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  • Who Holds Bahrain’s Torture Princes Accountable?

    The process of transformation and progress toward democracy in any country necessitates implementing reforms within official state institutions, including the security and judicial systems. These reforms must adhere to a transparent, stringent accountability mechanism grounded in clear legal frameworks. Additionally, it is essential to establish a defined pathway that ensures equal rights for all individuals and reaffirms the principle that the law applies to everyone without exception.

    However, in Bahrain, the process of meaningful reform and democratic transformation has remained elusive since the popular pro-democracy movement began 13 years ago in 2011. The lack of judicial independence and its subordination to the ruling authority, coupled with a pervasive policy of impunity, has created a shield protecting perpetrators of violations and corruption. Instead of safeguarding citizens, the law has become a tool to target them.

    One of the most egregious violations of human rights in Bahrain is torture, which has been inflicted on citizens for opposing the country’s rulers or political systems. A clear testament to this is the dozens of communications (opinions, urgent appeals, or allegations) issued by UN experts, particularly those focused on torture and other violations, from various UN Special Procedure offices and working groups. These communications have repeatedly called on Bahraini officials, from the king to lower-ranking officials, to immediately halt torture and other abuses. Each communication has reiterated the request for Bahrain to allow a visit by the UN Special Rapporteur on Torture to directly assess the validity of ongoing allegations.

    Despite these appeals, Bahrain’s so-called “torture princes” remain free. While the government has occasionally announced trials for a few perpetrators of abuses or created investigative bodies to examine torture claims, these measures have largely been superficial and aimed at polishing the regime’s image on the international stage. For instance, the establishment of the Bahrain Independent Commission of Inquiry (BICI) to investigate government-led torture was a notable step. Yet the Bahraini government has failed to implement its recommendations in a meaningful or effective manner.

    Recently, the Bahraini government has attempted to project an image of reform by adopting measures such as granting amnesty to dozens of political prisoners and releasing others under “open prisons” or alternative sentencing frameworks. However, these efforts are overshadowed by the continued arrest of rights advocates, the ongoing crackdown on peaceful groups and dissenting voices, and the protection of “torture princes” from accountability amid a widespread policy of impunity.

    The Spread of the Policy of Impunity

    More than a decade has passed, yet the crackdown that followed the peaceful pro-democracy movement in Bahrain remains a stark reminder of the country’s human rights violations. Four state institutions played a central role in suppressing peaceful protests: the National Guard, the Bahrain Defence Force, the Ministry of Interior (MOI), and the National Security Agency (NSA). Acting under Royal Decree No. 18 of 2011, which declared a state of national safety, these agencies carried out gross human rights abuses. These included arbitrary arrests, violent suppression using weapons, and widespread torture. These actions have been condemned by various UN bodies, international organizations, and NGOs for their egregious violations of fundamental human rights. Despite international criticism, Bahrain’s authorities have consistently failed to hold perpetrators accountable, enabling a culture of impunity to persist.

    To date, Bahraini authorities have failed to take serious steps toward holding officials accountable for torture and human rights abuses. These include high-ranking figures such as the king’s son, Nasser bin Hamad Al Khalifa, and Minister of Interior Rashid bin Abdulla Al Khalifa, both directly implicated in violations.

    This report continues the campaign launched by Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) in February 2023, calling for the prosecution of those responsible for abuses against political prisoners in Bahrain.

    Since the crackdown on pro-democracy protests, ADHRB and other human rights organizations have documented numerous abuses by senior officials who authorized torture, arbitrary detention, and extrajudicial killings. Reports based on testimony from human rights advocates have accused the Bahraini MOI of personally overseeing torture in prisons. Bahrain ranked first in the Arab world for its incarceration rate in 2015, with approximately 4,000 prisoners, equating to 301 inmates per 100,000 people. Instead of addressing calls for investigations, Bahraini authorities have routinely demonized such demands. Interior Minister Rashid bin Abdulla Al Khalifa, who has held his position since 2004, dismissed allegations of abuse, stating: “Claims and allegations of torture repeated by some individuals are mere assertions based on unfounded and unsupported rumors”.

    Despite the government’s repeated denials of torture, the reality on the ground tells a different story. Under pressure from public protests and human rights advocacy, the Bahraini government established the Bahrain Independent Commission of Inquiry (BICI) through Royal Decree No. 28 of 2011 on 29 July 2011. Tasked with investigating the events of February and March 2011 and their aftermath,  the commission released its report on 23 November 2011, known as the “BICI Recommendations”. The report outlined 19 key recommendations, including establishing an independent and impartial mechanism to hold officials accountable for unlawful acts and providing compensation to victims.

    In response to the report, which exposed the regime’s practices, the government quickly announced formal measures. In July 2012, Nawaf Abdulla Hamza, head of the Public Prosecution’s Special Investigation Unit (SIU), filed torture charges against 15 individuals, followed by similar charges against seven more in October 2012, after investigating complaints of torture and mistreatment received by the Public Prosecution Office (PPO). However, the MOI soon closed these investigations and launched an aggressive campaign to polish the judiciary and prison system’s image. The MOI declared, “Speaking of torture these days is unjustified. Detainees and prisoners are safeguarded under the custody of the MOI, making what is referred to as ‘torture’ unnecessary”.

    However, consistent documentation of ongoing torture during various stages of litigation by numerous human rights organizations led to additional measures. In May 2015, the Bahrain Criminal Court sentenced six security personnel from the MOI, including three officers, to prison terms ranging from one to five years for torturing prisoners and causing the death of one detainee.

    Through this pattern of perpetuating impunity, responding to torture allegations with either superficial reforms or outright denial, and attempting to bolster the image of its security and judicial systems, the Bahraini regime has effectively authorized and legitimized ongoing repression against its citizens.

    Princes of Torture

    Reports from victims indicate that they were subjected to severe beating and torture by individuals whom the victims recognized as members of the Bahraini royal family. Complaints were filed against those involved in the torture, and letters were sent to world leaders urging them to take steps and hold the princes of torture accountable for their human rights violations, but to no avail.

    • Nasser bin Hamad Al Khalifa

    Nasser bin Hamad, the son of the King of Bahrain, is considered one of the most prominent princes of torture, protected from prosecution and accountability for the torture crimes he committed against political prisoners. The prince holds several positions, including National Security Advisor, Secretary-General of the Supreme Defense Council, and Commander of the Bahraini Royal Guard. He has used his positions and influence to commit human rights violations. Complaints were filed against the prince in courts in France and the UK, where the High Court issued a ruling to lift his immunity; however, this ruling did not lead to any practical steps.

    Among the cases of torture is that of Sheikh Abdullah Isa Abdulla Mahroos (Sheikh Mirza Mahroos), a prominent Bahraini cleric who was subjected to multiple human rights violations, including torture and an unfair trial, and is currently serving his sentence in Jau Prison. Sheikh Mahroos was beaten by Nasser bin Hamad, who forced him to open his mouth and then spat in it.

    Sheikh Mohamed Habib Al-Miqdad, a Bahraini-Swedish cleric and social activist, who is still serving his prison sentence in Jau Prison, was also tortured and mistreated by the princes of torture, including the King’s son. Nasser bin Hamad did not hesitate to explicitly introduce himself to victims. He informed Sheikh Al-Miqdad of his identity and proceeded to slap him and insult him due to slogans chanted during protests against the ruling family.

    Documentations mention dozens of other cases where the King’s son was involved in torture, and in most of them, Nasser bin Hamad identified himself to the victims before torturing them. In many cases, he intentionally humiliated the victims, beat them in sensitive areas, struck them severely until they bled, forced them to kiss his shoes, insulted them, and used sectarian slurs against them.

    • Khalid bin Hamad Al Khalifa

    The sons of the King of Bahrain, Nasser and Khalid, held high-ranking positions and military ranks that secured them a vast influence and a green light to legitimize violations and entrench a policy of impunity. Khalid bin Hamad, a colonel, holds the position of First Deputy Chairman of the Supreme Council for Youth and Sports, President of the General Sports Authority, and Chairman of the Bahraini Olympic Committee. He became involved in the torture of Bahraini citizens during the 2011 popular movement, along with other scandals that were investigated.

    Documents recount an incident in which an elderly man and his son were arrested and forced to bow to Khalid, who was wearing a military uniform. The man and his son were thrown in front of the King’s son, who proceeded to beat them with his weapon, directing sectarian insults at them.

    Among the torture victim testimonies, one citizen describes how he was beaten and humiliated by Khalid, where he was forced to kneel with his hands bound and was beaten severely on his ribs and face. He was also forced to eat hot pepper and insult opposition leaders. Later, this person was arrested, accused of inciting against the regime, sentenced to prison, and dismissed from his job.

    Khalid used to stand at checkpoints, personally inspecting passersby in a degrading manner. In one case, he beat a citizen after finding text messages on his phone urging participation in the Pearl Roundabout protests. The citizen reported that Khalid was wearing a military uniform and oversaw the beating until he caused a wound beneath his beard and blood began to pour. Khalid kicked him in the back and kidneys until the victim could no longer move. He was forced to sign a confession without knowing its contents, and as a result, was imprisoned for three months.

    Khalid participated in torturing individuals at checkpoints and frequently engaged in beating victims until they bled. In one case, he forced a citizen to eat soil, grabbed his neck, and slammed it hard onto his knee, breaking the victim’s nose and causing bleeding.

    • Rashid bin Abdulla Al Khalifa

    The widespread policy of impunity and the systemic use of torture in Bahrain cannot be discussed without mentioning Rashid bin Abdulla Al Khalifa. Serving as Minister of the Interior since May 2004, he bears primary responsibility for the interrogations and torture inflicted on political prisoners in Bahrain. ADHRB has documented testimonies stating that the Minister of Interior personally conducted their interrogation and torture, alongside Tariq AlHasan, the head of General Security, following episodes of severe torture! In addition to extrajudicial killings and torture, the Interior Minister’s record includes violations such as assaulting women, stealing household items, and selling them in public auctions organized by the ministry. The BICI Report confirmed the Interior Minister’s failure to protect peaceful protesters and his involvement in covering up violations against detainees. However, Rashid successfully whitewashed his crimes by promoting that these violations were part of protecting the regime, maintaining security, and capturing and prosecuting terrorist cells. With the backing and protection of the royal court, he was able to continue these violations and was even rewarded with his son’s appointment as Bahrain’s ambassador to the United States (U.S.) in 2017.

    In February 2019, ADHRB launched a campaign entitled “Prosecute Him”, condemning the horrific violations committed by Rashid bin Abdulla Al Khalifa against political prisoners. The campaign highlighted cases of victims tortured under the supervision, approval, or even presence of the Interior Minister. Through the cases it spotlighted, ADHRB documented the abuses endured by hundreds of detainees in Bahraini prisons, which constitute crimes against humanity according to UN Special Procedures. Among these victims are human rights defender Dr. AbdulJalil AlSingace, prominent opposition leader Hasan Mushaima, human rights defender AbdulHadi AlKhawaja, former Secretary-General of the AlWefaq Society Sheikh Ali Salman, human rights activist Naji Fateel, and prisoner of conscience Ali Hasan AlAradi.

    • Khalifa bin Ahmed Al Khalifa

    Khalifa bin Ahmed Al Khalifa served as Director-General of Police in the Southern Governorate from 2011 to 2016, attaining the rank of Brigadier General. Under his command, these forces engaged in retaliatory actions against human rights defenders, including Dr. Saeed AlSamahiji, who was arrested for tweeting criticism of Saudi Arabia’s execution of political prisoners. Khalifa also participated in the collective punishment of political prisoners in Jau Prison in March 2015. According to detainee testimonies, Khalifa personally oversaw some torture sessions, during which six guards repeatedly kicked one prisoner while Khalifa sat and watched. He instructed the guards to “hurt him, but don’t kill him,” and the guards proceeded to strip the prisoner, chain him to a metal bed, and continue beating him, including on his genitals. No charges were filed against these officers or the Director-General.

    Reports also highlighted Khalifa’s responsibility for the torture of several Bahrain University students, such as Fatima AlBaqali, along with other female detainees like journalist Naziha Saad. Khalifa’s crimes followed him wherever he went, and during a visit to the British capital, London, Bahrainis who had been tortured by him referred to him as “The Executioner,” reminding him of his crimes against Bahrainis.

    Instead of being held accountable after his name appeared in the BICI Report, Khalifa was appointed in 2016 as Deputy Head of General Security, making him second in command of police divisions across the four governorates. This appointment also made him second in command to national units, including the Special Security Forces and the Coast Guard. Since then, his tenure has seen some of the most violent incidents committed by security forces in recent years, including repeated extrajudicial killings throughout 2017. In January 2018, the King promoted him to Major General and appointed him Deputy Inspector General. Major General Khalifa is now tasked with assisting the Inspector General in handling complaints referred by the Ombudsman and holding MOI employees accountable for violations. These employees were personally directed by him to arrest human rights defenders and torture prisoners.

    • Khalifa bin Abdulla Al Khalifa

    Among the prominent names involved in torturing political prisoners is Khalifa bin Abdulla Al Khalifa, Head of the National Security Agency (NSA) within the MOI, which replaced the State Security Agency responsible for the deaths of dozens of detainees under torture.

    Khalifa participated in torture operations during interrogations, and among his victims was Sheikh Abdulla Isa Mahroos. Khalifa repeatedly kicked Sheikh Mahroos in the stomach and ordered prison guards to step on his abdomen, causing internal bleeding and forcing him to undergo two surgeries. Sheikh Mahroos recalls: “They would stand with their shoes on my stomach while I was lying on the ground, and whenever I complained of stomach pain, they hit me more on my stomach, and I developed internal bleeding and severe pain.” He asserts that he identified some of his torturers, including “Head of the NSA Khalifa bin Abdulla Al Khalifa and several of the agency’s members.”

    Torture operations were conducted under the supervision of high-ranking officials and royal family members. The confessions extracted under torture were filmed and shown on state-run media, allowing the MOI to showcase its so-called achievements while terrorizing detainees and justifying their unfair and illegal trials. Detainees mentioned that one member of the NSA informed them that a “prince” from the royal family would meet with them to hear their statements and raise them to the King in hopes of their release. At the time, Khalifa played the role of an intermediary between the King and Bahraini opposition figures, one of whom was Hasan Mushaima, whose name appeared in the confessions shown in the film as the main instigator of the so-called terrorist cell.

    • Noura Al Khalifa

    Among the names that surfaced in the dark torture chambers was Noura Al Khalifa, a princess who worked in the Counter-Narcotics Police and was accused of torturing Bahraini activists. Noura was tried after complaints were filed against her, but the Appeals Court quickly acquitted her of torture violations.

    Among the documented cases were that of brothers Ghassan and Bassim Dhaif, who worked at the Sulaimaniya Medical Complex, and Dr. Ali AlEkri. Cases also included women who were arrested and imprisoned under extremely poor conditions and tortured at the hands of a royal family member, such as poet Ayat AlQarmazi, Jalila AlSalman – then-acting president of the Bahrain Teachers Association-, the paramedic Dr. Fatima Hajji, Dr. Zahra AlSammak, Dr. Rula AlSaffar, and Dr. Kholood AlDurazi.

    Poet Ayat AlQarmazi was arrested and tortured in March 2011 at the age of 21 for reciting a poem critical of the Bahraini government. She was beaten with wires while blindfolded and threatened with rape. During one of her torture sessions, she recognized Noura, who verbally abused her, spat in her mouth, electrocuted her face, and slapped her multiple times. Student Fatima AlBaqali endured similar forms of torture due to a speech she delivered during a sit-in at the Pearl Roundabout and was threatened with rape if she revealed the violations.

    Dr. Fatima Hajji was tortured for communicating with human rights organizations. She was beaten with a water hose and electrocuted by the princess. Under torture, she was coerced into falsely confessing that she supplied blood units to activists for simulating injuries during protests. She was also sexually harassed by a group of men under the princess’s supervision, threatened with rape, and forced to stand on one leg, sing, dance, and imitate animal sounds.

    Official Torture Agencies

    Bahrain’s widespread policy of impunity in Bahrain couldn’t be sustained without a system that protects both the policy itself and those enforcing it. At the center of this system is the MOI, whose various branches form the backbone of the police state. A detailed study by ADHRB revealed the Ministry’s pivotal role in Bahrain’s sudden transformation into a police state. Between 2011 and 2019, over 3,000 human rights violations were linked to the Ministry. These included arbitrary detention, torture, rape, and extrajudicial killings.

    From 2011 to 2024, at least 19 political prisoners died in Bahraini prisons due to medical neglect and systematic torture. The victims include: AbdulAziz Ayyad (17 March 2011), Hasan Jassim AlFardan (3 April 2011), Ali Saqr (4 April 2011), Zakariya AlAsheeri (9 April  2011), AbdulKarim Fakhrawi (11 April 2011), Jaber AlAlaiwat (6 December 2011), Mohamed Mushaima (2 October 2012), Yusuf AlNashmi (11 October 2013), Hasan AlSheikh (5 November 2014), Hasan Jassim Hasan AlHayiki (31 July 2016), Mohamed Sahwan (16 March 2017), Jaafar AlDurazi (26 February 2014), Hameed Khatam (31 January 2020), Sayed Kadhem Abbas (3 February 2020), Abbas Malallah (6 April 2021), Husain Barakat (9 June 2021), Ali Qambar (25 October 2021), Sadiq Jaafar AlMadani (17 December 2022), and Husain AlRamram (25 March 2024).

    None of these cases were seriously investigated, nor were perpetrators held accountable. When inquiries were made, deaths were labeled as “natural causes,” leaving the perpetrators free and protected. Even when evidence documenting the torture of victims is presented, as in the case of death row political prisoner Mohamed Ramadan, it does not lead to a reduction in harsh sentences, despite confirmed reports that his confessions were coerced.

    In addition, there have been cases of extrajudicial killings where the perpetrators were protected, with no investigations or accountability. These include the killings of Abdulla AlAjooz (20 February 2017), Redha AlGhasra, Mustafa Yusuf, and Mahmood Yusuf (9 February 2017) carried out by security forces affiliated with the MOI.

    Members of the ruling family involved in crimes have also been protected. In 2016, military officer Hamad Mubarak Al Khalifa killed journalist Eman AlSalehi in front of her six-year-old son. Despite this, state media ignored the case, no photos of the perpetrator were broadcast, and the law was never enforced. Furthermore, he was granted a royal pardon in 2022. Moreover, officials accused of torture were promoted and granted expanded powers through royal decrees. For example, Adel bin Khalifa bin Hamad AlFadhel, involved in torture cases, was promoted to Deputy Minister of Interior.

    Between 2011 and 2019, ADHRB documented the MOI’s direct involvement in at least 570 cases of torture under the command of the Interior Minister. ADHRB’s weekly Profiles in Persecution have detailed numerous cases of torture involving high-ranking officials. Among these cases is that of activist Ali Hasan AlAradi, who endured severe physical and psychological torture and ill-treatment before being personally interrogated by Interior Minister Rashid bin Abdulla Al Khalifa. During the torture preceding the interrogation, AlAradi was beaten severely on his head and genitals with batons and wooden rods. His eyes were blindfolded throughout the interrogation, he was forced to stand for long hours, denied sleep and restroom access, and threatened with harm to his family. As a result of this torture, he suffered a broken hand and lost hearing in his left ear. He was subsequently prosecuted based on confessions extracted under torture.

    Despite this evidence, including findings from the BICI that confirmed the Minister of Interior’s involvement in serious human rights violations, he has never been held accountable. Instead, since his appointment he deflected criticism, accusing anyone who questioned his ministry’s practices and threatening legal action against those who accused him of torture.

    This protection extended to senior officials and members of the ruling family, creating a culture of impunity. This culture is reflected in Bahrain’s prisons, where torture and violations against political prisoners are perpetrated with no remorse or accountability. Officers such as AbdulSalam AlAraifi, Hisham AlZayani, Nasser AbdulRahman Al Khalifa, Bader AlRuwaie, Ali Arad, Yusuf AlQadi, Abdulla Omar, and Ahmed AlEmadi were documented perpetrators on political and sectarian grounds. Complaints against them were ignored, and state agencies provided them with full protection, enabling further violations. Political prisoners, most notably Mohamed Hasan Abdulla AlRamel, have documented in audio recordings the abuses they endured at the hands of these officers. They filed complaints with the relevant MOI bodies, but no action was taken.

    Bahrain has established itself as a model police state through its institutional framework, with approximately 46 MOI employees per 1,000 citizens and the highest rate of mass detention in the Middle East. Evidence shows that serious violations, including torture, stem from the Ministry’s de facto policy, which not only reinforces a culture of impunity but also includes an incentive system designed to reward perpetrators.

    Torture Testimonies

    Below are examples of torture endured by political prisoners, including opposition leaders and human rights defenders.

    • Prominent opposition leader Dr. AbdulJalil AlSingace

    Dr. AlSingace has been subjected to daily torture. He was beaten on the head with batons, threatened with sexual assault, and deprived of showers for long periods. In addition, he was denied medical care, despite suffering from post-polio syndrome, sickle cell anemia, and other painful conditions. Despite this, he only received medical attention after his health severely deteriorated.

    On 8 July 2021, Dr. AlSingace began a hunger strike when prison authorities confiscated his book on Bahraini dialects, a project he spent four years researching and writing. Since then, the torture inflicted upon him has taken new forms. He has been held in conditions resembling solitary confinement at Kanoo Medical Center, denied access to sunlight and outdoor time, and his medical examinations have been concealed from him and his family. He remains deprived of treatment to this day.

    • Prominent opposition leader Mr. Hasan Mushaima

    Another prominent opposition leader, Mr. Hasan Mushaima, experienced severe physical abuse during his interrogation and trial. He was beaten, punched all over his body, particularly on his head, and pushed to the ground, causing injuries. Mushaima also endured psychological torture, verbal abuse, and ill-treatment. Despite suffering from multiple health issues—including diabetes, hypertension, prostate enlargement, ear infections, gout, unspecified kidney and stomach damage, a cyst in the eye, and a heart muscle problem—Mushaima is continually denied medication and routine medical checkups. A former cancer patient, the 76-year-old opposition leader has been isolated at Kanoo Medical Center for three years, facing slow death due to the systematic denial of essential healthcare, despite his age.

    • Prominent Human Rights Defender AbdulHadi Al-Khawaja

    From the moment of his arrest, human rights defender AbdulHadi Al-Khawaja was subjected to torture, resulting in four fractured bones in his jaw. After spending two months in solitary confinement, and only eight days following jaw surgery, he was subjected to severe physical and psychological torture, prompting him to begin a hunger strike. He was threatened with force-feeding through a nasal-gastric tube. Al-Khawaja’s appeals to the Minister of Interior went unanswered; instead, retaliation against him intensified. Due to the hunger strikes and torture, he now suffers from severe joint and bone pain that prevents him from sleeping, as well as other complications, including deteriorating vision that could cause him to lose his sight.

    • Mohamed Hasan Abdulla (AlRamel)

    Released political prisoner Mohamed Hasan AlRamel exemplifies the policy of medical neglect practiced—and still ongoing—against prisoners of conscience in Bahrain, a policy that at one point threatened his life. AlRamel has endured extreme torture, including beatings across his body and ribs, sexual harassment, verbal abuse, and being hung from stairs. Additionally, the retaliatory policies extended to arbitrary measures, including depriving him of prayer, sleep. and restroom access, placed in solitary confinement, and denied medical care. Furthermore, officers of the Criminal Investigations Directorate (CID) threatened to harm his mother and wife. Due to the medical negligence he endured, he was compelled to undertake repeated hunger strikes in protest against being denied medical appointments, necessary medications, and the specialized meals he required.

    BICI Recommendations

    In July 2011, Bahrain’s King established an investigative commission in response to international criticism over the security forces’ violent and disproportionate response to peaceful protests in February 2011.  The protests left 30 people dead, with 19 deaths attributed to security forces. In its report released on 23 November 2011, the Bahrain Independent Commission of Inquiry (BICI) concluded that the NSA and the MOI had engaged in “systematic practices of physical and psychological abuse amounting to torture in several cases.”

    The government then established three bodies to address torture: The Ombudsman Office under the MOI, led by Rashid bin Abdulla Al Khalifa, one of the most prominent torturers; the Special Investigations Unit (SIU) under the Public Prosecution Office (PPO), which is complicit in torture by accepting forced confessions during interrogations; the Prisoners and Detainees Rights Commission (PDRC), whose members included judges complicit in the criminalization of human rights and opposition activism.

    Over more than a decade, government bodies have demonstrated, through both their structure and actions, their ineffectiveness and failure to reform the judicial system or activate oversight mechanisms to safeguard human rights in the country.

    In addition to the culture of impunity, it is important to highlight the promotions granted to perpetrators of violations. Despite the involvement of numerous officers in overseeing the abuse of political prisoners and extrajudicial killings, these individuals have been promoted to higher positions. This constitutes a direct endorsement of oppressive policing, the proliferation of abusive practices, and their institutionalization. Among these names are:

    • Brigadier General AbdulAziz Mayouf AlRumaihi- Director-General of the Criminal Investigations and Forensic Evidence Directorate (CID)

    The Criminal Investigations and Forensic Evidence Directorate, commonly known as the “Criminal Investigations Directorate (CID),” is one of the most prominent torture apparatuses under the MOI. It is headed by Brigadier General AbdulAziz Mayouf AlRumaihi, despite his being accused of human rights violations, including his involvement in the killing of Abdullah Al-Ajooz by security forces in February 2017. AlRumaihi continues to retaliate against activists by using his authority to deny them certificates of good conduct.

    • Brigadier General Fawaz AlHasan – Commander of the Royal Police Academy:

    Similarly, Fawaz Hasan AlHasan, the General Director of Police in Muharraq Governorate, received continuous promotions. He was promoted to the position of Commander of the Royal Police Academy at the rank of General Director, despite documented serious violations under his leadership, including the torture of activists Ebtisam AlSaegh and Najah Yusuf.

    • Brigadier General Bassam Mohamed Khamis Al-Maraj – Chief of the National Intelligence Agency.  :

    Bassam Mohamed Al-Maraj personally oversaw torture sessions and was among four senior torturers at the CID. Al-Maraj supervised acts of torture at the intelligence headquarters, the abduction of dissidents, and the fabrication of false charges against them. He also supervised the use of brutal torture methods to extract forced confessions, the torture of female detainees, and retaliation against activists and human rights defenders. Recently, on 10 July 2024, a royal decree rewarded Al-Maraj for his violations by promoting him to the position of Chief of the National Intelligence Agency.

    Recommendations

    The state of human rights in Bahrain has worsened. Repressive practices became deeply entrenched over the years, with the government blatantly ignoring international laws and treaties. Over time, it has disregarded the BICI recommendations and resumed security crackdowns, arbitrary arrests, and trials that fail to meet even the most basic standards of international justice.

    Just one year after the commission’s recommendations—and continuing to the present—Bahrain’s government has shown a clear lack of political will to implement the promised reforms. It has ignored repeated calls to investigate allegations of torture, ill-treatment, and excessive use of force, as well as to prosecute those responsible for such violations. This inaction has entrenched and perpetuated a culture of impunity. Trials based on confessions extracted under torture remain unreviewed, with sentences—including 51 death penalties—issued based on these coerced confessions. As of 2024, 12 political prisoners face execution, and 10 prominent opposition leaders have been imprisoned for over a decade solely for their peaceful roles in protests.

    In light of this, ADHRB reiterates its calls for justice and accountability. It urges the immediate and unconditional release of all opposition leaders and political prisoners, the initiation of independent investigations into torture allegations, and the prosecution of perpetrators, regardless of their rank. ADHRB also demands accountability for investigative judges who issued unjust sentences despite evidence of torture. Furthermore, ADHRB calls for restructuring prison administrations, security agencies, and the judiciary to ensure the appointment of impartial and independent judges. Finally, ADHRB stresses the urgent need for the government to fully and seriously implement the findings and recommendations of the BICI.

    ADHRB also calls for full reparations for victims of human rights violations, ensuring they receive compensation and guarantees of non-repetition. It reiterates its demand for Bahrain’s government to dismantle its culture of impunity and adhere to its obligations under international treaties, including the Convention Against Torture (CAT) and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). Additionally, ADHRB emphasizes the urgent need to end the criminalization of free speech and the suppression of voices advocating for reform, as these are crucial for achieving meaningful change in the country.

    The government’s claims of reform, such as releasing a few political prisoners, stand in stark contrast to its continued criminalization of free expression, the violent suppression of protests, and ongoing restrictions on prisoners of conscience. Therefore, ADHRB recommends restructuring Bahrain’s security and judicial institutions to free them from the control of the MOI This must include ending the culture of impunity, starting with the removal of the Minister of Interior, holding all officials involved in violations accountable, and ensuring victims are compensated and their civil and political rights are fully restored.

    The post Who Holds Bahrain’s Torture Princes Accountable? appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

    This post was originally published on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

  • Jau Prison Developments: Escalating Tensions Signal Worse Days Ahead!

    Tensions have re-ignited in Bahrain’s Jau Central Prison following the death of another political prisoner due to medical neglect and the prison administration’s failure to provide routine and emergency healthcare for political prisoners. This incident sparked renewed protests among prisoners, demanding a thorough investigation into the cause of death and an end to ongoing human rights violations. However, instead of addressing these concerns, the prison administration persists in violating international conventions on prisoners’ rights, intensifying repressive measures such as severing communications and isolating inmates from the outside world.

    On the evening of Friday 6 November 2024, political prisoner Husain Aman collapsed in the prison yard of Building 11. Eyewitness accounts describe fellow inmates rushing to his aid and calling for emergency medical assistance. Although the prison reportedly has an emergency clinic, the medical team arrived ten minutes late. Hospital statements report that Aman collapsed in the outdoor area and was transferred to the facility’s clinic, where first aid and CPR were administered before he passed away en route to the hospital. However, eyewitnesses dispute this account, asserting that Aman was already unconscious during the transfer and that those present in the clinic were cleared out once his death became apparent.

    This incident has once again highlighted the systemic failure to protect the lives of prisoners and hold accountable those responsible for negligence in providing medical care and emergency response. This marks the second such case this year, following the death of political prisoner Husain Khalil Ebrahim in March under similar circumstances of medical neglect. Despite the recurrence of these incidents, the prison administration and the Ministry of Interior (MOI) continue to disregard calls for investigations into the repeated deaths, addressing the shortcomings, and holding responsible officials accountable. This approach to the treatment of political prisoners has become part of a systematic policy that has claimed the lives of approximately 20 political prisoners between 2011 and 2024.

    Husain Aman lost his life just two days after being temporarily released under the open prisons program. Aman, who was serving a life sentence on politically motivated charges, did not even get the chance to benefit from conditional freedom, as he died due to the authorities’ negligence. Throughout his imprisonment, he endured retaliatory measures, including deliberate medical neglect. Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) highlighted aspects of the medical neglect he faced following the loss of communication during the COVID-19 pandemic, as his health deteriorated after contracting the virus and he was denied proper medical treatment.

    Following the news of Aman’s death, prisoners erupted in protest, staging sit-ins in buildings 1, 6, 7, 8, 9, and 10 to denounce the “slow death” policies imposed by authorities. Instead of launching an urgent investigation and holding those responsible accountable, the prison administration resorted to excessive force to suppress the protests, resulting in violent clashes and multiple injuries among inmates.

    The Jau Prison administration deployed military reinforcements, including riot police, to confront the inmates. This security escalation coincided with a heavy military presence around the prison, fearing escalation. Several prison buildings were stormed using tear gas, and electricity was cut off in those buildings, while protesters were beaten. As a result of these assaults, several inmates sustained injuries, some of which required medical treatment, with a few needing hospitalization. One prisoner suffered a severe head injury after being brutally beaten with batons. Families reported that inmates from buildings 8, 9, and 10 were transferred to buildings 3 and 5. Additionally, some parents mentioned that their sons in building 10 were directly pepper-sprayed without any confrontations taking place. Alongside the heightened security measures, raids, and assaults on prisoners, the prison administration also deprived inmates of their meals! The following details summarize the situation in each building and the conditions faced by inmates:

    Building 6: Security forces stormed the building to forcibly end the sit-in, injuring three prisoners, one of whom sustained a head injury. Since the raid, all communication with inmates has been cut off, leaving no updates on the condition of the injured or whether they received proper medical treatment.

    Building 10: Security forces raided the building, deploying tear gas and stun grenades. Prisoners were pepper-sprayed in the face and subjected to excessive force, resulting in multiple injuries. A day before the raid, the prison administration cut off electricity and water and halted meal distribution.

    Buildings 7 and 9: Both buildings were stormed using the same violent manner. In Building 7, the sit-in persists amid fears of another violent crackdown. Prisoners in both buildings are reportedly enduring inhumane conditions, with ongoing deprivation of water, electricity, and meals.

    Reports indicate that negotiations were held with inmates in buildings 8 and 6, offering guarantees of no physical harm if they left voluntarily. Protesters were then transferred to Buildings 3 and 5 while handcuffed. Only three prisoners were allowed to contact their families under strict surveillance, accompanied by threats not to disclose the events inside the prison. One inmate reported being permanently restrained, denied personal hygiene items, and deprived of any means to pass the time, such as books or television.

    Building 1: Death row inmates face the harshest conditions. Communication has been entirely severed with eight of them since 23 October, while four others have been placed in solitary confinement as punishment. Despite continuous efforts by families to advocate for their rights, the situation remains dire and unresolved.

    These alarming developments have sparked public protests condemning the crackdown on political prisoners. Families of inmates staged a sit-in outside a police station in Sitra, demanding information about their sons, particularly those in Building 7, with whom contact has been completely severed.

    Following the violent crackdown, the Jau Prison administration severed all external communications, leaving families of prisoners in fear for the safety of their loved ones. Unable to obtain information about their sons after the assaults, many families turned to official human rights institutions for help. They submitted formal letters to the Ombudsman and the National Institution for Human Rights (NIHR), demanding answers about their son’s fate and assurances of their safety amidst the ongoing communication blackout. In their letters, the families issued an urgent appeal for an immediate investigation into allegations of excessive force against political prisoners protesting in five prison buildings. They also called for unrestricted and immediate communication between inmates and their families, as well as proper medical treatment and care for all injured prisoners.

    The Jau Prison administration and the Bahraini MOI continue to respond to political prisoners’ demands with systematic repression and retaliation, a practice condemned by UN experts. On 12 August 2024, three UN Special Rapporteurs sent an allegation letter to the Government of Bahrain, addressing the deteriorating conditions faced by political prisoners in Jau Prison. The letter was prompted by incidents occurring between 26 March and 29 July 2024, following widespread protests sparked by the death of political prisoner Husain Khalil Ebrahim. The protests included an open sit-in across buildings 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, and 10, demanding basic human rights and protesting the medical neglect that has caused multiple inmate deaths. The UN letter highlighted the retaliatory and inhumane measures imposed by the prison administration, such as cutting off electricity, water, and food supplies. It also addressed severe restrictions on movement for legal and medical appointments, where inmates were isolated upon return and placed with foreign criminal inmates. Further measures included suspending weekly phone calls and depriving prisoners of basic necessities like hygiene products, clothing, and essential supplies from the prison canteen.

    Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) expresses grave concern over the ongoing retaliatory measures in Jau Prison. ADHRB asserts that a culture of impunity has fostered an environment where perpetrators of human rights violations are shielded from accountability. It holds the Bahraini MOI and official human rights bodies, including the NIHR and the Ombudsman, accountable for the deteriorating conditions in the prison. ADHRB calls for urgent action to address these violations, beginning with a thorough investigation into the abuses against prisoners. It demands an immediate end to retaliatory practices, adherence to the Nelson Mandela Rules for the treatment of prisoners, and full respect for prisoners’ rights. Ultimately, ADHRB emphasizes the need for the release of all individuals detained on political grounds.

    The post Jau Prison Developments: Escalating Tensions Signal Worse Days Ahead! appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

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  • UN WGAD finds the detention of four Bahraini prisoners arbitrary and subjected to enforced disappearance, torture, coerced confessions, unfair trials, reprisals, and medical neglect

    The United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention (WGAD) published yesterday the opinion it adopted on 30 August 2024 during its 100th session concerning the detention of four Bahraini nationals, one of whom was a minor at the time of the arrest, who were sentenced between 23 years and life imprisonment. These Bahraini individuals were arbitrarily arrested and subjected to gruesome human rights violations including enforced disappearance, torture, coerced confessions, unfair trials, reprisals, and medical negligence. These prisoners are Habib Ali Habib Jasim Mohamed AlFardan, Jasim Mohamed Saeed Ahmed Ali Ajwaid, Husain Ali Basheer Ali Khairalla, and Ebrahim Yusuf Ali Ebrahim AlSamahiji. The Working Group found that their detention was arbitrary under categories I (when it is impossible to invoke a legal basis justifying the deprivation of liberty) and III (when violations of the right to a fair trial are so severe that the detention is rendered arbitrary).

    The WGAD notes, in its opinion No. 40/2024, that the complaint submitted by Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) on the four Bahraini individuals highlights a recurring pattern of violations, consistent with those raised in other complaints. These violations encompass “warrantless, pretrial detention with limited access to judicial review, denial of access to lawyers, forced confession, forced disappearances, prosecution under vaguely worded criminal offenses for the peaceful exercise of human rights, trial by courts lacking in independence, torture, ill-treatment, and denial of medical care”. Consequently, the Working Group stresses that Bahrain must urgently address these severe liberty deprivations by immediately releasing Habib Ali AlFardan and Ebrahim Yusuf AlSamahiji, who both remain in prison, offering compensation and reparations for them and for Jasim Mohamed Ajwaid and the minor Husain Ali Khairalla, who were released under the 8 April 2024 royal pardon, conducting a full, independent investigation into the arbitrary detention of all four individuals, and taking measures against those responsible. Additionally, the WGAD welcomes the opportunity to conduct a country visit to assess the situation further.

    Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) gladly welcomes and supports the Working Group’s Opinion and reiterates its call for the immediate and unconditional release of Ebrahim Yusuf AlSamahiji and all political prisoners. ADHRB also echoes WGAD’s demand for compensation and reparations for all four victims, along with a comprehensive, impartial investigation to identify and hold the perpetrators accountable.

    “This is the 23rd time since 2011 that the UN has found Bahrain guilty of human rights violations including illegal and arbitrary deprivation of liberty. The Bahraini government’s actions — enforced disappearances, torture, coerced confessions, and medical neglect — constitute blatant violations of international human rights standards”, said Husain Abdulla, Executive Director of ADHRB. “We call on Bahrain to act immediately to release all political prisoners, compensate all victims, and hold accountable those responsible for these heinous abuses”.

    The WGAD is one of the Special Procedures of the UN Human Rights Council. As part of its regular procedures, the Working Group sends allegation letters to governments concerning credible cases of arbitrary detentions. The Working Group may also render opinions on whether an individual or group’s detention is arbitrary and violates international law. The WGAD reviews cases under five categories of arbitrary detention: when it is impossible to invoke a legal basis justifying the deprivation of liberty (Category I); when the deprivation of liberty results from the exercise of the rights to equal protection of the law, freedom of thought, freedom of opinion and expression, and freedom of assembly, among others (Category II); when violations of the right to a fair trial are so severe that the detention is rendered arbitrary (Category III); prolonged administrative custody for refugees and asylum seekers (Category IV); and when the detention is discriminatory based on birth, national, ethnic or social origin, language, religion, economic condition, political or other opinions, gender, sexual orientation, disability, or any other status (Category V).

    The four Bahraini individuals, aged 16 to 39 years at the time of arrest, were apprehended in 2015 without arrest, search, or raid warrants and were not informed of the reason for their arrest, with Husain Ali Khairalla being only a 16-year-old minor back then. All four individuals were arrested during home raids conducted by officers from Bahrain’s Ministry of Interior (MOI) and were targeted for their participation in peaceful pro-democracy protests stemming from the 2011 uprising at the Pearl Roundabout. Habib Ali AlFardan and Husain Ali Khairalla had been involved in protests organized by Al-Wefaq Society, a licensed political opposition group advocating for democratic reforms and holding the largest parliamentary bloc in the Bahraini Parliament until its dissolution in 2016. Since none of the individuals were informed, at the time of arrest, of the reasons for their arrest, and were not promptly informed of their charges, authorities have violated Article 9 (2) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).

    As stated in the opinion, all four individuals were not brought promptly before a judge as required. The WGAD states that individuals should appear before a judge within 48 hours; however, none of them were presented within this timeframe, constituting a violation of Article 9 of the ICCPR. The Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) mandates that minors be brought before a judge within 24 hours of arrest, a requirement not met for the minor Husain Ali Khairalla. While the Government of Bahrain claimed that all individuals were questioned by the Public Prosecution Office (PPO), which then ordered their detention, the Working Group emphasized that the PPO “cannot be considered a judicial authority for the purposes of Article 9 (3) of the ICCPR.”

    Additionally, the WGAD noted ADHRB’s information that all four individuals were subjected to enforced disappearance for periods ranging from seven to 22 days, during which their families and lawyers were not informed of their whereabouts. The Working Group noted that the Bahraini government has failed to refute this information, therefore the group considered that the four individuals had been subjected to enforced disappearance. The WGAD considered that these enforced disappearances also severely restricted the prisoners’ ability to challenge their detention and violated their right to an effective remedy. Consequently, the Working Group considered these enforced disappearances in violation of Article 8 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and Articles 2 (3), 9, and 14 of the ICCPR.

    Moreover, the four victims were denied legal counsel and fair trial procedures, with no access to their lawyers during interrogations and limited or no access throughout the trial period. They were also unable to present evidence or challenge the evidence against them in court, which the WGAD determined violated Articles 3, 8, and 9 of the UDHR; Articles 2 (3) and 9 (1) and (4) of the ICCPR; and principles 11, 32, and 37 of the Body of Principles for the Protection of All Persons under Any Form of Detention or Imprisonment. Given that Husain Ali Khairalla was a minor, the Working Group further considered these fair trial violations as breaching Article 37 (b) of the CRC.

    Based on these findings, the Working Group concluded that the detention of all four individuals is arbitrary under Category I due to the absence of a legal basis.

    The Working Group points out that ADHRB established that all four individuals had limited or no access to legal counsel of their choice after their arrests and during investigations and trials. They were denied adequate time and facilities to prepare for trial. Even when they had access to legal counsel, communication with their lawyers was either limited or prohibited altogether, depriving them of the ability to mount an effective defense. Furthermore, the WGAD expressed grave concerns regarding the trials in absentia for Habib Ali AlFardan, Jasim Mohamed Ajwaid, and minor Husain Ali Khairalla, denying them the right to be tried in their presence, in violation of Article 14 (3) (d) of the ICCPR and Article 40 of the CRC.

    The Working Group further highlights that ADHRB provided credible detailed information of severe physical and psychological torture allegedly inflicted upon the individuals to extract confessions. Habib Ali AlFardan, who was still recovering from brain surgery, faced extreme physical and psychological abuse. Officers threatened to target his surgical site and subjected him to handcuffing, beatings, and various forms of harassment, despite the presence of a medical report advising Habib to refrain from physical and mental stress. Similarly, Jasim Mohamed Ajwaid was subjected to electric shocks, prolonged beatings, sleep deprivation, and other forms of physical and psychological torture. In addition, Husain Ali Khairalla and Ebrahim Yusuf AlSamahiji were forced to stand for long hours, deprived of sleep, and faced threats of sexual violence. The WGAD also indicates that ADHRB mentioned that the torture inflicted on the four victims resulted in coerced confessions that were later used as evidence against them in their trials.  Subsequently, the Working Group emphasizes that “the admission into evidence of a statement allegedly obtained through torture or ill-treatment renders the entire proceedings unfair, regardless of whether other evidence was available to support the verdict”. While the government tried to deny these claims by mentioning that it investigated the allegations, however, the cases were dismissed or archived, the WGAD, taking into account ADHRB’s credible submissions and the government’s limited response on the matter, considered that ADHRB established that all four individuals were subjected to torture and coerced confessions. Consequently, the Working Group considers that the burden is on the government to prove that statements were given freely. The Working Group considered this use of torture to extract confessions to be a violation of Article 5 of the UDHR, Article 7 of the ICCPR, and Articles 2 and 16 (1) of the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT). Additionally, the torture inflicted on Husain Ali Khairalla when he was a minor violates Article 37 (a) of the CRC. The WGAD added that the government’s reliance on the coerced confessions of these four individuals for their criminal convictions further violates Article 14 (3) (g) of the ICCPR and Article 40 (2) (b) (iv) of the CRC.

    The Working Group also found violations of Articles 37 (a), (b), (c), and (d) and 40 (2) (b) (ii), (iii), and (iv) of the CRC, noting that Husain Ali Khairalla was a minor at the time of his warrantless arrest and suffered abuses during detention, including torture, denial of attorney access, and unfair trials. Additionally, the WGAD highlighted that Jasim Mohamed Ajwaid was tried in absentia for offenses allegedly committed as a minor, violating Article 40 of the CRC.

    As a result, the Working Group concludes that the rights to a fair trial and due process rights of the four individuals were violated, rendering their detention arbitrary under category III.

    The WGAD welcomes the 8 April 2024 pardon that released Jasim Mohamed Ajwaid and Husain Ali Khairalla; however, given the unrebutted facts presented by ADHRB, it expresses its concern regarding the well-being of Habib Ali AlFardan and Ebrahim Yusuf AlSamahiji, who have been detained for over nine years. In doing so, it reminds the government of its obligation under Article 10 (1) of the ICCPR to ensure that all persons deprived of their liberty are treated with humanity and with respect for the inherent dignity of the human person.

    The Working Group notes that this case follows a pattern similar to many others from Bahrain that have been brought before it. These patterns involve warrantless arrests, pretrial detention with limited access to judicial review, denial of attorney access, forced confessions, enforced disappearances, torture, ill-treatment, prosecution under vaguely worded criminal offenses for the peaceful exercise of human rights, and denial of medical care. The WGAD emphasizes that “under certain circumstances, widespread or systematic imprisonment or other severe deprivation of liberty in violation of the rules of international law may constitute crimes against humanity.”

    Hence, the Working Group urges the Bahraini government to immediately and unconditionally release Habib Ali AlFardan and Ebrahim Yusuf AlSamahiji and provide compensation to remedy the situation of all four individuals, including Jasim Mohamed Ajwaid and Husain Ali Khairalla, who were recently released under the 8 April 2024 royal pardon, without delay and in conformity with the relevant international norms. Furthermore, it urges the Bahraini government to ensure a thorough and independent investigation into the circumstances surrounding the cases of these four individuals. The WGAD calls for appropriate measures to be taken against those responsible for the violation of their rights. The opinion concludes by reiterating its readiness to conduct a country visit, noting that its last visit was in October 2001. ADHRB firmly supports and stands behind the UN WGAD’s opinion and recommendations, and reiterates its call for the immediate release of Ebrahim Yusuf AlSamahiji. ADHRB further echoes the Working Group’s demand that the Bahraini government provide all four individuals, including the two released prisoners Jasim Mohamed Ajwaid and Husain Ali Khairalla, with full compensation and reparations for the extensive human rights abuses they endured in detention. ADHRB also reiterates the WGAD’s demands for a thorough and independent investigation into the circumstances surrounding the arbitrary detention of these four individuals, including the torture, denial of fair trials, and medical neglect they endured. Furthermore, ADHRB calls for appropriate measures to be taken against those responsible for the violation of their rights and to stop the policy of impunity. Finally, ADHRB raises the alarm about the deteriorating health of Habib Ali AlFardan and Ebrahim Yusuf AlSamahiji due to the serious ongoing medical negligence, holding the Bahraini government responsible for any further deterioration in their health condition.

    Update: On 4 September 2024, a royal decree was issued, pardoning 457 convicts, including Habib Ali Habib Jasim Mohamed AlFardan. Consequently, he was released. The opinion was adopted by the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention on 30 August 2024, before the issuance of the royal pardon; however, this opinion was published yesterday on the WGAD’s website.

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  • Exiles ask King Charles to rescind honour awarded to king of Bahrain

    Buckingham Palace accused of ‘burying’ news of GCVO bestowed on King Hamad, whose regime is accused of torturing opponents

    King Charles has been asked by exiles from Bahrain to rescind an honour he bestowed this week on the ruler of the Gulf kingdom.

    Charles was told in a letter by the exiles: “It is personally difficult for us to view this honour as anything other than a betrayal of victims who have suffered at the hands of King Hamad and his brutal regime.”

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Lockheed Martin to Showcase Cutting-Edge Air Power Solutions at Bahrain International Airshow 2024

    Lockheed Martin will participate in the Bahrain International Airshow 2024 (Nov. 13-15), showcasing its latest defense innovations and reaffirming its commitment to strengthening regional security partnerships. As a long-time supporter of the event, Lockheed Martin is proud to return as Bronze Sponsor of the airshow and as Platinum Sponsor for the Manama Air Power Symposium […]

    The post Lockheed Martin to Showcase Cutting-Edge Air Power Solutions at Bahrain International Airshow 2024 appeared first on Asian Military Review.

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  • Human Rights Defenders imprisoned in Bahrain: The case of Dr. Abduljalil Al-Singace

    The human rights situation of prisoners of conscience in Bahrain is a matter of serious concern. One prominent illustration of this is the case of Dr. Abduljalil Al-Singace, an academic and opposition figure imprisoned since 2011 who experienced abuse and torture whilst in prison. This ongoing violation of human rights started when Al-Singace exercised his rights to freedom of expression and his activism during the Arab Spring outbreak.

    Al-Singace is a mechanical engineer, blogger, and human rights activist who was arrested without the police presenting an arrest warrant. As a result of the physical and psychological abuse and torture that occurred during and after his arrest, Dr. Abduljalil made a false confession and was sentenced to life in prison on charges of attempting to topple the government. Dr. Al-Singace was actually sentenced for exercising his freedom of expression and association and his peaceful role during the pro-democracy protests and consequently he faced a systemic violation of his rights and unfair trial.

    Dr. al-Singace suffers from several health issues, and since March 2013 Bahraini officials have habitually ignored his requests for medical attention despite his chronic and long-term polio, which has left him paralyzed since childhood. Indeed, Dr. Al-Singace depends on a wheelchair, and he has been denied access to medical appointments unless he agrees to go through humiliating treatment that violates the United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners. For instance, Dr. Al-Singace’s carpal tunnel condition worsened since he was forced to stand on his leg with his hands lifted and cuffed, he was left without glasses for over a month and prison authorities refused to replace the rubber padding on his crutches.

    After being imprisoned in Jau Prison, where his health severely deteriorated as a result of abuse and inhumane treatment, Dr. Al-Singace has been detained at the Kanoo Medical Center for over three years now. He has been isolated in the same section as the political prisoner Hassan Mushaima, and both of them are still being prevented from meeting other inmates. Here Dr. Al-Singace has been denied access to direct sunlight, new clothes, and necessary physiotherapy and medical examinations.

    Due to the ill-treatment and harassment he faced while in prison, Dr. Al-Singace started a hunger strike to highlight the degrading treatment by the Bahraini authorities. He began refusing solid food to protest prison authorities confiscating his manuscript discussing Arabic dialect and Bahraini culture, and he remained on a solid-food hunger strike for over a year, aggravating his health condition. He has continued the solid food hunger strike – started 1,207 days ago – and his illness escalated in September 2024 when he intensified his strike.

    On 14 September 2024, after the Ministry of Interior delayed providing essential medications, Dr. Al-Singace decided to stop consuming the vitamin and mineral solution he relied on for nutrition, subsisting solely on drinking water. Due to his refusal of the remedy, the Kanoo Medical Center’s nursing staff provided intravenous fluids to keep him alive.

    However, his failing health and issues with vein access brought him to stop using IV fluids as well and thus, he has recently resumed taking the vitamin and mineral solution. As a result, Dr. Al-Singace’s red blood cell count has plummeted, endangering his life. This is mostly due to the delay in the provision of critical medications as reported by Dr. Al-Singace. Authorities are attempting to portray him as refusing to take his medications, yet he indicated that his room is filled with empty medication boxes. He is also being denied treatment for various medical conditions, including arthritis, vision impairment, tremors, prostate issues, dental problems, skin conditions, and respiratory issues. In reality, the authorities have failed to supply him with the necessary medications.

    His family has constantly denounced the ongoing procrastination and neglect and urged the Ministries of Interior and Health, along with the Kanoo Medical Center administration, to take immediate action and hold the responsible authorities accountable for Dr. Al-Singace’s condition. Moreover, in March 2021, the European Parliament joined Reporters Without Borders, English PEN, and Amnesty International among other important organizations, in their call for his imminent and unconditional release while in March 2023 the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention issued an opinion on Dr. Al-Singace’s case calling for appropriate medical care.

    There is no evidence that Bahraini government and local oversight institutions such as the National Institute for Human Rights (NIHR) and the Ministry of Interior Ombudsman are taking any corrective action to improve Al-Singace’s health condition which continues to deteriorate.

    Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) calls on the Bahraini authorities to respond to the request of the immediate and unconditional release of Mr. Al-Singace who was arbitrarily detained due to his peaceful activism since 2011. Dr. Al-Singace’s arbitrary arrest, abuse and medical negligence are clear violations of the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights (ICESCR). ADHRB also urges the Bahraini government to investigate allegations of torture and medical neglect considering Mr Al-Singace’s deteriorating health condition. Finally, ADHRB calls on the international community to further advocate for Mr Al-Singace’s urgent supply of appropriate and necessary medical care pressure authorities without humiliating restraints but respecting international law standards.

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  • Human Rights Defenders imprisoned in Bahrain: The case of Hassan Mushaima

    Since 2011, independent human rights organizations, including ADHRB, have  reported numerous instances of torture and abuse in custody. Bahraini authorities persist in targeting and unfairly prosecuting their critics. Detainees experience physical and psychological torture, face medical neglect, and endure delays in receiving treatment as a form of retaliation, while also being threating their families.

    A notable example of the systemic abuse of political prisoners is Hassan Mushaima, the former Vice President of the largest opposition group in Bahrain – Al-Wefaq Islamic Society – who has been imprisoned since 2011, serving a life sentence for allegedly attempting to overthrow the government amid the Bahrain pro-democratic uprising.

    At 76 years old, he has endured significant maltreatment and medical negligence during his imprisonment, particularly since being placed in solitary confinement at the Kanoo Medical Center over three years ago.

    His condition requires PET scans every six months to prevent relapse, something he has been repeatedly denied at different stages of his incarceration. Additionally, he suffers from diabetes, gout, heart problems and high blood pressure. For these and other health problems, Mushaima has been routinely denied medicine.

    Although Mushaima’s health has deteriorated harshly due to the lack of appropriate medical care for multiple chronic conditions and the development of new symptoms, he has been denied access to necessary medications and regular medical follow-ups, even after specialists recommended it. Indeed, medical appointments have frequently been canceled without notice, he has sustained lasting injuries and he has been subjected to ill-treatment and degrading practices. For instance, prison authorities insist on shackling Mr Mushaima during transfers to medical visits, despite his frail state and old age. Thus, he has refused to go under these circumstances, considering it humiliating and unnecessary.

    Throughout these years, Mr Mushaima’s family has continued to fight for his immediate and unconditional release and denounced the ill-treatment of political prisoners by Bahraini authorities. In January 2022, his son Ali Mushaima went on a 23-day hunger strike outside the Bahrain Embassy in London to call for the release of his father and denounce the lack of information that the authorities have provided about his health condition. However, their efforts have often been tackled from authorities, who have arrested family members during demonstrations.

    Beyond that, Mr Mushaima was transferred to the Kanoo Medical Center in 2021 where he stayed in solitary confinement, being allowed to leave his room only twice a week for 30 minutes to exercise and get sunlight. During his isolation, he has been barred from participating in significant religious events, including the recent month of Muharram, and from communicating with other prisoners, violating his right to practice his religious beliefs freely and deepening his psychological and emotional isolation. Also, last July the administration removed the BBC Arabic channel from the channels available to Mr. Mushaima, further isolating him from the outside world.

    As of 2024, Mushaima’s health issues persist, including severe leg swelling and knee pain and complications from diabetes and nerve issues in both his hands. Adequate medical attention and access to specialists are continuously denied, making daily activities such as getting out of bed or performing prayers a challenge. Also, he is still in isolation at the Kanoo Medical Center and his access to regular PET scans continues to be refused.

    Despite a recommendation from a doctor to consult a specialist, he needs to have the Ministry of Interior’s approval, for which he is still waiting, further worsening his condition. Moreover, prison authorities have recently increased restrictions on Mr. Mushaima’s access to basic foods like dates, biscuits, and milk. Indeed, these items – previously allowed – now require prior approval following submitted requests and administrative orders, which is often delayed or denied. Therefore, he can only rely on what his family can provide for food and health products.

    The case of Mr Mushaima has sparked international concern and attention towards Bahrain’s deplorable human rights record. The United Nations made five separate requests between 2011 and 2019 for improved medical care, while in 2021 the European Union expressed its concern on the matter. In November 2023, the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention determined Mushaima’s detention to be arbitrary, calling for his immediate and unconditional release, along with an investigation into the violations of his rights. Despite this, the Bahraini authorities have not complied with the demands and Mr Mushaima continues to suffer from untreated chronic diseases and remains deprived of necessary medical interventions.

    Hasan Mushaima’s situation exemplifies the ongoing human rights abuses faced by political prisoners in Bahrain, highlighting the intersection of political dissent and medical neglect within the country’s prison system.

    Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) calls on the Bahraini authorities to immediately and unconditionally release Hassan Mushaima. ADHRB also requests that Mr Mushaima’s medical needs be regularly met and demands the psychological pressure and punitive measures implemented against their family to end. ADHRB urges the Bahraini government to investigate claims of arbitrary arrest, torture, isolation, and medical neglect and to safeguard the human rights of prisoners as set out in the United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners, known as the Nelson Mandela Rules. ADHRB further warns of Mr Mushaima’s deteriorating health condition resulting from years of dangerous medical neglect and urges the Kanoo Medical Center administration to urgently provide him with appropriate and necessary medical treatment and to end his isolation and urgently provide him, holding it responsible for any further deterioration in his health. Finally, ADHRB highlights the need to guarantee freedom of association, the right to demonstrate, the establishment of an independent judiciary, and the right to fair trial.

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  • An Overview of ADHRB’s Participation in the 57th Session of the Human Rights Council

    Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) participated in the 57th session of the United Nations Human Rights Council (HRC), held from 9 September to 11 October 2024.

    ADHRB delivered eight oral interventions under four items during these sessions, highlighting various human rights violations in Bahrain and Saudi Arabia. It also organized a panel discussion on the sidelines of the HRC, in partnership with other human rights organizations and activists, during which the misuse of INTERPOL Red Notices and its implications for human rights were raised.

    ADHRB delivered seven interventions related to the human rights situation in Bahrain under items 2, 3, 4, and 5. Under item 5, it delivered an eighth intervention, highlighting the issue of executions in Saudi Arabia.

    Item 2

    Under Item 2, ADHRB delivered two interventions during the General Debate on 12 September 2024.

    ADHRB delivered its first intervention during the General Debate under Item 2, highlighting the ongoing detention of elderly Bahraini opposition leaders and human rights defenders. These individuals have been imprisoned since 2011 for their peaceful opposition to the autocratic rule in the country. The intervention noted that, despite the issuance of three recent royal pardons, none of the opposition leaders or prominent human rights defenders were included. Among those excluded were Mr. Hasan Mushaima, Dr. AbdulJalil AlSingace, and AbdulHadi AlKhawaja. ADHRB called on the Bahraini authorities to immediately and unconditionally release all elderly opposition leaders and prominent human rights defenders.

    Under the same item, ADHRB and partner organizations delivered an intervention during the General Debate, drawing the Council’s attention to the ongoing impunity of Bahraini officials responsible for torture and other human rights violations in Bahraini prisons. The intervention noted that despite the three recent royal pardons, none of the perpetrators of rights abuses have been held accountable and that, the same violations persist. ADHRB also held Bahrain’s King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa, Crown Prince Salman, and Interior Minister Sheikh Rashed bin Abdulla Al Khalifa responsible for the growing culture of impunity. ADHRB urged the Council to pressure Bahrain to end impunity for rights abusers.

    Item 3

    Under Item 3, ADHRB delivered two interventions on 13 and 20 September 2024 during the General Debate and Interactive Dialogue with the Independent Expert on the enjoyment of all human rights by older persons.

    In the intervention delivered during the Interactive Dialogue with the Independent Expert on the enjoyment of all human rights by older persons on 13 September 2024, ADHRB and its partner organizations addressed the ill-treatment and human rights violations faced by elderly human rights defenders in Bahrain. It noted that elderly prisoners of conscience have been held in Bahraini prisons since 2011, some serving life sentences. All these individuals have faced numerous violations, documented by UN experts, including arbitrary detention, torture, ill-treatment, and denial of medical care. Among them are 76-year-old opposition leader Hasan Mushaima, prominent human rights defender Dr. AbdulJalil AlSingace, who is over 62 years old, and human rights defender AbdulHadi AlKhawaja. ADHRB concluded by addressing the Independent Expert on the enjoyment of all human rights by older persons, asking: When will Bahrain implement its obligations, address the recommendations, and allow UN delegations to monitor prison violations?

    In the intervention delivered during the general debate under Item 3 on 20 September 2024, ADHRB affirmed that there can be no reform without releasing political prisoners and human rights defenders, securing justice, and ensuring accountability. It also drew the Council’s attention to the rising numbers of summons, arrests, and trials related to freedom of expression, occurring alongside the recent releases in Bahrain.

    ADHRB pointed out that with the onset of demonstrations in support of Gaza in October 2023, Bahrainis are living in a new and dangerous escalation of repression. Widespread arrests targeted participants in popular movements, including over 50 minors, some of whom remain detained and on trial. The crackdown extends into the digital space, where dissenting opinions are criminalized.

    It also drew attention to the systematic arrest campaigns and summonses launched by the Bahraini Ministry of Interior last March, targeting the families of detainees and many who expressed solidarity with the political prisoners’ strike. ADHRB also stressed that despite promises to the contrary, Bahraini authorities have yet to demonstrate a genuine commitment to a new chapter for those released. Instead, they insist on restricting their civil liberties and re-arresting or summoning anyone demanding these rights.

    Item 4

    Under Item 4 during the General Debate, ADHRB delivered two interventions on 25 and 26 September 2024.

    On 25 September 2024, ADHRB delivered an intervention during the General Debate under Item 4, in which it emphasized the need to end impunity in Bahrain starting with dismissing the  Minister of Interior. ADHRB stressed impunity for rights abuses in Bahrain keeps true reform beyond reach. It also pointed out that since 2011, 19 political prisoners have died due to medical negligence while in government facilities but unfortunately, their killers have yet to be held accountable.

    Complaints against Prince Nasser bin Hamad Al Khalifa were filed for his involvement in the torture of detainees, but he continues to enjoy high-ranking positions, authority, and impunity. It also mentioned that since 2004, the Ministry of Interior has been held by Rashid bin Abdulla Al Khalifa, who has been implicated in torture yet remains unprosecuted.

    ADHRB renewed its call to implement the Bassiouni Commission’s recommendations, end impunity, and remove the Ministry of Interior’s control over security and judicial bodies. This begins with dismissing the Minister of Interior, prosecuting violators, and compensating victims.

    On 26 September 2024, ADHRB and partner organizations delivered an intervention during the General Debate under Item 4, in which they urged the Council to pressure Bahrain to ensure transitional justice for former prisoners. ADHRB also highlighted the hardships faced by recently released political prisoners in Bahrain as they attempt to rebuild their lives. It noted that despite their release, these individuals have received no compensation for their years of detention or the violations they endured, including torture and medical neglect. Instead, they continue to face restrictions under Bahrain’s political and civil isolation laws. At the end of its intervention, ADHRB and partner organizations urged the Council to pressure Bahrain to end these arbitrary restrictions, repeal political isolation laws, and ensure reintegration and transitional justice for former prisoners.

    Items 3 and 5

    During the Interactive Dialogue with the Special Rapporteur on the rights of Indigenous Peoples under Items 3 and 5, held on 27 September 2024, ADHRB and partner organizations delivered an intervention. They drew the HRC’s attention to the discrimination against the indigenous people in Bahrain. ADHRB noted that, despite their distinct cultural and historical backgrounds, both the Baharna and Ajam communities face significant economic disparities, social and political exclusion, and are disproportionately denied access to public services. It also highlighted the severe repression of the pro-democracy movement in 2011 and the revocation of citizenship for hundreds of Baharna and Ajam since 2012. These actions, coupled with unjustified deportations, reflect an alarming attempt to alter Bahrain’s ethnic balance, further marginalizing these groups both socially and economically. Considering this, ADHRB asked the HRC: How can we ensure that the Bahraini government will end the systemic discrimination against these indigenous groups and comply with international standards?

    Item 5

    On 1 October 2024, ADHRB and partner organizations delivered an intervention during the General Debate under Item 5, expressing deep concerns over the sharp increase in executions in Saudi Arabia. This rise underscores alarming human rights conditions in the kingdom, especially considering the lack of transparency and widespread distrust in the judicial system.

    ADHRB further highlighted Saudi Arabia’s use of the death penalty to criminalize freedom of expression and retaliate against activists, as well as for offenses that do not qualify as the most serious under international standards. It urged the Council to condemn the Saudi judiciary’s use of anti-terrorism laws to criminalize free expression, as well as the use of torture to extract confessions and the execution of individuals convicted of non-serious offenses under international law. ADHRB also demanded the abolition of all such executions, including those of political prisoners and individuals convicted of non-serious offenses.

    Panel on the Sidelines of the Council:

    On 17 September 2024, ADHRB hosted a panel on the sidelines of the HRC discussing “INTERPOL Red Notices and Human Rights.” The event examined how Red Notices are misused to target activists and explored potential solutions to address this issue. The panel also featured case studies from the field.

    During its participation in the 57th session of the Human Rights Council, ADHRB successfully highlighted some of the most serious human rights violations in Bahrain, particularly the conditions of political prisoners. It also raised concerns about the alarming rise in execution rates in Saudi Arabia, emphasizing the urgent need for intensified efforts toward their immediate abolition.

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  • Event Summary: ADHRB Hosts Panel on INTERPOL Misuse and Human Rights

    On September 17, 2024, Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) held an event at the Human Rights Council in Geneva, focused on the misuse of INTERPOL tools by authoritarian governments and the implications for human rights. ADHRB has been researching INTERPOL since 2016 and remains convinced that reforms to prevent such abuses are insufficient. The event coincided with a report highlighting how autocratic governments in the Middle East exert extraterritorial jurisdiction to violate human rights, especially through .

    The panel began with moderator Yusuf Al-Hoori, a Bahraini activist and ADHRB contributor, who provided an overview of INTERPOL’s role in combating serious crimes. He emphasized how authoritarian regimes, particularly in Bahrain and Saudi Arabia, have abused INTERPOL tools to target political dissidents and human rights defenders. Despite efforts to address these concerns with new safeguards, Al-Hoori stressed that these measures have proven inadequate.

    The first speaker, Dr. Giulio Calcara, a Lecturer in Law at the University of Plymouth, provided a detailed explanation of INTERPOL’s legal framework, particularly Article 3 of its Constitution, which prohibits actions of a political, military, religious, or racial nature. He also delved into the problematic legal effects of red notices, highlighting issues such as the misuse of red notices by authoritarian governments and the challenges of verifying the integrity of information exchanged between countries. Calcara warned of the serious consequences for individuals wrongly listed, such as repeated arrests, inability to rent property or secure employment, and other human rights violations.

    Khalid Ibrahim, Executive Director of the Gulf Center for Human Rights, discussed the impact of INTERPOL’s system on the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, drawing attention to human rights violations in the Arab Peninsula. He shared examples, such as the UAE 94 case, where activists were targeted for expressing political dissent and subsequently pursued through INTERPOL. Ibrahim also raised concerns about the election of former UAE Inspector General Ahmed Naser Al-Raisi as INTERPOL president – who has previously been implicated in allegations of torture – questioning whether the organization was committed to implementing stronger human rights protections.

    The final speaker, Alessio Manto, an advocacy fellow at ADHRB, presented the findings of a recent study conducted by the organization. The study, which invited 98 human rights activists from the MENA region to participate, found that nearly half had been secretly listed in INTERPOL’s database through diffusions—a less regulated and more covert tool than red notices. Manto warned of the potential for widespread misuse and offered several recommendations to reform the system.

    During the Q&A session, an audience member asked what could be done to address these issues. Manto responded by encouraging further research into INTERPOL abuses by authoritarian countries, suggesting that other NGOs conduct similar studies and collaborate to push for reform at the UN or EU level.

    The event concluded with Al-Hoori thanking the audience and panelists for their engagement and reaffirming ADHRB’s commitment to combating human rights violations linked to INTERPOL’s misuse.

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  • Profile in Persecution: Mohamed Ali AlNibool

    Mohamed Ali AlNibool was a 22-year-old accounting student from Sitra at the University of Bahrain when Bahraini authorities arrested him on 28 June 2023 at Caribou Café in Hala Plaza. The arrest was carried out without a warrant. During his detention, he endured torture, denial of family contact and visits, denial of access to his lawyer, unfair trial, reprisal, isolation, and medical neglect. He is currently serving a life sentence at Jau Prison

    On 28 June 2023, Mohamed was at Caribou Café in Hala Plaza, when plainclothes officers raided the café and arrested him without presenting any arrest warrant or informing him of the reason for his arrest. Following the arrest, at 1:00 A.M., officers brought Mohamed to his home in Sitra, entering without concern for privacy. His brother’s wife, who was in the kitchen of her first-floor apartment, was shocked to find the officers inside. They confiscated his car, two mobile phones, a laptop, and a sum of money. He was then taken to unknown locations, possibly in the AlSakhir area, where he was coerced into reenacting a crime he did not commit. He was then transferred to the Criminal Investigations Directorate (CID), where he was allowed to contact his family for one minute for the first time two days after his arrest. He informed them that he was held at the CID, and asked them to send him clothes. 

    During his 15-day interrogation at the Criminal Investigation Directorate (CID), CID officers subjected Mohamed to various forms of torture and psychological pressure to force a false confession while denying him lawyer access. Out of concern for his mother’s feelings, he did not reveal the specific methods of torture. Throughout this period, he was not allowed to change clothes, despite his family sending clothes, nor was he permitted to shower. As a result of the torture, Mohamed was coerced into signing fabricated confessions at the Public Prosecution Office (PPO), which then ordered his detention for 60 days. On 13 July 2023, 15 days after his arrest, he was transferred to the Dry Dock Prison.

    Mohamed was previously arrested on 24 June 2017, when he was 16 years old. He was detained for 10 days at the CID pending investigation on charges of gathering to commit crimes and targeting a police patrol with Molotov cocktails.

    Mohamed was not brought before a judge within 48 hours after his arrest, was denied adequate time and facilities to prepare for his trial, was denied access to his attorney before and after trial sessions, and was unable to present evidence and challenge evidence presented against him. Additionally, the confessions extracted from him under torture were used as evidence against him in court, even though he informed the judge that his confessions were obtained under torture and psychological pressure. On 24 June 2024, Mohamed was sentenced to life imprisonment, a fine of 100,000 Bahraini dinars, and the confiscation of his belongings. He was convicted of multiple charges, including 1) joining a terrorist cell (AlAshtar Brigades), 2) possession and acquisition of explosives, fireworks, and weapons for terrorist purposes, which is an alleged plan to bomb the American base in the Sitra in July 2023, 3) training in the use of explosives, fireworks, and weapons for terrorist purposes, 4) transferring and receiving funds for terrorist activities, and 5) participating in operations targeting military institutions and security agencies.  Following his sentencing, Mohamed was transferred on the same day to Building 2 in Jau Prison, which houses foreign inmates convicted of felonies who do not share his language, culture, and religion, therefore he was isolated.

    Mohamed appealed his sentence, however, he did not attend the appeal sessions due to his participation in the prisoners’ strike and sit-in at Jau Prison between March and August 2024, protesting mistreatment and demanding basic prisoner rights. Consequently, on 24 August 2024, the Court of Appeal upheld the sentence and rejected the appeal in absentia. Mohamed has since applied for cassation and is currently awaiting the Court of Cassation’s decision.

    Mohamed was denied family visits for over a year following his arrest. In response, his family submitted a request to the Ombudsman on 30 April 2024, seeking permission to visit him. This request was ignored for an extended period. It was not until 9 July 2024 that the prison administration permitted his parents to visit him for the first time since his arrest.

    While serving his sentence in Building 2 of Jau Prison, known as the isolation building, Mohamed contracted a skin disease known as black ringworm, which caused red spots to spread across his body. Despite his condition, authorities denied him access to proper medical treatment. His family filed numerous complaints with the Ombudsman and the National Institution for Human Rights (NIHR), requesting both medical care and a transfer to a different building. Although Mohamed was eventually transferred to Salmaniya Hospital, he did not receive adequate treatment and continues to suffer. Despite further complaints to the Ombudsman and NIHR, no effective action has been taken, and Mohamed remains without treatment.

    Mohamed experienced significant psychological distress during his isolation in Building 2 of Jau Prison. His communication was severely restricted; the prison administration allowed him to make a phone call only once a week for no more than five minutes and occasionally denied him this right altogether. Additionally, Mohamed had no programs to occupy his time, the building lacked a television and a place to dry clothes, and his cell lacked ventilation and sunlight. On 14 July 2024, his family submitted a new complaint to the Ombudsman about the lack of communication and the brief duration of calls but received no response. Mohamed was only given two pieces of clothing, and officers did not allow him to visit the canteen for personal necessities.

    Between July and August 2024, communication between Mohamed and his family was cut off for over a month due to the conditions in Jau Prison during a prisoners’ sit-in protesting mistreatment and demanding basic rights. His family filed additional complaints with both the Ombudsman and the NIHR but received no response. During this period, the Jau Prison administration dangerously escalated its retaliation against protesting prisoners by cutting off electricity, water, and food during extremely hot summer days, when the temperature reached 50°C. Communication was restored in the fourth week of August after a prolonged strike and tough negotiations with the administration, which promised to address the issues. Consequently, communication between Mohamed and his family was restored. As part of the agreement between the protesting prisoners’ representatives and the prison administration, the administration ended the isolation of the protesting political prisoners, including Mohamed, who was reclassified to Building 6 on 30 August 2024 and granted access to the prison’s outdoor area daily from morning until afternoon.

    Mohamed’s arrest without a warrant, torture, denial of family contact and visits, denial of legal counsel, unfair trial, reprisals, isolation, and medical neglect are clear violations of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), and the United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners, also known as the Nelson Mandela Rules, to which Bahrain is a party.

     

    As such, Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) calls on the Bahraini authorities to uphold their human rights obligations by immediately and unconditionally releasing Mohamed. ADHRB further urges the Bahraini government to investigate allegations of arbitrary arrest, torture, denial of family contact and visits, denial of legal counsel, reprisals, isolation, medical negligence, and ill-treatment, and to hold the perpetrators accountable. ADHRB also demands compensation for the violations Mohamed endured in prison. At the very least, ADHRB advocates for a fair retrial for Mohamed, leading to his release. Additionally, ADHRB urges the Jau Prison administration to provide prompt and appropriate healthcare for Mohamed, holding it responsible for any further deterioration in his health.

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  • #HRC57: ADHRB drew the Council’s attention to the discrimination against the indigenous people in Bahrain

    On 27th September 2024, ADHRB delivered an intervention at the United Nation Human Rights Council session 57 under items 3 and 5 during the Interactive Dialogue with Special Rapporteur on the rights of Indigenous Peoples. ADHRB drew the Council’s attention to the discrimination against the indigenous people in Bahrain.

    We draw the Council’s attention to the ongoing discriminatory policies of Bahrain’s government against the indigenous population of the country.

    Though the Baharna and Ajam people have distinct cultural and historical backgrounds, they both face economic disparities, social and political exclusion, and are disproportionately denied access to public services.

    Following the heavy repression of the pro-democracy movement in 2011, the Bahraini authorities have continued to persecute these indigenous communities that called for greater political freedoms and human rights reforms.

    Furthermore, the revocation of citizenship for hundreds of Baharna and Ajam since 2012, alongside unjustified deportations, reflects an alarming attempt to shift the ethnic balance of Bahrain, further marginalizing these groups socially and economically.

    The Bahraini government has been unable or unwilling to recognize the importance of Shia people in the country’s history. Instead, it has consistently undermined their rights to culture, employment, social welfare, and education.

    In light of this, we ask the Council: How can we ensure that the Bahraini government will end the systemic discrimination against these indigenous groups and comply with international standards?

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  • #HRC57: ADHRB urges to pressure Bahrain to ensure transitional justice for former prisoners

    On 26th September 2024, ADHRB delivered an intervention at the United Nation Human Rights Council session 57 under item 4 during the General Debate. ADHRB urged pressuring Bahrain to ensure transitional justice for former prisoners

    We highlight the hardships faced by recently released political prisoners in Bahrain as they attempt to rebuild their lives.

    Despite their release, these individuals have received no compensation for their years of detention or the violations they endured, including torture and medical neglect. Instead, they continue to face restrictions under Bahrain’s political and civil isolation laws.

    One example is that of Jawad AbdulHadi Ali, who was denied the chance to complete his studies at the University of Bahrain due to the unjust requirement of a “good conduct” certificate, which former prisoners cannot obtain. Similarly, over 30 recently released prisoners have been denied the right to work, either for lacking this certificate or for lacking prior work experience, which is impossible given their long imprisonment, especially for minors.

    More troubling, some recently released individuals were re-arrested, such as Fawaz AbdulNabi, who was re-arrested on 8 September 2024, just four days after his release, and held for 90 days due to statements made after his release.

    We urge the Council to pressure Bahrain to end these arbitrary restrictions, repeal political isolation laws, and ensure reintegration and transitional justice for former prisoners.

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  • ADHRB at #HCR57 emphasized the need to end impunity in Bahrain starting with dismissing the MOI

    On 25th September 2024, ADHRB delivered an intervention at the United Nation Human Rights Council session 57 under item 4 during the General Debate. ADHRB emphasized the need to end impunity in Bahrain starting with dismissing the  Minister of Interior.

    True reform in Bahrain remains elusive, in light of a pervasive culture of impunity.

    Since 2011, 19 political prisoners have died, including Husain Khalil Ebrahim due to medical negligence, and AbdulKarim Fakhrawi from torture. Additionally, cases of extrajudicial killings such as Abdulla AlAjooz. However, the killers have not been held accountable.

    Complaints against Prince Nasser bin Hamad Al Khalifa for his involvement in the torture of detainees remain unaddressed. Nasser continues to hold high-ranking positions and authority.

    The Ministry of Interior, led by Rashid bin Abdulla Al Khalifa since 2004, has been implicated in torture, including activist Ali Hasan Al-Aradi. Prisoners like Dr. AbdulJalil AlSingace, Hasan Mushaima, AbdulHadi Al-Khawaja, and Sheikh Ali Salman continue to face torture. Despite the Bassiouni Commission report confirming the Ministry’s involvement, the minister remains unprosecuted.

    We renew the call to implement the Bassiouni Commission’s recommendations, end impunity, and remove the Ministry of Interior’s control over security and judicial bodies. This begins with dismissing the Minister of Interior, prosecuting violators, and compensating victims.

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  • CPJ, 28 others urge UN to prioritize human rights in Bahrain

    On September 23, the Committee to Protect Journalists joined 28 human rights organizations during the 79th session of the United Nations General Assembly in urging all member states to address human rights concerns in Bahrain, including the ongoing arbitrary detention of journalists, human rights defenders, scholars, bloggers, and opposition leaders.

    The letter included the case of Abduljalil Alsingace, an award-winning Bahraini academic, blogger, and human rights defender who has been arbitrarily detained since 2011. He began a hunger strike on July 8, 2021, after prison authorities confiscated his manuscript on Bahraini dialects of Arabic, which he spent four years researching and writing. Alsingace, who has a disability, has reportedly been tortured during his detention.

    Read the full statement here.


    This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • 29 human rights organizations urge UN member states to raise the issue of human rights in Bahrain during General Assembly high-level debate

    Bahrain: Joint Letter on Human Rights Priorities to All Member States of the United Nations General Assembly

    Re: 79th Session of the UN General Assembly 

    23 September 2024 

    Your Excellencies,

    During the 79th session of the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA 79), we urge you to raise human rights priorities in Bahrain, including concerns about the continued arbitrary detention of human rights defenders, scholars, bloggers, and opposition leaders in Bahrain, the use of the death penalty, and the revocation of citizenship. The high-level general debate (24-28 September), pertinently themed “Leaving no one behind: acting together for the advancement of peace, sustainable development and human dignity for present and future generations,” is a critical opportunity to push for resolution on these long-standing human rights abuses.

    The royal pardon issued by King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa on 4 September 2024, for 457 individuals, which was the third mass amnesty in 2024, included the release of over 150 political prisoners, according to research conducted by the Bahrain Institute for Rights and Democracy (BIRD). The first pardon, on 8 April 2024, included an estimated 650 political prisoners, while the second pardon, on 15 June 2024, largely excluded political prisoners, according to BIRD.

    While the pardons this year are notable, resulting in the lowest number of individuals wrongfully imprisoned in Bahrain since 2011, they largely excluded prominent human rights defenders and leading opposition activists who played significant roles in the 2011 pro-democracy protests. They include:

    • Abdulhadi Al-Khawaja, a Bahraini-Danish human rights defender, has been arbitrarily detained since 2011. Authorities have subjected Al-Khawaja to severe physical, sexual, and psychological torture.
    • Dr. Abduljalil Al-Singace, an award-winning human rights defender, blogger, and scholar, has been arbitrarily detained since 2011. Dr. Al-Singace has been on a liquids-only hunger strike to protest the confiscation of his research manuscripts for over three years.
    • Hassan Mushaima, a Bahraini opposition leader aged 76, has been arbitrarily detained since 2011. He, along with Dr. Al-Singace, has been denied adequate medical care, sunlight and ventilation despite being held in a medical centre, where he has been held in prolonged solitary confinement since 2021.
    • Sheikh Ali Salman, the leader of the dissolved opposition party Al-Wefaq, has been imprisoned since 2014. Amnesty International called his 2018 life imprisonment conviction “a travesty of justice.”

    Five UN experts recently expressed concern about the continued arbitrary detention of human rights defenders and opposition leaders who were excluded from the April pardon, raising alarm about the deteriorating health of Dr. Al-Singace, Mushaima, Sheikh Mirza Mahroos and Al-Khawaja, resulting from their detention. Al-Khawaja, Al-Singace and Mushaima have also all been included in the UN Secretary-General’s report on reprisals for cooperation with the UN.

    Additionally, 26 individuals in Bahrain remain on death row at risk of imminent execution, many of whom allege torture and unfair trials. Mohammed Ramadan and Husain Moosa, who have now spent over a decade unlawfully detained, were sentenced to death in 2014 in an unfair trial marred by torture allegations. In 2021, the UNWGAD found that both men are arbitrarily detained and called for their immediate release.

    Between 2012 and 2019, the Bahraini government revoked the citizenship of 990 individuals, and while citizenship of an estimated 698 individuals was restored by the King in 2019 and through courts, at least 292 individuals remain denaturalised, according to BIRD. This includes Sayed Ahmed Alwadaei, who was named in the 2024 UN Secretary-General’s report on reprisals against individuals who cooperate with UN mechanisms, which was presented at the 57th session of the Human Rights Council.

    In light of the high-level General Debate which begins on Tuesday, 24 September, we strongly believe that this is a unique and vital opportunity for intensified diplomatic action to advocate for the release of human rights defenders, opposition leaders, death row inmates, and all those who remain unfairly imprisoned in Bahrain.

    Thus, we respectfully urge your delegation to:

    • Raise individual cases of human rights defenders and opposition leaders, namely Dr. Abduljalil Al-Singace, Hassan Mushaima, Abdulhadi Al-Khawaja, and Sheikh Ali Salman.
    • Urge Bahraini authorities to end the use of the death penalty in Bahrain, raising the cases of Mohamed Ramadan and Husain Moosa, calling on Bahrain to commute all outstanding death sentences, and establish an official moratorium on executions.
    • Call on Bahraini authorities to reinstate the citizenship of individuals rendered stateless on politically-motivated charges and reform their laws in line with their obligations under  international law.

    Sincerely,

    1. Bahrain Institute for Rights and Democracy (BIRD)
    2. ALQST for Human Rights
    3. Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB)
    4. ARTICLE 19
    5. Bahrain Centre for Human Rights (BCHR)
    6. Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies (CIHRS)
    7. CIVICUS
    8. Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ)
    9. DAWN
    10. FairSquare
    11. Freedom House
    12. Front Line Defenders
    13. Gulf Centre for Human Rights (GCHR)
    14. Human Rights First
    15. Human Rights Watch
    16. Index on Censorship
    17. International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), within the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders
    18. International Service for Human Rights (ISHR)
    19. MENA Rights Group
    20. Middle East Democracy Center (MEDC)
    21. PEN International
    22. Rafto Foundation for Human Rights
    23. Reprieve
    24. Scholars at Risk
    25. The #FreeAlKhawaja Campaign
    26. The European Centre for Democracy and Human Rights (ECDHR)
    27. World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), within the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defende

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  • ADHRB at #HRC57: Any reform must be accompanied by securing justice & ensuring accountability

    On 20th September 2024, ADHRB delivered an intervention at the United Nation Human Rights Council session 57 under item 3 during the General Debate. ADHRB drew the Council’s attention to the rising summonses, arrests, and trials related to freedom of expression, occurring alongside the recent releases in Bahrain.

    We draw the Council’s attention to the rising summonses, arrests, and trials related to freedom of expression, occurring alongside the recent releases in Bahrain.

    With the onset of demonstrations in support of Gaza in October 2023, Bahrain witnessed a dangerous escalation of repression. Widespread arrests targeted participants in popular movements, including over 50 minors, some of whom remain detained and on trial. The crackdown extended to the digital space, where dissenting opinions were criminalized.

    Last March, the Bahraini Ministry of Interior launched systematic arrest campaigns targeting the families of detainees and many who expressed solidarity with the political prisoners’ strike. Among them is Ali Muhana, who has been summoned 12 times this year, and is currently detained for demanding prisoners’ rights.

    Despite promises to the contrary, Bahraini authorities have yet to demonstrate a genuine commitment to a new chapter for those released. Instead, they insist on restricting their civil liberties and re-arresting or summoning anyone demanding these rights.

    Mr. President, while we welcome the release of detainees, we affirm that there can be no reform without emptying the prisons, securing justice, and ensuring accountability.

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  • ADHRB at #HRC57: Elderly HRDs face abuse and human rights violations in Bahrain

    On 13th September 2024, ADHRB delivered an intervention at the United Nation Human Rights Council session 57 under item 3 during the Interactive dialogue with the Independent Expert on the enjoyment of all human rights by older persons. ADHRB highlighted the violations faced by elderly opposition leaders in Bahrain, including deliberate medical neglect.

    Elderly prisoners of conscience have been in Bahraini prisons since 2011, some with life sentences. All of them faced violations documented by UN experts, including arbitrary detention, torture, ill-treatment, and denial of medical care.

    Hasan Mushaima, a 76-year-old opposition leader with cancer, diabetes, heart issues, and kidney problems, is serving a life sentence in solitary confinement. Despite his deteriorating health, he has been denied treatment, and details of his condition are withheld from his family.

    Dr. Abduljalil AlSingace, a human rights defender over 62 years old with chronic diseases, remains in solitary confinement, and the authorities refuse to provide him with medical equipment to alleviate his pain.

    Due to torture and medical neglect, human rights defender AbdulHadi AlKhawaja faces several health complications, and his doctor has warned him of the risk of blindness.

    A few days ago, the elderly detainee Mohamed Hasan Abdulla AlRamel was released. He was seen in a wheelchair after becoming unable to walk, showing evident pain from years of denied treatment.

    When will Bahrain implement its obligations, address the recommendations, and allow UN delegations to monitor prison violations?

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  • ADHRB at #HRC57: Bahrain’s King, Crown Prince, & MOI are responsible for the culture of impunity

    On 12th September 2024, ADHRB delivered an intervention at the United Nation Human Rights Council session 57 under item 2 during the General debate. ADHRB held Bahrain’s King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa, Crown Prince Salman, and Interior Minister Sheikh Rashed bin Abdulla Al Khalifa, responsible for the growing culture of impunity.

    We draw the council’s attention to the ongoing impunity of Bahraini officials responsible for torture and other human rights violations in Bahraini prisons. Despite three recent royal pardons, these measures fall short, as no perpetrators have been held accountable, and the same violations persist.

    One example is political prisoner Ayoob Adel Ahmed, serving a life sentence since 2015. Once a healthy young man, he developed a permanent disability after his arrest due to torture and medical neglect. He continues to be denied treatment, and perpetrators are still not held accountable.

    Between July and August 2024, as temperatures rose to 50°C, the Jau Prison administration retaliated against prisoners’ by cutting off water, electricity, food supplies, and phone access. Despite calls from UN experts, many buildings still face restricted services, and no one has been held accountable.

    We hold Bahrain’s King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa, Crown Prince Salman, and Interior Minister Sheikh Rashed bin Abdulla Al Khalifa, responsible for the growing culture of impunity. We urge the Council to pressure Bahrain to end this culture of impunity.

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  • ADHRB at #HRC57: We demand immediate release of opposition leaders and human rights defenders

    On 12th September 2024, ADHRB delivered an intervention at the United Nation Human Rights Council session 57 under item 2 during the General debate. ADHRB demanded immediate release of opposition leaders and human rights defenders.

    We draw the Council’s attention to the ongoing detention of elderly Bahraini opposition leaders and human rights defenders, imprisoned since 2011 for their peaceful opposition.

    Despite three recent royal pardons, none of these have included opposition leaders or prominent rights defenders.

    Notably, members of the “Bahrain 13” group remain imprisoned. Among them is 76-year-old opposition leader Hasan Mushaima, serving a life sentence since 2011. He faces serious health challenges, including cancer, diabetes, hypertension, heart complications, and kidney issues. Despite UN experts’ pleas, he continues to suffer life-threatening medical neglect.

    Another member, 62-year-old human rights defender Dr. AbdulJalil AlSingace, has been serving a life sentence since 2011. The Working Group on Arbitrary Detention has declared his detention arbitrary. Dr. AlSingace has faced prolonged solitary confinement and denial of essential medical care, leading him to undertake a solid food hunger strike for over 1,200 days.

    In addition, many elderly imprisoned opposition leaders, including AbdulHadi AlKhawaja, continue to endure medical neglect.

    We call on the Bahraini authorities to immediately and unconditionally release all elderly opposition leaders and prominent human rights defenders.

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  • Was Hamas Leader Killed in Iran to Inflame Sectarian Conflict?

    On July 31, Chairman of the Hamas Political Bureau Ismail Haniyeh attended the inauguration of Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian. Hours later, he was reported killed in an “Israeli strike” along with his bodyguard in Tehran.

    Simultaneously, Israel claimed it had killed senior Hezbollah commander Fuad Shukr in an airstrike in Lebanon’s capital, Beirut, and that its intelligence had confirmed that another top Hamas leader Mohammed Deif was also killed in a July 13 Israeli strike in Khan Younis, Gaza.

    The reason the manipulative Zionist regime cunningly plotted to assassinate Ismail Haniyeh during his visit to Iran is two-fold. Firstly, the Islamic Republic over the years has established the reputation of being the torchbearer of the Palestine cause, particularly in the Islamic World.

    While the craven Arab autocracies, under the thumb of duplicitous American masters enabling the Zionist regime’s atrocious genocide of unarmed Palestinians, were pondering over when would be the opportune moment to recognize Israel and establish diplomatic and trade ties, the Iran-led resistance axis, comprising Iraq, Syria, Hezbollah in Lebanon and Ansarallah in Yemen, has claimed stellar victories in battlefields against Israel.

    It’s worth pointing out, however, that Hamas’ main patrons are private donors in oil-rich Saudi Arabia, the Gulf States and Egypt, not Iran, as frequently alleged by the mainstream disinformation campaign. In fact, Hamas as a political movement is the Palestinian offshoot of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood. And by mainstream media’s own accounts, the Shiite leadership of Iran and Hezbollah weren’t even aware of the Sunni Palestinian liberation movement Hamas’ October 7 assault.

    Secondly, the treacherous murder of Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran was clearly designed to inflame the sectarian conflict. Lately, it has become a customary propensity of Orientalist apologists of Western imperialism to offer reductive historical and theological explanations of Sunni-Shi’a conflict in the Middle East region in order to cover up the blowback of ill-conceived Western military interventions and proxy wars that have ignited the flames of internecine conflict in the Islamic world.

    Some self-anointed “Arabists” of the mainstream media posit that the sectarian division goes all the way back to the founding of Islam, 1400 years ago, and contend that the conflict emerged during the reign of the fourth caliph, Ali bin Abi Talib, in the seventh century A.D. Even though both sects of Islam peacefully coexisted during the medieval era in the Middle East, Central Asia and the Mughal India, where several provinces, particularly the glorious State of Awadh, were governed by benevolent Shiite nawabs.

    One wonders what the Western-led war on terror’s explanation would be of such “erudite historians of Islam” – that the cause of purported “clash of civilizations” between Christians and Muslims is to be found in the Crusades when Richard the Lionheart and Saladin were skirmishing in the Levant and exchanging courtesies at the same time.

    Fact of the matter is that in modern times, the Sunni-Shi’a conflict in the Middle East region is essentially a political conflict between the Gulf Arab autocrats and Iran for regional dominance which is being presented to lay Muslims in the veneer of religiosity.

    Saudi Arabia, which has been vying for supremacy as the leader of the Sunni bloc against the Shi’a-led Iran in the regional geopolitics, was staunchly against the invasion of Iraq by the Bush Administration in 2003.

    The Baathist regime of Saddam Hussein constituted a Sunni Arab bulwark against Iran’s meddling in the Arab world. But after Saddam was ousted from power in 2003 and subsequently when elections were held in Iraq which were swept by Shi’a-dominated politico-religious parties, Iraq has now been led by a Shi’a-majority government that has become a steadfast regional ally of Iran. Consequently, Iran’s sphere of influence now extends all the way from territorially-contiguous Iraq and Syria to Lebanon and the Mediterranean coast.

    Moreover, during the invasion of Iraq in 2003, the Bush Administration took advantage of the ethnic and sectarian divisions in Iraq and used the Kurds and Shi’as against the Sunni-led Baathist regime of Saddam Hussein. And during the occupation years from 2003 to 2011, the once dominant Sunni minority was politically marginalized which further exacerbated ethnic and sectarian divisions in Iraq.

    The Saudi royal family was resentful of Iran’s encroachment on the traditional Arab heartland. Therefore, when protests broke out against the Shia-led Syrian government in the wake of the Arab Spring uprisings of 2011, the Gulf States along, with their regional Sunni allies, Turkey and Jordan, and the Western patrons gradually militarized the protests to dismantle the Iran-led resistance axis, comprising Iraq, Syria, Hezbollah in Lebanon and Ansarallah in Yemen.

    Similarly, during the Libyan so-called “humanitarian intervention” in 2011, the Obama administration provided money and arms to myriads of tribal militias and Islamic jihadists to topple the Arab-nationalist Gaddafi government. But after the policy backfired and pushed Libya into lawlessness, anarchy and civil war, the mainstream media pointed the finger at Egypt, UAE, Saudi Arabia and Russia for backing the renegade general, Khalifa Haftar, in eastern Libya, even though he had lived for more than two decades in the US right next to the CIA’s headquarter in Langley, Virginia.

    Regarding the Western powers’ modus operandi of waging proxy wars in the Middle East, since the times of the Soviet-Afghan jihad during the eighties, it has been the fail-safe game plan of master strategists at NATO to raise money from the oil-rich emirates of Saudi Arabia, Qatar, UAE and Kuwait; then buy billions of dollars’ worth of weapons from the arms markets in the Eastern Europe; and then provide those weapons and guerilla warfare training to the disaffected population of the targeted country by using security agencies of the latter’s regional adversaries. Whether it’s Afghanistan, Libya or Syria, the same playbook was executed to the letter.

    More to the point, raising funds for proxy wars from the Gulf Arab States allows Western executives the freedom to evade congressional scrutiny; the benefit of buying weapons from unregulated arms markets of Eastern Europe is that such weapons cannot be traced back to Western capitals; and using jihadist proxies to achieve strategic objectives has the advantage of taking the plea of “plausible deniability” if the strategy backfires, which it often does. Recall that al-Qaeda and Taliban were the by-products of the Soviet-Afghan jihad, and the Islamic State and its global network of terrorists were the blowback of the invasion of Iraq in 2003 and the proxy war in Syria.

    Apart from Syria and Iraq, two other flashpoints of Sunni-Shi’a conflict in the Middle East region are Bahrain and Yemen. When peaceful protests broke out against the Sunni monarchy in Bahrain by the Shi’a majority population in the wake of the Arab Spring uprisings in 2011, Saudi Arabia sent thousands of troops across the border to quell the uprising.

    Similarly, as the Arab Spring protests toppled longtime dictators of the Arab World, including Ben Ali in Tunisia and Hosni Mubarak in Egypt, Yemenis also gathered in the capital’s squares demanding removal of Ali Abdullah Saleh.

    Instead of conceding to protesters’ fervent demand of holding free and fair elections to ascertain democratic aspirations of demonstrators, however, the Obama administration adopted the convenient course of replacing Yemen’s longtime autocrat with a Saudi stooge Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi.

    Having the reputation of a “wily Arabian fox” and being a Houthi himself, Ali Abdullah Saleh wasn’t the one to sit idly by and retire from politics in ignominy. He colluded with the Houthi rebels and incited them to take advantage of the chaos and political vacuum created after the revolution to come out of their northern Saada stronghold and occupy the capital Sanaa in September 2014. How ironic that Ali Abdullah Saleh was eventually killed by Houthis in December 2017 because of his treacherous nature.

    Meanwhile, a change of guard took place in Riyadh as Saudi Arabia’s longtime ruler King Abdullah died and was replaced by King Salman in January 2015, while de facto control of the kingdom fell into hands of inexperienced and belligerent Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman.

    Already furious at the Obama administration for not enforcing its so-called “red line” by imposing a no-fly zone over Syria after the false-flag Ghouta chemical weapons attacks in Damascus in August 2013 and apprehensive of security threat posed to the kingdom from its southern border along Yemen by Houthi rebels under the influence of Iran, the crown prince immediately began a military and air warfare campaign against Houthi rebels with military assistance from the crown prince of Abu Dhabi and de facto ruler of UAE, Mohammad bin Zayed al-Nahyan, in March 2015.

    Mindful of the botched policy it had pursued in Libya and Syria and aware of the catastrophe it had wrought in the Middle East region, the Obama administration had to yield to the dictates of Saudi Arabia and UAE by fully coordinating the Gulf-led military campaign in Yemen not only by providing intelligence, planning and logistical support but also by selling billions of dollars’ worth of arms and ammunition to the Gulf States during the conflict.

    Now, when the fire of inter-sectarian strife is burning on several different fronts in the Middle East and the Sunni and Shi’a communities are witnessing a merciless slaughter of their brethren in Syria, Iraq, Yemen and Bahrain, then it would be preposterous to look for the causes of the conflict in theology and medieval history. If the Sunni and Shi’a Muslims were so thirsty for each other’s blood since the founding of Islam, then how come they managed to survive as distinct sectarian groups for 1400 years?

    Fact of the matter is that in modern times, the phenomena of Islamic radicalism, jihadism and consequent Sunni-Shi’a conflict are only as old as the Soviet-Afghan jihad during the 1980s when the Western powers with the help of their regional allies trained and armed Afghan jihadists to battle the Soviet troops in Afghanistan.

    More significantly, however, the Iran-Iraq War from 1980 to 1988 between the Sunni and Baathist-led Iraq and the Shi’a-led Iran after the 1979 Khomeini revolution engendered hostility between the Sunni and Shi’a communities of the region for the first time in modern history.

    And finally, the conflict has been further exacerbated in the wake of the Arab Spring uprisings in 2011 when the Western powers and their regional client states once again took advantage of the opportunity and nurtured militants against the Arab nationalist Gaddafi government in Libya and the Baathist-led Assad administration in Syria.

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  • The Case of Mohammed Ramadan and Hussain Moosa in Bahrain

    Introduction

    Mohammed Ramadan and Hussain Moosa are two Bahraini citizens who became internationally known due to their controversial legal cases in Bahrain. Both men were arrested in February 2014 and subsequently sentenced to death, sparking widespread criticism from human rights organisations worldwide. The circumstances surrounding their arrests, interrogations, and trials have been widely condemned, particularly due to allegations of severe torture used to extract confessions. Mohammed Ramadan, a former airport security officer, and Hussain Moosa, a hotel employee, were accused of participating in a bomb attack in Al-Dair that resulted in the death of a police officer. Despite retracting their confessions and asserting that they were obtained under duress, both men were sentenced to death in December 2014. Their cases have undergone several appeals and retrials, with ongoing international advocacy highlighting serious concerns about human rights violations and the fairness of their legal proceedings.

    The death penalty situation in Bahrain has significantly deteriorated since 2011, marked by a sharp increase in executions and death sentences. The Bahraini government, which had previously observed a de facto moratorium on executions, resumed them in 2017. This resurgence has seen courts frequently handing down death sentences, particularly for crimes associated with terrorism. However, many of these trials are marred by serious allegations of due process violations, including torture, forced confessions, and denial of legal representation.

    The scope of the death penalty in Bahrain extends beyond the most serious crimes to encompass drug-related offenses and vaguely defined acts of terrorism, often used as a pretext to target political opponents. Mohammed Ramadan and Hussain Moosa’s case exemplify these issues, as both men were sentenced to death following allegations of torture and forced confessions during their trials for their purported involvement in a bombing. Reports indicate that the use of torture and ill-treatment to obtain confessions is widespread, with detainees often being subjected to severe physical and psychological abuse. The judiciary’s lack of independence from the executive branch exacerbates these issues, as courts frequently rely on coerced confessions and fail to investigate allegations of torture adequately. Despite international inquiries and appeals highlighting the lack of fair trial standards and the use of torture, their sentences have been upheld, reflecting broader systemic issues within Bahrain’s judicial framework regarding capital punishment​.

    Recommendations

    Considering the serious human rights violations highlighted in the cases of Mohammed Ramadan and Hussain Moosa, it is imperative to address these systemic issues to ensure justice and uphold the rule of law in Bahrain. The following recommendations are proposed to mitigate these violations, enhance the integrity of the judicial process, and align Bahrain’s practices with international human rights standards. Implementing these recommendations will help prevent future abuses, support victims, and restore confidence in Bahrain’s commitment to human rights.

    1. Immediate Moratorium on Executions: The Bahraini government should impose an immediate moratorium on all executions, particularly those involving cases with allegations of torture and forced confessions. This moratorium is crucial to prevent further miscarriages of justice and to allow for a thorough review of death penalty cases. By halting executions, Bahrain can take a significant step towards protecting human life and ensuring that any potential errors in the judicial process do not result in irreversible consequences. This action would demonstrate Bahrain’s commitment to human rights and signal to the international community its willingness to rectify past injustices.
    2. Independent Investigations into Torture Allegations: Establish an independent, international commission to investigate allegations of torture and ill-treatment in the cases of Mohammed Ramadan, Hussain Moosa, and other similar cases. This commission should operate transparently and include international human rights experts to ensure impartiality and credibility. The commission’s findings should be made public, and its recommendations should be implemented promptly. By involving international experts, Bahrain can enhance the credibility of its investigations and reassure both domestic and international stakeholders that justice is being pursued without bias.
    3. Review and Retrial of Cases: All death penalty cases, especially those involving allegations of torture, should be reviewed by independent courts. Retrials should be conducted in compliance with international fair trial standards, without the use of coerced confessions. This process should include a thorough examination of all evidence and witness testimonies, ensuring that any evidence obtained through torture or other illegal means is excluded. Independent reviews and retrials will help to rectify any past injustices and ensure that the legal process is fair and transparent, thereby restoring public confidence in the judiciary.
    4. Strengthening the Judiciary System: Reforms are needed to ensure the independence of the judiciary from the executive branch. Judges must be empowered to dismiss cases where evidence is obtained through torture or other illegal means. Judicial independence is a cornerstone of a fair legal system and is essential for protecting human rights. Reforms should include measures to protect judges from political pressure and to ensure that their decisions are based solely on the law and the evidence presented in court. Strengthening judicial independence will help to ensure that justice is administered fairly and without undue influence.
    5. Capacity Building for Law Enforcement: Implement comprehensive training programs for law enforcement and judicial personnel on international human rights standards, focusing on the prohibition of torture and the right to a fair trial. Training should include practical exercises and case studies to help participants understand the real-world implications of their actions. By equipping law enforcement and judicial personnel with the knowledge and skills to uphold human rights, Bahrain can help to prevent future abuses and ensure that its legal system operates in accordance with international standards.
    6. Enhanced Oversight Mechanisms: Strengthen the roles and independence of oversight bodies such as the Special Investigation Unit (SIU) and the Office of the Ombudsman to ensure they can operate without political influence and effectively hold perpetrators of human rights abuses accountable. These bodies should be given the authority and resources they need to conduct thorough and impartial investigations, and their findings should be made public. Strengthening oversight mechanisms will help to ensure accountability and prevent future human rights abuses.
    7. International Cooperation: The Bahraini government should cooperate fully with international human rights mechanisms, including UN special rapporteurs, to facilitate independent monitoring and reporting on human rights conditions within the country. This cooperation should include granting access to international observers and providing them with the information and support they need to carry out their work. By engaging with international human rights mechanisms, Bahrain can demonstrate its commitment to transparency and accountability and benefit from the expertise and support of the international community.
    8. Victim Support and Compensation: Establish a comprehensive support system for victims of torture and their families, including medical, psychological, and legal assistance. Victims should be compensated adequately for their suffering and losses, and their rehabilitation should be a priority. Support services should be accessible and provided in a timely manner to ensure that victims receive the help they need to recover. By supporting victims, Bahrain can help to address the harm caused by past abuses and promote healing and reconciliation.
    9. Public Awareness and Education: Launch public awareness campaigns to educate citizens about their rights and the importance of due process and the prohibition of torture. This should include efforts to foster a culture of human rights within Bahraini society, using various media and outreach strategies to reach a wide audience. Education and awareness are crucial for preventing human rights abuses and for empowering citizens to assert their rights. By promoting human rights education, Bahrain can help to build a society that respects and upholds the rights of all individuals.
    10. Legislative Reforms: Amend national legislation to align with international human rights treaties to which Bahrain is a party, particularly regarding the definitions of terrorism and the scope of the death penalty. Ensure that laws explicitly prohibit the use of torture and mandate independent investigations into any allegations of such abuse. Legislative reforms are necessary to create a legal framework that protects human rights and ensures accountability for abuses. By aligning its laws with international standards, Bahrain can demonstrate its commitment to human rights and provide a solid legal foundation for the protection of individual rights.

    Implementing these recommendations will require concerted effort and commitment from all levels of government and society in Bahrain. However, by taking these steps, Bahrain can make significant progress in addressing systemic human rights issues, ensuring justice for victims, and restoring confidence in its commitment to human rights.

     

    To download the full briefing paper press below

    Briefing paper – Cases of M. Ramadan and H. Moosa

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  • Briefing Paper: Digital Rights in Bahrain

    Introduction 

    When we refer to digital rights—in this example, Bahraini rights—we refer to a wide set of human rights that are exercised and defended in the digital sphere. These include liberties like privacy, information access, and freedom of speech. As digital platforms are becoming increasingly important in social, political, and economic life, these rights have become crucial. Although the relevance of this has increased over time, Bahrain’s digital rights situation remains highly restrictive. This is mainly because of three things; government censorship, surveillance and legal repression. In a globalised world where digital infrastructures are critical to social and economic progress, Bahrain must strike a balance between protecting human rights and advancing technology. This briefing paper examines the present status of digital rights in Bahrain.

    In the Middle East, Bahrain, a small island of 1.5 million people, has been a scenario of both government persecution and digital activism. This briefing paper examines the intricate dynamics surrounding digital rights in Bahrain, emphasizing the country’s past, and current policies, and wider ramifications for both the advancement of digital activism and human rights. Several measures, such as sophisticated surveillance, internet censorship, and legal repression, have been put in place by the Bahraini government to restrict and control digital expression. The report explores how the state monitors activists and dissidents, intercepts conversations, and gathers personal data. Censorship is another element to highlight a common practice that affects websites and online platforms with a critical stance towards the government, which are frequently blocked. We highlight the role of laws such as the Press Law of 2002 and the Cybercrime Law of 2014, which have become tools used to criminalize online dissent.

    This report provides a comprehensive overview of the current digital rights situation in Bahrain, assessing governmental actions, the effects of censorship and monitoring, and the reactions of civil society. By bringing these concerns to light, it hopes to foster a deeper understanding of Bahrain’s digital rights possibilities and difficulties as well as offer recommendations for improving the situation. This will facilitate the development of

    informed and effective strategies to protect and promote human rights in the country’s digital environment.

     Future Directions and Recommendations 

    Despite the challenges enumerated, there is room for improvement regarding digital rights in Bahrain as the digital sphere never changes. This indicates that it is possible to create new ways of protecting and promoting these rights when it is backed up by strong advocates who are also supported by the international community. This implies that digital security should be reinforced while at the same time developing secure communication platforms as well as advocating for legal reforms which will guard against infringement on online freedoms.

    Recommendations 

    1. Strengthening Digital Security: Activists need all-inclusive training to learn how they can protect their communications and data from being monitored by the governments.
    2. International Advocacy: International bodies and foreign nations must continue standing firm for Bahrain’s digital rights while reminding people about these rights to enable them to push for reformation through diplomatic means.
    3. Secure Platform Development: It is necessary to invest in creating safe communication networks that put the privacy of users first thus preventing any form of government infiltration.
    4. Legal Reforms: Recommend legal reforms based on EU law.

    Conclusion 

    Digital rights in Bahrain remain a contentious and challenging issue. The government’s extensive surveillance and censorship measures have significantly restricted these rights, however, activists are still finding ways by which they can resist these restrictions and advocate for greater freedoms. International support and continued efforts to develop secure technologies and legal protections are critical to ensuring that digital spaces can serve as platforms for positive political change in Bahrain.

    By shining a light on the digital rights situation in Bahrain and supporting efforts to protect these rights, the international community can contribute to the broader struggle for human rights and democratic governance in the region.

     

    Press below to download the Briefing Paper:

    Digital Rights in Bahrain

     

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  • ADHRB Raises Alarm Over Cuts to Electricity and Water for Protesting Prisoners in Jau Prison and Denial of Medical Care, Urging Immediate Action

    ADHRB expresses its deep concerns about the recent reports of escalating human rights violations occurring at Jau Prison in Bahrain. The recent escalation of cutting electricity and water to protesting prisoners during extremely hot summer days, in retaliation for demanding their rights while denying them medical care, is extremely worrisome. ADHRB holds the King of Bahrain, Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa, and his government responsible for these dangerous events. We also hold Bahrain’s Ministry of Interior and the Jau Prison administration accountable for this dire situation. ADHRB urgently calls on them to immediately cease these retaliatory measures, restore electricity, water, and food to prisoners, meet the prisoners’ demands, investigate violations, and hold perpetrators accountable. Furthermore, ADHRB calls on the international community to act promptly to end this dangerous situation before it is too late.

    Background:

    On 25 March 2024, political prisoner Husain Khalil Ebrahim died inside Jau Prison after enduring years of medical neglect. As a result, since 26 March 2024, political prisoners in Buildings 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, and 10 of Jau Prison have been protesting their mistreatment, particularly medical negligence. Their demands include the unconditional release of all political prisoners, especially prominent elderly political prisoners and opposition leaders suffering from medical neglect, such as Mr. Hasan Mushaima and Dr. AbdulJalil AlSingace, and the immediate and unconditional release of all sick prisoners suffering from medical neglect.

    Retaliatory Measures:

    In response, the Jau prison administration has taken various retaliatory measures, including:

    • Intermittent cuts to electricity, water, and food supplies.
    • ADHRB has learned from some human rights activists that on 24 April 2024, security forces stormed Ward 3 in Building 5 to forcibly end a sit-in, resulting in the assault and injury of many prisoners.
    • Increased retaliatory actions such as solitary confinement, suspension of family visits and contacts, cessation of television broadcasts, and suspension of daily newspapers.
    • Denial of access to personal hygiene items, cleaning supplies, and other necessities from the canteen.
    • Restriction of prisoner movement to courts or hospitals, with those who leave being reclassified to Building 2, which houses foreign criminal inmates who do not share the same language, culture, and religion as Bahraini political prisoners, effectively isolating them. As a result, prisoners experiencing serious health issues are avoiding medical appointments to prevent being transferred to isolation in Building 2, which houses foreign criminal inmates.

    Escalation and Retaliation:

    The situation in Jau Prison has recently escalated significantly. On 30 June 2024, the Prison administration denied dinner to the protesting prisoners in Building 7. The following day, 1 July 2024, ADHRB learned from prisoners’ families that meals were entirely withheld as retaliation for the sit-in organized inside the prison corridors. The administration deprived detainees of dinner and breakfast, delayed lunch provision, and provided it in extremely small quantities. The families also informed ADHRB that military and security forces surrounded the protesting buildings, and prison forces threw dozens of meals in the trash instead of distributing them to the prisoners. They added that, on orders from the Jau Prison director, Hisham AlZayani, trash removal was prohibited, leading to large accumulations of waste inside the buildings, wards, and cells, posing a health threat to the prisoners. Furthermore, they confirmed that the water supply to Building 9 was also cut off as a retaliatory measure.

    Further Escalation:

    On 10 July 2024, the situation worsened when the administration cut off electricity and water in Buildings 5, 7, 8, 9, and 10. Consequently, the air conditioners stopped working during extremely hot summer days, with real temperatures exceeding 50°C. Families of political prisoners reported to ADHRB that the food supply was significantly reduced, and prisoners were denied medical treatment, all following orders from Director Hisham AlZayani to forcefully end the ongoing sit-in. In response, ADHRB has learned from human rights activists that prisoners in Building 10 initiated a hunger strike due to the poor conditions and deprivation of meals. The power cut exacerbated the suffering of prisoners with asthma, kidney disease, and heart disease. For instance, ADHRB has learned from prisoners’ families that prisoners in Ward 1 of Building 7 suffered extreme heat, 24 hours after electricity and water were cut off in poorly ventilated cells. Despite serious health attacks, prisoners who left their buildings to receive medical care were transferred to isolation in Building 2, which houses foreign criminal inmates. As a result, prisoners are avoiding medical appointments to prevent being transferred to isolation.

    The mothers of political prisoners reached out to official government bodies, including the National Institution for Human Rights (NIHR), the Prisoners’ Commission, and the Ombudsman. They also contacted several MPs to raise their demands and complaints with government officials and seek action to resolve the issue. Their last move was on 18 July 2024, when they visited the Jau Prison building to complain about the recent retaliatory measures and demand their children’s rights. The head of the prison police department attempted to interrogate them about the source of the leaked reprisal news, casting doubt on its validity and calling it subversive. She claimed all services were available in prison, accused prisoners of cutting electricity wires, and threatened to bring in security forces to expel and pursue the mothers.

    Call to Action:

    ADHRB urgently calls upon the Bahraini authorities, including the Ministry of Interior and the institutions that claim to protect the rights of prisoners, such as the National Institution for Human Rights (NIHR), the Ombudsman, the Special Investigations Unit (SIU), and others to:

    1. Immediately cease all retaliatory measures against prisoners.
    2. Restore electricity, water, and adequate food supplies to all prisoners.
    3. Ensure the provision of adequate medical care and sanitation to all prisoners.
    4. End the isolation of political prisoners in Building 2 and return them to the buildings where other prisoners of conscience are housed.
    5. Unconditionally release all political prisoners, especially those in need of medical attention.
    6. Investigate all these violations and hold perpetrators accountable.

    ADHRB also urges the international community to act promptly by applying pressure on the Bahraini government to protect the rights and well-being of all prisoners.

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  • Profile in Persecution: Sadeq Jaafar Ali (AlSammak)

    Sadeq Jaafar Ali (AlSammak) was a 16-year-old Bahraini student from the town of Al Aali when he was arrested by Bahraini authorities on 5 October 2017, while he was on his way to school. The arrest was carried out without a warrant. During his detention, he endured torture, insults, solitary confinement, enforced disappearance, isolation, denial of family contact and visits, denial of access to his lawyer, unfair trials, religious discrimination, reprisals, and medical neglect. He is currently serving a 14-year sentence in Jau Prison.

    On the morning of 5 October 2017, Sadeq was walking to school when several civilian cars surrounded him, and their passengers arrested him without a warrant. They took Sadeq to the Ministry of Interior (MoI)’s Criminal Investigation Directorate (CID), where he was held in solitary confinement for two and a half months. On the second day of his arrest, he called his family and informed them of his whereabouts. When Sadeq’s family went to the CID, officers refused to disclose the reason for his arrest, and his lawyer was not able to talk to or meet him. Additionally, officers searched Sadeq’s house three times without presenting a search warrant, seizing his father’s properties, including computers and cars, which were never returned.

    Sadeq was previously arrested several times in 2015 and 2016 at AlKhamis Police Station and Roundabout 17 Police Station.  During these detentions, at the ages of 14 and 15, he was subjected to torture, beatings, and electric shocks. He was later released due to a lack of evidence supporting the charges against him.

    While at the CID, officers interrogated, tortured, and subjected Sadeq to enforced disappearance for two and a half months. The CID officers physically beat him, especially in sensitive areas, and subjected him to prolonged solitary confinement and electric shocks to force him to sign pre-written confessions that were later used against him in trials. During these interrogations, the officers did not allow Sadeq to meet or speak with his legal counsel. Furthermore, Sadeq was taken multiple times to the Public Prosecution Office (PPO), where he denied the charges against him and reported the torture he endured. However, he was returned each time to the CID, where he was further tortured to force a confession. After two and a half months of physical and psychological torture, Sadeq finally signed the confession due to exhaustion and fear of further violence. A forensic doctor later confirmed the physical beatings during a medical examination, which the court did not consider in its ruling. Moreover, his family was not allowed to visit him until three months after his arrest, when he was transferred to the Dry Dock Detention Center.

    On 4 January 2018, Sadeq’s family filed a complaint with the Ombudsman about the torture he endured during his interrogations at the CID. His family waited two and a half months after his arrest, after he was transferred from the CID, to file a complaint due to fear of further torture by CID officers. Sadeq informed the Ombudsman’s investigator about the torture he endured, particularly in his private area, and he was checked for injuries after submitting the complaint. On 5 March 2018, the Ombudsman responded, stating that their investigation raised suspicion of a criminal offense that falls within the jurisdiction of the Special Investigation Unit (SIU). Consequently, the case was referred to the SIU on 1 March 2018. Sadeq’s family later contacted the SIU, however, it did not provide them with any information about the investigation.

    Sadeq was not promptly brought before a judge, did not have adequate time and facilities to prepare for his trials, and was denied access to his lawyers during the trial period. Despite the evidence provided to the judge and the complaint filed with the Ombudsman concerning the torture Sadeq was subjected to, the confessions extracted from him under torture were used as evidence against him. Between March 2018 and May 2022, Sadeq was sentenced in several cases to a total of 14 years and two months in prison, along with the revocation of his citizenship. He was convicted of various charges, including 1) illegal gathering, 2) rioting, 3) arson, 4) joining a terrorist group, 5) endangering people’s lives, 6) importing and possessing explosives, rifles, or weapons without authorization, 7) manufacturing or possessing explosives, and using them to endanger people’s property, 8) training on using weapons to commit terrorist crimes, 9) placing structures simulating the shapes of explosives, 10) initiating an explosion in one of the petrol lines in Buri Town, 11) kidnapping, and 12) assaulting the bodily integrity of others. His convictions included his alleged participation in and joining of the “Bahraini Hezbollah”, an umbrella group used by the government to convict 137 other individuals in a mass trial on 16 April 2019. While awaiting appeal and cassation, officers have either denied Sadeq’s attendance at the proceedings or brought him to the building but prevented him from entering the courtroom. This resulted in his convictions being upheld due to his “absence,” depriving him of a fair appeals process. For instance, the court of appeal sentenced Sadeq in absentia in the case in which he was denaturalized, even though he was on the bus that transferred detainees outside the courtroom, and despite the lawyer’s request for Sadeq to attend. His nationality was later restored through a royal pardon. On 19 January 2021, Sadeq was transferred to the isolation building in Jau Prison.

    Throughout his detention, Sadeq has undertaken numerous hunger strikes to protest the poor prison conditions. The longest of these began on 13 October 2021, lasting approximately 16 days, to protest his transfer to the isolation building on 1 January 2021 in Jau Prison without valid reasons, as well as the medical negligence he endured. On 27 October 2021, 14 days into his hunger strike, Sadeq reported in a voice recording that his blood sugar levels had dropped dangerously to 3.1%. He described facing persecution, harassment, and threats to prolong his isolation. Isolated prisoners faced additional punishment such as chaining of their hands and feet if they objected to being segregated from other political prisoners. Sadeq also stated in the recording that he had met with a media committee of an official human rights institution, which pressured him to end his hunger strike without securing any guarantees, instead of urging the prison administration to end his isolation and respond to his demands.

    Following his convictions, Sadeq was subjected to numerous forms of physical and psychological torture. Officers beat him with their hands and other objects such as hoses and wires, insulted him, and subjected him to hanging and crucifixion. They falsely accused him of inciting other prisoners to vandalize the prison building, quarrel with police officers, and go on strike. After every prison incident, Sadeq is summoned, interrogated, and beaten without any clear reason. Reprisals against him continue intermittently, including repeated solitary confinement, isolation, discrimination, humiliation based on religion, denial of his right to practice religious rituals, harassment, assaults, and ill-treatment. For instance, when Sadeq was held in isolation with foreign criminal inmates, he was prohibited from leaving his cell or communicating with anyone outside the cell. He was once moved to the outdoor area while shackled at the hands and legs. He was not allowed to leave his cell and was deprived of many necessities, with a policeman bringing him food and water to his cell. 

    Since 26 March 2024, following the death of political Husain Khalil Ebrahim due to medical neglect, Sadeq has been participating in an ongoing protest with other prisoners against the medical negligence and poor conditions in Jau Prison, demanding the release of prominent elderly opposition leaders, including Mr. Hasan Mushaima and Dr. AbdulJalil AlSingace. In response, the Jau prison administration has cut off water and electricity to the protesting prisoners, prohibited communication, withheld adequate meals and toiletries, and transferred prisoners who left the building for clinic or court to isolation and solitary confinement, depriving them of their rights. The director of Jau Prison, Hisham AlZayani, has also threatened to forcibly return the protesting prisoners to their cells. 

    Sadeq continues to suffer from medical negligence in Jau Prison, with his health deteriorating due to untreated eczema spreading throughout his body. He also suffers from acne on his face and back caused by unhealthy meals, despite repeatedly requesting healthier food options from the prison administration, but to no avail. Additionally, he has shrapnel from a shotgun in his body that the prison’s administration has repeatedly promised to remove, but this has yet to be done. Proper treatment is often not provided or is given in very limited quantities, and sometimes the treatment provided is inappropriate for his condition. Furthermore, official visits and communications from Sadeq’s family have been cut off for nearly a year. His family has filed several complaints with the Ombudsman regarding the restrictions, medical negligence, insults, and torture he has endured, but these have yielded no results.

    Sadeq’s arrest without a warrant as a minor, torture, insults, solitary confinement, enforced disappearance, denial of family contact and visits, isolation, denial of access to legal counsel, unfair trials, religious discrimination, reprisals, and medical neglect all constitute clear violations of the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment (CAT), the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), to which Bahrain is a party.

    As such, Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) calls on the Bahraini authorities to uphold their human rights obligations by immediately and unconditionally releasing Sadeq. Additionally, ADHRB further urges the Bahraini government to investigate allegations of arbitrary arrest, torture, insults, solitary confinement, enforced disappearance, denial of family contact and visits, denial of legal counsel, isolation, religious discrimination, reprisals, medical negligence, and ill-treatment, and to hold perpetrators accountable. ADHRB advocates for the Bahraini government to provide compensation for the injuries he suffered due to torture. At the very least, ADHRB advocates for a fair retrial for Sadeq under the Restorative Justice Law for Children, leading to his release. Additionally, it urges the Jau Prison administration to promptly provide appropriate healthcare for Sadeq, holding it responsible for any further deterioration in his health condition. Furthermore, ADHRB calls on the Jau Prison administration to immediately allow Sadeq to contact his family and receive visits from them. Finally, ADHRB demands that the Jau Prison administration immediately end its retaliatory and degrading treatment of protesting prisoners, including Sadeq, and meet their demands to end their ongoing strike.

    The post Profile in Persecution: Sadeq Jaafar Ali (AlSammak) appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

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  • U.S. divide and rule no more… Washington’s Gulf allies embrace Iran

    In a sign of major geopolitical realignment, Saudi Arabia and other Gulf Arab states sent warm congratulations to Iran on its newly elected President Masoud Pezeshkian.

    Saudi King Salman welcomed the news of Iran’s election winner last weekend and said he hoped that the two Persian Gulf nations would continue developing their relations “between our brotherly people”.

    That olive branch from Saudi Arabia to Iran is an unprecedented diplomatic development – one that will trigger alarm in Washington whose primary goal in the Middle East has been to isolate Iran from its neighbors.

    There were similar cordial official messages from Kuwait, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, Oman and Bahrain. Together with Saudi Arabia, these oil-rich states comprise the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). There is much talk now of the Gulf Arab bloc normalizing relations with its Persian neighbor.

    For his part, President Pezeshkian – a heart surgeon by profession – says he wants to prioritize peaceful regional relations.

    For decades, since the Iranian revolution in 1979, the Gulf Arab states have viewed the Islamic Republic with deep suspicion and hostility. For one thing, there is the sectarian tension between Shia Islam as professed mainly by Iran and the Sunni Islam that dominates the Gulf Arab states.

    There is also the visceral fear among the Arab monarchies that the revolutionary politics espoused by Iran might infect their masses thereby threatening the rigid autocracies and their system of hereditary rule. The fact that Iran holds elections stands in stark contrast to the Gulf kingdoms ruled by royal families. So much for President Joe Biden’s mantra about the U.S. supposedly supporting democracy over autocracy.

    The United States and its Western allies, in particular, the former colonial power Britain, have exploited the tensions in the Persian Gulf to exercise a divide-and-rule policy. The British are past masters at playing the sectarian game in all their former colonies from Ireland to Myanmar and everywhere in between, including the Middle East.

    Taking a leaf out of that imperialist playbook, Washington has historically fuelled fears of Iranian expansionism. This has ensured Saudi Arabia and its Gulf neighbors remain under U.S. “protection” which is vital for maintaining the petrodollar system that underpins the American dollar as the international reserve currency. Without the petrodollar privileges, the U.S. economy would implode.

    Secondly, the Gulf is an eye-watering huge market for American weapons exports, from overrated Patriot air defense systems to overpriced fighter jets.

    In short, the policy of the U.S. and its Western allies was and is to promote a Cold War in the Gulf between the Arab states and Iran.

    The schismatic animosity cannot be overstated. The Arab monarchies were habitually paranoid about Iran infiltrating their societies. Saudi Arabia and the other Sunni rulers conducted severe repressive policies towards their Shia populations.

    In 2010, an explosive exposé by Julian Assange’s Wikileaks organization showed the then Saudi ruler King Abdullah pleading with the United States to launch military attacks on Iran. The Saudi monarch described Iran as “the head of the snake” and he implored the U.S. to decapitate the Islamic Republic.

    Fast forward to the present Saudi ruler, King Salman, a half-brother of the deceased Abdullah, who is now calling for fraternal relations with Iran – as are other Gulf Arab states.

    Saudi heir to the throne, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, also extended his congratulations to Iran’s new president and went further to propose regional security cooperation. The Saudi heir reportedly told President Pezeshkian: “I affirm my keenness on developing and deepening the relations that unite our countries and peoples and serve our mutual interests.”

    This is an astounding turnaround for positive relations. Crown Prince MbS was the main instigator of Saudi’s disastrous war on Yemen in 2015 which was prompted by his fear of Iran’s alliance with the Houthis in Saudi’s southern neighbor following the landmark international nuclear deal with Tehran.

    Saudi Arabia and the Gulf Sunni states were also instrumental in pursuing the U.S.-led covert war for regime change in Syria against Iranian ally Bashar al Assad. That proxy war effort was a defeat for the U.S. side after Russia and Iran stepped in to defend Syria.

    What’s happening here is a major geopolitical realignment. Russia, Iran, China and others have put a decisive marker down spelling the end of U.S. and Western hegemony.

    It is clear that the U.S.-led so-called “rules-based global order” is nothing more than a dead-end scam imposed on the rest of the world. All empirical evidence shows that the primary enemy of international peace and security is the U.S. hegemon and its Western vassals.

    The U.S.-instigated proxy war against Russia in Ukraine is recklessly pushing the world to the abyss of a nuclear catastrophe. Elsewhere, in the Middle East with the Western-backed Israeli genocide in Gaza and the relentless belligerence of NATO in the Asia-Pacific toward China, it is increasingly evident what is the source of international conflict and chaos – U.S.-led Western imperialism.

    The Gulf Arab leaders may not be reacting out of democratic sensibilities. But they must surely know that the writing is on the wall for American hegemony and its destructive death wish to survive at all costs.

    The world is changing dramatically to a new multipolar order where the majority of nations are trying to come to a peaceful coexistence.

    Last year, China brokered a historic rapprochement between Saudi Arabia and Iran. All of these parties know that the U.S. disorder of hegemonic Cold War division is unsustainable and ultimately self-defeating for those who adhere to it.

    The Saudis know that the Eurasian economic engine is driving the world economy and the embrace of the Global South of a multipolar order is hammering nails into the coffin of Western hegemony.

    Saudi Arabia and the other Gulf Arab states are signing up as new members of the Shanghai Cooperation Council which also includes Russia, China, Iran, India and Pakistan, among others.

    King Salman and other Arab leaders are finally realizing that Uncle Sam’s patronage is like putting a loaded gun to your head. As that old American war criminal Henry Kissinger once reputedly remarked with his trademark cynicism: being an enemy of the U.S. can be dangerous but to be an ally of Uncle Sam is absolutely fatal.

    The days of Washington and its Western minions playing divide and rule are over because they have discredited themselves irreparably.

    • First published in Strategic Culture Foundation

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  • Profile in Persecution: Hasan Moosa Jaafar Ali

    Updated: Hasan Moosa Jaafar Ali was a 16-year-old Bahraini student with learning disabilities when he was arrested for the first time without a warrant on 23 September 2013. During his detention, he endured torture, enforced disappearance, solitary confinement, denial of attorney access, isolation, reprisals, religious discrimination, and medical neglect. He was sentenced to a total of 32 years imprisonment through a series of unfair trials, including the “Bahraini Hezbollah” case. Hasan is currently imprisoned at Jau Prison. On 18 September 2020, the United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention (WGAD) adopted an opinion regarding nine Bahraini prisoners convicted in the “Bahraini Hezbollah” case, including Hasan, urging Bahrain to release them immediately and unconditionally and to provide them with compensation.

    On 5 September 2012, officials raided Hasan’s family home in an attempt to arrest him, but he was not home at the time. Hasan’s mother asked the officers to see the arrest warrant, but they only said Hasan’s name was on a list of wanted fugitives and would not provide her with a warrant.

    After being chased by the authorities for over a year, Hasan was arrested for the first time on 23 September 2013 while he was in a car with his cousin. The officers provided no arrest warrant or reason for the arrest.  The officers took Hasan to Samaheej police station, where he was forcibly disappeared and tortured by burning the soles of his feet and thighs and by beating him on his head, abdomen, and “sensitive areas.” As a result of the torture, Hasan developed burns on his feet and thighs, along with green bruises on his body. Two days after his arrest, Hasan was transferred to the AlHadd police station, where he was interrogated for a week without the presence of his lawyer. Officials then allowed him to contact his family for the first time. As a result of torture, Hasan was coerced into confessing to fabricated charges against him. Furthermore, he was not examined by a forensic pathologist following interrogations.

    Hasan was not promptly brought before a judge, was unable to present evidence and challenge evidence presented against him, did not have adequate time and facilities to prepare for his trials, and was denied access to his lawyer during the trial period. Additionally, the confessions extracted from him under torture were used as evidence against him. On an unknown date, Hasan was charged with illegal assembly and arson. The Bahraini court sentenced him to a total of nine and a half years in prison and a fine of 200 Bahraini dinars. After his conviction, Hasan was transferred to Jau Prison. Hasan appealed his rulings, however, the Court of Appeals rejected all the appeals and upheld the verdicts.

    On 10 March 2015, a prison protest broke out when a family was denied access to visit a prisoner. In retribution, at approximately 10:00 P.M., a group of prison guards attacked a group of detainees, including Hasan. The officers tortured Hasan and the other detainees, beating them with batons until they were unable to move. They threw the detainees to the floor, jumped on their bodies, forcibly cut their hair, and refused to give them access to a bathroom. Hasan was also beaten on the head, causing a deep injury. In May 2015, officials transferred him to the New Dry Dock Prison, the section of Jau Prison reserved for inmates under the age of 21.

    On 3 June 2016, approximately three years after his arrest, Hasan escaped with some prisoners from the New Dry Dock Prison. On the same day, plainclothes officers and riot police officers raided his home while searching for him. The officers returned several times in search of Hasan, but he remained in hiding for approximately two years.

    On 23 January 2018, officers in plain clothing forcibly entered Hasan’s grandfather’s home, arrested Hasan, and took him to the Criminal Investigations Directorate (CID), where he was subjected to enforced disappearance for two days. He was charged with prison break, hiding from arrest, and for his alleged participation in the Bahraini Hezbollah case. The officers called Hasan’s family two days later to inform them of his arrest and to tell them that he was “fine.”

    Officials interrogated Hasan at the CID for 45 days and tortured him to coerce a confession. Hasan did eventually confess to the charges against him, and his confession was used against him during his trial. His lawyer was not allowed to be present during his interrogation. After 45 days at the CID, Hasan was transferred to the “isolation building” of Jau Prison.

    The Bahraini court sentenced him to an additional 23 years in prison, a fine of 100,000 Bahraini dinars, and revoked his citizenship, resulting in a total sentence of 32 years. One of the verdicts against him was issued during the “Bahraini Hezbollah” mass trial on 16 April 2019. Hasan was denied access to his attorney and did not have adequate time or facilities to prepare for his trial. The court rejected all of Hasan’s appeals and upheld his convictions. On 21 April 2019, Hasan’s nationality was restored by royal order.

    On 21 April 2019, Hasan stated in a voice recording shared on social media that he was isolated from other prisoners, prohibited from interacting with them, and deprived of basic rights such as medical care and religious rituals. He mentioned that he had not met with any prison administrative officials, and his requests to do so were consistently denied.

    On 15 August 2019, Hasan joined other detainees at the “isolation building” in a hunger strike to protest poor prison conditions. They demanded to be moved from the isolation building and placed with other prisoners, allowed to practice their religious rituals, and have the restrictions on their phone calls and outdoor time removed. They also protested against constant surveillance of their movements, conversations, and personal belongings by prison officers. The strike continued until the first week of September when the prison administration promised to fulfill their demands. However, after the strike ended, the administration refused to keep its promises, leading the prisoners to resume the strike. In response, prison officers tied Hasan’s hands behind his back and forced him into his cell to prevent him from reciting Ashura’s eulogies with his fellow inmates in the corridor, threatening him with further sanctions if he attempted to recite these eulogies. The prison administration also denied him family visits and placed him in solitary confinement for a few days. Hasan remained in the isolation building of Jau Prison for three years before being moved to another building in 2021.

    On 18 September 2020, the United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention (WGAD) adopted an opinion regarding nine Bahraini prisoners convicted in the “Bahraini Hezbollah” case, including Hasan, determining their detention to be arbitrary. The WGAD urged Bahrain to release them immediately and unconditionally and to provide them with compensation.

    In September 2020, scabies spread among prisoners in Jau Prison due to a new inmate suffering from it, resulting in Hasan becoming infected. In August 2021, Hasan contracted COVID-19. Between 2015 and 2024, he has been repeatedly placed in solitary confinement. Throughout his detention, he has been repeatedly denied medical treatment for a knee injury, sinusitis, and a deviated septum, and has been denied three necessary nose surgeries for four years. Recently, in March 2024, an officer at Jau Prison prevented Hasan from attending a scheduled ENT appointment for his nose issues under the pretext of his “inappropriate hairstyle”, though his hairstyle complied with prison regulations. He has also been denied follow-up ophthalmology appointments. Hasan’s family has submitted numerous complaints to the Ombudsman, requesting medical care. Although the Ombudsman promised to follow up on the issue, no action has been taken, and the family has yet to receive a response. Additionally, traces of cigarette burns on the soles of Hasan’s feet, inflicted during the interrogation period, are still visible.

    Hasan’s first warrantless arrest as a minor, torture, enforced disappearances, solitary confinement, denial of attorney access, unfair trials, isolation, reprisals, religious discrimination, and medical neglect all constitute clear violations of the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment (CAT), the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), to which Bahrain is a party. 

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  • Bahrain: Joint letter on Dr. Abduljalil Al-Singace as he exceeds three years on hunger strike

    King of Bahrain, King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa,

    Crown Prince and Prime Minister, Prince Salman bin Hamad Al Khalifa,

     

    We write to you urgently on 8 July 2024, which marks three years since award-winning academic, blogger, and human rights defender Dr. Abduljalil Al-Singace went on a liquid-only hunger strike in response to prison authorities’ confiscation of his manuscript on Bahraini dialects of Arabic that he spent four years researching and writing.

    Dr. Al-Singace, aged 62, is serving a life sentence and has spent over 13 years arbitrarily detained solely for exercising his rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly.

    On 3 April 2024, 28 rights groups wrote to you to mark 1,000 days since he began his hunger strike. For the past three years, Dr. Al-Singace has been sustaining himself only on multivitamin liquid supplements, tea with milk and sugar, water, and salts. We reiterate our calls for you to immediately release Dr. Al-Singace, who is wrongfully detained, and ensure that he receives the healthcare he urgently needs.

    We regret that Dr. Al-Singace, along with other high-profile political leaders and activists, were not included in the recent royal pardons issued on the occasion of Eid by King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa on 8 April and 15 June 2024, respectively. According to research conducted by the Bahrain Institute for Rights and Democracy (BIRD), the 8 April pardon resulted in the release of over 650 political prisoners, accounting for an estimated 41% of the total royal pardon. In contrast, the 15 June pardon included only eight political prisoners, representing an estimated only 1.5% of the total royal pardon, and most were serving short or alternative sentences. BIRD estimates that 546 political prisoners remain imprisoned in Bahrain, the majority of whom are held in Jau Prison. Additionally, BIRD found that opposition leaders have been largely excluded from alternative sentencing measures and open prisons, which are cornerstones of Bahrain’s prison reform plans.

    We are concerned by recent updates received from Dr. Al-Singace through his family, wherein earlier this June, authorities twice failed to refill his medical prescriptions in a timely and appropriate manner. On both occasions, Dr. Al-Singace gave authorities three days to resolve the issue and then he escalated his hunger strike, consuming nothing but water. Shortly after his escalation, authorities provided him with his proper medications. All detainees must receive adequate healthcare, which is required under international law.

    According to his doctors, Dr. Al-Singace has a low white blood cell count due to his hunger strike, and suffers from complex health issues including tremors, prostate issues, and shoulder pain. He also requires prescription glasses.

    Dr. Al-Singace continues to be held in prolonged solitary confinement within his room in Kanoo Medical Centre, where he has been prohibited from going outside, having exposure to direct sunlight, and receiving the physiotherapy he requires for his disability. Additionally, authorities refuse to provide him with adequate crutches or provide replacements for the worn rubber tips for his crutches as well as other necessary items, such as medical slippers to prevent him from falling in the bathroom and a hot water bottle to relieve pain.

    We respectfully request your urgent intervention and urge you to release Dr. Al-Singace immediately and unconditionally. In the meantime, we request that you ensure he is held in conditions that meet international standards, receives his medication without delay, has access to adequate healthcare, including access to specialists in compliance with medical ethics, and that his arbitrarily confiscated research is immediately transferred to his family members.

    Sincerely,

    1. Bahrain Institute for Rights and Democracy (BIRD)
    2. ALQST for Human Rights
    3. Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB)
    4. Amnesty International
    5. Article 19
    6. Cairo Institute for Human Rights Studies (CIHRS)
    7. Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ)
    8. DAWN
    9. European Centre for Democracy and Human Rights (ECDHR)
    10. FairSquare
    11. Gulf Centre for Human Rights (GCHR)
    12. Human Rights First
    13. Human Rights Sentinel
    14. Human Rights Watch
    15. IFEX
    16. International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), within the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders
    17. International Service for Human Rights (ISHR)
    18. Middle East Democracy Center (MEDC)
    19. No Peace Without Justice
    20. PEN America
    21. The Bahrain Centre for Human Rights (BCHR)
    22. The Rafto Foundation for Human Rights
    23. Rights Realization Centre
    24. Salam for Democracy and Human Rights
    25. Scholars at Risk
    26. World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), within the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders

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  • Profile in Persecution: Osama Nezar AlSagheer

    Osama Nezar AlSagheer was a 19-year-old Bahraini student when he was arrested in 2017 during the suppression of peaceful protests in Duraz, which concerned the denaturalization of prominent Shia religious figure Sheikh Isa Qasim. During his detention, he was subjected to torture, enforced disappearance, solitary confinement, religious-based insults, religious discrimination, isolation, retaliation, medical neglect, unfair trials, harassment, assaults, and ill-treatment. He is currently serving a 61-year prison sentence in Jau Prison. Osama went on several hunger strikes during his detention to protest his ill-treatment and medical neglect but to no avail.

    On 20 June 2016, Bahraini citizens started a sit-in in solidarity with prominent Shia religious figure Sheikh Isa Qasim in front of his house in Duraz. on 23 May 2017, the Bahraini authorities’ violent dispersion of protesters in front of Sheikh Qasim’s house resulted in the death of five people, the injury of more than 100 people, and the arrest of 286 people, including Osama.

    Osama had previously participated in demonstrations and had been arrested on multiple occasions when he was a minor for exercising his rights to freedom of expression and assembly. He was first arrested in February 2013 when he was only 14 years old and was detained for 11 days. He was re-arrested during a demonstration in December 2014 and was heavily beaten.

    On 23 May 2017, riot police (Special Security Force Command officers) and officers in plain clothing arrested Osama after shooting him during the demonstration with expanding bullets, which led to shrapnel scattering throughout his body. The officers beat him before transporting him to the Criminal Investigations Directorate (CID) and forcibly disappearing him for 45 days. After detaining Osama for 20 days, officers took him to the Public Prosecution Office (PPO) without providing him with adequate time or facilities to prepare for trial. Authorities charged Osama with multiple crimes, including the attempted murder of a policeman.

    During Osama’s detention in the CID, officers repeatedly beat him on the head and both hands, which had been injured by pellets during his arrest, in order to extract a confession. They also forced Osama to insult his Shia beliefs, imitate animal noises as a form of degradation, and utter obscenities. Officers allegedly prevented Osama’s family from visiting him for two and a half months until visible injuries had subsided, in order to conceal evidence of torture.

    As a result of the torture, Osama suffers from chronic headaches and has lost mobility in his right ring finger. When transferred to the prison clinic on four different occasions, he did not receive effective treatment. Even during one hospital examination, he was still denied treatment despite having shrapnel scattered throughout his body, causing severe pain. After submitting a complaint to the Ministry of Interior Ombudsman, Osama went an additional 19 months without receiving medical treatment but was forced to sign a form stating that he had received treatment.

    The court convicted and sentenced him in several cases, totaling 71 years in prison on multiple charges, including 1) illegal assembly, 2) assaulting security forces, 3) possession and use of Molotov cocktails, iron bars, knives, and unlicensed axes to assault police officers for a terrorist purpose, and 4) destroying police cars. He was also stripped of his nationality twice. Throughout these trials, Osama was denied access to his attorney and reported that he was unable to prepare for trials or present evidence in his defense. One of these trials was the mass trial, the rulings of which were issued on 27 February 2019 against 171 Bahraini citizens, known as the “Duraz case.” Osama appealed the various convictions against him, resulting in the reduction of his sentence to 61 years, and his citizenship was restored.

     

    On 14 March 2019, Osama began a hunger strike demanding his right to treatment, the removal of shrapnel from expanding bullets in his body, and his transfer from the ward he shared with ISIS terrorist prisoners who were convicted of rape. He also sought to improve prison conditions and protest against the ill-treatment he had endured from a policeman who entered Osama’s cell several times, shouting, mocking, insulting, and cursing at him for no reason. During this strike, there was no news of him for more than a week.

     

    On 11 September 2019, Osama began another hunger strike, demanding that he be able to have a private visit after refraining from meeting his family, who had come to visit him in prison since 28 January 2019 due to intense pressure and humiliating inspections. He also requested a special visit for his mother, who has heart disease, to ensure she would not be treated harshly. Ten months prior to this strike, Osama had submitted a request for a private family visit that would take place without a barrier separating him from his visitors, but it was not approved. During this strike, he also demanded a quilt and a coat to protect himself from the cold, as the shrapnel from expanding bullets in his body caused him pain accompanied by cold. On 24 September 2019, 13 days after starting his hunger strike, the New Dry Dock Prison administration deprived Osama of his right to call his family and go out to access sunlight in the prison’s outdoor yard as an additional punishment for continuing his strike. During this strike, his blood sugar level dropped to 3.8, and he fainted in the bathroom, suffering a head bleed. This was compounded by ongoing feelings of cold and an inability to sleep due to his deteriorating health condition. On 3 October 2019, after entering the 23rd day of his hunger strike, Osama was transferred to solitary confinement in retaliation for continuing his strike. From his cell, he complained about the extreme cold he was enduring, saying, “I am freezing from the cold, I need a quilt and medical care! Convey my voice to the world!”

     

    On 25 December 2019 and 13 February 2020, the New Dry Dock Prison administration refused to transfer Osama to pre-scheduled medical appointments to address the issue of shrapnel from expanding bullets in his body, without providing reasons.

     

    In May 2020, Osama was transferred from New Dry Dock Prison to Jau Prison. On 15 December 2020, he was transferred from Building 12 of Jau Central Prison to isolation in Building 23 without knowing the reason, but he was returned to Building 12 three days later. On 3 January 2021, Osama was transferred to solitary confinement for unknown reasons.

     

    On 22 March 2021, Osama spoke in an audio recording about being severely beaten and injured in his head, eye, face, and back. He described being dragged down the corridor on 17 March 2021 by prison police officers while staging a peaceful sit-in in Building 12 inside Jau Prison in solidarity with prominent religious figure and political prisoner Sheikh Zuhair Abbas (Ashoor), who was subjected to a violent and sudden beating by a criminal prisoner, which may amount to attempted murder. He mentioned that there was video footage of the incident captured by surveillance cameras in the prison and demanded his right to file a torture report, but the Jau Prison administration did not respond to his requests. Following the spread of the audio recording on social media platforms, the prison administration deprived Osama of his right to contact his family for a month.

     

    On 7 July 2021, a group of Jau Prison officers took Osama out of the ward where he was held and transferred him to solitary confinement without mentioning the reason. He remained there for 14 days, bound with iron shackles, and there was no news of him during this period. On 21 July 2021, officers moved Osama to isolation in Building 12 of Jau Prison, placing him in a small cell where he could not see anyone in retaliation for his persistent demands for his most basic rights as a prisoner. The officers then placed a mentally ill foreign criminal prisoner in the same cell with Osama. While he was in this cell, Osama’s cellmate – who did not speak Arabic and did not share Osama’s religion- harassed him, intruded on him while he was in the bathroom multiple times, and engaged in repeated altercations with him. Osama feared being harmed during his sleep by his cellmate due to the ongoing harassment. Throughout this period, Osama was deprived of prayer as he was unable to hear the call to prayer, and the prison administration refused to provide him with a watch to know the prayer times. Contact between Osama and his family was cut off for over a month after he was transferred to isolation. On 1 September 2021, during a phone call with his family, Osama mentioned being deprived of contact with them for no reason. He also reported harassment from an officer in prison named Ahmed. When Osama asked the officer for the reason behind this treatment, Officer Ahmed stated it was ordered by the prison administration. The officer also threatened and insulted Osama, saying, “You will see when they attack you with a group of police officers and beat you for no reason,” and “You are not even worthy of a shoe!”

    On 27 January 2022, Osama was transferred to Building 3 of the Jau Prison, where he was once more placed in isolation with foreign criminal prisoners and drug addicts, despite his refusal to sign the transfer to this building. In March 2022, Osama was placed for several weeks in solitary confinement, and there was no news of him until the end of his solitary confinement on 3 April 2022.

    On 18 July 2022, the Special Forces assaulted the prisoners in Building 7 of the Jau Prison who were protesting the deteriorating prison conditions, most notably medical negligence. Osama was among them. The Special Forces sprayed prisoners with pepper spray and tried to force them into their cells. The next day, Osama was transferred to Salmaniya Hospital with his hands handcuffed and his legs chained. On 30 July 2022, Osama spoke in an audio recording about being deprived, along with all Shia prisoners in Jau Prison, of practicing their religious rites and being targeted sectarianly, contrary to allegations published in the official Bahraini media.

    On 13 August 2023, during Osama’s participation in a mass hunger strike that lasted 40 days with more than 800 prisoners in Jau prison to protest the poor conditions, Osama fainted and fell to the ground.

    Osama continues to suffer from medical negligence for injuries sustained from fissionable bullets fired at him during his arrest, as well as from injuries and health problems resulting from the torture he endured. Moreover, reprisals against him continue intermittently, including repeated solitary confinement, isolation, humiliation, enforced disappearance, and denial of contact with his family. In addition, he still faces discrimination and humiliation based on religion, reprisals, harassment, assaults, and ill-treatment. Since his last arrest, Osama’s family has filed several complaints about the abuse their son endured with the Ombudsman, but to no avail.

    Osama’s arbitrary arrest for participating in a peaceful demonstration, enforced disappearance, torture, unfair trials, solitary confinement, sectarian-based insults, deprivation of practicing his religious rituals, reprisals, isolation, denial of contact with his family, medical negligence, harassment, assaults, and ill-treatment violate the Bahraini Constitution as well as Bahrain’s obligations under international law to which it is a party, including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT), the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), and the United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners, known as the Nelson Mandela Rules. Furthermore, Osama’s previous arbitrary detentions for participating in peaceful demonstrations when he was a minor and the torture he endured back then are clear violations of the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), to which Bahrain is a party. 

    As such, Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) calls on the Bahraini authorities to uphold their human rights obligations by immediately and unconditionally releasing Osama and investigating all allegations of arbitrary arrest, enforced disappearance, solitary confinement, torture, sectarian-based insults, denial of his right to perform his religious rituals, isolation, reprisals, denial of family contact, medical negligence and ill-treatment, and to hold perpetrators accountable. Furthermore, ADHRB calls on Bahrain to provide Osama with immediate treatment for all his health problems, including those resulting from the torture he suffered in prison and the injuries he sustained from fission bullet fragments during his arrest. ADHRB urges Bahrain to compensate him for those injuries that were worsened by medical negligence or, at the very least, to grant him a fair retrial, leading to his release. ADHRB also sounds the alarm about Osama’s numerous hunger strikes, which have exacerbated his health issues, and highlights the repeated attacks he has been subjected to by prison officers and fellow criminal prisoners, warning of any dangerous developments that may occur as a result. Finally, ADHRB calls on the Bahraini authorities to conduct transparent investigations into these allegations of ill-treatment and abuse, to identify and hold perpetrators accountable, and end the policy of impunity.

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  • UN WGAD finds the detention of three young Bahraini brothers arbitrary and subjected to torture, coerced confessions, unfair trials, reprisals, and medical neglect

    The United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention (WGAD) published yesterday the opinion it adopted on 22 March 2024 during its 99th session concerning three young Bahraini brothers sentenced between 13 years and six months and 14 years in prison. These Bahraini brothers were arbitrarily arrested and subjected to gruesome human rights violations including torture, unfair trials, reprisals, and medical negligence. These young prisoners are twin brothers Muntadhar and Murtadha Abdali Mohamed Khatam, and their older sibling Mohamed Abdali Mohamed Hasan Khatam. The Working Group found that their detention was arbitrary under Categories I (when it is impossible to invoke a legal basis justifying the deprivation of liberty), and III (when violations of the right to a fair trial are so severe that the detention is rendered arbitrary).

    The WGAD notes that the complaint submitted by Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) on the three brothers highlights a recurring pattern of violations, consistent with those raised in other complaints. These violations encompass “warrantless, pretrial detention with limited access to judicial review, denial of access to lawyers, forced confession, torture and ill-treatment, and denial of medical care.” Consequently, the Working Group emphasizes that Bahrain should address these severe violations related to the deprivation of liberty by immediately and urgently releasing all three prisoners.

    Furthermore, the WGAD called on the Bahraini government to undertake a comprehensive and impartial investigation to identify the perpetrators of the violations and hold them accountable. Due to serious allegations of torture and ill-treatment, the Working Group has also forwarded this complaint to one other UN Special Procedure office: the Special Rapporteur on Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment. Additionally, the WGAD welcomes the opportunity to conduct a country visit to assess the situation further.

    Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) gladly welcomes and supports the Opinion of the Working Group, and reiterates its calls for the immediate and unconditional release of the three Bahraini brothers. ADHRB also echoes the WGAD’s call for a comprehensive and impartial investigation to identify the perpetrators and hold them accountable.

    “For what seems like the millionth time, the UN has chastised Bahrain for its violations of human rights and its unjust treatment of the country’s citizens and residents”, said Husain Abdulla, Executive Director of ADHRB. “It is long past time for the international community to act on these official UN findings and hold Bahrain to account for its deplorable practices”.

    The WGAD is one of the Special Procedures of the UN Human Rights Council. As part of its regular procedures, the Working Group sends allegation letters to governments concerning credible cases of arbitrary detentions. The Working Group may also render opinions on whether an individual or group’s detention is arbitrary and in violation of international law. The WGAD reviews cases under five categories of arbitrary detention: when it is impossible to invoke a legal basis justifying the deprivation of liberty (Category I); when the deprivation of liberty results from the exercise of the rights to equal protection of the law, freedom of thought, freedom of opinion and expression, and freedom of assembly, among others (Category II); when violations of the right to a fair trial are so severe that the detention is rendered arbitrary (Category III); prolonged administrative custody for refugees and asylum seekers (Category IV); and when the detention is discriminatory based on birth, national, ethnic or social origin, language, religion, economic condition, political or other opinions, gender, sexual orientation, disability, or any other status (Category V).

    The Bahraini brothers were arrested for the last time in 2015 without an arrest, search, or raid warrant and were not informed of a reason for their arrest. Moreover, twin brothers Muntadhar and Murtadha Khatam were violently arrested for the first time on 22 October 2012, when they were 17-year-old minors during a raid on their neighbor’s home where they were present. Murtadha Khatam was arrested for the second time in March 2013 during a peaceful demonstration in Sitra. He was then hit directly in the face by a stun grenade, losing two of his teeth and causing swelling to his face. Their older sibling, Mohamed Khatam, fell during his first arrest in 2012, which occurred during a protest, and broke his left hand. The officers continued to beat him until he sustained additional fractures in his hand. His final arrest took place on 5 May 2015 when a plainclothes officer entered his family’s home 15 minutes after his arrival. Thereafter, many Riot Police officers warrantlessly surrounded and raided Mohamed Khatam’s family house and warrantlessly arrested him. The officers placed Mohamed Khatam inside a minibus and then immediately returned to the home, requesting his family to give them his phone. However, one of his family members refused to hand it over to the officers, and, after five hours of trying to find the phone, they left without it. Furthermore, in the final arrest of the twin brothers Muntadhar and Murtadha on 5 April 2015, while out with their friends to buy dinner, officers threw sound bombs and tear gas on their parents and relatives when they attempted to intervene to prevent the arrest.

    As stated in the opinion, all three young brothers were subjected to severe forms of torture, including physical beating, threats of sexual assault, and threats of using electric shocks. Additionally, they were denied legal counsel and fair trial procedures, as the court did not appoint a lawyer to defend them, given that they and their family did not have the financial means to appoint one.

    Moreover, the Working Group asserts, in its opinion No. 16/2024, that the Bahraini government failed to respond to the claims that all three individuals were warrantlessly arrested and were not informed of the reason for their arrests on each occasion. Consequently, the legal basis for all the arrests was not invoked.

    The WGAD emphasizes that individuals should be presented before a judge within 48 hours, with any delay deemed exceptional and justifiable under the circumstances. Since none of the individuals were brought within this stipulated time frame, authorities have violated Article 9 (3) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).

    The Working Group also found a violation of Article 37 (b) of the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), considering that Murtadha and Muntadhar were minors at the time of their first warrantless arrest and the violations they endured during their subsequent detention.

    The WGAD also concluded that Murtadha Khatam was attacked and beaten by officers, subjected to enforced disappearance, and held in solitary confinement as a retaliatory measure from 17 April 2021 to 5 May 2021 for participating in a sit-in protesting poor prison conditions and lack of care after the COVID outbreak. During this period, Murtadha was denied contact with his family or lawyers. The Working Group considered this enforced disappearance as an aggravated form of arbitrary detention, asserting that “holding persons at secret, undisclosed locations and in circumstances undisclosed to their family violates their right to contest the legality of their detention before a court or tribunal under article 9 (4) of the ICCPR.” The Working Group also considered that “solitary confinement must only be used in exceptional cases as a last resort, for as short a time as possible, subject to independent review and authorized by a competent authority.”

    Based on these findings, the Working Group concluded that the detention of all three individuals is arbitrary under Category I due to the absence of a legal basis.

    The Working Group points out that ADHRB established that all three individuals were denied their right to a fair trial due to violations related to their access to legal counsel from the time of their arrest and during their interrogations. Moreover, all three young brothers were denied adequate time and facilities to prepare for trial, as the court did not appoint a lawyer to defend them, given that they and their family did not have the financial means to appoint one. While the Bahraini government’s response claimed that it was proven during the trial sessions the presence of lawyers for all defendants, all three young brothers were unable to identify their lawyers. This is because the lawyers present inside the courtroom reportedly identified their presence by the case number and the number of the defendants. However, the three individuals were not aware of case numbers or their order in the case. Additionally, all three brothers did not meet any lawyer throughout the entire trial period.  Whereas the government did not specifically refute these allegations, although it made references to lawyers being present, the Working Group, taking into account ADHRB’s detailed submissions and the Government’s limited response on the matter, considered that ADHRB established that the three young brothers did not have access to a lawyer at key stages, mainly the arrest, interrogations, and trial stages.

    The Working Group further highlights that ADHRB provided detailed descriptions of severe physical and psychological torture allegedly inflicted upon the individuals to extract confessions,  notably the visible injuries in the case of Muntadhar. It also indicates that ADHRB mentioned that the confessions obtained through torture were used against all three individuals in their trials that occurred in the absence of legal counsel. Subsequently, the Working Group emphasizes that “the admission into evidence of a statement obtained through torture renders the entire proceedings unfair.” This use of torture to extract confessions is a violation of Articles 2, 15, and 16 of the Convention against Torture (CAT). The Working Group added that “confessions made in the absence of legal counsel are not admissible as evidence in criminal proceedings”. Additionally, the WGAD found that the government violated the victims’ right to be presumed innocent under Article 14 (2) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and their right not to be compelled to confess guilt under Article 14 (3) (g) of the Covenant.

    Referring to the information provided by ADHRB concerning injuries resulting from torture, health issues related to detention conditions, and insufficient access to healthcare, the Working Group affirms that all three siblings were subjected to medical neglect.  It underscores that the denial of medical care can amount to a form of torture. Consequently, the Working Group determined that the violations associated with the conditions of detention for the three individuals significantly undermined their ability to properly defend themselves.

    As a result, the Working Group concludes that the rights to a fair trial and due process rights of the three individuals were violated, rendering their detention arbitrary under category III.

    Given the facts presented, the Working Group expresses its concern regarding the medical neglect of these three young brothers. It also expresses its concern regarding the numerous allegations related to the detention conditions in Jau Prison, which have attracted international attention and reportedly led to detainees’ hunger strikes in August 2023, in which Murtadha participated, to protest these conditions. In doing so, it reminds the Government of its obligations under Article 10 (1) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and rules 1, 24, 27, and 118 of the Nelson Mandela Rules.

    The WGAD recalled ADHRB’s information about all three young brothers not attending school due to fear of persecution, and denying them the opportunity to take some exams in prison in retaliation for protesting the officers’ vandalism of their personal belongings, which resulted in repeating an academic year. It called on the government “to take measures to reverse or otherwise redress any prejudice that the brothers experience in this regard”. The Working Group also called upon the government to investigate allegations of the degrading inspections the young brothers were subjected to before entering the classroom, as officers touched private areas of their bodies under the pretext of inspection.

    The Working Group notes that this case follows a pattern similar to many others from Bahrain that have been brought before it. These patterns involve warrantless arrests, pretrial detention with limited access to judicial review, denial of attorney access, forced confessions, torture, ill-treatment, and denial of medical care. The Working Group emphasizes that “under certain circumstances, widespread or systematic imprisonment or other severe deprivation of liberty in violation of the rules of international law may constitute crimes against humanity.”

    Hence, the Working Group urges the Bahraini government to immediately and unconditionally release all three prisoners and provide them with compensation and reparation. Furthermore, it urges the Bahraini government to ensure a thorough and independent investigation into the circumstances surrounding the cases of these three individuals. The WGAD calls for appropriate measures to be taken against those responsible for the violation of their rights. The opinion concludes by reiterating its readiness to conduct a country visit, noting that its last visit was in October 2001.

    ADHRB firmly supports and stands behind the WGAD’s opinion and recommendation. ADHRB reiterates its call for the immediate release of all three individuals and urges that they be provided with suitable compensation in accordance with international law. ADHRB also echoes the Working Group’s demands for a comprehensive and independent investigation into the circumstances surrounding the arbitrary deprivation of liberty of the three victims. Furthermore, ADHRB calls for appropriate measures to be taken against those responsible for the violation of their rights and to stop the policy of impunity.

    Update: On 8 April 2024, a royal decree was issued, pardoning 1,584 convicts, including the three young Bahraini brothers subject to this opinion. Consequently, they were released. The opinion was adopted by the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention on 22 March 2024, before the issuance of the royal pardon; however, this opinion was published today on the WGAD’s website.

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  • Restricted Freedom … The Bahraini Government’s failure to Implement Transitional Justice for Released Individuals

    On 8 April 2024, a royal decree was issued pardoning 1,584 prisoners, including several political prisoners. At first glance, the decree was considered a progressive reform in response to human rights demands aimed at improving the country’s dire rights situation. However, the step was incomplete, revealing that it was merely a means for the regime to polish its image before the international community.

    The Bahraini Government launched organized arrests targeting opposition leaders, human rights defenders, opposition figures, and every citizen demanding reform and democracy following the popular protests of 2011. Prisons were filled with political prisoners, and repression became prevalent in the country, restricting and criminalizing freedom of expression. The restriction of freedoms extended even beyond the release, turning the country into a large prison that stifles voices calling for reform. As a result, self-censorship prevailed to avoid the guillotine of the judiciary.

    The recent releases have shown that they come within a systematic context that the ruling authorities seek to consolidate through limited reforms that grant restricted freedom to individuals. These reforms ensure the individuals’ continued deprivation of freedom and the practice of revenge against them even after their release.

    The Bahraini Government recently resorted to mass releases as a means of promoting reforms. These releases took advantage of Islamic religious occasions, claiming to create an atmosphere of “tolerance” from the government toward its citizens.

    However, the releases of Eid Al-Fitr and Eid Al-Adha did not include any prominent opposition prisoners or leaders. The majority of those released under the royal pardon decrees were foreigners due to be deported. A common aspect of these steps is that they maintained the policy of impunity, leaving those responsible for torture free and protected.

    Accordingly, just as those released over the past years were deprived of many of their civil and political rights under laws formulated by the government according to its standards, the recently released individuals have faced obstacles preventing them from regaining their full freedom. This has hindered the possibility of their reintegration into society.

    In this report, we highlight the most important basic human rights that those released from prisons are deprived of after years of persecution and arbitrary detention.

    Restricted freedom

    The United Nations (UN) defines transitional justice as the obligation of states to provide effective redress to victims of human rights violations and to fulfill their rights to truth, justice, and reparation. Transitional justice aims to recognize victims, strengthen individuals’ confidence in state institutions, strengthen respect for human rights, and uphold the rule of law as a step toward reconciliation and preventing new violations. Its operations include fact-finding, prosecution initiatives, various types of compensations, and a wide range of measures to prevent the recurrence of violations, including constitutional, legal, and institutional reform, as well as the strengthening of civil society.

    Under the political and civil isolation laws adopted in 2018, the government legitimized its violations, including depriving released individuals of many internationally guaranteed rights such as secure housing, education, medical care, work, and freedom of movement. it imposed restrictions and requirements, including security checks and a “certificate of good conduct” as a condition for obtaining any of these rights.

    As a result, instead of the royal pardon being a reform step and a review of previous policies by restoring the freedom of those released, guaranteeing their stolen rights, and providing them with compensation and reparation, they are granted conditional freedom. Their hope of continuing their lives and receiving compensation for the pain and injustice they endured in prison is taken away. Consequently, they are deprived of their right, like other citizens, to obtain all services guaranteed in the Bahraini Constitution.

    Therefore, the step to release political prisoners in Bahrain must be followed by additional steps, starting with ensuring all their rights as equal citizens in society, compensating them for the violations they endured, and ultimately investigating these violations and holding those responsible accountable.

    However, the practices of the Bahraini Government make the freedom of the released individuals restricted and limit the possibility of achieving transitional justice. Transitional justice, as guaranteed by the UN, provides for the recognition of victims and their needs, as well as enhancing individuals’ confidence in state institutions, strengthening respect for human rights among members of society, and upholding the rule of law, to ensure accountability and justice. This aims for reconciliation and preventing new violations. Hence, achieving transitional justice is a first step toward ensuring social justice for all members of society and ending the discrimination practiced against a specific group.

    The right to housing

    On 25 June 2024, the Bahraini authorities summoned tthree of those released for investigation: Mohamed AlMahasna, Sayed Alawi, and Hamed Jaafar Mahfooz. This followed their participation in a sit-in a day earlier in front of the Al-Qudaibiya Palace Square, the headquarters of the Council of Ministers, to demand their housing rights. This protest followed the Ministry of Housing’s decision to freeze prisoners’ applications and halt the housing service, a flagrant violation of the right to housing guaranteed by the UN and an arbitrary form of collective punishment. Although those released did not commit any crime and only raised two banners demanding their right to housing in accordance with Bahraini laws and international conventions, they were treated as violators of the law.

    Although this sit-in addressed the Crown Prince regarding the impossible conditions set by the Ministry of Housing for those released, which contradict his recommendations, the Ministry of Interior prosecuted the protesters, took their ID cards and phone numbers, and threatened them with legal accountability. This happened within less than 24 hours, as the protesters standing in front of the government headquarters received summonses. According to one of the participants in the peaceful sit-in, the head of the police station was informed that this move came after they had exhausted all possible means, including previous letters sent to the Crown Prince and to a number of MPs, but to no avail.

    This is the second sit-in after a number of those released had staged another sit-in in front of the Ministry of Housing on 26 May 2024 to demand the retroactive return of the housing allowance. The protesters raised banners demanding their rights as citizens and calling for an end to the injustice targeting their families by punishing the head of the household. Instead of engaging peacefully with the protesters, the authorities responded by arresting them and taking them to the Hoora Center simply because they were calling for their rights. Although the royal decree and the cabinet’s decisions stipulate the collection of these rights retroactively, the authorities responded to the sit-in of those released who were calling for their legitimate and inherent rights by summoning them as a form of threat to re-arrest them.

    Among those who were released and deprived of housing services, whether a housing application or a housing allowance, is Mohamed Yusuf Mohamed, whose housing application and allowance have been suspended and frozen since 2016, despite his wife’s repeated visits to the ministry. This measure also affected the family of former detainee Hamed Jaafar Mahfouz by suspending his monthly housing allowance and its retroactive effect. Former detainee Sayed Alawi AbdulAziz Salman was also deprived of his housing application since 2016 and it is still suspended to this day; he is now living in his parents’ house.

    Subsequently, the cost-of-living allowance for former detainee Hasan Ahmed Husain Kadhem AlAali has been suspended since 2016, as well as his request for the allowance, without any valid reason, even though this right is granted to married couples. As a result, the family is the direct victim of this measure. Hasan AlAali tried to visit the undersecretary, Fatima AlMannai and tried to communicate with her regularly, but to no avail. He then resorted to civil associations that are striving to communicate with the ministry and those concerned with this matter.

    The released individuals speak of the Ministry of Housing’s procrastination in implementing official pledges and government recommendations to facilitate the affairs of those released in a way that contributes to their social reintegration. The obstacles the ministry places in the way of applicants for the right to be included in housing applications and allowances go beyond administrative procedures to arbitrary measures that prevent them from resuming their previous lives. Consequently, burdens are placed on their shoulders, directly affecting their families and causing them to face many challenges and increasing psychological, social, and economic burdens. By imposing impossible requirements, such as providing a work contract for housing or allowance applicants, the ministry pre-judges the released individuals and deprives them of these services, which should be an acquired right for all citizens.

    The right to education

    Although the right to education is one of the guaranteed basic human rights, the Bahraini Government denies this right to political prisoners inside prisons and restricts it even after their release. Instead of granting those released the right to education and overcoming difficulties to facilitate the process of completing their studies, it imposes severe restrictions on this right. For example:

    One of the political prisoners released under the recent royal amnesty, Husain Kadhem AlFatlawi, still has his right to complete his studies restricted. Husain, who was arrested when he was a university student, was deprived of completing his education and graduating, even though he was only three courses away from graduation. When he consulted the relevant authorities, he was informed that he could not continue his studies, disregarding the fact that he was a political prisoner, and, therefore, the suspension of his studies was not of his own free will.

    Jawad AbdulHadi Ali, another political prisoner released under the recent amnesty, was a student at the University of Bahrain majoring in accurate instrumentation and control. He still has 44 out of 138 credit hours left to graduate. Jawad recently went to university to complete his studies, but the university administration required him to write a letter and submit a certificate of good conduct, in an unjustified measure. Despite consulting the university and the Ministry of Education, the relevant authorities are procrastinating in granting him this right. There is no legal reference to rely on in this arbitrary measure, which is nothing more than a means of revenge against those released, preventing them from resuming their previous lives.

    The right to medical treatment

    The right to medical treatment is one of the basic rights guaranteed by conventions and laws, but this right is violated for political prisoners and is one of the methods of revenge used against them, which has led to the death of some. This right is violated even after release, as many of them are denied access to medical treatment and health services, leaving them vulnerable to continued pain and suffering.

    The issue of medical negligence reveals the cases of dozens of detainees who were injured during detention and imprisonment after they were healthy and did not suffer from any diseases, as well as others whose health conditions worsened due to the lack of health care. Even going to the prison clinic was part of the psychological torture that increased the prisoner’s suffering, as evident in many cases. One of the most common injuries is toothache. During imprisonment, many prisoners suffer from tooth loss. This is a common problem among political prisoners, who are not provided with proper treatment and only have their teeth extracted rather than treated. What’s more, the patient himself may have to pull his own tooth to alleviate his excruciating pain while being denied the right to medical treatment. The role of the prison clinic does not go beyond prescribing medicines, often Panadol, and even then, the patient does not get the medicine.

    Among these cases is the prominent Bahraini opposition figure and political prisoner, Mr. Hasan Mushaima, who suffered for ten months from dental pain and fractures because he was prevented from visiting a doctor. Another case is Haider Ebrahim Mulla Hasan, a child arrested at the age of 16, who suffered from a dental issue, but had eight of his teeth extracted without the promised replacements by the Jau Prison administration, hindering his ability to chew his food. As for Mohamed AbdulJabbar Sarhan, two of his teeth were broken as a result of torture, causing him severe dental pain. Ebrahim Yusuf Ali AlSamahiji and Ammar Ebrahim Ahmed also suffered from dental damage and were denied treatment like other detainees.

    Some prisoners are denied diagnoses, some are not given the necessary examinations, some are procrastinated in providing proper treatment, and some are even denied medication! One of the most prominent cases is Mr. Hasan Mushaima, who has been denied medication and regular check-ups for a long time. He does not receive his diabetes and blood pressure medications consistently, and his painkillers and medications have not been adjusted according to his health needs. Sayed Adnan Majed Hashem continues to suffer from deliberate medical neglect, as he has not received treatment for a knee injury he sustained when security forces fired shotgun bullets at participants in a peaceful demonstration in 2014. He was denied treatment and was not prescribed proper medication, and despite severe pain, the prison administration refused to give him painkillers. Mohamed Hasan Abdulla (AlRamel) is forced to engage in repeated hunger strikes to demand his right to treatment. Since his arrest in 2015, he has been repeatedly denied medical appointments and medication.

    This violation, suffered by all political prisoners, raises the question of the government’s responsibility post-release and the role it should play in redressing the harm and alleviating the pain of those released. This issue needs to be addressed quickly by securing the right to medical care and ensuring full treatment for the sick.

    Among the many examples is the case of released detainee Fadhel Abbas Yahya Isa, who developed lupus erythematosus, a chronic inflammatory disease, while in prison. His health condition deteriorated due to torture and unsanitary conditions in Jau Prison. Although his condition required special care, King Hamad University Hospital did not have any specialists in hereditary hematology, and his treatment was delayed. During his imprisonment, Fadhel was not given his medication on time and his medical appointments were repeatedly canceled. Another case is Hamed AlMahfooz, who is asking the Ministry of Health for his right to treatment as guaranteed by the Royal Pardon Decree, which guarantees the rights of the pardoned and facilitates the procedures for them to receive treatment.

    The right to work

    If the social effects affect the reintegration of those released, the most serious obstacle they face is the denial of the right to work through the requirement of a “good conduct” certificate, which means a life sentence denies them the right to obtain jobs in the public sector and imposes similar conditions in many private sector companies, including security restrictions. This denial deprives citizens of the right to support their families simply for exercising their right to freedom of expression.

    Among them are a number of prisoners of conscience who were released years ago but are still denied the right to work. This includes activists like Ali Al Hajee, Najah Yusuf, Hajj Ali Muhana, and many others who lost their jobs, were deprived of compensation, and are still unable to reintegrate into the normal economic cycle.

    One of those released under the royal decree in April 2024, who preferred to remain anonymous due to fear of further reprisals, speaks of being deprived of the right to work, despite the Crown Prince’s orders to provide unemployment allowances to those covered by the amnesty. Before his arrest, he worked in the private sector for less than a year before being arrested, leading to his job loss and denial of the right to unemployment insurance. Although he registered as unemployed with the Ministry of Labor, followed all necessary procedures and deadlines, and applied for available job opportunities, he was excluded as a beneficiary of the reconsideration petition. The response cited that”he is not eligible according to Article 17 of the Unemployment Insurance Law but can access e-services for training and employment through the Ministry of Labor’s platform.”

    It is worth noting that according to the information we received, about 30 released citizens were denied unemployment insurance for the same reasons.

    The right to freedom of movement

    A travel ban is one of the consequences imposed on political prisoners, which can persist for many years after their release, constituting a clear violation and restriction of their right to freedom of movement. Although no legal impediments are preventing those released from exercising this right, these bans are arbitrarily imposed on them, as well as on many activists and human rights defenders, as a measure to limit their activities. This right continues to be denied for individuals who have completed their sentences or have been released for years, such as activist Ali Muhana, who has been repeatedly banned from traveling without being informed of the decision or its reasons. This measure also targets former political prisoners who are still active in documenting and monitoring violations, such as activists Najah Yusuf and Ebtisam AlSaegh, who also experience restricted freedom of movement and find their names on travel ban lists and are banned from entering certain Gulf countries. Activist and former political prisoner Ali AlHaee was prosecuted solely for advocating the lifting of his travel ban. Though his case was dropped, he is still denied his right to travel as a retaliatory measure for his human rights activism.

    The release is an earned right for all political prisoners and must remain free from attempts of deception and political exploitation. Transitional justice requires governing authorities to promptly resolve cases without administrative bureaucracy and political revenge. This entails lifting the punishments inflicted on political prisoners by restoring all their rights, including compensation and reparations, initiating new investigations, and holding those responsible for all the violations they suffered accountable. This requires serious steps rather than the Interior Ministry’s efforts to whitewash its programs, including the Alternative Punishments Program, to obscure the fact that it criminalizes political activism and imprisons opponents and human rights defenders.

    The above are only a few of the social, economic, and other difficulties facing those released, hindering their ability to turn a new page in their lives and integrate back into society. It is first and foremost the responsibility of the state to facilitate all their needs, starting with granting them the rights to medical care, housing, treatment, education, and other rights guaranteed to all citizens.

    Conclusion

    Achieving transitional justice is a necessary step toward improving the human rights situation and ending impunity, and requires the government to reform its security system, initiate criminal prosecutions, and provide reparations for victims.

    While Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) calls for the implementation of the binding decisions to restore services to those released, it also calls for an end to the injustice done to them through the requirement to obtain a certificate of good conduct. This measure restricts their freedom, which ADHRB condemns and calls for its immediate abolition.

    ADHRB calls for the unconditional release of all prisoners of conscience and political prisoners, advocating for the clearance of prisons. It demands that all those released, whether through the expiration of their sentence, pardoned by royal decree, or released under the Alternative Sanctions Law, have their civil rights fully restored and arbitrary security restrictions lifted. ADHRB also calls for the implementation of the Transitional Justice Law as a necessary step to restore the stolen rights of the victims, as well as the provision of compensation and reparations.

    The post Restricted Freedom … The Bahraini Government’s failure to Implement Transitional Justice for Released Individuals appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

    This post was originally published on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.