Category: BBC

  • ANALYSIS: By Simon Potter, University of Bristol

    The BBC celebrated its 100th birthday last Tuesday. It came as the institution faces increasing competition for audiences from global entertainment providers, anxieties about the sustainability of its funding and a highly competitive global news market.

    Its international broadcasting operation, the BBC World Service, is only a little younger, established 90 years ago.

    Delivering news and programmes in 40 languages across the continents, it faces similar, significant questions about financing, purpose and its ability to deliver in a world of increased social media and online news consumption.

    Currently the BBC’s international services are mostly funded by British people who pay a television licence fee, with a third of the total cost covered by the UK government.

    The BBC claimed that, as of November 2021, the World Service reached a global audience of 364 million people each week.

    The role of radio
    Radio is still clearly a key means to extend the reach of the World Service and a core part of the BBC’s global news package. It is highly adaptable and reasonably affordable.

    It also gives people in parts of the world where access to media can be difficult relatively easy access to news. Short-wave radio, the traditional means of broadcasting over very long distances, is also difficult for hostile regimes to block.

    Recently, fears that Russia would target Ukraine’s internet infrastructure and erect firewalls to prevent its own citizens’ accessing western media sources, led the BBC to reactivate shortwave radio news services for listeners in both countries. UK government funding of £4.1 million supported this.

    Current thinking about the World Service has been shaped by a 2010 decision of UK Prime Minister David Cameron’s government to withdraw Foreign and Commonwealth Office funding for BBC international operations from 2014. This seemed to end a 60 years-long era when the BBC was the key subcontractor for British global “soft power” (using cultural resources and information to promote British interests overseas).

    The plan was that British TV licence-fee payers would fund the World Service, seemingly as an act of international benevolence, free of government ties. However, this seemed unlikely to be sustainable at a time when BBC income was being progressively squeezed.

    A person in Western Sahara with a radio set.
    Access to radio news is much easier than other forms of media in some parts of the world. Image: Saharaland/Shutterstock/The Conversation

    In 2015, World Service revenues were boosted by a major grant from the UK’s Official Development Assistance fund, covering around a third of the World Service’s running costs.

    One anonymous BBC insider was quoted by The Guardian saying that this would sustain the corporation’s “strong commitment to uphold global democracy through accurate, impartial and independent news”.

    Even before the Second World War, the BBC claimed it only broadcast truthful and objective news. Policy makers recognised this as a crucial asset for promoting British interests overseas, and seldom sought to challenge (openly at least) the “editorial independence” of the BBC.

    The BBC’s 2016 royal charter further entrenched this thinking, stating that news for overseas audiences should be “firmly based on British values of accuracy, impartiality and fairness”. The idea that a truthful approach to news was a core “British value” that could help promote democracy around the world became part of the BBC’s basic mission statement.

    In 2017, the BBC established 17 new foreign-language radio and online services. To maximise possibilities for listening it purchased FM transmitter time in major cities around the world, and deployed internet radio, increasingly accessible to many users via mobile devices.

    The focus was on Africa and Asia. However, the World Service also strengthened its Arabic and Russian provision to serve those who “sorely need reliable information”.

    Fake news factor
    The World Service’s rationale has been strengthened by growing concerns about “fake news”: distorted and untrue reports designed to serve the commercial or geopolitical interests of those who manufacture it.

    The BBC has, in response, further emphasised its historic role as a truthful broadcaster. In its trusted news initiative it has worked with other global media outlets to tackle disinformation, hosting debate and discussion, and sharing intelligence about the most misleading campaigns.

    Claims for continued relevance also rest on a drive to bring news to an ever larger audience. The BBC’s stated aim is to reach 500 million people this year, and a billion within another decade.

    In 2021 the BBC claimed to be on course to realise this goal, reaching a global audience of 489 million. The audience for the World Service accounted for the single largest component of this global figure.

    What then should we make of the BBC’s announcement in September 2022 that 400 jobs would have to go at the World Service due to the freezing of the licence fee and rapidly rising costs?

    Radio services in languages including Arabic, Persian, Hindi and Chinese will disappear, and programme production for the English-language radio service will be pared down. Certainly, these cuts will reduce the BBC’s impact overseas.

    But they should also be understood as part of a longstanding and ongoing transition from shortwave radio to web radio.

    Similarly, cutting back on World Service non-news programming might not be a major cause for concern. In an age of global streaming services and social media, audiences can receive programmes from providers from across the globe.

    The World Service would find it hard to compete with many of these services. However, the BBC remains in a pre-eminent position to offer trusted news.

    By focusing on providing news online, the World Service is putting its resources where it can best promote British soft power and international influence, thereby improving prospects for its own continued existence.

    However, abandoning radio entirely would be a mistake. As the Russian invasion of Ukraine has demonstrated, radio remains a crucial way to reach audiences who might find their access to trusted news via the internet suddenly cut off.The Conversation

    Dr Simon Potter, Professor of Modern History, University of Bristol. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons licence. Read the original article.

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    Both the US and British governments supported the rise of Brazil’s far-right President Jair Bolsonaro. Future Prime Minister Liz Truss had secret meetings with the future president in 2018 to discuss “free trade, free markets and post-Brexit opportunities”  (BrasilWire, 3/25/20).

    The US Department of Justice was a crucial partner in the Lava Jato (“Car Wash”) investigation, which resulted in the prosecution and jailing of Brazil’s left-leaning former president Luiz Inácio “Lula” da Silva. The politically motivated legal campaign against Lula served to prevent his participation in the 2018 presidential election, in what Gaspard Estrada calls “the biggest judicial scandal in Brazilian history.”

    Because of this history, and because Brazil is a hard country to explain concisely, I was weary to learn that the British and US state-affiliated media outlets BBC and PBS had co-released a documentary about Jair Bolsonaro only a few weeks before this year’s Brazilian presidential election (10/2–30/22). It didn’t fail to disappoint.

    Rise of the Bolsonaros was released on August 28 on PBS, and is airing as a three-part series in Britain on BBC2.  It tells the story of Brazil’s far-right president through the words of people like Steve Bannon, Bolsonaro’s son Flavio, journalists, and current or former allies of the president, including a far-right lawmaker who is merely introduced as an “anti-corruption crusader.”

    Feigned objectivity

    Maria de Rosario

    The only time a member of the Brazilian Workers Party got to speak was when Rep. Maria do Rosario was asked to describe her reaction to a misogynistic taunt from Bolsonaro.

    With over 20 interviewees, the producers feign objectivity by granting a small proportion of airtime to progressive politicians. Two of the three progressive interviewees, however, are from the relatively tiny PSOL party—a nonthreatening source, given that the party is not even running a presidential candidate this year. The single representative of Lula’s Workers Party, Rep. Maria do Rosario, is given around 30 seconds to answer the following aggressively uncomfortable question: “How did you feel when Bolsonaro told you you didn’t deserve to be raped?”

    The cast of journalists included some of the biggest cheerleaders for Lava Jato and Lula’s politically motivated imprisonment. Given the most airtime among the journalist interviewees was Brian Winter, who was introduced as a former Reuters chief in Brazil. The fact that Winter’s current job was not mentioned is indicative of the documentary’s editorial bias.

    Winter is vice president of policy at Americas Society/Council of the Americas, the think tank founded by David Rockefeller in 1963 that was a key player in the 1973 coup against Chilean President Salvador Allende. Since then, AS/COA has worked, most recently  through its media arm, Americas Quarterly—of which Winter is editor-in-chief—to promote nearly every other far-right US intervention in Latin America, including the recent regime-change efforts in Venezuela and Bolivia.

    AS/COA held a closed-door meeting in New York in 2017 with US business leaders and Bolsonaro—then a presidential hopeful—evidently prompting Americas Quarterly to lend increasingly favorable coverage to the far-right demagogue. The think tank’s current list of donors reads like a who’s who of mining and agribusiness corporations, many of which have benefited immensely from the massive privatization and environmental deregulation campaigns that followed the 2016 legislative coup against President Dilma Rousseff.

    Desertification = development

    During the Rise of the Bolsonaros opening montage, as footage of a burning rainforest appeared on screen, Winter said, “Jair Bolsonaro believes that the Brazilian Amazon is the magical path to economic prosperity.” There was no mention of Winter’s prominent role within AS/COA, which counts the agribusiness giant Cargill as one of its “elite corporate members.” This omission is especially glaring, since Cargill has been repeatedly cited as one of the main culprits in the destruction of the Amazon rainforest.

    This set the tone for the film’s treatment of one of the only Bolsonaro policies that was criticized in the nearly three-hour production: illegal deforestation. Every time footage related to this issue appeared, a journalist or Bolsonaro ally arrived on screen to water it down, usually by a ratio of at least two to one.

    Camila Azevedo: "We don't want to be walking around naked all our lives."

    Bolsonaro meme designer Camila Azevedo describes how deforestation is helping the Indigenous.

    One example came nearly an hour in, when the issue of deforestation was first given in-depth treatment. “From the very beginning, Bolsonaro wanted to develop the Amazon economically,” BBC‘s Katy Watson said—as if it were a given that the desertification of former rain forests, the poisoning of rivers with mercury and the destruction of renewable commodity chains is good for the economy.

    Similar treatment was given to Bolsanaro’s systematic persecution and dispossession of Brazil’s Indigenous communities, some of which still live with little or no contact with outsiders. APIB—a coalition of Indigenous associations from across Brazil—has already called on the International Criminal Court to investigate Bolsonaro for genocide and crimes against humanity. After Indigenous leader Maial Kayapó explained how Bolsonaro encourages violence against her people, Camila Azevedo, the Bolsonaro family’s young meme designer, pops on the screen and says: “Most Indigenous, they want land to till…. They don’t want to walk around naked for the rest of their lives.”

    Rags to riches

     

    Jair Bolsonaro

    Jair Bolsonaro gives PBS viewers a tour of his childhood home.

    Bolsonaro’s early years are framed as a rags-to-riches story of rugged individualism. The story begins with the laughable claim that Bolsonaro grew up in the “badlands” of Brazil. In fact, Bolsonaro was born in Campinas, a relatively wealthy city with a metro area population of 3.7 million.

    The banana-farming town of Eldorado, where they moved when he was 11, while located in one of the poorest regions of Brazil’s richest state of Sao Paulo, could hardly be called a “badlands.” Brazil’s badlands are the semi-arid back country of the Northeast, where gangs of Wild West–style outlaws called cangaceiros roamed on horseback until the 1940s.

    In introducing Brazil’s sub-fascist military dictatorship (1964–85), corporate PR flack Brian Winter tells us that it was Bolsonaro’s “golden age.” Brazilian studies professor Anthony Perreira says:

    If you were in one of the armed left groups, if you were a member of the Communist Party, if you were a student, and if you were engaged politically, it was a very dangerous time. But for a lot of people, it was a period of growth.

    For the last 500 years, Brazil’s export commodity–based economy has been characterized by cyclical boom and bust periods. During the 21-year dictatorship, there was indeed a five-year boom period between 1968–73, but due to the government’s repression of organized labor and its efforts to suppress wages, it was accompanied by a drastic increase in income inequality. By the time the dictatorship ended, Brazil had become one of the most unequal countries in the world.

    This inequality was exacerbated by the military government’s lack of commitment to public education, and its eagerness to take out massive loans from the World Bank to fund unsuccessful, environmentally devastating projects in the Amazon rainforest. Such failures led to the economic stagnation, hyperinflation and crippling foreign debt of what is now referred to as the “lost decade” of the 1980s.  When Perreira says, “For a lot of people it was a period of growth,” he is clearly referring to the elites who currently finance Bolsonaro rather than the Brazilian working class, which this documentary misrepresents as constituting the president’s primary base of support.

    Man of the people

    Bolsonaro’s petit bourgeois origins, glossed over in the film, are revealed in the story of his military career. Agulhas Negras, the elite Brazilian army academy where Bolsonaro studied after attending the Preparatory School of the Brazilian Army, has an extremely competitive admissions process.  It’s not the type of place where someone who grew up in “rags” would get into, but a traditional pathway of social ascension for members of the lower-middle class.

    The documentary also relates how, in September 1986, then-Captain Bolsonaro wrote an article that appeared in Veja (9/3/86), a national news magazine, complaining about military officer salaries. A journalist says Bolsonaro “couldn’t afford to buy a house,” without mentioning that he was arrested for breaking army regulations by publishing the article. The documentary frames Bolsonaro as being broke and unable to support his family, but at the time of the article, Brazilian army captains earned 10,433 cruzados per month—over 12 times the country’s minimum salary of 804 cruzados.

    Brian Winter

    Brian Winter: “I was there when a reporter asked….” Where was he? At AS/COA. What was he doing there? Introducing Bolsonaro to his corporate sponsors in the mining, petroleum and agribusiness industries.

    The salary may have been lower than what Bolsonaro felt he deserved, but it placed him among the roughly 10% of the national population in the upper-middle class.  Accurately portraying Bolsonaro as a Brazilian elite, however, doesn’t fit with the director’s attempt to portray Lula, who grew up in a mud shack and started working in a factory at age 14, as a liberal elite, and Bolsonaro as a man of the people, the same way Fox NewsTucker Carlson recently did during his one-week stay in Brazil running electoral propaganda for the president (FAIR.org, 7/25/22).

    Bolsonaro’s 2017 visit to New York is presented as a brilliant strategy to validate his future candidacy to the Brazilian public, to show that “important people in the US wanted to listen to what he had to say.” Interviewee Brian Winter’s role in introducing Bolsonaro to US business elites is not mentioned at all, only alluded to by his anecdote about how cleverly Bolsonaro answered a question from a US reporter at the time about his rape comments directed at Maria do Rosario.

    US-style culture war

    Meanwhile, Steve Bannon and his far-right allies like Jason Miller have maintained communications with the Brazilian president’s family for years. In fact, the relationship between Bolsonaro’s sons and the American far right is so good that one of them attended the January 5, 2021, “war council” in Washington, DC, prior to the invasion of Capitol Hill. Bannon’s claim in the documentary that he reached out to the Bolsonaros to learn about their social media strategy seems like a blatant lie, since many of the tactics employed by Bolsonaro were clearly based on the Trump campaign’s culture war rhetoric.

    The idea that Lula and Bolsonaro are at opposite ends of a US-style culture war is given disproportionate emphasis in the documentary. For example, at certain times when Lula is discussed, footage of men kissing at a pride parade appears on screen, as does an image of the former president holding a rainbow flag.

    Such exaggerated treatment of Lula’s role in the cultural sphere ignores the fact that his popularity was largely driven by massive increases in spending on public health and education and successful poverty-reduction policies. Although, unlike Bolsonaro, Lula is not openly homophobic, he has faced criticism from the LGBT community for not going far enough to advance LGBT rights, and from feminists for not legalizing abortion.

    Flavio Bolsonaro

    Showcasing Flavio Bolsonaro’s sensitive side.

    Nevertheless, the largest protests of Brazil’s working class since Bolsonaro took office had nothing to do with culture wars. The 2019 Education Tsunami protests, organized by student groups and teachers unions, brought over 2 million people into the streets of dozens of cities, and effectively stalled the Bolsonaro administration’s attempts to charge tuition at public universities.

    Rio de Janeiro city councilor and anti–police violence crusader Marielle Franco, who is introduced only as an LGBT activist, was not a member of Lula’s Workers Party. Her assassination at the hands of members of a Rio de Janeiro militia, whose leader Adriano da Nobrega’s wife and mother both worked as “ghost employees” in Flavio Bolsonaro’s state congressional cabinet, is another scandal involving the Bolsonaro family that the documentary glosses over.

    Instead, Flavio Bolsonaro, who appears several times in the documentary, shares humorous anecdotes about his childhood, and cries to the camera while remembering the 2018 stabbing incident involving his father, which far-right forces falsely tried to blame on Communists.

    Missing Moro

    Sergio Moro and Jair Bolsonaro

    Conspicuously absent: Sergio Moro, who broke the law to remove Lula from the 2018 presidential elections then went on work as Bolsonaro’s minister of justice, is not mentioned once in the documentary.

    The most glaring problem in the deeply flawed Rise of the Bolsonaros is the omission of arguably the single most important player in Bolsonaro’s rise to the presidency: former Lava Jato investigation judge Sergio Moro. During a period in which the Lava Jato task force was having frequent meetings with the US Department of Justice and the FBI, Moro repeatedly broke the law by collaborating with prosecutors to discredit the Workers Party and help Bolsonaro.

    The documentary doesn’t mention that Lula’s election-season arrest, on charges of committing “undetermined acts of corruption,” was made after the Brazilian supreme court, under threats from the Army, opened an exception to the Constitution to enable his imprisonment while his appeals were ongoing. Instead, it brings up frivolous charges that were dropped before his trial even started, such as “receiving 1 million euros in bribes.” The fact that Lula was ultimately released from prison after the election is written off as a “technicality.” There is also no acknowledgment  that this delay was only made possible by the political bias of a crooked judge who illegally colluded with prosecutors throughout the trial.

    While stating that the supreme court ruled that Lula could run for public office, the documentary omits the fact that he was fully exonerated on all charges, while the judge who imprisoned him, Sergio Moro, was found by that same court to have been tainted by judicial bias. An especially relevant piece of information left out of Rise of the Bolsonaros is the supreme court’s charge that Moro leaked fraudulent audio tapes to media in order to damage the reputation of Workers Party candidate Fernando Haddad just one week before the presidential elections, and then, in a clear conflict of interest,  accepted a cabinet position in the Bolsonaro government.

    Not even mentioning Moro, let alone describing the crimes he committed to empower Bolsonaro, discredits the entire documentary. Without Moro, a false impression is left that Jair Bolsonaro’s rise to power was based entirely on his family’s cunning.

    Steve Bannon

    Steve Bannon gets the last word.

    The program ends, laying any doubts about its lack of objectivity to rest once and for all, with the narrator saying, “The fate of Brazil is in the hands of its people,” followed by a 40-second pep talk by Steve Bannon—giving the last word on the upcoming Brazilian election to one of the main advocates for overturning the last US election.

    The fact that US and British state-affiliated media outlets would promote misleading narratives less than a month before the most complicated Brazilian presidential election in modern history is another sad example of the long tradition of Western media facilitating imperialist meddling in Latin American elections.


    Featured image: Jair Bolsonaro and sons, pictured in Rise of the Bolsonaros.


    Messages to PBS can be sent to viewer@pbs.org (or via Twitter: @PBS). Please remember that respectful communication is the most effective.

    The post PBS and BBC Team Up to Misinform About Brazil’s Bolsonaro appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  • Queen Elizabeth the second is dead at 96. And in the wake of her passing, dissent and humour have been cancelled. That’s right, there is no platform for critical voices. Perhaps until the new king, Charles III, says there is. No space is afforded for humour in the bombardment of news coverage by weepy BBC hacks. And there is nothing to be said at all about corporate statements of grief from the likes of Greggs, Ann Summers and Screwfix.

    Twitter, however, has been giving many of us life while news presenters and social media teams have been doing serious face. Because while the top-down view is that the Queen was and remains as a saint, and the monarchy is at virtually all times above reproach, not everyone is a fan. As is their right.

    Yas queen!

    Some responses were minimalist in their response to the passing of the hereditary monarch. No doubt due to being overcome with grief:

    Rapper Lowkey showed how important it was to reframe the memorialising:

    Activist and comedian Aamer Rahman picked up on those saying the leader of the commonwealth’s passing should only receive solemn reactions:

    After all, what could the countries below all have in common? Colonialism, perhaps?

    The demographics of mourners doesn’t appear to be an accident either, as The Canary’s Afroze Fatima Zaidi noted:

    Actual adults took to posting a picture of the Queen hand-in-hand with Paddington Bear, being followed to heaven by a corgi draped in bunting. This naturally led to fears Paddington was the Grim Reaper:

    While one Celtic fan stumbled across what must be a frontrunner for most bizarre spectacle so far – a veteran downing a glass of booze before intensely saluting his phone camera:

    Given the overblown responses, it’s no surprise people who aren’t fans of inheriting sovereigns turned to people who might have a more balanced take:

    Respect? For who?

    Cloud queen?

    Others were curious about exactly what had been postponed in the period of mourning:

    Some Twitter users questioned claims in the Daily Mail that the Queen had appeared as a cloud:

    There were plenty more observations which might have been tongue-in-cheek but also made some serious points:

    Finger waggers were ready on Twitter to warn people that it wasn’t the time to discuss colonialism or justice. Mic Wright had a ready answer:

    Enforced seriousness

    The truth is that monarchs and other powerful figures have always been mocked and rightly so. The mainstream media of Britain will reflect the views of the ruling class throughout this period. But their opinion is not the only legitimate one.

    While the monarchy remains popular, largely because it is misunderstood as decorative and benign, other views also exist. And as long as there is unaccountable power, it will be subject to humour as a form of resistance. There’s truth to be found in that humour.

    Featured image via Wikimedia Commons/Elli Gerra, cropped to 770 x 403.

    By Joe Glenton

  • A BBC News presenter made an “awful” and “depraved” statement during live coverage of the queen, Elizabeth Windsor – even before her death. And it shows that the state broadcaster’s subservience to its overlords is as forelock-tuggingly terrible as ever.

    “Insignificant” plebs vs the queen

    As Evolve Politics‘ Tom D. Rogers tweeted, during the reporting on Windsor’s health before her death on Thursday 8 September, BBC host Clive Myrie said the current energy price crisis was “insignificant” compared to the queen’s health:

    BBC reporter Damian Grammaticas clearly realised the error in Myrie’s comment – as he corrected him, saying Windsor’s health was ‘overshadowing’ the energy crisis. And to many people, the sheer awfulness of Myrie’s comment would have been obvious too.

    Even with Liz Truss’s plan to change the October energy price cap to £2,500, this is still an increase of over £1,200 (or 95%) in 14 months. For context, in winter 2019/2020 around 8,500 people died due to cold homes. This was when the energy price cap was under £1,200. Deaths this winter are likely to be far higher, with poverty also set to rocket. Yet Myrie thought it appropriate to imply Windsor’s death was more important. As the Prole Star said:

    But it wasn’t just BBC News UK fawning to the dead monarch. BBC News Africa showed colonialism wasn’t really over, as it whitewashed Windsor’s role as the head of the imperialist British state – calling it a “long-standing relationship”:

    It’s worth remembering that on Windsor’s watch, the British state was still torturing Black people in Africa when they tried to get independence from us.

    The queen and the BBC: feudal hangover

    This kind of subservience and forelock-tugging from the state broadcaster is nothing new. Royal reporter Nicholas Witchell, who’s already come under fire for his coverage of Windsor’s death, previously disgraced himself with appalling reporting on her alleged child abuser son Andrew. The broadcaster’s coverage of Philip Windsor’s death was equally dire. Ultimately, though, as The Canary previously wrote, the BBC has been little more than a state mouthpiece since its inception.

    Myrie openly framing the late, unelected, hereditary monarch’s health as more important than the rest of ours is low even by the standards of the BBC‘s already stunted bar. Of course, we can expect weeks more of this kind of dross. But ultimately, it’s appalling that in 2022 the state broadcaster is continuing to enact some kind of feudal hierarchy when it’s supposed to represent us, the public. Our lives are no less important than Windsor’s was. The BBC would do well to remember that.

    Featured image via Left Unite – YouTube

    By Steve Topple

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • During a speech at an Edinburgh event, former BBC journalist Emily Maitlis accused her old employer of bias. She also referred to a BBC board member as the Conservative Party’s “active agent”. That board member was subsequently named in the media as Robbie Gibb.

    None of this is new, though: The Canary and other media have been publishing similar accusations about Gibb’s role at the BBC – and much more – for some years.

    ‘Arbiter of impartiality’

    Maitlis’ speech, which starts 10 minutes in, is here in full:

    A complete transcript is here.

    In an extract from her speech Maitlis referred to the BBC board:

    where another active agent of the Conservative Party – a former Downing Street spin doctor and former advisor to BBC rival GB News – now sits acting as the arbiter of BBC impartiality.

    Who is the “active agent”?

    So who is this “active agent”?

    Gibb is the brother of Tory MP Nick Gibb, who held the post of schools minister.

    Robbie Gibb worked for the BBC for some 25 years. During that time he headed BBC Westminster; was editor of The Daily Politics and This Week, and was deputy editor of Newsnight.

    In July 2017, after leaving the BBC, Gibb was appointed director of communications to then prime minister Theresa May. In 2019, May gave Gibb a knighthood.

    Gibb’s media career was not confined to the BBC, for in August 2020 he went on to found the rightwing GB News, for whom he was an editorial adviser.

    In April 2021, the BBC announced that Gibb had been appointed to its board. It mentioned, too, another senior appointment:

    Richard Sharp replaced Sir David Clementi as the BBC’s chairman. Sharp, a former banker, investor and philanthropist, is close to Rishi Sunak, the Chancellor, who he worked with during the pandemic. Sunak previously worked with Sharp at Goldman Sachs.

    One tweeter has called for a ban on anyone with a political background running the BBC:

    Courting the far right

    Maitlis also referred to BBC bias and The Canary has covered this via numerous articles.

    One example we covered was about how Gibb allegedly failed to run a story about Arron Banks’ Leave.EU and its ‘courting’ of the far-right while at the BBC:

    The story was aired as part of a Channel 4 News investigation. That investigation claimed to have seen leaked emails revealing how Banks “repeatedly lied to cover-up his Brexit campaign’s effort to attract far-right extremists”.

    The Canary reported how extremists were alleged to have included supporters of known far-right groups, including “the National Front, the BNP, Britain First and the EDL”.

    And, according to Channel 4 News:

    Banks emailed another Leave.EU director, saying: “I don’t think they will Run it after all that lot . You will have a busy week next week since Robbie will react by giving us massive exposure.

    The “crouch position”

    The Canary revealed another example of Brexit bias. This was when it was shown that the BBC was guilty of ‘using bias by omission’ by editing a headline to downplay the part Brexit played in the bin lorry drivers shortage.

    In her speech Maitlis was quite candid about how the BBC feared going against the Conservative government’s Brexit stance, saying that:

    sections of both the BBC and government-supporting newspapers appear to go into an automatic crouch position whenever the Brexit issue looms large…

    in case they get labelled pessimistic, anti-populist, or worse still, as above: unpatriotic.

    The Canary also noted that Gibb was in charge of the corporation’s live political shows during the EU referendum. We reported, too, how Tory MP Nick Boles accused Gibb of being one of the key people urging May not to compromise on Brexit.

    Weaponising antisemitism

    Then there was the accusation of antisemitism levelled at Jeremy Corbyn.

    In April 2020, The Canary’s Ed Sykes reported on a consortium of individuals that purchased the anti-Corbyn and right-leaning Jewish Chronicle. The consortium included:

    The infamous Panorama episode, referred to above, alleged antisemitism by Corbyn. However, The Canary revealed that out of the 10 people who came forward to provide ‘evidence’ against Corbyn, eight had leading roles in an anti-Corbyn organisation. It should be noted that the Jewish Chronicle has been successfully sued in recent years, on multiple times, for slandering socialists.

    More details were provided via this tweet by The Canary’s James Wright:

    As for Gibb’s views on Corbyn, it’s no surprise he said that the Labour leader “opened the door to toxic extremism” for Labour.

    More examples of bias

    It’s not just all about Gibb, but the systemic problem of bias at the BBC.

    Prior to the 2019 General Election The Canary‘s Emily Apple reported more examples of BBC bias:

    • Broadcasting the wrong footage of Boris Johnson on Remembrance Sunday.
    • Deciding to make ‘not politicising’ the NHS its top story.
    • Broadcasting Jeremy Corbyn’s interview with Andrew Neil before Johnson agreed to do a similar interview. Something Johnson refused to do throughout the campaign.
    • Its political editor Laura Kuenssberg using her Twitter account with millions of followers to promote Johnson on numerous occasions. But perhaps her lowest point was tweeting the lie, fed to her from Tories, that Matt Hancock’s aide had been punched by a protester.
    • Editing out the audience laughing at Johnson during a leadership debate in one of its lunchtime news bulletins.
    • On the eve of the election, it was accused of electoral fraud after Kuenssberg broadcast comments about the number of postal votes looking “grim” for Labour.

    In another case The Canary revealed how the BBC ran with the government’s entirely false assertion that it had met its target of 100,000 Coronavirus (Covid-19) tests a day.

    Pot calling kettle black

    Maitlis should be applauded for her speech, though she herself is not without guilt.

    One tweeter points out that Maitlis’ denouncement of BBC bias is from her new position in a “lucrative” new job:

    And another tweeter reminds us of the time she warned of putting Corbyn into power:

    Shining a light

    While the BBC produces excellent drama and the occasional documentary, the idea that it’s impartial in its news coverage is a myth. Moreover, Gibb’s role in this bias has been known for years – Maitlis merely confirmed that the accusations are true.

    We are in an age when the dissemination of disinformation (deliberately incorrect information), or misinformation (inadvertently incorrect information) is often difficult to spot. Fortunately, independent media continues to shine a light on such bias or fake news. Sadly, it’s a job that has no end.

    Featured image via screenshot Edinburgh Television Festival/YouTube

    By Tom Coburg

  • Former BBC Newsnight presenter Emily Maitlis has warned of media bias and sinister Tory plots, mere years after the rest of us, and in spite of being head of the BBC’s flagship show during the worst of it. Pats on the back for Emily.

    The former senior BBC figure made her comments during the MacTaggart Lecture in Edinburgh at a major TV festival. Among other things, she said “an active agent” of the Conservative Party sits on the board of the BBC and influences impartiality.

    She warned that British institutions were under attack:

    Social media users, however, recall Maitlis’ conduct during her tenure with some anger, suggesting that she has hardly shown herself to be unbiased.

    Hardly a revelation…

    One twitter user pointed out that BBC bias was hardly news:

    Others fondly recalled the time her show carried a section portraying Jeremy Corbyn as Lord Voldemort:

    Meanwhile, someone else remembered the time Corbyn was presented as some sort of Soviet despot:

    Somebody else noted a 2017 tweet from Maitlis which seemed to float the idea of a coup by Labour against Corbyn:

    Active agent

    It was also pointed out that if there was an active Tory agent in the BBC, they may not have been alone:

    Elsewhere, her credentials as a whistleblower were being questioned intensely, not least given the years which have elapsed since some of the events she was involved in:

    It seems that it is going to take a bit more than a pretty selective speech (just as Maitlis starts a whizzy new job at LBC) to make people forget her own behaviour in recent years. Yes, there’s something wrong with the BBC. It’s also perfectly possible to argue that Maitlis embodied this as well as anyone has in recent years.

    Featured image via Wikimedia Common/Gothick, cropped to 770 x 403, licenced under CC BY-SA 3.0.

    By Joe Glenton

  • While David Attenborough’s work rarely gives center stage to climate change, his project has always been to shift how humans relate to nature.

    This post was originally published on Dissent MagazineDissent Magazine.

  •  

    Hi everyone, Eliz Mizon here with the Media Reform Coalition blog.

    For even more media news and analysis, the latest media reform campaigns, and relevant content from around the web, follow me at Chompsky: Power and Pop Culture.

    For now, here’s your media news digest:

    Support the Leveson Defence Fund!

    Our friends at HackedOff have launched a campaign in response to Boris’ latest attack on press freedom:

    “With an eye on shoring up his support in the press ahead of the next General Election, Boris Johnson announced plans to repeal section 40 of the Crime and Courts Act 2013. This strips out a key part of the Leveson framework for press regulation. It’s an assault on the freedom of independent newspapers, and shows total disregard to the victims of press abuse.

    It’s a clear sign that for the next two years Johnson is keen to do favours for newspaper owners in return for their backing in a 2024 General Election.”

    Read more and donate here.

    BBC to cut 1000 jobs, and move crucial services online

    The BBC has announced a “digital-first” policy, which includes moving CBBC, BBC Four and Radio 4 to online-only services in the next few years. It is part of a £500 million cost cutting measure, which will also see the broadcaster cut 1000 jobs from its license-fee funded arm.

    The services are not being ‘shut down’, as some have claimed, but critics note that there is likely to be a significant impact on access for older demographics as a result of this, and for children, it doesn’t appear that the effects of ‘persuasive technology’ have been taken into account.

    This Week’s Media News

    • In response to the most recent school shooting in Texas, Vanity Fair has reported a wave of journalists calling for the release of graphic imagery showing the results of a school shooting: “Couldn’t have imagined saying this years ago, but it’s time – with the permission of a surviving parent – to show what a slaughtered 7-year-old looks like”. (Vanity Fair)
    • An investigation by CNN has accused the IDF of murdering Al Jazeera journalist Shireen Abu Akleh: “Videos obtained by CNN, corroborated by testimony from eight eyewitnesses, an audio forensic analyst and an explosive weapons expert, suggest that Abu Akleh was shot dead in a targeted attack by Israeli forces.” (CNN)
    • A report by Influence Map details a concerted lobbying campaign by the fossil fuel industry across “social media, traditional media, public presentations, investor calls, and direct interactions with America’s policymakers” to use the war in Ukraine to legitimise a ramping up of fossil fuel extraction. (Influence Map)
    • This week saw a Twitter storm around Stuart Kirk, head of responsible investing at HSBC Asset Management, who downplayed the threat of climate chaos in his speech to the FT Moral Money summit, saying the science is overblown by “nut jobs”. After FT and HSBC publicly disavowed his comments, critics pointed out that each company would have had to sign off on his presentation, titled “Why investors need not worry about climate risk”, prior to the event. Kirk was “expressing what many bankers think when the media isn’t around”, said banker Sasja Beslik. (FT/Bloomberg)
    • A new study by the actors’ union Equity, on mental health in the performing arts, shows “a culture of unstable work, antisocial hours and financial fears is fueling a mental health crisis”. In response they have launched a “Mental Health Charter” with five demands for the industry. (Equity)
    • For the BBC’s mid-term charter review, Culture Secretary Nadine Dorries has directed the focus to a review of impartiality and the diversity of its workforce. (gov.uk)
    • Russia’s foreign ministry has threatened YouTube, saying that each time they block a briefing by its spokeswoman, a reporter from a Western country will be expelled from the country. (Reuters)
    • Male TV presenters in Afghanistan decided to wear face masks in solidarity with their female colleagues, after the Taliban issued an order that all female news presenters must cover their faces. (The Guardian)

    The post Media News Round-Up: May 27th ’22 appeared first on Media Reform Coalition.

  • Priti Patel is facing calls to investigate reports an MI5 agent exploited his status to terrorise and attack his girlfriend.

    Labour’s shadow home secretary Yvette Cooper said there needed to be an “independent assessment” of how the “troubling” case was handled, after the BBC reported the man attacked the woman with a machete and threatened to kill her.

    It comes as it emerged the woman, known as Beth in the report which is not her real name, has launched a legal case against MI5.

    According to the Centre for Women’s Justice (CWJ), she has launched a legal complaint and made a claim in the Investigatory Powers Tribunal as well as potentially looking at taking action against police.

    Injunction

    The BBC reported the story on Thursday for the first time since a ruling in a legal battle where the Government sought to block publication of the agent’s identity.

    An injunction – which the government said is in the interests of national security and to avoid an immediate risk to life, safety and privacy – remains in place preventing the corporation from disclosing information likely to identify the man, referred to only as “X”, who is said to be a covert human intelligence source (Chis).

    Cooper said:

    The Home Secretary needs to ensure that there is an independent assessment of this very troubling case and how it has been handled – including looking at safeguarding responsibilities, the way that concerns about domestic abuse are handled by MI5 and at the criminal investigation that took place.

    Domestic abuse is an appalling and dangerous crime and victims need to know that it will always be taken immensely seriously by all agencies, especially those responsible for keeping us safe.

    The BBC reported that evidence shows the agent is a violent “right-wing extremist” who routinely terrorised his partner.

    The foreign national moved abroad and continued intelligence work after assaulting the alleged victim with a machete and threatening to kill her, according to the report which featured purported footage of the incident.

    The broadcast also raised questions over how police handled the case, with charges apparently dropped by the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS) when it reached court.

    The BBC also said it tracked down another woman who also suffered at the hands of X in a different country as it described the story “firmly in the public interest”, arguing that the women have a right to know his identity and it would protect other potential victims from harm.

    Exploring options

    The CWJ said it was acting for Beth “in a formal complaint, and linked human rights claim, lodged earlier this month with the Investigatory Powers Tribunal” and “are also exploring action against a police force who have failed to take action against the perpetrator despite repeated reports”.

    It added:

    Beth is asking the Investigatory Powers Tribunal to investigate MI5’s recruitment and handling of X, and whether any steps were taken to address the clear risk of harm that he posed.

    She will seek to argue that MI5’s conduct may have breached her rights under Articles 2, 3, 8 and 14 of the European Convention on Human Rights, in that by recruiting and affording protecting to X, they were effectively enabling X to subject her to serious violence and abuse with impunity.

    In a statement issued by the organisation, Beth said:

    I hope that this will cause the police to reopen the case against [X] and actually do something about his crimes, none of which have been properly investigated.

    Her solicitor Kate Ellis said her case:

    raises a number of issues regarding the state’s protection – whether intentionally or through neglect – of those who hold extreme misogynistic views and pose a risk of serious violence towards women and girls.

    The Government previously said it would not comment on security or intelligence.

    By The Canary

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • The UK has had a “massive missed opportunity” to reduce the threat of nuclear weapons, the SNP’s Westminster leader has said.

    “Missed opportunity”

    Ian Blackford was speaking to Sophie Raworth on the BBC’s Sunday Morning programme. He was asked about the SNP’s ambition to remove the Trident nuclear deterrent from the Clyde Naval Base. In response, he said the UK should have acted sooner to remove itself as a threat. It comes amid suggestions that Vladimir Putin could use such weapons in his war in Ukraine.

    Blackford said:

    You’ve got someone [Putin] that you don’t know if they’re prepared to press that button or not.

    There’s been a massive missed opportunity over the course of the last decades, because we should have been getting round the table with the Russians and others, and making sure that we were reducing the threat from nuclear weapons, reducing nuclear warheads.

    We’re in a very dangerous situation. The world is very unstable, we’re dealing with the situation in Ukraine. We need to make sure that we never, ever, ever are in a situation where anyone is prepared to use nuclear weapons, that threat of mass destruction that would take place.

    Having nuclear weapons isn’t a protection. Having nuclear weapons makes us a threat and we’ve had a long-standing position that having nuclear weapons on the Clyde is something that we cannot tolerate.

    Ian Blackford comments
    Ian Blackford said the UK has missed out on the chance to remove itself as a threat (Isabel Infantes/PA)

    “Asleep”

    Blackford is also the MP for Ross, Skye and Lochaber. He said an independent Scotland would “present an opportunity” for other countries to begin to negotiate reductions in their own nuclear warheads. And he added:

    We’ve been asleep at the wheel and we haven’t tackled Russian aggression.

    We simple haven’t done what we should have done to make sure that we were dealing with that Russian threat and it’s the lack of ability of UK governments over a number of years that put us in the position that we’re now in.

    Meanwhile the Scottish Greens, who are in a co-operative agreement with the SNP at Holyrood, have held a long-standing opposition to NATO membership.

    Asked if his party is comfortable working alongside them despite a determination to leave NATO, Blackford said the SNP’s position is “very clear – that we wish an independent Scotland to be a part of NATO”. However, several of the countries that are members of NATO are nuclear powers.

    Independence

    Raworth also quizzed the SNP MP on the likelihood of a second independence referendum. First minister Nicola Sturgeon has said she intends to hold a vote before the end of 2023. And the party has been campaigning for a referendum during the local government election campaign.

    Blackford echoed this timeframe, stating the SNP and the Scottish Greens had a manifesto commitment of delivering a second vote in the 2021 Scottish Parliament elections. He added:

    This is a question for Boris Johnson and the Conservative government. Will they respect democracy, will they respect the rights of the Scots who sent MSPs to the Scottish Parliament with a mandate to deliver that independence referendum?

    By The Canary

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • ANALYSIS: By Gavin Ellis of Knightly Views

    The proposal for a new entity to replace Television New Zealand and RNZ has two fundamental flaws that must be fixed if it is to gain the public’s trust.

    The first flaw is the assumption that an existing legal structure — the Autonomous Crown Entity — is an appropriate form of governance. The second is that it has provided inadequate protection from political interference. The two issues are related.

    Let me say at the outset that I support the restructuring of public service media. It is an idea whose time has come. It is an opportunity to create, almost from the ground up, a public organisation designed to live up to a digital incarnation of BBC-founder Lord Reith’s dictum that public media should inform, educate and entertain (now, however, in a creative and clever mix).

    My concern lies in the need for this new entity to demonstrate from the outset that it will be free-standing and free from influence. By treating its formation little differently from a stock-standard Autonomous Crown Entity (ACE) into which existing organisations are dropped, the government is sending the wrong signals. From Day One (i.e., right now) it needs to be treated very much as a special case.

    Let’s not lose sight of what is possible here: The creation of a ground-breaking structure that can set new standards for public service media in the digital age – if it is born out of independent thinking, creativity, and wisdom.

    And let’s not forget why it is vital that it succeed in that aim. Public trust in the institutions of democracy and a free society are being systematically undermined. We need to look no further than the darkly manipulated “protest” in front of Parliament.

    Stirrers wanted the prime minister and journalists lynched and violent “protesters” set fires and threw paving bricks at police. They were supported throughout by a much wider social media narrative that neither politicians nor the media could be trusted.

    Public trust in media eroding
    Public trust in media is already on the way down. AUT’s Centre for Journalism, Media and Democracy polled trust in media last year and found it had declined across all four industry-wide metrics it had measured in 2020. RNZ and TVNZ remain the most trusted brands but both declined year-on-year. So, too, did all media included in the previous survey.

    There is a real need for media institutions in which the public has trust and the JMaD studies point to public service media being at the pinnacle of that structure.

    I have no doubt that the Minister of Broadcasting and Media, Kris Faafoi, is well-intentioned. As a former journalist he is only too well aware of the importance of trust and of the need to protect, nurture and champion media independence. Whether his cabinet colleagues have the same set of imperatives is harder to judge.

    However, the restructuring requires a longer view than what might happen around the cabinet table over the next few months. We need to be concerned that the structure which emerges is not only fit for purpose now, but will endure for decades and be capable of withstanding winds of political change that on a global scale are showing more negative than positive signs.

    In other words, it must be robust enough to survive not only known risks but also some conceivable unknowns: We had a Robert Muldoon, so could we have a Donald Trump?

    Unfortunately, the announcement last week provides a less-than-reassuring beginning. The cabinet go-ahead was sparse on structural and operational detail. It did speak of a charter and proposed legislation that will contain a much-vaunted guarantee of editorial independence from ministerial control. However, that is undermined by other planned moves and much of the potential damage could be done even before the new structure is up and running.

    Significantly, control of the governance of the implementation phase of the restructuring is one area of the cabinet paper and supporting documents in which there is real detail. Absence of detail elsewhere is explained away by saying these are matters for the Establishment Board to decide.

    Seen as the architect
    The draft terms of reference for the Establishment Board state it will be responsible for overseeing the detailed organisational design of the new entity and the transition to the new structure. In other words, it is to be seen as the architect. That was certainly the inference in Kris Faaoi’s announcement last week.

    Yet the Establishment Board is precisely where the Minister (and his Cabinet colleagues) and the Ministry for Culture and Heritage have a potentially high level of influence.

    The Establishment Board is expected to stay aligned to any cabinet decisions and is responsible for ensuring it “progresses government policy” and meets the minister’s objectives.

    All members (up to nine) are to be appointed by the minister, who will also appoint the chair. The minister can terminate any member’s term before the expiry date and there is no requirement for him to state cause.

    The board will not have its own staff but may ask the Ministry for Culture and Heritage – which will provide the secretariat — to appoint people to provide specialist or technical advice. MCH will also procure other services on the board’s behalf and its chief executive will decide what functions it will delegate to the board. Meanwhile MCH will continue to provide advice directly to the minister.

    The Establishment Board will, according to the terms of reference, operate on a consensus basis — not a majority vote — and where it can’t reach consensus “the chair will advise the minister of the difference of opinion”. That begs the question: Does the minister effectively have a deciding vote?

    He certainly has a tight hold on what the Establishment Board says in public. The section in the terms of reference relating to the Establishment Board’s relationship with the minister is devoted almost entirely to public statements. There can be “no surprises” (no surprise there) and the chair is the sole spokesperson.

    The minister is to be informed of any public comment “either prior to, or as soon as possible after comment is made”, and all press releases must be sent to the minister in advance.

    Multiple avenues for influence 
    All of this suggests to me that both the minister and the ministry have multiple avenues through which they can influence the way the new structure is put together.

    I freely admit there is good reason for liaison. For example, the early activity of the board will take place while the entity’s empowering Act and other law changes are working their way through the legislative process. The board’s thinking on the new entity should be reflected in that legislation and, if it isn’t, we might question why it is not.

    However, there are equally good reasons why the Establishment Board should be seen to be independent. If the minister deflected questions on detail by saying they were matters for the Establishment Board, then let it be so.

    The way it now stands, it looks (as my betting old dad would say) as though the government is trying to have a quid each way. Hedging bets is not a good way to begin the trust-building process.

    Step one in that process should be an unequivocal statement from the minister that the Establishment Board does, in fact, have autonomy and, so long as its actions support the aims of the new entity, it will not be subject to ministerial or ministry direction. It should also have the power to appoint its own advisors.

    Then there is the new entity itself. I was frankly surprised that work by a Chief Executives Working Party (to which I was an advisor), a Business Study group, and then a Business Case Governance Group did not produce a unique structure for what will be a unique organisation. Specifically, I expected to see the strongest recommendations for iron-clad protections, and I expected to see such protections accepted by cabinet. That hasn’t happened…yet.

    Instead, cabinet has accepted the option of an Autonomous Crown Entity with a traditional minister-appointed board, with two board members appointed in consultation with the Minister for Māori Development. The only aspects that separate it from a stock-standard ACE is a charter (to which I’ll return) and a section that protects the entity’s editorial independence. As it stands, that section is less prescriptive that either the Television New Zealand Act or the Radio New Zealand Act.

    Statement of good intentions
    Cabinet has approved what is titled a “proposed basis for charter structure” that is little more than a statement of good intentions. Admittedly, no charter should be so detailed that it limits initiative or the ability to respond to changed circumstances.

    However, what is missing from this document is an overarching statement that the organisation as a whole will be predicated on autonomy and independence. Instead there is a clause stating that the organisation itself should “demonstrate editorial independence”.

    Also missing — or among the 12 redacted sections of the cabinet paper relating to financial implications — is how the new entity will be protected from the cudgel that governments here and elsewhere have used to bring recalcitrant public broadcasters to heel. That big stick is control of the purse-strings.

    It is vital that there be some certainty of funding, both for operational reasons and to demonstrate to the public that the entity doesn’t kowtow to government in order to pay the bills.

    We do not know what the core level of public funding will be, the term over which it will be paid, and who will set it. Funding, of course, is ultimately in Parliament’s hands and, as we’re talking taxpayer money, that is as it should be. However, it still needs protecting in some way from a vengeful ruling party – and here I want you to think forward to that Trump figure in our possible future. Multi-year funding, for example, is a pre-requisite.

    There is still time to put right the governance shortfalls in the proposal.

    The first step should be for the government to accept the need for an additional tier of governance that sits, effectively, above the board. Not to second-guess it, but to ensure that it meets the spirit of the charter under which the entity will operate, to review proposed budgets and Crown appropriations, and to act as a shield against external interference from government, the ministry or elsewhere.

    Why Guardians are needed
    The entity needs Guardians. RNZ’s board is described as guardians but they are effectively the equivalent of company directors (even if they are absolved from the need to turn a profit). The new entity will need something more akin to the Guardians of Lakes Manapouri, Monowai, and Te Anau that were established by Norman Kirk to protect those waters against detrimental effects from the hydro power scheme.

    The Guardians of Public Media should, however, differ from that precedent in several fundamental ways.

    First, they should not be appointed by a minister but by Parliament. In fact, the board of the entity should be similarly appointed, as is the case with a number of European public service media.

    Second, they should produce an annual report, made not to a minister but to Parliament. It should include a judgement on funding adequacy and a review of the entity’s relationship with the minister, the ministry, and government as a whole.

    This annual report should replace the proposed yearly review by at least four government departments, but not annual reports to Parliament by the entity itself.

    The cabinet paper proposes a five-yearly review of the charter by Parliament. That can be read as a review by the politicians in power. Therefore any parliamentary review should be preceded by a Guardian review of the charter’s fitness for purpose and it is that review that should go to the House. That way, if a ruling party wants to mess unilaterally with the charter, it will be seen for what it is. In addition, each year the guardians should review performance against charter objectives, separate from any assessment by the entity itself.

    They should also act as a bulwark against interference in decisions relating to any content produced or disseminated, and that is not limited to news. A shiver still runs down the spines of old broadcasters at the mention of Robert Muldoon’s undoubted role in the decision in 1980 not to screen the drama Death of a Princess to avoid upsetting the Saudi government.

    More protection for news
    News and current affairs, however, require more protection and guarantees of autonomy than other forms of programming. That was not apparent in the documents released last week. There must be explicit prohibitions — in legislation and in the charter — on both external and internal interference in news operations. A minister is not the sole potential source of pressure. Officials, board members, commercial staff, and management of the entity must be held at arm’s length.

    Legislation should also preclude the chief executive from also holding the position of editor-in-chief. Paul Thompson holds both positions at RNZ and has done so without controversy, but the new entity will be both much larger and will be a hybrid of commercial and non-commercial functions.

    I believe all of the entity’s news and current affairs functions and decision-making, including the position of editor-in-chief, must be kept within that department if autonomy and independence are to be seen to be real.

    Details missing from last week’s announcement and document release created frustration but there may be a brighter side. If the detail has yet to be worked out, there is still time for Kris Faafoi, his cabinet colleagues, his ministry, and the Establishment Board to get it right.

    Dr Gavin Ellis holds a PhD in political studies. He is a media consultant and researcher. A former editor-in-chief of The New Zealand Herald, he has a background in journalism and communications – covering both editorial and management roles – that spans more than half a century. Dr Ellis publishes a blog called Knightly Views where this commentary was first published and it is republished by Asia Pacific Report with permission.

    • Read the full Gavin Ellis article here:

    Fundamental flaws in public media plans call for big fixes

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • New York, March 4, 2022 – Russian authorities should allow all local and international media outlets and social media platforms to operate freely, the Committee to Protect Journalists said Friday.

    Russian state media regulator Roskomnadzor on Friday, March 4, blocked access to several news websites, including those of BBC Russian, German public broadcaster Deutsche Welle, Latvia-based independent news site Meduza, the Russian-language service of U.S. Congress-funded broadcaster Voice of America (VOA), and several services of the U.S. Congress-funded broadcaster Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL), according to news reports.

    Also Friday, the Russian legislature adopted amendments to the criminal code introducing higher penalties, such as fines, criminal liabilities, and imposing prison terms of up to 15 years for those convicted of disseminating “fakes,” or information that authorities deem to be false, about military operations, or discrediting Russian Armed Forces, according to media reports. Putin signed the amendments today, according to reports, meaning the bill goes into effect tomorrow.

    “Russian authorities have moved quickly to establish total censorship and control over the free flow of information since Russia invaded Ukraine on February 24,” said Gulnoza Said, CPJ’s Europe and Central Asia program coordinator. “The Russian public cannot be deprived of information and news and be forced to rely on the Kremlin-approved interpretation of events at this very important time in Russian history. The censorship must stop, and bans must be lifted.”  

    Among other developments on Friday:

    • Liberal radio station Ekho Moskvy closed all its social media accounts down following the station’s closure on Thursday, media reported.
    • Independent Russian media outlet Znak and online broadcaster TV 2 in Tomsk city both closed due to an increased number of restrictions from the Russian government, according to media reports
    • RFE/RL said in a statement the websites of its RussianTatar-Bashkir, and North Caucasus services, including the Russian-language Sever.RealiiSibir.RealiiIdel.Realii, and Kavkaz.Realii were blocked.
    • Liberal news website The Village announced on its Telegram channel that it has closed its Moscow office and that the editorial staff had started working from Warsaw, Poland’s capital. Two days earlier, on March 2, Roskomnadzor had blocked the publication’s website, according to reports.
    • Independent news website computing.co.uk reported that the Apple app and Google app stores are blocked in Russia, and Roskomnadzor confirmed in a statement and on their platform that Facebook and Twitter are blocked. 

    On February 24, Roskomnadzor said in a statement that all media “must only use information and data received from official Russian sources.”


    This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Details of report revealed in high court as attorney general seeks interim injunction to prevent broadcast

    A proposed BBC news report that the government is trying to block concerns an allegation that a named MI5 agent with “dangerous, extremist and misogynist beliefs” used his status to abuse, control and coerce a former partner, the high court has heard.

    The attorney general, Suella Braverman, is seeking an injunction to prevent the BBC publishing its report, alleging breach of confidence and a breach of the agent’s rights, including his right to life, under the European convention on human rights (ECHR).

    Continue reading…

  • Footage and reports suggest People of Colour trying to flee the Russian assault on Ukraine have been blocked from routes of escape. And some western media outlets have been grotesquely characterising the conflict as exceptional because it’s happening within a ‘civilised’ country.

    These are some of the appalling examples of racist actions and rhetoric that have been on display amid the conflict.

    “No Blacks”

    Videos circulated on social media suggested that People of Colour trying to board trains or get through borders have been struggling to do so. The #AfricansinUkraine hashtag showed some distressing footage:

    There have been reports of South Asian people struggling to escape Ukraine as well:

     

    A father-of-three trying to leave via bus, meanwhile, told the Independent that his family and others were forced to get off at a border crossing. He said he was told “no Blacks” and commented:

    In all of my years as an activist, I have never seen anything like this. When I look into the eyes of those who are turning us away, I see bloodshot racism; they want to save themselves and they are losing their humanity in the process.

    Moreover, Insider reported that there are thousands of African students in the country, many of whom are receiving little help to leave from their respective embassies. Medical student Korrine Sky also told the outlet that travelling to potential exit points within the country has proved difficult for some, saying:

    Some people have gone to get buses, but they’re not allowing Black people basically onto the buses. They’re prioritizing Ukrainians. That’s what they say

    On Twitter, Sky described her and others’ efforts to leave Ukraine in detail. She said that during their long drives to border crossings, they encountered lots of police and military who regularly asked to see people’s documentation. At the border crossing into Romania, she said “local Ukrainians” were aggressive and trying to obstruct their journey onwards:

    Sky said the military ultimately turned them away:

    Civilisation

    Racism isn’t only apparent in the treatment of People of Colour trying to flee Ukraine, though. It’s also all over TV screens and in written reporting on the conflict.

    Repeatedly, news reports have suggested there’s some kind of exceptionalism in the situation because white, western people are the victims. An ITV News reporter, for example, spoke about the “unthinkable” happening to Ukranians. She stressed that “this is not a developing, third world nation; this is Europe”:

    CBS News made a similar comparison, with the added emphasis that Ukraine is “relatively civilised” compared to nations such as Iraq or Afghanistan:

    The CBS News correspondent, Charlie D’Agata, has since apologised.

    The Telegraph, meanwhile, gave a platform to the UK peer Daniel Hannan to write about the conflict as an “attack on civilisation itself”. His article began with the words: “They seem so like us. That is what makes it so shocking”.

    These commentators don’t seem to care that Iraq is widely known as the cradle of civilisation, as it’s where the first elaborate urban centres appeared.

    An NBC News correspondent also asserted that Poland is welcoming many people fleeing Ukraine because they “are Christians, they’re white” and “not refugees from Syria”:

    And French media in particular seems to be having a field day:

    The BBC, meanwhile, failed to call out Ukraine’s ex-deputy prosecutor general David Sakvarelidze when he talked about how emotional it was to see “European people with blue eyes and blonde hair being killed”:

    It’s always the time

    As one social media commentator highlighted, some are arguing that now ‘isn’t the time’ to raise the issue of racism:

    But we must confront racism wherever, and whenever, it appears. And racism is very evident in the accounts from People of Colour about what they’re experiencing in Ukraine. It’s also apparent in the assertions being made in western outlets.

    They’ve characterised the conflict as exceptional because of where, and to whom, it’s happening. And this fuels a narrative that it’s somehow less devastating or consequential when war strikes elsewhere, namely in poorer countries with majority populations of People of Colour.

    Featured image via screengrab / Twitter

    By Tracy Keeling

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • A video shows a five-year-old playing with a gun watched over by a uniformed man from a neo-Nazi organisation. You could be forgiven for thinking this BBC footage was from Louis Theroux’s new documentarForbidden America. But you’d be wrong.

    In fact, this footage was broadcast immediately after Theroux’s documentary about the far-right in the US, on the BBC Weekend News. But unlike Theroux’s expose, this news item failed to mention that the group it platformed is a neo-Nazi organisation known for ultranationalism, anti-semitism, and Nazi iconography.

    The Azov Regiment

    As part of the BBC‘s coverage of the situation in Ukraine, journalist Orla Guerin reported on people preparing for invasion. The segment covered a training afternoon for civilians organised by the National Guard. But it neglected to tell viewers that it was the Azov Regiment – formerly the Azov Battalion – that ran the training event.

    Azov was formed in 2014. Its first commander Andriy Biletsky is now the leader of the far-right ultranationalist National Corps party. In 2010, Biletsky stated that Ukraine’s mission was to:

    lead the white races of the world in a final crusade … against Semite-led Untermenschen [subhumans].

    Azov’s links to neo-Nazi ideology are well documented. Even the Sun ran an article in January describing it as “neo-Nazi militia”. The paper further stated that:

    On the Azov Battalion-affiliated Thule Signal Telegram channel, openly racist jokes and memes are posted.

    The US State Department described the group as a “nationalist hate group”, and it’s banned on Facebook.

    Enter the BBC

    Despite these well-known links, the BBC uncritically visited the Azov training afternoon. It depicted young and old people learning how to fire guns, including “a granny with a gun”. And, perhaps most worryingly, it interviewed an Azov major. Over the footage of the earlier-mentioned five-year-old, Guerin narrates that there’s “a sense of peril for Ukraine and its people, like 5-year-old…”. She continues her dramatic voiceover, stating there’s a “sense that danger is closing in”.

    Yet not once does Guerin mention the dangers of the organisation they’re training with. She simply describes Azov as the “national guard”. The soldier who she interviews is captioned as a “Major” with the “National Guard”.

    Euro News also covered the same training event. But the difference is that it headlined its article:

    Ukraine far-right group offers training to civilians

    You can watch the BBC segment here:

    No excuses

    Even if Azov’s links to the far-right weren’t so widely documented, there is no excuse for the BBC not giving its viewers any background information on the organisation it platformed. Moreover, the BBC itself has reported on those links in the past. A 2014 BBC article contains this description of Azov:

    Run by the extremist Patriot of Ukraine organisation, which considers Jews and other minorities “sub-human” and calls for a white, Christian crusade against them, it sports three Nazi symbols on its insignia: a modified Wolf’s Hook, a black sun (or “Hakensonne”) and the title Black Corps, which was used by the Waffen SS.

    The same article also states:

    As a result, the question of the presence of the far-right in Ukraine remains a highly sensitive issue, one which top officials and the media shy away from. No-one wants to provide fuel to the Russian propaganda machine.

    You couldn’t make it up.

    The Canary contacted the BBC for a response, but it declined to comment.

    Gross negligence or gross manipulation?

    At best, the BBC‘s coverage could be gross negligence. It reported on an event and didn’t bother to question who was running it. At worst, it was gross manipulation, deliberately ignoring Azov’s far-right connections in favour of dramatic footage of people ready to arms themselves to fight against the evil Russian invaders.

    Either way, the BBC has a responsibility to its viewers that it didn’t uphold in this piece. According to Ofcom in 2020, the BBC  “remains the most-used news source”. 56% of adults get their news from BBC One. And according to its charter, the BBC should:

    act in the public interest, serving all audiences through the provision of impartial, high-quality and distinctive output..

    With its segment on Ukraine, the BBC failed to do this. Instead, it platformed dangerous racists without comment. Whatever its reasons, this is simply not good enough.

    Featured image via screengrab/YouTube/BBC News 

    By Emily Apple

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • New York, February 11, 2022 — The Taliban must immediately release Andrew North and all other journalists held for their work, and cease harassing and detaining members of the press, the Committee to Protect Journalists said Friday.

    Taliban forces in Kabul arrested North, a former BBC journalist on assignment for the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, and another journalist whose name was not released, and transferred them to an undisclosed location, according to a statement on Twitter by the UNHCR; Twitter posts by former Afghan Vice President Amrullah Saleh and BBC Executive Editor for World News Content Paul Danahar; and the Afghanistan International TV Station, an independent London-based outlet.

    A UN official in Kabul, who communicated with CPJ on the condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to speak on the issue, said that North was detained on Tuesday, February 8. None of those statements or reports identify the second journalist, or the exact circumstances of their detention.

    According to the UNHCR’s statement, “two journalists on assignment with UNHCR and Afghan nationals working with them” were detained. The UNHCR also said, “We are doing our utmost to resolve the situation, in coordination with others,” adding that it would make no further comment.

    “The Taliban’s detention of two journalists on assignment with the UN refugee agency is a sad reflection of the overall decline of press freedom and increasing attacks on journalists under Taliban rule,” said Steven Butler, CPJ’s Asia program coordinator, in Washington, D.C. “Andrew North and the other, unidentified journalist should be freed immediately and allowed to continue their work, and the Taliban must halt its repeated attacks on and harassment of journalists.”

    The Washington Post quoted an unnamed Taliban official as saying that several foreigners were arrested in Kabul on charges of working for Western intelligence agencies.

    North is a former BBC reporter who now independently reports on Afghanistan, the Middle East, and Asia, according to his personal website. His Twitter account shows posts from the southern Kandahar and Helmand provinces in late January; he last tweeted on February 3.

    Ahmadullah Wasiq, a Taliban deputy spokesperson in Afghanistan, did not respond to CPJ’s request for comment sent via messaging app.


    This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Erik Crouch.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • According to Downing Street’s new spin doctor, he and the PM sang “I Will Survive” as Johnson vowed to plough on with his premiership despite the ongoing partygate scandal. The story has already been dismissed as “utter tripe” by the leader of the Northern Independence Party:

    Things that definitely happened

    Guto Harri’s appointment to the spin doctor role was announced over the weekend. According to Welsh language news website Golwg360, Harri said Johnson is “not all that clownish” and “a very likeable character” (a description that would also describe a part-time clown).

    Harri took on the communications brief following a swathe of resignations among the prime minister’s aides.

    According to a translation, Harri told Golwg360 that Johnson quoted from Gloria Gaynor’s hit when the pair met on the afternoon of 4 February, before settling down to a “serious conversation” about getting the government “back on track”.

    The PM reportedly suggested he should kneel before Harri in an apparent nod to a row over the former broadcaster taking the knee during an on air debate about racism in football last year. Harri claimed:

    I walked in and did a salute and said, ‘Prime Minister, Guto Harri reporting for duty’, and he stood up from behind his desk and started taking the salute, but then he said, ‘What am I doing? I should take the knee for you’.

    And we both laughed. Then I asked, ‘Are you going to survive, Boris?’, and he said in his deep, slow and purposeful voice and started to sing a little while finishing the sentence and saying, ‘I will survive’.

    I inevitably invited him to say, ‘You’ve got all your life to live’, and he replied, ‘I’ve got all my love to give’, so we had a little blast from Gloria Gaynor.

    Harri added:

    There was a lot of laughter and we sat down to have a serious conversation about how to get the Government back on track and how we are moving forward.

    Everyone’s attention is on recent events that have caused a lot of hurt, but in the end that’s nothing to do with the way people voted two years ago.

    The BBC to Downing Street pipeline

    Harri is a former BBC journalist who went to work for GB News:

    Harri quit GB News following a controversy in which he partook in an anti-racist gesture live on air. This last fact is already causing controversy among right-wing figures for some reason:

    Harri’s links with Huawei have also raised some crusty, right-wing eyebrows:

    There’s now a question of whether Harri’s appointment will play well with Tory MPs – many of whom were worried that one buffoon in Downing Street was more than enough:

    Asked about Harri’s reported assessment that Johnson is “not a complete clown”, the prime minister’s official spokesperson said:

    I think obviously he is firmly committed to the Prime Minister’s agenda and delivering on the public’s priorities.

    This could be read as meaning Johnson’s “agenda” is one of ‘less than total clownishness’.

    Harri went on to say that “90%” of their discussion was “very serious”. He said the PM is “not a vicious person as some misrepresent it”, but this seems to be a misreading of how people see Johnson. Generally, the public doesn’t think he’s vicious; they think he’s a liar and an idiot – something Harri’s improbable story does nothing to dismiss.

    Additional reporting by PA

    By John Shafthauer

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • As The Canary extensively reported during Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership of the Labour Party, figures from the Conservative Party, the Labour right, and the establishment media orchestrated a transparently politically-motivated smear campaign against him. Their weapon of choice was employing a litany of bogus accusations of antisemitism to paint the lifelong anti-racism campaigner as some kind of bigot.

    The purpose of the campaign was straightforward – they sought to derail his chances of becoming prime minister and distract attention from his (widely popular) policy proposals. Their motive was equally straightforward – they rightly feared the threat that a Corbyn-led government would pose to the status quo and their own political and economic interests. Now, one of the major players in this campaign has admitted that its whole underlying premise was false all along.

    From name-calling to contorted attempts to tar by association

    Canary readers will hardly need reminding that Corbyn’s time as leader as of the Labour Party saw him and his supporters come under a relentless attack from all the usual suspects. This included all the predictable childish name-calling about Corbyn belonging to the so-called ‘loony left’, taking part in ‘student union‘ politics, and acting like an ‘armchair revolutionary‘. It also involved desperate attempts to tie him to controversial organisations such as Hamas and the Irish Republican Army (IRA).

    All of these smears were transparently preposterous and easy to debunk. But they nonetheless pail in comparison to the prime weapon used to besmirch him. Namely, political opponents latched on to a tried and trusted tactic for attacking friends of the Palestinian people – the risible notion that those who criticize Israel’s human rights abuses are usually motivated by hatred of Jews.

    As would be expected, the right-wing gutter tabloid press played a leading role in utilizing this false premise to smear Corbyn. Again, these attempts, from the wreath laying controversy to the ‘muralgate‘ scandal (which even the nominally progressive Guardian joined in on), have been roundly debunked by journalists and scholars. But nonetheless, the antisemitism smear campaign has continued apace and, indeed, morphed into an all-encompassing attempt to attack anyone on the left more broadly.

    A stunning admission

    But now, in early 2022, over two years since the peddlers of the campaign succeeded in derailing Corbyn’s chances of becoming prime minister, one of the most flagrant offenders of all has now essentially admitted that the whole thing was a farce all along. Astonishingly, during a radio broadcast of BBC 5 Live, presenter Rachel Burden said matter-of-factly:

    there is absolutely no evidence that the leader of the Labour Party at that time [in 2019], Jeremy Corbyn, was or is antisemitic.

    Burden made the comments to clarify some of the comments made during an interview early in the show with the Conservative Party donor and ‘Phones4U’ billionaire John Caudwell. She acknowledged that Cauldwell had described Corbyn “as being an antisemite and a Marxist.” She added:

    I redirected him back on to the conversation, which was all about Boris Johnson. That’s what I wanted him to talk about. But I should have challenged him on the particular allegation of antisemite [sic].

    She reiterated:

    I apologize for not challenging that more directly, should have done, and I want to emphasize there is no evidence for that at all.

    An allegation that’s absurd to its core

    Burden’s apology should be welcomed (though it’s all rather a case of ‘too little, too late’). But the bigger point is that this admission exposes how the central underlying premise behind the smear campaign as a whole is, and always has been, completely false. As The Canary has argued on many occasions, the idea that most or even many critics of Israel are antisemitic is patently absurd. Indeed, many of Israel’s fiercest critics are themselves Jewish. This includes political scientist and expert on the conflict in Palestine Norman Finkelstein, who is himself not only Jewish but the son of Holocaust survivors, and Israeli historian Ilan Pappé, whose father fled from Nazi occupied Europe to Palestine.

    Finkelstein explained to The Canary during an exclusive interview how the British ruling establishment cynically and enthusiastically went along with, and indeed actively participated in, the antisemitism smear campaign because they had a common enemy in the form of Jeremy Corbyn. He said:

    The British elites suddenly discovered ‘we can use the antisemitism card in order to try to stifle genuine… leftist insurgencies among the population’. And so what used to be a kind of sectarian issue waged by Jewish organisations faithful to the party line emanating from Israel vs critics of Israel, now it’s no longer sectarian because the whole British elite has decided they’re going to use this antisemitism card to stop Jeremy Corbyn and the political insurgency he represents.

    Finkelstein went on to liken the smear campaign against Corbyn to the Salem Witch Hunts. He said:

    Except when you take the classic examples, the anti-communist hysteria, the Salem Witch Hunt hysteria, you really can’t come up with parallels.

    Another shot at Number 10?

    Such an admission from the BBC demonstrates perhaps better than anything else just how cynical the smear campaign was all along. It also raises some serious questions about the legitimacy of the outcome of the 2019 general election, and, indeed, the legitimacy of British democracy more broadly. After all, if one party leader was getting constantly attacked with false allegations then he can hardly be characterized as having had a fair shake at striving for the UK’s top job.

    This raises the question of whether Corbyn should be given another shot. And it seems that many in the public now think so. According to one poll, reported in the Express of all places, “Jeremy Corbyn is the preferred choice of Red Wall voters for Labour leader if Sir Keir Starmer was to step down.” Though Starmer’s position seems to have been saved for the time being by improved polling for Labour (likely due mostly to increasing dissatisfaction with the Tories), this might not even end up mattering.

    There are rumors swirling around social media that Corbyn might be on the brink of establishing a new party. This, of course, would free him from the ossified internal structures of the Labour Party, not to mention the constant backstabbing from the Labour right he experienced as leader. Perhaps there will soon be an opportunity to challenge the status quo and bring about radical change once more.

    Featured image via Wikimedia Commons and Flickr – Elliott Brown

    By Peter Bolton

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • There has been much gnashing of ‘liberal’ teeth and pulling out of ‘centrist’ hair following the Tory government’s announcement that the BBC licence fee will be abolished in 2027.

    Culture Secretary Nadine Dorries declared via Twitter, with a dash of right-wing relish:

    ‘This licence fee announcement will be the last. The days of the elderly being threatened with prison sentences and bailiffs knocking on doors are over. Time now to discuss and debate new ways of funding, supporting and selling great British content.’

    A Guardian news piece reported:

    ‘The government has repeatedly criticised the corporation’s news output, claiming it is biased against the government and linking negative coverage of the prime minister to the licence fee negotiations.

    ‘The BBC has faced repeated deep real-terms spending cuts since the start of the Tory-Liberal Democrat coalition government in 2010, with the Conservatives forcing the broadcaster to pay for free licences for the over-75s – then blaming it when they took the benefit away.’

    Like millions of others, we have long enjoyed many BBC programmes, including quality drama, nature and science documentaries, sports coverage, music on television and radio, and more. As we wrote in our book, Newspeak (Pluto Press, London, 2009):

    ‘We grew up with the BBC, or “Auntie Beeb”. We watched Watch With Mother with our mothers; we walked the walk and talked the talk with Bill and Ben the Flower Pot Men. The excitement of childhood at Christmas is forever linked in our minds with the lighting of advent candles on Blue Peter, or the Morecambe and Wise Christmas Show. And then there was Top of the Pops, Tomorrow’s World, The Sky At Night. These were more like old friends than TV programmes. Even the BBC voiceovers were a source of comfort – calm, reassuring (if conspicuously well-spoken), gently guiding us between programmes.’

    But when it comes to BBC News, it is time we all grew up and rejected the absurd fiction of BBC ‘balance’ and ‘impartiality’. Over the past two decades, we have provided endless examples of deep BBC bias, distortions and omissions. On our 20th anniversary last year, BBC News featured heavily in our round-up of ‘propaganda horrors’: see Part 1 and Part 2.

    Time and time again, we have shone a light on the nonsensical BBC claim that ‘we don’t do propaganda‘; on the arrogance and ignorant boasts of BBC News; and on the serial propaganda by omission in BBC News coverage, covering for the crimes of ‘our’ governments.

    Somehow we are supposed to overlook all this, or see it as just occasional ‘mistakes’.

    A tweet from actor Phil Davis was typical of this blinkered mindset:

    ‘Nadine Dorris [sic] is an idiot. The BBC is a national treasure. Something we can be proud of despite its mistakes and missteps. To scupper it like this is cultural vandalism. Disgraceful.’

    A BBC promo video from the 1980s, extolling the Beeb’s supposed virtues, has gone viral on social media. It features John Cleese in a busy pub, asking indignantly, ‘What has the BBC ever done for us?’. Cleese then encounters numerous celebrity BBC presenters giving examples of ‘What the BBC has done for us’ across sport, science, nature, comedy and BBC News. Of course, this was a revamped version of the scene in the Monty Python film, The Life of Brian, where Cleese plays the role of an anti-Roman dissident demanding, ‘What have the Romans ever done for us?’.

    Football presenter Gary Lineker highlighted the clip with this remark:

    ‘The BBC is revered, respected and envied around the world. It should be the most treasured of National treasures. Something true patriots of our country should be proud of. It should never be a voice for those in government whoever is in power.’

    We have often admired Lineker’s willingness to speak out on issues that matter to him – it is rare, because risky, for a high-profile broadcaster to step repeatedly into the political arena as he does. But it is ugly indeed to see him slavishly praise the organisation from which he has received a salary measured in the millions. His comment reheats the classic British conceit, a kind of imperial hangover: ‘we’ have the best broadcaster (the BBC), ‘we’ have the best democracy (the Westminster parliament), ‘we’ have the best writer (Shakespeare), ‘we’ have the best pop group (The Beatles), and so on.

    Lineker’s comments are a close cousin of the view expressed in 2000 by senior Guardian commentator Polly Toynbee in an article titled, ‘The West really is the best’:

    In our political and social culture we have a democratic way of life which we know, without any doubt at all, is far better than any other in the history of humanity. Even if we don’t like to admit it, we are all missionaries and believers that our own way is the best when it comes to the things that really matter.1

    Three years later, Western ‘missionaries’ invaded Iraq in an illegal war of aggression that cost the lives of around one million people. Perhaps good karma explains ‘our’ acquisition of Rumaila oilfield – the largest oilfield in Iraq and the third largest in the world – currently operated by BP. Similarly, US ‘believers’ took hold of Iraq’s West Qurna I oilfield, currently operated by the US oil giant ExxonMobil.

    What kind of ‘political and social culture’ and ‘democratic way of life’ allows all of this to happen without a single US or UK politician paying any kind of price, and without journalists even noticing or discussing who ended up with Iraq’s oil? Needless to say, Lineker’s beloved BBC has played a key role in making this possible on ‘our’ side of the propaganda pond.

    Leaving himself badly exposed at the back, Lineker defended BBC News, in particular, against accusations of bias:

    ‘Quick reminder: the BBC has tens of thousands of people that work for It, with a huge cross section of views. The corporation doesn’t think as one. There’s no political criteria from above other than impartiality in news & current affairs. Any perceived bias is probably your own.’

    Talking of bias, Upton Sinclair supplied the perfect response to this preposterous assertion:

    It is difficult to get a man to understand something, when his salary depends upon his not understanding it. 2

    Even (then) Guardian editor Alan Rusbridger understood the obvious problem with Lineker’s argument when he told one of us in an interview:

    ‘If you ask anybody who works in newspapers, they will quite rightly say, “Rupert Murdoch”, or whoever, “never tells me what to write”, which is beside the point: they don’t have to be told what to write… It’s understood.’

    Comedian and BBC regular Dara Ó Briain also heroically spoke up for his corporate benefactor:

    ‘If people want to complain to me about bias in BBC news please remember to include which bias it is. It’s fun to watch you cancel each other out.’

    The childish argument: if accusations of both ‘left-wing’ and ‘right-wing’ bias are made against BBC News, then the truth must lie somewhere in the middle. As if propaganda supplied by big money state-corporate think tanks and front groups is comparable to criticism rooted in compassion for the victims of state-corporate power. In the real world, arguments must be assessed on their merits, rooted in evidence and rational analysis; not lazy sweeping assertions and career-friendly unthink.

    As Twitter user @docrussjackson responded:

    ‘For all those denying any #BBCBias on @BBCNews & @BBCPolitics shows, here’s some of the formal “corrections & clarifications” to “mistakes” made by the @BBC in 2019, which all *completely coincidentally* helped the Tories by damaging @UKLabour‘s reputation.’

    A lengthy thread followed of which the most damning item was the incessant amplification by the BBC of supposed deep-rooted antisemitism within the Labour party under Jeremy Corbyn. The BBC played a central role in the propaganda blitz that demolished the prospect of moderate socialism under a Corbyn-led Labour government.

    This often descended into outright farce; not least that ‘incredible moment’, noted one Twitter user, when BBC Newsnight ‘jumped the editorialising shark and gave us #Corbyn as Voldemort’. The Newsnight editor responsible for depicting Corbyn as Harry Potter’s demonic arch-enemy was Ian Katz. Readers who have been following us for far too long will recall that Katz was editor of the Guardian G2 section which published a notorious interview by Emma Brockes depicting Noam Chomsky as a commie-friendly, Voldemort-style demon in 2005. As Chomsky commented at the time:

    ‘It is an impressive piece of work, and, as I said, provides a useful model for studies of defamation exercises, or for those who practice the craft. And also, perhaps, provides a useful lesson for those who may be approached for interviews by this journal.’

    Katz is currently the ‘chief content officer’ at Channel 4. His career path sums up the ‘liberal’ media in a nutshell.

    The concerted effort to destroy Corbyn’s mild version of socialism was McCarthyism on steroids right across the supposed corporate media ‘spectrum’, with no exceptions. Meanwhile, inside the plush offices of BBC News, senior editors and journalists seemingly never had the tiniest doubt that they were being objective and impartial in working so blatantly to limit democratic choice.

    If readers are tempted to dismiss us as ‘wild men on the wings’, consider that a senior BBC executive has actually gone further than us in challenging the BBC’s supposed ‘impartiality’. In 2009, no less a figure than Greg Dyke, a former BBC director-general, openly declared that the BBC was part of an anti-democratic ‘Westminster conspiracy’. A BBC article quoting Dyke, who resigned as director-general in 2004 in the wake of the Hutton report, began:

    ‘The BBC is part of a “conspiracy” preventing the “radical changes” needed to UK democracy, the corporation’s former director general has said.’

    Dyke commented:

    ‘I tried and failed to get the problem properly discussed when I was at the BBC and I was stopped, interestingly, by a combination of the politicos on the board of governors… the cabinet interestingly – the Labour cabinet – who decided to have a meeting, only about what we were trying to discuss, and the political journalists at the BBC.

    ‘Why? Because, collectively, they are all part of the problem. They are part of one Westminster conspiracy. They don’t want anything to change. It’s not in their interests.’

    Dyke called for a parliamentary commission to look into the ‘whole political system’, adding that:

    ‘I fear it will never happen because I fear the political class will stop it.’

    They did, of course – Dyke’s comments were ignored and instantly buried out of sight.

    In 2016, Sir Michael Lyons, former chairman of the BBC Trust, said that there had been ‘some quite extraordinary attacks’ on Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn by the BBC. Lyons’ comments were also swept under the carpet, never to be mentioned publicly by senior BBC figures.

    As for Lineker’s remark denying systemic BBC News bias, Canadian political analyst Joe Emersberger noted:

    ‘A BBC employee dismisses idea that the BBC has any bias. If you denounce the BBC’s promotion’s of the UK’s barbaric foreign policy, and that it keeps the UK public mired in ignorance about it, that’s just your bias at work’

    Lineker is not, in fact, a BBC employee; rather a freelancer with a lucrative BBC contract. However, the distinction is a moot point here.

    Emersberger provided a salutary example of how BBC News has helped to keep the public in the dark about the consequences of UK foreign policy:

    ‘There are ways to objectively test exactly how much ignorance the big UK media like the BBC impose on the public about their own government’s role in the world’

    He then cited a nationwide sample of UK citizens asked to estimate the death toll from the Iraq war. According to 59% of the respondents, fewer than 10,000 Iraqis died as a result of the war.  The actual death toll is far, far greater: around one million. The results of this crowdfunded survey were shocking and, as Emersberger observed, ‘a searing indictment of the British media.’

    This has long been standard for the BBC when it comes to burying the West’s crimes of state. John Pilger put it succinctly:

    ‘The BBC has the most brilliant production values, it produces the most extraordinary natural history and drama series. But the BBC is, and has long been, the most refined propaganda service in the world.’

    Saint David

    While BBC nature documentaries are indeed world-renowned, they have long ignored the deepest political and economic forces destroying the natural world. David Attenborough only recently started shining a light on the climate crisis, and he is still pulling his punches when it comes to identifying those responsible.

    In 2018, a Guardian article by George Monbiot criticising Attenborough’s output was subtitled:

    ‘By downplaying our environmental crisis, the presenter’s BBC films have generated complacency, confusion and ignorance’

    Monbiot added:

    ‘His new series, Dynasties, will mention the pressures affecting wildlife, but Attenborough makes it clear that it will play them down. To do otherwise, he suggests, would be “proselytising” and “alarmist”. His series will be “a great relief from the political landscape which otherwise dominates our thoughts”. In light of the astonishing rate of collapse of the animal populations he features, alongside most of the rest of the world’s living systems – and when broadcasting as a whole has disgracefully failed to represent such truths – I don’t think such escapism is appropriate or justifiable.’

    His conclusion:

    ‘If you ask me whether the BBC or ExxonMobil has done more to frustrate environmental action in this country, I would say the BBC.’

    There has certainly never been a proper analysis in any nature documentary, or in any BBC programme, of the global system of state-corporate power that has dragged humanity to the brink of climate collapse and a sixth mass extinction in Earth’s history. We actually stand at the precipice of human extinction.

    Perhaps unhappy to find himself wheeled out to defend the BBC with a 40-year old promo clip, John Cleese said on Twitter:

    ‘The BBC’s decline began a long time ago, with the installation of the nerdy John Birt His “philosophy” destroyed the BBC at a time when it was giving us the best TV in the world’

    But, in terms of being a public service broadcaster, the BBC has been ‘in decline’ for much longer. In fact, it has been staunchly pro-establishment from its very inception under Lord Reith. As we have pointed out repeatedly, Reith confided in his diary during the 1926 General Strike:

    ‘They [the government] know they can trust us not to be really impartial.’3

    As just one example of BBC News being trusted by the government not to be impartial, who can forget the BBC’s refusal to broadcast the Gaza Aid Appeal in 2009 after yet another murderous assault by Israel? This refusal was memorably exposed and challenged live on-air by Tony Benn. It was a rare and admirable example of the myth of BBC ‘impartiality’ being held up to public scrutiny across the globe.

    BBC News: ‘Unwatchable, State Propaganda’

    Nils Melzer, the UN Special Rapporteur on Torture, has been outspoken in his defence of Julian Assange, WikiLeaks and the public’s right to know what governments are doing. In particular, he is blunt about:

    ‘the BBC’s failure to expose the gross arbitrariness of Assange’s judicial persecution in the UK.’

    He expanded:

    ‘We cannot have states that have unchecked power. […] branches of government tend to collude with each other if we don’t supervise them and that’s why we have the free press that’s tasked to do that. But the press that doesn’t do that isn’t free. It’s not the press at all. It is just the public relations departments of those governments.’

    Melzer continued:

    ‘And that’s why the emergence of Wikileaks is just a natural consequence of the media failing to do their job. Because someone needs to inform and empower the public’.

    In fact, the state-corporate media is not ‘failing to do their job’. Because their ‘job’ – their primary function and responsibility – is to promote and protect state-corporate interests; not the interests of the public.

    In an extensive analysis of the BBC, political analyst Gavin Lewis gave ample evidence that the BBC has long been:

    ‘a full-blown corporate state broadcaster and propagandist.’

    BBC News, he continued:

    ‘in no way achieves any ideal of a discursive space free from market motives. Instead it repeats and mirrors existing institutional power dynamics. Formally, the channel is a twin of Rupert Murdoch’s Sky News. Its editorial values are so identical that viewers get exactly the same hierarchy of news stories, at the same time of day, and predominantly from the same ideological viewpoint.’

    Lewis concluded:

    ‘If it now finds itself increasingly irrelevant to its social base and at risk of extinction, then it only has itself to blame. Without a genuine, representative sociological and intellectual connection to the society it purportedly serves, it is not really public service broadcasting, but corporate propaganda, and in the long run, who will care if that survives?’

    Matt Kennard of Declassified UK, a news service that does actually serve the public interest, believes that:

    ‘BBC News is closest we have in UK to straight state propaganda. Sky News + ITV are not great, but I find BBC News, like CNN, actually unwatchable. You can feel it eroding your brain as you watch. Fact we have to pay for pleasure of being propagandised by it makes it farcical.’

    Des Freedman, Professor of Media and Communication Studies at Goldsmiths, University of London, concurred:

    ‘Amazing how little this is understood by people outside the UK who are so enraged by their own propaganda systems (whether state or commercial) that they imagine BBC News MUST necessarily be better and therefore see it as a desirable model for their own news systems’

    All too many BBC luvvies and their supporters are currently wringing their hands at the prospect of Rupert Murdoch, or some other neafarious billionaire, getting their hand on the BBC. We are now all supposed to come to the aid of the state broadcaster. Kerry-Anne Mendoza, founder of left-wing news website The Canary, noted the irony:

    ‘BBC pundits pleading with the left to back them after a half decade campaign smearing us as antisemites’

    The worst example of the role of BBC News in the propaganda system is enabling the criminal lack of effective government action to tackle the threat of runaway climate instability and the real risk of human extinction. BBC News is, and has long been, a crucial component in the network of establishment power that has helped to create and accelerate this catastrophe.

    Climate activist Ben See highlighted the latest examples of dangerous global warming from around the world, and he observed via Twitter:

    ‘CLIMATE-EXTINCTION CRISIS

    We’re heading for 2°C in the 2030s, or the 2040s.

    The global food system is shifting into high risk territory. Entire ecosystems are collapsing. Billions of people will soon face intolerable risk.

    Corporate media editors?

    Sitting tight.

    Assessing.’

    This, of course, was a reference to the recent Netflix movie, Don’t Look Up, which, with deeply black humour, exposed the political and media ‘response’ to the climate crisis.

    If the BBC is to be ‘saved’, it needs to be rebuilt from the ground up as a truly public service broadcaster. And, more importantly, if the human species is to be saved, we need full and unfettered access to information about how governments and corporations are destroying our planet. Crucially, while we are waiting for an unlikely transformation of the BBC to take place, we should focus on demanding the large-scale government action that is required now to forestall the looming climate catastrophe.

    1. Toynbee, The Observer, 5 March 2000.
    2. Sinclair, ‘I, Candidate for Governor, and How I Got Licked,  11 December 1934.
    3. ‘The Reith Diaries’, edited by Charles Stewart, Collins, 1975; entry for 11 May, 1926.
    The post Save The BBC? In Whose Interests? first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • Reports say the government will scrap the TV licence in five years time. In the meantime, it’s expected to freeze the current fee at £159 per year for the next two years. Culture secretary Nadine Dorries said she wants to:

    discuss and debate new ways of funding, supporting and selling great British content.

    Given what we’ve previously written about BBC bias, scrapping the licence could be a welcome move. After all, there’s no reason why people should have to hand over their hard earned cash to a media outlet that doesn’t fully represent them.

    While, of course, there’s a lot about the BBC that people value, it seems that the BBC‘s biased role in defending the political establishment has made defending the licence fee very difficult, and it’s made the slippery slide into privatisation all the more inevitable.

    What the licence is supposed to do

    The law says we must have a TV licence if we “watch or record programmes on a TV, computer or other device as they’re broadcast”. We also need one if we “download or watch BBC programmes on iPlayer – live, catch up or on demand”.

    This licence fee allows the BBC to produce content for television, radio, and online. Part of it also goes towards rolling out broadband and funding “Welsh Language TV channel S4C and local TV channels”. The fee also means the BBC in the UK remains advert free. So far so good – with the added benefit of knowing your favourite programme won’t be interrupted by incessant ads.

    So scrapping the licence will have an impact on elements of the BBC that some people value:

    The problem with the TV licence

    But there’s more to the BBC than comedy, nature, and language programming. There’s also news and current affairs. And given the licence fee directly supports this, defending it has become a real challenge. A fee that should go towards quality public broadcasting clearly does not always do that:

    A number of other people on social media, including journalist George Monbiot, hit out at BBC political bias:

    Journalist Richard Medhurst added this:

    Worth the expense?

    Some people who work for the BBC defended the fee based on how cheap they perceive it to be. But they were soon put in their place:

    And our own Steve Topple added this:

    BBC bias is what really needs to be scrapped

    As we’ve written at The Canary, the BBC is a biased news organisation that represents a real threat to democracy. So whether we defend the licence fee really depends on whether the government actually wants it to be a proper public news broadcaster. Something it clearly doesn’t want.

    And failing that change of heart at the national broadcaster, we could all do a lot worse than supporting truly independent media instead.

    Featured image via Unsplash – Siora Photography

    By Peadar O'Cearnaigh

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • After years of Thatcher-style neoliberalism, the election of Jeremy Corbyn saw Labour return to its socialist roots. The media hated this – as did the celebrities who prefer ‘sensible’ politics that maintain their lifestyles while doing nothing for the rest of us.

    In the end, these figures got their wish, and politics returned to the socialism-free status quo. This meant the election of a Tory government that was openly at odds with public services. Predictably, this will now mean the end of public funding for the BBC – much like previous Tory and New Labour governments meant the end of publicly owned infrastructure.

    For some celebrities, however, this has proved something of a shock.

    Socialism for the ‘lovies’

    Broadcaster Dan Walker defended the BBC licence fee, saying it’s “43p per day”.

     

    The problem from a socialist perspective is that’s 43p for an institution that props up the Tories/New Labour and the econonomic system we loathe; it’s 43p for an institution that misrepresents and slanders us.

    Gary Linekar had this to say:

    The problem here? Namely that anyone without their head up their arse knows the BBC has always acted as the “voice for those in government” – the difference is Lineker doesn’t like the current flavour of neoliberalism.

    This is what he had to say in 2017 just before Labour’s socialist policies saw the party increase its vote share by more than any other leader since 1945 – coming within an inch of electoral victory (despite two years of being hammered by outlets like the BBC):

    How did they not see this coming?

    This is Armando Iannucci on the end of the BBC as we know it:

    In 2016, Iannucci bemoaned:

    We’ve lost the third way

    The ‘third way’ was the name given to the privatisation-fetishising politics of Tony Blair and Bill Clinton. It revolved around taking the policies of Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan and bundling them with limited social progress. The thing about neoliberalism, however, is its stomach for privatisation is bottomless.

    We live in a world in which all companies seek permanent, never-ending growth. How do you achieve that if you’re a private company making inroads into the public sector? With more privatisation, obviously. This means the natural end point for neoliberalism is every sector in private hands – much like the BBC soon will be – and only a fool would have expected otherwise.

    Deborah Meaden believes people will miss the BBC when it’s gone – much like how socialists miss that time when there was a hope their future could contain anything besides the dull, grey misery of relentless social-decline:

    Meaden couldn’t bring herself to vote for Corbyn in 2019. She was happy to vote for Labour in the past, however (presumably when they were rampant privatisers given that’s been their default since Blair):

    Ironically, there’s an answer to this problem that would satisfy both the socialists and the celebs, and that’s to… go back in time and vote Labour. Turns out the party had a solution in 2019 that would have seen the BBC receive more stable funding without a need to apease the government. Imagine how terrible that would have been!

    Additional reporting by PA

    Featured image via (Wikimedia – Chris McAndrew CC3.0 – cropped to 385 x 403) and BBC screengrab

    By John Shafthauer

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • We have a transphobia problem, and it’s getting worse. Not just because of the frequency with which it’s happening, or the form it’s taking, but because of the legitimacy it’s being given by large scale bodies, including – most recently – by the BBC.

    As a trans person, I’ve experienced hate speech and threats of violence and I’ve feared for my safety. I have lived with the stares from strangers and the scary indecision of which public toilet I’m going to get the least harassment in. And as a trans man, I have it so much easier than my trans sisters who are so much more likely to experience violence and abuse.

    But even with all this that we face daily, I can see my community being scared and exhausted from a different kind of abuse. It’s one that’s much harder to pinpoint and has a much wider reach – the insidious propaganda that’s creating a hateful, false narrative about us.

    Twisted words and a tapestry of lies

    As someone who’s experienced emotional abuse, it feels like being gaslit but on a national scale. Just like being manipulated by someone in your life, you end up not knowing which way is up. It’s painful and disorientating when someone you think you can trust – in this case mainstream media – is telling you seemingly reasonable things that make it hard to speak your own truth without having the words twisted.

    The truthfulness of what’s being reported aside, the intent behind it is to build an untrue narrative. To make a story that uses small truths told in untrue quantities to make a large, terrifying lie in which you are the villain to their victim.

    Eventually the tapestry they weave is so complete and thorough that it hangs in between the truth and anyone seeking it. Any attempt at finding the real shape of things is obstructed by false narratives. This is doubly hard when the conversations are happening in bitesize tweets and sensational stories where nuance is lost and the most extreme views get re-shared.

    Baseless arguments

    This is what’s happening in the UK today with waves of transphobia coming from a small but vocal group of people. The truth is that trans people exist. We have existed forever and we are just as wonderful and diverse as the cisgender population. But what this group of people would have you believe is that trans people are a new phenomenon and that we are inherently predatory, perverted, and looking to recruit your innocent children.

    And so feeding into this narrative the BBC has published an article about trans women being rapists. Using a poll conducted by a known anti-trans organisation with a small sample of respondents from their echo-chamber of social media followers, the publicly-funded and supposedly neutral BBC has presented a flimsy argument that trans women are a threat to cisgender lesbians.

    I grew up with the BBC being seen as a trusted news source, so for me it feels like a friend siding with your abuser and giving legitimacy to their abuse. The truth feels even harder to explain when hateful sentiment is dressed as a reasonable narrative; when the framing of the hatred is that of false concern for another marginalised group.

    Grotesquely misshapen

    I once heard that being in a relationship with a narcissist is like being arrested – everything you say can be used against you. That’s what it feels like here. A subtle conversation about gender and sexuality has been taken and twisted to be a narrative that trans people are trying to force people to have sex with them. And this is one of many things that have been twisted, manipulated, and grotesquely misshapen.

    We assume that we are always moving forward and becoming more progressive, but that just isn’t the case at the moment especially when it comes to anti-trans sentiment. The language used is so reminiscent of how tabloids wrote about gay people in the 80s that once you see the similarity it’s almost laughable we’d be going through this again so soon, but here we are.

    A growing movement of hate

    What’s so scary about this new transphobic trend is just how much it’s growing. We, as trans people, have been fighting tooth and nail for basic rights. And with every tiny movement forward our efforts are met with such fury that we dared step out of line that we are pushed even further back. Each time it happens, this vocal group of transphobes gets new recruits who have heard their battle cry of how we’re harming women and children. And with the sensational stories they create, they get new places to publish their hateful narrative.

    While the transphobes get more powerful and gain bigger platforms, my community is getting more and more exhausted. This isn’t just an online moral panic for us; this is our everyday, and it’s everywhere we turn. Despite carefully curating my social media to be as positive as possible, their hatred still seeps through. I have anxiety at the thought of the comments section and of course I avoid the tabloids, but now I daren’t even read the BBC News.

    Featured image via Ted Eytan

    By Jacob Stokoe

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • New York, October 26, 2021 – Sudanese military authorities must immediately release journalist Maher Abugoukh, cease raiding media outlets, investigate pro-military protesters’ attacks on journalists, and ensure that telecommunications function in the wake of yesterday’s military coup in which military chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan deposed Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok and dissolved the government, the Committee to Protect Journalists said today.

    Yesterday, military forces arrested Abugoukh, the manager of several news and political programs on Sudan’s state television channels, from his home in Khartoum, and did not disclose his whereabouts or the reason for his arrest, according to a representative with the local press freedom group Sudanese Journalists Network who spoke to CPJ via messaging app on the condition of anonymity due to fear of reprisal. Two local journalists familiar with the case, Yuosif Doka and Mohamed Adam Baraka, also confirmed the arrest via messaging app.

    Abugoukh has previously criticized the military during live television and radio interviews, including on October 10 on local independent station Hala98, which posted the interview on YouTube.

    “Sudanese authorities must release Maher Abugoukh immediately,” said CPJ Middle East and North Africa Program Coordinator Sherif Mansour in Washington, D.C. “Sudanese journalists must be free to cover the unfolding coup without fear of reprisal and raids and with unrestricted access to telecommunications services.” 

    Assaults

    On October 21, pro-military protestors assaulted Ahmed Hamdan, a reporter and the director of news for local independent daily newspaper Al-Dimuqrati, while he was covering their demonstration outside of the parliament according to news reports, and local journalist Adel Color who spoke with CPJ via messaging app.

    Hamdan suffered head injuries for which he received stitches at a local hospital and was released after a few hours, according to Color and those reports.

    CPJ was unable to locate contact information for Hamdan; an email to Al-Dimuqrati was not immediately answered.

    On the same day, pro-military protestors hit three media workers with the British broadcaster BBC with their hands as they were covering a pro-military demonstration in front of the presidential palace in Khartoum, according to a Facebook post by BBC correspondent Mohamed Osman, and a local journalist who spoke with CPJ via messaging app on the condition of anonymity for fear of reprisal. The local journalist said the crew, which included a producer, a cameraman, and an assistant, fled the scene and that nobody was injured. CPJ was unable to determine their names.

    On October 23, supporters of the former president Omar al-Bashir’s National Congress Party, which was banned in 2019, stormed the headquarters of local independent news agency Sudan News Agency (SUNA) to stop a press conference there organized by Forces of Freedom and Change, a coalition of civil society groups, according to a statement by SUNA, news reports, and Color.

    During the incident, National Congress Party supporters beat SUNA journalist Al-Ahmadi Farah who underwent surgery for a broken hand at a hospital in Khartoum the following day, according to SUNA’s statement and Color. CPJ was unable to locate contact information for Farah.

    In a separate incident on the same day, pro-military protestors prevented journalist Marwan Negm el-Din, a correspondent for Qatari broadcaster Al-Jazeera, from covering the protests that took place on the Al Mk Nemer bridge in Khartoum, according to a report in regional news site Al-Araby Al-Jadeed and a local journalist who spoke to CPJ via messaging app on the condition of anonymity for fear of reprisal. The protestors grabbed Negm el-Din’s phone while he was filming, according to CPJ’s review of a video sent by the local journalist which documents the incident. CPJ was unable to locate contact information for Negm el-Din and an email to Al-Jazeera was not immediately answered.

    Telecommunications interruptions

    On October 24, military forces raided Sudan’s state broadcaster building and cut the television broadcasting signal, according to news reports and a Facebook post by the Ministry of Culture and Information.

    Yesterday, international digital rights groups NetBlocks and Access Now reported that the internet service as well as several cellular and fixed-line telecommunications services from multiple providers have been disrupted. As of today, no government agency or internet service provider has confirmed these shutdowns, according to the local journalists who spoke with CPJ.

    CPJ emailed the Sudanese justice ministry, the general intelligence service, the culture and information ministry, and the military for comment but did not receive an immediate response.


    This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Vilnius, Lithuania, October 12, 2021 – Russian authorities should stop labeling journalists and media outlets as “foreign agents” and should allow the press to work freely, the Committee to Protect Journalists said today.

    On October 8, following the announcement that Russian journalist Dmitry Muratov would be awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, the Russian Ministry of Justice added eight journalists as well as the Netherlands-based investigative outlet Bellingcat; MEMO, the publisher of the Caucasus-focused independent news website Kavkazsky Uzel; and the U.S.-based Mason GES Anonymous Foundation, which owns the news website MNews, to its list of foreign agents, according to news reports and the list of agents published by the ministry.

    Russia’s foreign agent legislation, initially adopted in 2012 and amended several times to include media outlets and journalists, requires organizations receiving money from abroad to submit to audits, be labeled as foreign agents when cited in media reports, include information on every publication identifying its source as being produced by a foreign agent, and submit to a variety of other restrictions. Failure to comply can result in fines and prison terms.

    “Russian authorities’ decision to label MNews, Kavkazsky Uzel, Bellingcat, and multiple journalists as ‘foreign agents’ on the same day that journalist Dmitry Muratov was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize shows the lengths authorities will go to harass and censor the press,” said Gulnoza Said, CPJ’s Europe and Central Asia program coordinator, in New York. “Russia’s foreign agent law should be repealed at once; it only serves to silence the few remaining independent voices in the country.”

    Bellingcat has recently covered sensitive political issues, including Russian intelligence operations targeting opposition figure Alexei Navalny. Kavkazsky Uzel covers news in the Caucasus, including human rights violations, and MNews critically covers news in Russia and former Soviet republics. 

    Kavkazkiy Uzel was founded by the nongovernmental organization Memorial, according to its website. In September, Memorial’s media coordinator, Konstantin Fomin, told CPJ that about 10 percent of Memorial’s funding comes as grants from abroad.

    The journalists added to the list include Danil Sotnikov with the independent news channel Dozhd TV; BBC Russian correspondent Andrei Zakharov; and freelance correspondents for the U.S. Congress-funded broadcaster Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty Tatyana Voltskaya, Yekaterina Klepikovskaya, Yelena Solovyova, Yelizaveta Surnacheva, and Roman Perl, according to news reports and the ministry’s foreign agents list.

    The Justice Ministry also added Galina Arapova, director of the Mass Media Defense Center, a local group that provides journalists and media outlets with legal aid, to the list, according to those sources. 

    Arapova told CPJ via phone that the Mass Media Defense Center itself was already registered as a foreign agent, “so it was only a matter of time for the authorities to include me personally.”

    “Now, I will have to report to the Justice Ministry about my income and put a mark that I am a ‘foreign agent’ on every word I write publicly,” she said.

    Voltskaya, the RFE/RL correspondent, told CPJ via phone that the designation was “bad, but I was expecting it.” 

    “The next step might be detaining ‘foreign agents,’ and I think sooner or later it will happen. I have no doubts,” she added.

    RFE/RL President Jamie Fly condemned the decision in a statement to the broadcaster.

    Previously, on May 14, Russian authorities froze RFE/RL’s bank accounts for allegedly failing to pay fines issued for noncompliance with the foreign agents law, as CPJ documented at the time. RFE/RL has filed a suit with the European Court of Human Rights over the law and the fines, reports said.

    The foreign agents register includes 85 people and outlets, 68 of which have been added since the beginning of 2021.

    When CPJ called Russian Ministry of Justice, an unidentified official answered and said, “this is the law and there will be no comments.”


    This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • By Colin Peacock, RNZ Mediawatch presenter

    Twenty years after the 9/11 attacks prompted the US to invade Afghanistan, the Taliban announced they have taken the whole country again last week.

    Journalists who remain there are at risk in spite of assurances media freedom will be respected.

    Will proper journalism be possible under the Taliban? We ask a former foreign correspondent there who was once jailed by another repressive regime.

    Anyone filling their lockdown downtime binge-watching the final series of US spy show Homeland might have found its fictionalised account of the US trying to get out of Afghanistan in a hurry pretty prescient.

    “It’ll be Saigon all over again,” the gravelly-voiced Afghan president says as he warns the US that making peace with the Taliban will end in tears.

    When the US troops left this month, it was indeed a case of “choppers at the embassy compound” once more.

    And after that, getting other people out who feared the Taliban became a story all of its own.

    RNZAF and NZDF forces dispatched to get out New Zealand citizens and visa holders provided the media with dramatic stories of improvised rescues.

    One  exclusive in the New Zealand Herald described a grandmother in a wheelchair hauled out from the crowd via a sewage filled ditch, illustrated with NZDF images and footage.

    But while the government said it got about 390 people out of the country, Scoop’s Gordon Campbell pointed out authorities here have not said how many were already New Zealand citizens — or Afghan citizens or contractors whose service put them and their family members in danger.

    Afghan translator Bashir Ahmad — who worked for the NZDF in Bamiyan province and came to New Zealand subsequently — told RNZ’s Morning Report he knew of 36 more people still stuck there.

    Sticking around

    Afghan channel Tolo news broadcast's the Talliban's first press conference since after over in Kabul.

    Afghan channel Tolo news broadcasts the Taliban’s first press conference since they took over in Kabul. Image: RNZ screenshot

    The end of 20 years of US occupation was witnessed by BBC’s veteran correspondent Lyse Doucet. She was also there in 1989 reporting for Canada’s CBC when the Soviet Union’s forces pulled out after its occupation that lasted almost a decade.

    Back then she pondered how she would work when power changed hands to the Mujaheddin. Thirty-two years on, herself and others in Afghanistan — including New Zealander Charlotte Bellis who reports from Kabul for global channel Al Jazeera — are also wondering what the Taliban has in store for them.

    The last time the Taliban were in charge — 1996 to 2001 — the media were heavily controlled and independent journalism was almost impossible.

    Local and international media have flourished in Afghanistan after the US ousted the Taliban 20 years ago – but now their future is far from clear.

    The Taliban have offered reassurances it will respect press freedoms. On August 21 they announced a committee including journalists would be created to “address the problems of the media in Kabul.”

    But some have already reported harassment and confiscation of equipment. Five journalists from Etilaatroz, a daily newspaper in Kabul, were arrested and beaten by Taliban, the editor-in-chief said on Wednesday.

    Other local journalists got out while they could.

    The day before the suicide attack outside Kabul airport the BBC’s Lyse Doucet found pioneering journalist Wahida Faizi — head of the women’s section of the Afghanistan Journalists Safety Committee — on the tarmac trying to get out. (Faizi has reportedly reached Denmark safely since then through the assistance of Copenhagen-based group  International Media Support.)

    In the meantime, the Taliban have been getting to know reporters who are still there.

    Charlotte Bellis told RNZ’s Sunday Morning she was sticking around to cover what happens next in Afghanistan and build relationships  with the Taliban — and even give them advice.

    “I told them … if you’re going to run the country you need to build trust and you need to be transparent and authentic – and do as much media as you can to try and reassure people that they don’t need to be scared of you,” she said.

    It helps that Al Jazeera is based in Qatar where the Taliban have a political office.

    Earlier this month, the Taliban’s slick spokesman Abdul Qahar Balkhi told Charlotte Bellis they were grateful for New Zealand offering financial aid to Afghanistan.

    But that money is for the UN agencies and the Red Cross and Red Crescent operations — and not an endorsement of the Taliban takeover.

    That prompted the former chief of the UN Development Programme – Helen Clark – to call in to Newstalk ZB to say the media had been spun.

    “They’ve cottoned on to the fact they can use social media for propaganda,” she told Newstalk ZB.

    “When journalists run these stories it implies that governments are supporting the Taliban when nothing could be further from the truth,” Clark said.

    How should the media deal with an outfit which turfed the recognised government out of power — and whose real intentions are not yet known?

    The Taliban’s governing cabinet named last week has several hardliners — and no women.

    Will reporters really be able to report under the Taliban from now on?

    No caption
    ‘Please, my life is in danger.’ Image: RNZ Mediawatch

    Peter Greste was the BBC’s correspondent in Afghanistan in the mid-1990s when the Taliban was poised to take over the first time — and he is now the UNESCO chair in journalism at the University of Queensland.

    “We need to make it abundantly clear to the Taliban that they need to stick to their promises to protect journalists and media workers — and let them continue to work. The Taliban‘s words and actions don’t always align but at the very least we need to start with that,” Greste said.

    “And we need to give refuge and visas to media workers who want to get out,” he said.

    “Watching the way they treat journalists is going to be an important barometer of the way they plan to operate,” said Greste, who is working with the Alliance for Journalists’ Freedom to monitor abuses and to create an online “Afghan media freedom tracker”.

    “There’s been an obvious gap between the spokespeople who say they are prepared to let journalists operate and women continue to work — and the troubling reports of attacks by Taliban fighters on the ground, going door-to-door looking for journalists and their families,” he said.

    “We need to maintain communications with them. We need to use all the tools we can to make sure we are across where all the people are. Afghanistan’s borders are like Swiss cheese. It’s not always easy to get across — but it is possible,” he said.

    Peter Greste said the translators and fixers the international journalists rely on are absolutely critical to international media.

    “Good translators don’t just translate the words– but help you understand the context. To simply give refuge just to the people who have their faces in their stories and names on bylines is not fair,” Greste said.

    Peter Greste, UNESCO chair of journalism at the University of Queensland, Australia
    Peter Greste, UNESCO chair of journalism at the University of Queensland, Australia … Image: RNZ Mediawatch

    Greste was jailed for months in Egypt on trumped-up charges in 2014 along with local colleagues when the regime there decided it didn’t like their reporting for Al Jazeera.

    It triggered a remarkable campaign in which rival media outlets banded together to demand their release under the slogan “Journalism is not a crime”.

    Does he fear for journalists if the Taliban resort to old ways of handling the media?

    Will we even know if they make life impossible for media and journalists outside the capital in the future?

    “The country has mobile phone networks now it has social media networks. It is possible to find out what’s going on in those regions and it’s going to be difficult for the Taliban to uphold that mirage – if that’s what it is,” he said.

    “I’m not prepared at this point to write them off as an workable and we need to acknowledge the realities of what just happened in Afghanistan,” he said.

    When Greste first arrived in Afghanistan for the BBC in 1994 there was no reliable electricity supply even in the capital city — let alone local television like TOLO news.

    Al-Jazeera news channel's Australian journalist Peter Greste listens to the original court verdict in June.
    Al-Jazeera news channel’s Australian journalist Peter Greste listens to the original court verdict in June. Image: RNZ Mediawatch

    “One of the great successes of the last decade or two has been the flowering of local media. Western organisations and donors and Afghans have understood that having a free media is one of the most important aspects of having a functioning society,” he said.

    Afghans have really taken to that with real enthusiasm. The number of outlets and journalists has been phenomenal. You can’t put that genie back in his bottle without some serious consequences,” Greste told Mediawatch.

    The regime in Egypt wasn’t afraid to imprison him and his colleagues back in 2014. Does he fear for international reporters like Charlotte Bellis and her colleagues?

    “Al Jazeera will have a lot of security in place to make sure the operation is protected,” Greste said.

    “But of course I worry for Charlotte — and also the staff at work with her. As a foreign correspondent though, I think you enjoy more protection than most other journos locally,” Greste said.

    “If my name had been Mohammed and not Peter and if I’d been Egyptian and not Australian or a foreigner there wouldn’t have been anywhere near the kind of outrage and consequences for the government,” Greste said.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Berlin, September 14, 2021 — United Kingdom authorities must conduct a swift and thorough investigation into the threats against journalist Phillip Norton and his cameraman and ensure their safety, the Committee to Protect Journalists said today.

    On August 28, demonstrators protesting the government’s measures to curb COVID-19 in Scarborough, a resort town on England’s North Sea coast, surrounded and threatened Norton, a reporter for public broadcaster BBC and his cameraman, the journalist told CPJ via messaging app and local news site Yorkshire Live reported. CPJ was unable to determine the name of the cameraman.

    Norton tweeted that the two were in the area on assignment covering a story about the relaxation of COVID-19 restrictions when they were caught up in the protests.

    In video footage Norton published on Twitter, a group of around 8 to 10 protesters cornered the journalists, shouting insults at them as one holding a megaphone threatened to hang Norton saying, “You will hang for what you’ve done to this country,” and “The nooses are ready.”

    Norton also said on Twitter that the journalists were called “pedophiles,” “murderers,” “scumbags,” and “complicit.” Another man in the group appeared to make a cutthroat gesture, Yorkshire Live reported.

    “U.K. authorities must rapidly and fully investigate the threats made against journalist Phillip Norton and his cameraman, find the perpetrators, and hold them to account,” said Gulnoza Said, CPJ’s Europe and Central Asia program coordinator, in New York. “Journalists must be able to do their work without intimidation and fear of being harassed and attacked.”

    Norton said that on September 2 he gave a statement to the police in Yorkshire and they are investigating the incident. CPJ emailed the press office of the North Yorkshire police but did not receive a reply.


    This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Bangkok, August 23, 2021 – Myanmar authorities should immediately release journalists Htet Htet Khine and Sithu Aung Myint and drop all charges against them, the Committee to Protect Journalists said today.

    On August 15, military authorities in Yangon arrested Htet Htet Khine, a freelance producer for BBC Media Action, and Sithu Aung Myint, a columnist for the independent Frontier Myanmar magazine and a commentator for the U.S. Congress-funded broadcaster Voice of America, according to news reports citing military-run Myawaddy TV.

    Authorities charged Sithu Aung Myint with spreading false news, a crime under Article 505(a) of the penal code punishable by up to three years in prison, and sedition, under Article 124(a) of the penal code, which can carry a life sentence, according to The Irrawaddy.

    Authorities charged Htet Htet Khine under Section 17(1) of the colonial-era Unlawful Associations Act for allegedly working for a banned radio station and harboring Sithu Aung Myint while she fled an arrest warrant; if convicted, she could face two to three years in prison for each offense, according to Myanmar Now.

    “Myanmar’s junta must immediately release journalists Htet Htet Khine, Sithu Aung Myint, and all other members of the press it currently holds behind bars,” said Shawn Crispin, CPJ’s senior Southeast Asia representative. “Myanmar’s military rulers must stop treating journalists as criminals, full stop. Authorities need to drop all pending criminal charges against media workers in the country.”

    Frontier Myanmar CEO Sonny Swe told CPJ by messaging app that Sithu Aung Myint is being held at Yangon’s Insein Prison. Khin Maung Myint, Htet Htet Khine’s legal adviser, said she was moved to police custody from a military interrogation center and was expected to be transferred to Insein Prison, The Irrawaddy said.

    Authorities issued an arrest warrant for Sithu Aung Myint in April; Htet Htet Khine allegedly harbored the journalist while she was in hiding and also worked as an editor for Federal FM, a broadcaster affiliated with the banned National Unity Government political organization, according to Myanmar Now.

    BBC Media Action, the BBC’s international development charity, said in a statement that it was concerned about Htet Htet Khine’s detention and was closely monitoring the situation.

    CPJ emailed Myanmar’s Ministry of Information for comment, but did not receive any reply.

    Last month, CPJ released an in-depth report on Myanmar’s press freedom crackdown and mass incarceration of journalists since the military took power in a coup on February 1.


    This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Stockholm, August 16, 2021 – Russian authorities should extend the visa of BBC correspondent Sarah Rainsford and allow foreign correspondents to work in the country freely, the Committee to Protect Journalists said today.

    In a broadcast on the evening of August 12, Russian state news channel Rossiya 24 reported that the country’s Foreign Ministry would not renew Rainsford’s accreditation or visa, and said she would have to leave the country before her visa expires on August 31, citing unnamed experts and an anonymous Telegram channel covering Russian diplomacy.

    In an interview with BBC Radio 4 on August 14, Rainsford called the Foreign Ministry’s decision “devastating” and “shocking.” She said she must leave Russia at the end of the month, and added that she had “been told that I can’t come back, ever.”

    CPJ called the Russian Foreign Ministry and emailed the BBC, but both declined to comment. CPJ emailed Rainsford and messaged her on social media, but did not receive any replies. In a statement published on August 13, BBC Director-General Tim Davie called the denial of Rainsford’s visa extension a “direct assault on media freedom,” and urged Russian authorities to reconsider.

    “Russian authorities should not use journalists as pawns in their spats with other countries, and should ensure that visas and press accreditations for foreign correspondents are not used as political tools,” said CPJ Program Director Carlos Martínez de la Serna, in New York. “Authorities should make sure that BBC correspondent Sarah Rainsford is able to renew her visa and continue working in Russia.”

    Russian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Maria Zakharova posted a statement on her personal Telegram account saying that Rainsford’s visa was “indefinitely withdrawn,” and that statement was reposted on the ministry’s official account.

    Zakharova wrote that the move was retaliation for U.K. authorities’ denial of a visa extension to a journalist at an unnamed Russian news agency in 2019, and refusal to grant a visa to any proposed replacement. She also referenced a “stream” of alleged refusals for Russian journalists in the U.K. to cover major events, and alleged “systematic pressure on and slander of Russian media” by U.K. authorities.

    She said that the Russian authorities had repeatedly warned their British counterparts that they would “answer in kind” if their complaints were not addressed. Zakharova denied that Rainsford had been told that she could never return, writing that “if they [the U.K.] give a visa to the Russian correspondent, we will give one to Sarah.”

    CPJ was unable to establish the identity of the Russian correspondent referred to by Zakharova. In 2019, Russian state-owned news agencies RIA and TASS cited anonymous sources as saying that U.K. authorities had denied one unnamed correspondent a visa extension and refused to issue a visa to another.

    Also in 2019, the U.K. Foreign Office barred the state-funded outlets Russia Today and Sputnik from attending a global conference on media freedom in London for their “active role in spreading disinformation,” a decision that CPJ condemned at the time.

    The U.K. Foreign, Commonwealth, and Development Office stated that “Russian journalists continue to work freely in the U.K., provided they act within the law and the regulatory framework,” The Associated Press reported.

    Separately, the Russian Foreign Ministry announced last week that it had banned a number of British officials from entering the country in retaliation for U.K. sanctions on Russian citizens for alleged corruption and human rights abuses in Chechnya.

    Previously, Russian authorities denied entry to British Guardian correspondent Luke Harding in 2011, as CPJ documented at the time.


    This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Committee to Protect Journalists.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Adam Curtis’s latest film paints a picture of the world that is so complex, so dense, and so theoretical that the prospect of real change appears nearly impossible.

    This post was originally published on Dissent MagazineDissent Magazine.