect and embed labour standards in all future F1 races, in a bid to “break the spell of sportswashing”.

    What next… 

    In 2023, Stefano Domenicali, the CEO of Formula 1 received a letter from ADHRB and 20 other organizations regarding the continuation of sport washing ahead of the Grand Prix scheduled in Bahrain. It requested that as the Grand Prix was pulled in Russia, the same should be applied to nations where human rights developments are stagnant.

    The human rights policy drawn up by F1 following the litigation has very little implementation success and perhaps the F1 alongside other sports related organizations may adopt a human rights policy that will include the following:

    Due diligence 

    Before entering an agreement or contract with a nation to host any form of sports events, it is important that the organization assess the human rights issues in the given nation. To evaluate the extent to which freedom of expression exists, and whether the protection of citizens is at the heart of the government’s interests. Without this, F1 must refuse to consider a nation and partake in sports washing.

    Adopt a human rights charter 

    There are multiple non-governmental organizations that provide a list of human rights principles that must be practiced. This includes the UN guiding principles on Business and Human Rights. Abiding to a charter may ensure F1’s commitment to protecting all clauses of a charter, and avoiding divergence in the interests of sports solely.

    Anti-censorship measures 

    An issue prevalent in Bahrain and Saudi Arabia, F1 must ensure its races are conducted in nations where media outlets and social media use are not controlled and censored by the government in power. Not only does this prevent the races and the context surrounding it to be represented internationally appropriately, it contributes to the silencing of the persecution of innocent civilians.

    Engagement with drivers and teams on human rights issues 

    As drivers and its respective teams are influential individuals in the social world, and as safety precautions for drivers must be considered, informing them to engage with the issues surrounding the host nation and its human rights may be impactful in this light. Encouragement to speak out on injustices and discrimination may bring light to the topic, and pressure governments.

    The increasing presence of nations with human rights controversies in F1 has raised significant ethical concerns surrounding the phenomenon of ‘sportswashing’. These countries, with severely repressive regimes and violations of human rights, utilize F1 and its globality to improve their international image whilst betraying their domestic issues. Despite F1 maintaining a neutrality stance, its litigation was a key moment in demonstrating that sporting events can and must transcend political boundaries. The FIA is under continous scrutiny, as it must be. They must promote justice and take accountability, whilst pressuring their host nations to adhere to international human rights laws. Ultimately, the challenge lies in balancing the sports global expansion with its social responsibility. A more transparent and ethical approach may achieve this balance through taking on a policy that adheres to the pursuit of protecting and maintaining human rights around the world.

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  • 15-year-old minor and school student AbdulAziz Husain AlHammadi was arrested by Bahraini authorities on 20 October 2024 from his home without a warrant. During his detention, he endured enforced disappearance, torture, denial of family contact and visits, denial of lawyer access, unfair trial, malnutrition, medical neglect, and deprivation of his right to education. He is currently held in the Juvenile section of the Dry Dock Detention Center, serving a one-year, six-month sentence while awaiting trial for other pending cases.

    On 20 October 2024, at 11:50 P.M., AbdulAziz was asleep at home when plainclothes officers wearing police-emblem vests knocked on the door, frightening his mother and ordering her to wake him. They arrested him without presenting an arrest warrant or providing any reason for his arrest. He was then taken to a dark area behind Maqaba Police Station, where officers beat him on the head before transferring him that night to the Criminal Investigations Directorate (CID), where he was further tortured and interrogated. 

    The following day, 21 October 2024, authorities issued a summons for him despite already holding him in custody. That day, he was allowed to call his family for the first time, informing them he was being interrogated over an Instagram post. However, the call was cut off before he could reveal his location. He then disappeared for 48 hours. During this time, his mother contacted authorities to find him, but they falsely claimed he was at Dry Dock Detention Center while he was actually being held at the CID, preventing her from locating him. 

    At the CID, AbdulAziz was interrogated without legal representation or a guardian present, despite being a minor. He was left in a cold, dark room for 48 hours, blindfolded, handcuffed, and seated on a chair. Officers repeatedly struck his head, leaving a visible wound. When his blindfold was removed, an investigator ordered him to keep his eyes down and focus on a tablet displaying photos of individuals, demanding that he identify them. The moment AbdulAziz looked up, the investigator struck him hard on the head and slapped him. Despite repeated beatings and slaps, he could not identify the persons in the images, as he had never seen them before. The physical abuse persisted until he was forced to falsely claim recognition and confess to charges just to stop the beatings. Officers also shouted politically motivated insults at him.

    After his interrogation at the CID, AbdulAziz was transferred to Roundabout 17 Police Station on 23 October 2024 and later that same day to the Public Prosecution Office (PPO). During the transfer, he learned that, in addition to charges of 1) inciting hatred against the regime and 2) misusing telecommunications related to the Instagram post, new charges had been added, including 3) assault on military personnel and 4) possession of usable and explosive devices. At the PPO, while his lawyer was present, authorities barred her from speaking with or defending him, claiming he had not personally authorized her—despite her authorization from his mother. There, AbdulAziz denied all charges and refused to sign pre-written confessions, arguing that no evidence, such as fingerprints or photographs, linked him to the accusations. Nevertheless, the prosecutor ordered his detention, and he was transferred to Dry Dock Detention Center.

    On 10 December 2024, a court session was held for AbdulAziz regarding the misuse of telecommunication services case, and the court ordered his release. The family’s lawyer informed them of the verdict, stating they would receive a call to pick him up. At 5:00 P.M. that day, AbdulAziz called his mother from the CID, telling her that although he had been granted release, authorities refused to free him due to three other pending cases. He also informed her that he was being transferred to Budaiya Police Station in the Northern Governorate. When his mother arrived, officers initially denied her access to him, but a senior officer eventually allowed the visit, warning her not to cause problems. Seeing her son in a dire state—barefoot, in torn clothes, with bruised wrists from the handcuffs—she broke down in tears, screamed in distress, and collapsed. Shortly after, she was informed he would be transferred to Roundabout 17 Police Station. She objected, arguing that the facility housed adult detainees and insisted he be sent to Dry Dock Detention Center instead. Her demand was met after she briefly left to bring him clothes and shoes.

    AbdulAziz was not brought before a judge within 24 hours of his arrest, was denied legal representation during interrogation, and was not given adequate time or facilities to prepare for his defense. His false confessions, extracted under torture, were used as evidence against him.  On 13 January 2025, after nearly three months of pre-trial detention, AbdulAziz and two other minors—15-year-old Ali Husain Matrook Abdulla and 17-year-old Abbas Muslim Juma—were convicted of 1) illegal assembly and 2) arson, receiving six-month prison sentences. AbdulAziz was shocked by the verdict, as no evidence linked him to the crime, and the trial relied solely on statements from other minors convicted in the same case. He informed the judge that the alleged illegal gathering on 24 August 2024 took place in his hometown, AlMaqsha; however, it was impossible for him to have participated, as he and his family were residing in Hamad town at the time. Despite this, the court disregarded his evidence and proceeded with the conviction. AbdulAziz appealed the sentence, and an appeal session was scheduled for 3 March 2025. On 11 February 2025, he was convicted of 3) burning tires and sentenced to an additional year in prison, bringing his total sentence to one year and six months. He is also awaiting trial for additional charges, including 4) assault on security forces, 5) possession of usable and explosive devices, and 6) an unknown charge. He is scheduled to stand trial for the assault on security forces charge on 24 February 2025.

    Throughout his detention, AbdulAziz was denied family visits. After his sentencing, his family was allowed to visit him for the first time on 26 January 2025. His mother noticed he looked pale and extremely fatigued. When she asked about his condition, he attributed it to severe sleep deprivation caused by intense fear at night and persistent frightening noises, as well as malnutrition due to the poor quality of the food provided. His detention has also caused him to miss an entire school year, as the Dry Dock Detention Center administration deprived him of his right to education. Additionally, he suffers from jaw problems and requires a specific device, but authorities refused to allow his family to provide it. His family filed two complaints with the Ombudsman and the National Institution for Human Rights (NIHR) regarding the torture he endured during interrogations and his deprivation of education since his arrest,  but they have received no response.

    AbdulAziz’s warrantless arrest as a minor, enforced disappearance, torture, denial of family contact, visits, denial of legal counsel, unfair trial, malnutrition, medical neglect, and deprivation of education constitute clear violations of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), and the United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners, also known as the Nelson Mandela Rules, all of which Bahrain is a party to.

    Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) calls on the Bahraini authorities to uphold their human rights obligations by immediately and unconditionally releasing AbdulAziz. ADHRB further urges the government to investigate allegations of arbitrary arrest, enforced disappearance, torture, denial of family contact and visits, denial of legal counsel, malnutrition, medical negligence, and deprivation of the right to education, ensuring that perpetrators are held accountable and that AbdulAziz is compensated for the violations he endured. At the very least, ADHRB advocates for a fair retrial for AbdulAziz under the Bahraini Restorative Justice Law for Children and in accordance with international legal standards, leading to his release. ADHRB also calls on authorities to allow AbdulAziz to resume his education, provide the necessary support for him to complete his studies, ensure he receives proper medical care—including the device needed for his jaw condition—and improve the quality of his food.

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  • Mohammed Isa Khatam was a 16-year-old minor and high school student when Bahraini authorities warrantlessly arrested him on 5 August 2024, just three days before his 17th birthday. During his detention, he has endured enforced disappearance, torture, denial of lawyer and guardian access during interrogations, unfair questioning, deprivation of family visits and contact, denial of education, prohibition of practicing religious rituals, and reprisals. Heartbreakingly, he was denied the chance to bid farewell to his mother, who passed away during his detention. He has been held in the Juvenile section of the Dry Dock Detention Center for six months, awaiting trial.

    On 5 August 2024, Mohammed and his friends, Ali Salman Marhoon and Husain Saleh AlBarri, went to Sitra Police Station after receiving a phone call from their detained friend, Sadiq Hobail, requesting them to deliver his mobile phone. Upon arrival, the three minors were unexpectedly arrested and accused of multiple charges, including unlawful assembly, rioting, burning tires, and posting pictures. The officers presented no arrest warrants. Mohammed was then transferred from the Sitra Police Station to the Qudaibiya Police Station. When Mohammed failed to return home, his family grew worried and began searching for him by contacting his friends and their families. They learned he had gone to the Sitra Police Station and rushed there to inquire, but officials denied he was being held. 

    On 6 August 2024, Mohammed was interrogated at the Qudaibiya Police Station without legal representation or a guardian present, despite being a minor. His family remained unaware of the interrogation due to his enforced disappearance. During questioning, officers subjected Mohammed to psychological abuse, including insults and degrading language. They also attempted to coerce a confession through violent and humiliating methods, which Mohammed chose not to disclose to his family to protect their feelings. Despite the pressure, he consistently denied all charges against him. 

    On 7 August 2024, Mohammed was brought before the Public Prosecution Office (PPO) without legal representation, a guardian, or prior notification to his family. He was also denied adequate time to address the judge and defend himself. The judge read the charges against him, including arson and other accusations unknown to his family, and asked him to confirm or deny them, and then ordered his detention before postponing the session. A social researcher present during the session advised the judge against releasing Mohammed and his friends, claiming that the external environment negatively influences their behavior. Following this session, Mohammed was transferred to the Dry Dock Detention Center. Later that day, at 1:00 A.M., after two days of enforced disappearance, he called his family and informed them he was detained at the Dry Dock Detention Center. He remains at the Dry Dock Detention Center while awaiting trial, with his detention repeatedly extended through investigation sessions conducted via video calls.

    Since his arrest, Bahraini authorities have denied Mohammed’s family the right to visit him at the Dry Dock Detention Center. He has also been deprived of his right to practice religious rituals and continue his education while in detention. On 22 September 2024, his family submitted requests to both the Ombudsman and the National Institution for Human Rights (NIHR), demanding Mohammed’s release and his right to resume his education. While a representative from one of these institutions met with Mohammed, who expressed his desire to continue his formal education, the Ombudsman later informed the family that their request had been dismissed, citing that the matter falls outside its jurisdiction.

    On 10 January 2025, Mohammed’s mother passed away after a long battle with cancer. Despite Bahraini law guaranteeing prisoners the right to attend funerals and mourning ceremonies for immediate family members, Mohammed was denied the chance to bid farewell to his mother or participate in the ceremonies. He had a court session on 12 January 2025, which coincided with the second day of his mother’s mourning ceremonies. Mohammed submitted a request to attend the ceremonies, and the judge approved his release for the remainder of the mourning period, with the condition that he be handed over and returned to the Sitra Police Station. However, the PPO disregarded the judge’s order and failed to carry out the necessary procedures for his release.

    On 20 January 2025, reports revealed that Mohammed, along with his friends Ali Omran, Husain AlBarri, and Ali Salman Marhoon-detained at the Juvenile Detention Center in Building 17 of the Dry Dock Detention Center- had been subjected to punitive retaliatory measures. These included confinement to their cells without family contact or outdoor breaks for up to seven consecutive days and denial of access to purchase basic necessities from the prison canteen, all as punishment for speaking loudly. These harsh measures, effectively isolating Mohammed and his friends, have taken a severe toll on their mental and physical health

    Mohammed’s warrantless arrest as a minor, enforced disappearance, torture, denial of legal counsel and guardian access during interrogations, deprivation of family visits and phone contact, unfair investigation, withholding of his right to education, prohibition from practicing religious rituals, refusal to allow him to bid farewell to his deceased mother, unjust denial of outdoor breaks and access to the prison canteen as retaliation, and prolonged arbitrary pre-trial detention constitute blatant violations of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the Convention against Torture (CAT), the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), and the United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners, also known as the Nelson Mandela Rules, to which Bahrain is a party. 

    Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) calls on Bahraini authorities to uphold their human rights obligations by immediately and unconditionally releasing Mohammed. ADHRB further urges the government to investigate allegations of arbitrary arrest, enforced disappearance, torture, denial of legal counsel and guardian access during interrogations, unfair investigations, denial of family visits and phone contact, withholding of Mohammed’s right to education, prohibition of religious practice, refusal to allow him to bid farewell to his deceased mother, and acts of reprisal, while ensuring that those responsible are held accountable. ADHRB also demands compensation for the violations Mohammed has endured during detention. At the very least, ADHRB calls for a prompt and fair trial for Mohammed in line with the Bahraini Restorative Justice Law for Children and international legal standards, leading to his release. Additionally, ADHRB urges the Bahraini authorities to permit Mohammed to resume his education, freely practice his religious rituals, and maintain regular family visits and phone calls. Finally, ADHRB calls on the Dry Dock Detention Center’s administration to immediately end all retaliatory measures against Mohammed and his friends, ensuring they are allowed family contact, outdoor breaks, and access to basic necessities through the prison canteen.

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    1. Context and Background

    The evolution of women’s access to education in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries – Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates – presents gradual but progressive advancements, reflecting broader societal transformations in the region.

    In the early 20th century, education for women was traditionally limited, as cultural norms and economic priorities often favored male education. Girls typically received informal instruction in religious or domestic matters, primarily through family or religious institutions.

    By the mid-20th century, national governments began prioritizing modern education systems. For instance, Bahrain established the first girls’ school in 1928, the earliest in the GCC. This marked a turning point as governments increasingly recognized female education as integral to national development strategies. Over time, secondary and tertiary education became more accessible to women, and universities introduced dedicated programs. King Saud University in Saudi Arabia began admitting women in the 1970s, and today, women constitute more than half of university students.

    In countries like Qatar and the UAE, government scholarships and the establishment of global branch campuses, such as those in Qatar’s Education City, created new opportunities for women. Female university enrollment soared, with Saudi women representing more than half of university students and UAE women comprising 70% of all graduates.

    Women have also increasingly pursued studies in STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics) fields, supported by national policies. For example, 56% of STEM students in the UAE are women, one of the highest rates globally. Qatar has made strides as well, with women entering architecture and engineering disciplines for the first time in 2008. Education City, inaugurated in 2003, houses leading academic institutions where women constitute a significant portion of the student body.

    1. Women’s Educational Achievements and Leadership

    Education has empowered women to take on leadership roles across the GCC, spanning government, entrepreneurship, and diplomacy. In Saudi Arabia, 30 women were appointed to the Shoura Council for the first time in 2013, followed by 17 women winning municipal seats in 2015. Bahrain and the UAE set regional precedents with the appointments of their first female judges in 2006 and 2008, respectively. In Oman and Bahrain, the government has appointed an increasing number of women to unelected positions, including cabinet and diplomatic roles.

    National governments have implemented key strategies to further promote women’s education and workforce participation such as national visions and governmental councils. For example:

    • UAE Vision 2021 prioritized a First-Rate Education System and a Competitive Knowledge Economy, significantly narrowing the gender gap in education. The UAE’s Gender Balance Council and General Women’s Union have focused on advancing women’s representation in STEM fields and other sectors. The extensive public sector investments in the education sector have led to a decrease in the gender gap in primary, secondary and tertiary education.
    • Saudi Vision 2030 aims to increase women’s workforce participation to 30%, promote vocational training, and encourage women’s enrollment in leadership programs. Under its G20 presidency, Saudi Arabia’s W20 agenda emphasized women’s inclusion as critical to economic growth and diversification.
    • Qatar National Vision 2030 targets gender equality in education and workforce participation. The Qatar Research Fund supports women-led projects in STEM fields.
    • Oman’s National Strategy for Education 2040 emphasizes women’s access to higher education, leadership training, and professional development.
    • Kuwait Vision 2035 identifies education as a pillar of sustainable development, encouraging women’s participation in scientific research through initiatives like the Kuwait Foundation for the Advancement of Sciences (KFAS). Two specific programs are the quality of education program and the higher education program.
    • Bahrain’s Supreme Council for Women integrates women into national development plans and promotes equal opportunities in education and the workforce. Programs such as Tamkeen provide financial support and training for women entrepreneurs and professionals to accelerate women participation in diverse sectors and industries.
    1. Key Drivers of Progress

    The GCC countries have made significant investments in education, dedicating over 15% of state budgets to the sector in several cases. This financial commitment, coupled with partnerships with international institutions and exposure to global educational standards, has modernized the region’s education systems. Additionally, the inclusion of educated women in the workforce has become essential following the economic shift from oil dependence to knowledge-based industries.

    These efforts have led to increased student enrollment, higher literacy rates, and enhanced educational infrastructure. Female literacy in the region has tripled since 1970 in the region, and women are now more likely to pursue higher education than ever before.

    At the same time, all the GCC countries have improved the quality of women’s education and significantly invested in educational infrastructure and reforms aimed at promoting women’s access to education.

    The expansion of women’s education has resulted in a growing presence of women in the workplace and society. The proportion of women with jobs has increased and in the 20 years from 2000 until 2019, women’s economic opportunity in the region has improved. Since 2005, women in Kuwait have received the same political rights as men, enabling them to vote and run for office. Divorced or widowed women increasingly pursue employment, gaining financial independence that was previously uncommon.

    Although women remain underrepresented in political and leadership roles, their growing presence in education and the labor force is shifting societal norms and breaking down prejudices. This progress is fostering greater advocacy for women’s rights and gender equality across the GCC.

    Education has been a cornerstone of this transformation, laying the groundwork for broader social and economic advancements. By prioritizing women’s access to education and workforce participation, GCC countries are not only empowering half of their populations but also driving innovation and sustainable growth in the region.

    1. Key Issues and Gaps

    As previously displayed, all of the GCC states have made education a main pillar in their respective national plans and have implemented national strategies to tackle gender inequality and enhance the women and girls’ right to education.

    However, female school enrollment data does not guarantee equal access to education and structural gender inequalities in education are still persistent. Despite the constitutional guarantees and the GCC countries’s ratification of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), equal protection principles are often not coupled with obligations or accountabilities of the State to fulfil them. Gender gap is codified in law, frequently in family laws or civil codes, which represent legal forms of discrimination that are systematic and pervade every aspect of life.

    For instance, the personal status laws which regulate marriage, divorce, child custody, inheritance recognize the husband as the head of the family, giving him extensive power over his wife’s right to study, work and travel.

    The personal status laws codify the guardianship system which exercise significant barriers to women’s right to education as it restricts women’s rights to freedom of movement, work, study. In countries where this system is deeply rooted in cultural and religious beliefs such as in Saudi Arabia, women historically needed their guardian’s permission to enroll in schools or universities. Nowadays, women might need guardian approval to travel to cities or regions where schools and universities are located, restricting their ability to pursue higher education, especially in rural areas with limited facilities. Some state universities in Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE require women to show they have male guardian permission before they can go to study abroad.

    The systemic discrimination against women in the region is also deeply rooted in social customs which often confine women to domestic roles and marriage duties, restricting their access to education and limiting their participation in both the public and private spheres of life. The domestic role of women often clash with accessing the educational systems because society highly values women’s domestic duties over the opportunities for education.

    Girls’ school attendance is limited by long distances and restricted mobility, as societal norms often deem it unacceptable for a girl to walk to school unaccompanied. After marriage, continuing or resuming education becomes challenging for girls, primarily due to societal stigma and household responsibilities.

    Additionally, the traditional gender roles limit the ability of women and girls to utilize ICT tools effectively. Indeed, the gender gap in mobile ownership and mobile internet use in the region has remained stagnant or increased within the last few years. The limited access to ICTs hinders women’s capacity to develop the digital skills needed to meet the growing demand for digital literacy and support educational opportunities, especially during COVID-19 pandemic.

    Women increasingly enter fields like engineering and IT, yet patriarchal structures restrict their choices and employment. In Kuwait and Oman, women are required to achieve higher grade-point averages (GPAs) to enroll certain university’s department such as engineering.

    Another issue is that women’s rights discussions often focus on privileged citizens, sidelining vulnerable groups. Here the concept of intersectional feminism is key, which recognizes that women’s experiences are shaped by overlapping identities such as class, ethnicity, and legal status. Yet, a comprehensive and inclusive approach to women’s rights is still missing in the region.

    Among the vulnerable groups, female migrant workers – which represent a large part of the female population in the GCC countries – have more difficulties in accessing the educational system due to language barriers and a lack of protection under national laws. Moreover, stateless girls struggle to access educational institutions as they lack citizenship and nationality rights. Consequently, they are more likely to be involved in child or forced marriages in order to obtain economic stability or citizenship benefits.

    Also, disparities between urban, rural, and poorer communities have grown. Regional disparities in access to quality education in GCC countries affect most marginalized girls and women such as those living in rural areas, in displaced or nomadic communities where these gaps widen. For example, rural females at both the primary and lower secondary levels exhibit higher out-of-school rates than other populations in the region due to early marriage, caregiving responsibilities, or the guardianship system, which limits their mobility and autonomy.

    The limited economic resources and the lack of financial support further exacerbate gender gaps in educational access. Poverty directly impacts girls’ educational opportunities forcing girls and women living in lower-income households to cover caregiving responsibilities and prioritizing education for men.

    Moreover, the quality of education needs to be improved as there is a mismatch between education and the labour market, where the skills taught in school do not adequately prepare students for employment. Gender sensitivity is a key aspect of the quality of education in the sense that educational systems should be sensitive to the specific needs of girls and women.

    Also, the lack of democratic institutions and independent judiciary as well as restrictions on freedom of association and assembly represent significant obstacles to women’s access to education and the approval of new legal protections. Firstly, policies that prioritize gender equality, including education reforms, are less likely to be implemented when women lack democratic representation in governance or the opportunity to advocate for their rights effectively. Secondly, without an independent judiciary, laws guaranteeing equal access to education for women may not be enforced. Thirdly, restrictive rules on the formation of civil society organizations in the GCC countries make it more difficult for women advocates to effectively organize and lobby the government for extended educational rights. When freedom of association and assembly is curtailed, women are left with limited ways to organize, voice their concerns, or demand accountability from authorities.

    Women’s rights are instead used by governments for political agendas or to enhance the international image rather than addressing systemic issues. This approach is referred to as “gender-washing,” a strategy to present a progressive image to the international community, which increasingly associates women’s rights with democracy.

    1. Main consequences

    The GCC countries have made notable strides in expanding women’s access to education, but significant challenges remain in ensuring equal educational rights and translating academic achievements into workforce participation. While girls often outperform boys in school and attain advanced levels of education, female labor force participation remains significantly lower than that of men. Growth in women’s political involvement and representation in decision-making positions has been minimal with women being predominantly employed in agriculture (27%), education (21%), and manufacturing (11%). Also, gender-based discrimination in hiring, compensation, and promotions continues to limit their opportunities.

    Women in the Gulf also face systemic inequalities in marriage and family life. Many are subjected to the control of their husbands, which restricts their autonomy and decision-making power. For those unable to secure employment outside the home, unpaid domestic work often becomes their primary role, leaving them vulnerable to exploitation and abuse. This issue is particularly acute for female migrant workers employed in the domestic sector. These women face heightened risks of sexual harassment, abuse, and exploitation, compounded by challenges in accessing justice due to language barriers, social isolation, marginalization, and a lack of legal protections.

    Caregiving responsibilities further limit women’s ability to pursue or complete their education, perpetuating a cycle of dependency. The guardianship system exacerbates these challenges, as women often require a guardian’s permission to travel or engage in various activities, effectively restricting their educational and personal autonomy.

    These structural barriers contribute to alarmingly high unemployment rates among women in GCC countries, some of the highest globally. Denial of educational and economic opportunities prevents women from fully participating in society, leaving many reliant on their families for support. Women who lack access to education are often unaware of their legal rights and how to exercise them, further entrenching gender inequalities. This gender gap not only limits women’s potential but also hampers the socio-economic development of the entire region. The exclusion of a significant portion of the population leads to the underutilization of talent and resources, negatively impacting economic growth and societal progress.

    Education is a crucial driver of economic growth and innovation, but illiteracy and unequal access to education reduce the development of human capital. This limits a country’s ability to produce a skilled workforce and stifles its capacity for effective innovation. Increasing women’s participation in the workforce would generate more job opportunities, contribute to national income, and reduce the GCC countries’ reliance on foreign labor. Furthermore, limited education directly affects worker productivity; countries with high illiteracy rates and gender gaps in education tend to be less competitive.

    As economies grow and small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) gain prominence, new opportunities emerge for women. However, to seize these opportunities, women need appropriate education and training to develop professional and practical skills. These abilities are essential to enhance their performance and facilitate their entry into the job market.

    1. Conclusion

    The evolution of women’s education in the GCC highlights a remarkable journey from limited access to significant achievements, reflecting broader societal modernization across the region. This progress reflects the growing recognition of education as a cornerstone for economic development and gender equality.

    However, the systemic barriers to women’s right to education in the GCC persist. Gender-based discrimination, societal norms, and legal restrictions like the guardianship system, limit women’s autonomy and access to opportunities. Unequal caregiving responsibilities and a lack of supportive infrastructure hinder many women from pursuing or completing education. Furthermore, despite high educational attainment, translating these achievements into workforce participation remains difficult due to discrimination in hiring, promotion, and pay, as well as limited access to leadership roles.

    Therefore, the challenge now lies in fully respecting women’s right to education and ensure equitable opportunities in the workforce and leadership roles for women.

    Granting women the full right to education and fostering their integration into the workforce would allow them to actively contribute to economic and social spheres. To do so, it is crucial to address the structural and societal barriers that hinder women’s full participation. Reforming policies such as guardianship systems and addressing workplace discrimination must remain priorities. Governments must also invest in targeted programs that provide women with the skills and training needed to excel in emerging industries and STEM fields. Moreover, addressing caregiving burdens and unpaid domestic labor is vital to unlocking women’s potential as full participants in the economy.

    International pressure and collaboration remain indispensable advancing these reforms and ensuring that women’s education and empowerment continue to evolve to create a more inclusive approach in the GCC region.

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  • Yousif Fadhel AlTooq was a 15-year-old minor and school student when Bahraini authorities arrested him without a warrant on 8 August 2024 after summoning him to the Sitra Police Station. During his detention, he has endured torture, denial of family visits, denial of access to legal counsel, deprivation of his right to education, withholding of drinking water and adequate winter clothing, as well as limited phone communication with his family. He has been held in the Juvenile section of the Dry Dock Detention Center for five months, awaiting trial.

    On 8 August 2024, Yousif and his family received a phone call from the Sitra Police Station summoning him for questioning without providing any reason. His parents drove him there after assurances that he would be released immediately following the interrogation. Upon arrival, Yousif was transferred from the Sitra Police Station to the Qudaibiya Police Station. Although his family followed him, they were denied access to visit him. 

    At the Qudaibiya Police Station, officers interrogated and tortured Yousif without legal representation or the presence of a guardian, despite his status as a minor. While subjected to psychological pressure, threats, and various forms of torture, Yousif refrained from sharing details with his family to spare their feelings. Despite the abuse and the fear he endured, Yousif did not confess to the charges against him. His case relies solely on forced false verbal confessions extracted from friends who were arrested with him in connection to political cases, and no evidence has been presented to support the charges. The next day, he was brought before the Public Prosecution Office (PPO), again without a lawyer or guardian present. Throughout the interrogation and his appearance at the PPO, Yousif was denied legal counsel, as his family lacked the financial resources to appoint a lawyer, and the PPO failed to provide one. Following his appearance at the PPO, Yousif spent one night at the Nabih Saleh Police Station before being transferred to the Juvenile section of the Dry Dock Detention Center, where he remains detained. Two days later, he was briefly allowed to contact his family, informing them of a one-week detention in the Juvenile section of the Dry Dock Detention Center.

    Yousif was denied legal counsel during his interrogation and continues to be denied legal representation during his pre-trial detention. His family lacks the financial means to appoint a lawyer, and the PPO has failed to provide one. The PPO has repeatedly extended his detention before referring him to trial, relying solely on forced false verbal confessions extracted from friends arrested alongside him in connection to political cases, which are being used as evidence against him. Yousif is currently awaiting his repeatedly postponed trial. While the investigator has leveled various charges against others in his group, Yousif’s specific charges remain unclear. The charges known so far are 1) burning tires, 2) acts of vandalism, and 3) attacking the Sitra Police Station. 

    Since his arrest, Bahraini authorities have barred Yousif’s family from visiting him at the Dry Dock Detention Center. He has only been able to make two video calls with his family since his arrest, with the costs deducted from their account. His sole means of communication is through voice calls, which allow him to contact his family two to three times a week, each lasting 10 minutes. Yousif’s family has also reported periods of disconnection, sometimes extending for an entire week, as part of collective punishment imposed on detainees. Moreover, Yousif has at times been denied drinking water and, in the current cold weather, lacks adequate clothing to stay warm.

    Yousif’s detention has caused him to miss an entire school year, as the Dry Dock Detention Center administration has deprived him of his right to education during his detention. As a second-year secondary school student specializing in an industrial major, Yousif needs to complete practical courses to progress academically. Furthermore, his detention facility lacks recreational, vocational, or educational programs to support his development.

    Yousif’s parents have submitted several complaints to the Ombudsman and the National Institution for Human Rights (NIHR) requesting his release and the resumption of his education. Although a representative from one of these institutions met with Yousif and acknowledged his urgent need to return to school, no actions have been taken. The complaints have been closed, and Yousif has lost his entire academic year.

    Yousif’s warrantless arrest as a minor, torture, denial of legal counsel and family visits, restricted family phone contact, deprivation of his right to education, withholding of drinking water and adequate winter clothing, and prolonged arbitrary pre-trial detention constitute clear violations of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT), the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), and the United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners, also know as the Nelson Mandela Rules, to which Bahrain is a party.

    Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) calls upon Bahraini authorities to fulfill their human rights obligations by immediately and unconditionally releasing Yousif. ADHRB further urges the Bahraini government to investigate allegations of arbitrary arrest, torture, denial of legal counsel and family visits, restricted family phone contact, deprivation of education, and withholding of drinking water and adequate winter clothing, and to hold the perpetrators accountable. ADHRB also demands compensation for the violations Yousif has suffered in detention. At the very least, ADHRB advocates for a prompt, fair trial for Yousif under the Bahraini Restorative Justice Law for Children, and in accordance with international legal standards, leading to his release. Furthermore, ADHRB calls on Bahraini authorities to allow family visits for Yousif, provide him with adequate winter clothing, allow him to resume his education, and offer the necessary support to enable him to complete his studies.

    The post Profile in Persecution: Yousif Fadhel AlTooq appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

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  • Ali Husain Matrook Abdulla was a 15-year-old minor and school student when Bahraini authorities arrested him on 26 August 2024 in Karranah while spending time with friends. The arrest was carried out without a warrant. During his detention, he endured torture, denial of family visits, denial of access to his lawyer, deprivation of his right to education, and medical neglect. He has been held at the Dry Dock Detention Center for five months without trial, as Bahraini authorities repeatedly delay and continue to postpone his hearings.

    On the evening of 26 August 2024, Ali was with his friends in the village of Karranah when plainclothes officers and officers from the Ministry of Interior (MOI) arrested him without presenting an arrest warrant. During the arrest, an officer slapped him on the face. The officers then transferred him to Budaiya Police Station before sending him for medical examinations. Unaware of Ali’s arrest, his parents attempted to contact him, but their calls went unanswered. They later learned of his detention from witnesses who saw him being apprehended and taken to Budaiya Police Station. When his family inquired at the station, officers at the police station denied he was being held there. In reality, Ali was not at the station at the time, as he had been sent for a medical examination, a detail the officers failed to disclose. Ten hours later, the station called to inform the family that Ali was there and requested they send him clothes and shoes. Ten minutes later, Ali called his family, informing them he was being transferred to Roundabout 17 Police Station and asked for the clothes to be sent there instead.

    On 27 August 2024, the day after Ali’s arrest, at approximately 8:30 A.M., Ali’s mother visited Budaiya Police Station to inquire about him and requested to see him, unaware that he had already been transferred for interrogation at Roundabout 17 Police Station. Officers informed her that he was charged with arson and possession of Molotov cocktails but stated that Ali was no longer at the station and had been transferred for interrogation without disclosing his destination.

     

    During interrogation at Roundabout 17 Police Station, officers slapped Ali in the face and subjected him to psychological torture to force a confession. One officer threatened him, saying, “If you don’t talk and confess, I’ll beat you with this stick or bring something else from outside.” Fearing further abuse, Ali falsely confessed. His lawyer was not allowed to be present during the interrogation. The following day, 28 August 2024, Ali was brought before the Public Prosecution Office (PPO). Although his lawyer was present, he was only allowed to exchange greetings with Ali and was not permitted to consult with him. Consequently, the Juvenile and Family Prosecution decided to detain him for one week pending investigation. Following this, Ali was transferred to the Dry Dock Detention Center.

    On 4 September 2024, Ali appeared before the Juvenile and Family Prosecution for the second time, where his detention was extended for another two weeks pending investigation, based on his coerced confessions obtained under threats and torture. This pattern of extending his detention every two weeks continued after each appearance before the Prosecution, relying on the same coerced confessions, until his referral to trial on 19 December 2024. During these sessions, Ali’s lawyer was consistently prohibited from attending. As of 6 January 2025, it was revealed that Ali faced charges in two separate arson cases. On 8 January 2025, he discovered a third arson charge against him, related to an arson incident in Karranah on 24 August 2024, which had been referred to the High Criminal Court.

    Ali was not brought before a judge within 24 hours of his arrest, does not have adequate time and facilities to prepare for trial, is unable to present or challenge evidence, and is denied access to his attorney. As a result, his mother serves as an intermediary, communicating with the lawyer and relaying the information to her son through phone calls. On 19 December 2024, after nearly four months of arbitrary pre-trial detention, Ali and several of his peers were referred to trial, with the first court session initially scheduled for 23 December 2024. However, the session was later postponed to 30 December 2024. He remains detained at Dry Dock Detention Center, awaiting trial, as his court sessions continue to be postponed. 

    Ali has been subjected to medical neglect while in detention. Before his arrest, he was receiving dental treatment at a private clinic, but his detention prevented him from completing the treatment. As a result, his front teeth remained exposed after nerve extraction and gum surgery, causing him frequent, severe pain. Initially, authorities denied him medical care and even refused to provide painkillers. After a complaint was filed with the Ombudsman, treatment resumed, with one tooth being treated and a promise to continue treatment on one tooth per week. However, this treatment was later discontinued, and his care was limited to pain relief medication. Ali experienced three consecutive fainting episodes due to severe pain. Additionally, comprehensive medical examinations revealed low blood pressure, but neither he nor his family were provided with detailed results.

    Ali, a first-year high school student, has been deprived of his education while in detention. The Ministry of Education refused to allow him to take exams or continue his studies. His mother was summoned to the ministry and presented with two options: either withdraw Ali from school or accept a certificate marked “Deprived” with a zero average. The Ministry of Education justified this by stating that Ali had not attended any school days due to his detention.

    Since his arrest, Ali’s family has been denied visits with him in detention. They submitted multiple complaints to both the Ombudsman and the National Institute for Human Rights (NIHR) regarding mistreatment, denial of medical care, and the deprivation of his right to education. However, most of these complaints have yielded no results.

    Ali’s warrantless arrest as a minor, torture, denial of family visits and lawyer access, deprivation of his right to education, medical neglect, and prolonged arbitrary pre-trial detention are clear violations of the Convention Against Torture (CAT), the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), all of which Bahrain is a party to.

    Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) calls upon Bahraini authorities to fulfill their human rights obligations by immediately and unconditionally releasing Ali. It calls on the Bahraini government to investigate allegations of arbitrary arrest, torture, coerced confessions, denial of family visits and lawyer access, deprivation of the right to education, and medical neglect, and to hold the perpetrators accountable. ADHRB also demands compensation for the violations Ali has suffered in detention. At the very least, ADHRB advocates for a prompt, fair trial for Ali under the Bahraini Restorative Justice Law for Children, and in accordance with international legal standards, leading to his release. Furthermore, ADHRB calls on the Dry Dock Detention Center administration to provide Ali with immediate, appropriate medical care, including the completion of his dental treatment, holding it responsible for any further deterioration in his health. It also demands that the center allow Ali to resume his education and permit family visits without delay.

    The post Profile in Persecution: Ali Husain Matrook Abdulla appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

  • Since 6 December 2024, political prisoners in Jau Prison have faced relentless and systematic abuses following the death of Husain Aman due to medical neglect. The Bahraini authorities responded to prisoner protests with severe retaliation, including the violent suppression of inmates and collective punishment measures. Building 7, housing 68 political prisoners, has been under siege for over 14 consecutive days, with prisoners deprived of food, water, and electricity. Critically ill inmates, including Mohamed AlBaqali and Mohamed Redha Loolooi, remain in dire conditions as their repeated pleas for medical assistance have been ignored. In a desperate attempt, prisoners in Building 7 used loudspeakers to amplify their calls for medical assistance. However, the Jau Prison administration responded by blasting loud music within the prison facilities to drown out their voices, further disregarding their urgent needs. These actions flagrantly violate the Nelson Mandela Rules and other international human rights standards.

    The impact of these abuses extends far beyond the prison walls. Families of prisoners have been left in anguish, facing a communication blackout and mounting concerns for their loved ones. One such family, the family of prisoner Sayed Mohamed AlAbbar, has expressed deep fear for his safety after he was hospitalized with injuries sustained during a violent raid on Building 7. Despite this, the prison administration has failed to provide clear updates on his condition, intensifying his family’s distress.

    Protests in solidarity with the prisoners have erupted across Bahrain, with daily demonstrations reported in different towns such as Duraz, Bani Jamra, and Abu Saiba. Families have held sit-ins outside Jau Prison, Al-Ma’ared Police Station, and government human rights institutions, including the Ombudsman and the National Institution for Human Rights (NIHR), demanding justice and immediate action. On 10 December, families gathered outside the prison were promised that inmates would soon be allowed to contact them. However, no action was taken, leaving families feeling betrayed. Moreover, security forces responded to the peaceful protest outside Al-Ma’ared Police Station on 11 December with intimidation, threats, and surveillance, showcasing the government’s unwillingness to address the growing humanitarian crisis. On the same day, families submitted letters to the Ombudsman and the NIHR, urging immediate action to uncover their sons’ conditions, ensure their safety, restore communication, and uphold their basic rights. Despite follow-up sit-ins outside both institutions in the following days, neither has issued an official response to the families’ demands.

    The royal pardon issued on 15 December 2024 for Bahrain’s National Day further exemplifies the Bahraini government’s disregard for human rights. While 896 prisoners were released, nearly all political prisoners were deliberately excluded, including prominent opposition leaders Mr. Hasan Mushaima, Dr. AbdulJalil AlSingace, and AbdulHadi AlKhawaja. Most pardoned individuals were criminal offenders, with only a few political prisoners who had already been included in the “Open Prisons” program or previously released under alternative sanctions. Notably, the pardon included just one political prisoner from Jau Prison, Mohamed AlSawla, who was not part of the “Open Prisons” program or alternative sanctions and had only 10 days left in his sentence. This exclusion blatantly violates the August 2024 agreement between Bahraini authorities and inmates at Jau Prison, which promised phased releases of political prisoners. The royal pardon has devastated the families of political prisoners, who had eagerly awaited it in the hope that their loved ones would be included. Instead of fulfilling its commitments, the government has deepened mistrust and exacerbated the suffering of prisoners, particularly given the worsening prison conditions.

    The systemic violations in Bahrain’s detention facilities are not limited to Jau Prison. Reports from the Dry Dock Detention Center reveal routine torture, psychological abuse, and severe restrictions on religious practices. Detainees Ali Mohamed Jaafar and Husain Fateel, son of prominent human rights defender and former prisoner of conscience Naji Fateel, have reported in audio recordings restrictions on Shia detainees at the Dry Dock Detention Center, denying them the freedom to practice their religious rituals.

    Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) strongly condemns these abuses. ADHRB asserts that the Bahraini government’s actions constitute gross violations of the Convention Against Torture (CAT), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and the Nelson Mandela Rules.

    ADHRB holds the Ministry of Interior (MOI), the NIHR, and the Ombudsman responsible for these violations through their complicity and inaction. The royal pardon, while praised by some as a humanitarian gesture, starkly underscores the government’s disregard for political prisoners, most of whom continue to suffer under inhuman conditions. ADHRB demands the unconditional release of all political prisoners, particularly elderly and critically ill opposition leaders such as Mr. Hasan Mushaima and Dr. AbdulJalil AlSingace. The organization urges an end to all abuses in Bahraini prisons, thorough investigations into violations, accountability for perpetrators, and compensation and reparation for victims.

    The post Bahrain Updates: Rising Tensions In Jau Prison Amid Systematic Exclusion of Political Prisoners from the National Day Royal Pardon appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

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