The corporate efforts to muzzle “60 Minutes,” the prestigious American television news program, have been publicly exposed by courageous members of its own staff. But mainstream U.S. media reports have underplayed one significant factor: the intense pro-Israel views of Shari Redstone, the billionaire heiress who is the controlling shareholder of Paramount, the CBS TV network’s parent company. Her views have mostly gone unreported, even though she is one of the most powerful media moguls in America, and someone who has already sharply criticized her own network’s coverage of Israel’s war on Gaza.
As green groups honor the 55th annual Earth Day on Tuesday, environmental leaders are highlighting the need to fight back against the detrimental climate policies of U.S. President Donald Trump and his “billionaire allies,” even as they brace for the possibility of further federal action that could hamper the climate movement. Since entering office, Trump has signed executive orders aimed at…
The Trump administration quietly announced Thursday that it is abandoning a Biden-era effort to close a loophole that allows large business partnerships to repeatedly manipulate the value of their assets to minimize their tax obligations. The Internal Revenue Service and Treasury Department announced the decision in a notice that received little attention in the mainstream press.
A recession is looming. Trump himself recently affirmed that his economic plans would induce a recession in the near term. He remarked when asked as much by an interviewer, “There is a period of transition because what we’re doing is very big.”
And yet, before Trump crashed the stock market last week with his global tariff regime, America’s CEOs had the highest confidence in the U.S. economy that they’ve had in three years, according to a nationwide survey in the early weeks of the Trump administration.
And Trump has simply been carrying out the promises he’s long made.
Watchdogs and other critics swiftly denounced a budget blueprint unveiled by Senate Republicans on Wednesday that endeavors to get the GOP one step closer to delivering additional spending and trillions in tax cuts desired by U.S. President Donald Trump. Observers are also condemning Republicans’ plans to skirt the Senate parliamentarian and use a controversial gimmick to make an extension of…
Wisconsin’s state supreme court election on April 1 is officially the most expensive in U.S. history, with spending that has reached $76 million — with some predictions that the ultimate tally will top $100 million, almost twice the record spending in the state’s 2023 race. The biggest right-wing groups running an attack ad blitz against liberal candidate Susan Crawford are funded by a few very…
As U.S. President Donald Trump’s temporary leader of the Social Security Administration threatened to shut down the agency over an unfavorable court ruling on Friday, the billionaire commerce secretary came under fire for suggesting that only “fraudsters” will complain if they don’t get their earned benefits. U.S. Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick appeared on All-In — a podcast hosted by…
The rise of the internet and personal computing once inspired utopian visions of how technology could improve society. These days, that kind optimism is sorely lacking from the conversation. The internet has gone from a sprawling web of thousands of websites and subcultures to an increasingly homogenized and monopolized space dominated financially and politically by a handful of billionaires, whose reach now extends into the federal government. In his new novel, Picks and Shovels, author Cory Doctorow brings his readers back in time to the 1980s, the pioneering days of PCs and the internet—and the egalitarian visions of technology’s role in the future that proliferated decades ago. In a special discussion hosted by Red Emma’s Bookstore in Baltimore, TRNN Editor-in-Chief Maximillian Alvarez and Doctorow dig into his new novel, and its place in the wider discussion on tech, inequality, and capitalism.
Production: Maximillian Alvarez Post-Production: David Hebden
Transcript
The following is a rushed transcript and may contain errors. A proofread version will be made available as soon as possible.
Corey Doctorow:
Baltimore, thank you very much. What a pleasure. To be in an anarchist bookstore. I grew up in a Marxist bookstore, print shops, which are a little staid. They don’t have as many comic books. It’s very nice to be in a bookstore, radical bookstore where the ethos is if I can’t read a cracking fantasy or I don’t want to be part of your revolution.
Maximillian Alvarez:
Yeah. Well, and I want give you a chance to give us an overview of this book and talk about where it came from. But before we get there, a question I’ve been really wanting to ask you for a while, I couldn’t help but sort of be overwhelmed with emotion holding this book, thinking about what it means, thinking back to young Corey, the IT worker crawling around desks and in the early days of the internet, and how much writing meant to you throughout your entire life. And of course, as someone who interviews workers all day, it makes me think of all the great works of literature that are just unwritten and living in the tired brains and exploited bodies of working people all around us. And so it’s a real remarkable thing to be holding one of those works of literature in my hand. I wanted to ask just to start, as someone who’s written so many different kinds of works, nonfiction, fiction, science fiction, what fiction writing, what has it given you that other forms of writing?
Corey Doctorow:
Well, I think that there are all these issues that are sort of on the horizon. I’ve spent most of my life the last 23 years working with the Electronic Frontier Foundation on these issues of tech policy that are really long way off before they’re urgent. But you can see on the horizon that things are going to be very bad if we don’t act now and when they’re that far off, everything seems very abstract and cold and it’s kind of hard to get your head around why you should be worked up about it. There’s stuff in the here and now you got to pay attention to, and this is broadly the problem of activism in the 21st century. This is the problem of climate activism. Eventually everyone believes in climate change, but if you believe in climate change because your house is on fire, it’s kind of too late and upregulating the salience of things that are a long way away, very technical, very abstract.
It’s hard to do with just argument and you don’t want to wait until people are in the midst of it if for no other reason, then the difference between denialism and nihilism is paper thin. If we spend a decade arguing about whether anyone should be caring about the crashing population of rhinoceros, eventually there’s just going to be one of them left. And you’re definitely going to agree that this is now a problem. But at that point you might say, well, why don’t we find out what he tastes like? Right? Because there’s only one left. So getting people to care about this stuff early on, it’s very hard. And one of the things that science fiction is really good at is interrogating not just what a gadget might do, but who it might do it for and who it might do it to. The difference between a thing in your car that warns you if you’re drifting out of your lane and a thing in your car that rats you out to your insurance company because you’re drifted out of your lane is not the technology, right? It’s the social arrangements that go around it. And we are at the tail end of 40 years of technocratic neoliberalism that is really grounded in Margaret Thatcher’s idea that there is no alternative, which is really a way of saying don’t try and think of alternatives. That there’s only one way. This could be someone came down off a mount with two stone tablets and said, Larry Sergei thou shalt start mining thine log files for actionable market intelligence.
These are not decisions that had to be made in one way, and they’re not decisions that we can’t unmake and remake in new ways. And one of the things that fiction does is let you explore a kind of emotional fly through of a virtual rendering of a better world or a worse one, both of which can inspire you to do more or to take action now to upregulate the salience of things that are a long way away.
Maximillian Alvarez:
So you’re saying fiction is the shortest distance between the fuck around and find out stages of history?
Corey Doctorow:
Well, look, you need both. You don’t want to just build castles in the sky. You need a grounded theoretical basis. And the other thing about science fiction that I think is amazing is it’s the literature where we welcome exposition and exposition gets a bum rap. They’re like, oh, exposition is always bad show don’t tell. The reason we like showing and not telling is because it’s fiction. Writing on the easy level showing intrinsically is dramatic in a way that telling is not so it’s much harder to make it interesting. But you get 6,000 words of Neil Stevenson explaining how to eat a bowl of Captain Crunch cereal in Komi Con. I would read 20,000 words of that. I would tune into a weekly radio broadcast about it. So good at exposition. And so science fiction can integrate some of that theory, but you also need the theory part. This is a radical bookstore. It has an amazing comic book section. It’s also got a lot of theory.
Maximillian Alvarez:
Well, let’s talk about picks and shovels. Tell us a bit about where this book specifically a Martin Inch novel came from and give us I guess a
Corey Doctorow:
Quick
Maximillian Alvarez:
Overview
Corey Doctorow:
Of it. So I write, when I’m anxious, it makes the world go away. I sort of disappear into the world of the mind. And so I’ve been doing a lot of writing during lockdown. I wrote nine books. I live in Southern California, so I spent all of lockdown in a hammock in my backyard writing. And one of them was this book, red Team Blues and Red Team Blues had a very weird conceit. I somehow came up with the idea of writing the final volume in a long running series without the tedious business of the series. And I thought there’d be a kind of exciting energy that kind of last day of summer camp, final episode, mash kind of feeling of getting to the finale of a long running series without having to do all that other work. And I didn’t know if it would work or not, but I sent it to my editor who’s a really lovely fellow, but not the world’s most reliable email correspondent.
And I hunkered down to spend a couple months doing other stuff waiting to hear from him. But the next morning there was an email in my inbox, just three lines, that was a fucking ride. Whoa. And he bought two more, which is great, except that Red Team Blues is the final adventure of a 67-year-old forensic accountant who spent 40 years in Silicon Valley unwinding every weird, terrible finance scam that tech bros could think of over the whole period of the PC revolution and beyond. And he has earned his retirement by the end of Red Team Blues, he gets called out for a one last job and now it’s time for him to sail off into the sunset. And I didn’t want to bring him out of retirement. I mean, there is some precedent, right? Conan Doyle gave us back, Sherlock Holmes brought him back over Ricken Bch Falls.
But that was because Queen Victoria offered him a knighthood if he’d do it. And my editor at the time was a vice president of the McMillan company that carries a lot of power, but you don’t get to night people. So I decided I would tell the story out of order and that you don’t really lose any real dramatic tension if you know that there’s something that happens chronologically later, which means that the character must be alive. Broadly speaking, you know that about every mystery or crime thriller series that you read. But by telling it at a sequence, I get a bunch of plot stuff for free. I don’t have to worry about continuity because I’m not foreshadowing. I’m back shadowing, right? Anytime. Two things don’t line up, I can just interpose an intermediary event in which they’re resolved. It turns out that when you’re doing this, the more stuff you pull out of your ass and make up and then later on figure out how to work out the more of a premeditated motherfucker you seem to be and people get really impressed, it’s great.
It’s a great cheap writing trick. So this book Picks and Shovels, it’s Marty, he’s First Adventure. It starts with him as a classic MIT screw up. He’s in the computer science program in the early eighties and he is so busy programming computers that he’s flunking out of computer science. And so he ends up becoming a CPA, not because he’s particularly interested in accounting, but because the community college CPA program now has a lab full of Apple, two pluses, and he really wants to go play with those. So after getting his ticket, he and his genius hacker roommate moved to Silicon Valley at the height of the era of the weird PC because when PC started, they were weird. No one knew what they were for, who was supposed to sell ’em, who was supposed to buy ’em, how you were supposed to use them, what shape they were supposed to be.
I grew up in Ontario, as you heard, I’m a Canadian. We’re like serial killers. We’re everywhere. We look just like everyone else. And the Ministry of Education in Ontario had its own computer that booted three different operating systems, a logo prompt, and it was in a giant piece of injection molded plastic with a cassette drive and a huge track ball like a Centipede game at the arcade. It was a very weird pc. Marty Hench ends up working with some very weird PCs. There’s a weird PC company called Fidelity Computing. The setup sounds like a joke. It’s a Mormon bishop, a Catholic priest and an orthodox rabbi who started a computer company. But the joke is it’s a pyramid scheme and they use parishioners to predate upon one another, extract money from each other and hook them into these computers that are meant to drain their wallets over long timescales because they’ve been gimmick so you can’t get your data off of them.
The printers have been Reese Sprocketed, so they’ve got slightly wider tractor feeds, so you have to buy special paper that costs five times as much. They’ve done the same thing with the floppy drives. And this is making the millions and three women who work for them have become so disenchanted that they’ve decided to repent of their sins and rescue all of the parishioners. They have sucked into this pyramid scheme with a rival computing company. So these three women, a nun who’s left her order and become a Marxist involved with liberation theology, queer, Orthodox women whose family’s kicked her out, and a Mormon woman who’s left the faith overall position to the Equal Rights Amendment starts a company called Computing Freedom, whose goal is to make interoperable components floppy drives that work with their floppies floppies that work with their floppy drives, printers that work with their paper, paper that works with their printer printers that you can plug into their computers, computers that you can plug into their printers, all of the things you need to escape the lock-in of these devices and see in computers the liberatory potential that I think so many people saw as opposed to the control and extraction potential that unfortunately so many people also saw.
And as Marty falls in with them, they discover that the kind of people who are not above making millions of dollars stealing from people who trust them because they’re faith leaders are also not above spectacular acts of violence to keep the Griff going. And so what starts as a commercial dispute becomes a shooting war. And that’s the book.
Maximillian Alvarez:
So like you said, there’s like there’s a punchline kind of set up where a Mormon bishop, a Catholic priest and an orthodox rabbi walk into a bar and start a PC company. And I was thinking about that a lot when I was staring for a long while before I even got to the book at just the copyright page where it says this is a work of fiction. All of the characters, organizations and events portrayed in this novel are either products of the author’s imagination or are used fictitiously. And I wanted to ask in the context of that disclaimer, where the question of faith and the exploitation of faith in this era, what it’s speaking to that is either a creation of your mind or a real situation that you’re addressing fictitiously.
Corey Doctorow:
So remember that the early 1980s were a revolutionary moment or maybe a counter-revolutionary moment. It’s the moment in which all of the things that we’re worried about today started. So it’s the first election that evangelicals came into the electorate in large numbers because Reagan brokered a deal with Jerry Falwell to get evangelicals into the Republican coalition. So this is the beginning of political activism among religion. It is also the moment at which pyramid schemes are taking off, especially within religions. I tell the story in the book, but there’s a company called Amway. Amway is one of the most toxic of the pyramid schemes we’ve ever had. It was started by Rich DeVos, who’s Betsy and his partner Jay Van Andel, who ran the US Chamber of Commerce and was the most powerful business lobbyist in the world. And ironically, Richard Nixon had had enough of their shit and was getting ready to shut them down through the Federal Trade Commission when he got fenestrated.
And Jerry Ford, who’d been their congressman, came in and ordered the FTC to lay off on them. And the FTC crafted a rule, the Amway rule that basically says so long as your pyramid scheme operates like Amway did, it’s legal. So anyone from your high school class who’s found you on Facebook and tried to sell you essential oils or tights, they’re just doing Amway for tights or essential oils. The Amway has become the template and the reason that Amway was so successful, is it married pyramid selling to religion and religion, especially religions that are high demand or that have a high degree of a demand for fertility where you’re expected to have large families. These are institutions that require a lot of social capital for the parishioners to survive, right? If you’re in a religion where you’re expected to have 10 kids and you’re also supposed to tithe 10% of your income to the church, you are really reliant on other people to help take care of your family and vice versa.
And so they live on social capital and a pyramid scheme is a way for weaponizing social capital, extracting it, vaporizing it, turning it into a small amount of one-time cash, and then moving that up to the top of the pyramid and leaving nothing behind. I just heard a really good interview on the Know Your Enemy podcast where they talked about how pyramid selling, it’s like the bizarre world version of union organizing because pyramid selling is organized around finding the charismatic leaders within a community who other people rely on teaching them how to have a structured conversation that brings other people into what they’re doing, except this is where it goes off the rails because a union organizing conversation is about building solidarity, whereas a pyramid selling conversation is about vaporizing it. And so this crossover of technology, which is always a fertile ground for ripping people off because things people don’t understand are easy to bamboozle them with. People think a pile of shit sufficiently large always has a pony underneath it.
And it has this nexus with religion, the takeoff of pyramid schemes and this moment of Reagan omic kind of transformation of the country. And you put all those things together, you get a really rich soil that you can grow quite a story out of. And I didn’t know that it would be echoing this moment of counter-revolution that we’re in now that they would coincide so tightly. But really this is also a book about people living through things like the AIDS crisis where it’s an existential crisis because their government has decided that not only they don’t care whether they live or die, the government’s decided they want them dead.
Maximillian Alvarez:
I want to return in the end before we go to q and a to that, the echoes of our current moment thing. But before we get there, my wife Meg, who’s a worker owner here at Red, Emma’s is from Michigan, and so she has to hear me complain about this more than anybody. Every time we’re driving back to Michigan and we’re on the goddamn toll roads throughout Pennsylvania and Ohio, I get so irrationally angry at the existence and concept of toll roads every time we’re passing through. Like this is so stupid, not just the existence of ’em, but you see the sort of systems and behaviors that coalesce and harden around a stupid idea and become just our accepted reality. And in so many ways, that’s the relationship that we have to tech. And you are returning us to a time in this novel, like you said, the era of the weird pc, the 1980s where so much of what we accept now as kind of settled concrete fact was not settled at all. So why return to that time and what is the world that you explore in this novel?
Corey Doctorow:
Yeah, so it was a very contingent moment, right? Not only did no one know what the PC was for, there was a lot of argument about what the PC could be for notoriously, there’s this moment where Bill Gates publishes an open letter in all the computer hobbyist magazines called a Letter to the Computer Hobbyists in which he says, look, I know that since the dawn of the first computer hobbyists and computer science, as we understand it, the way that we wrote programs is the way we do science. You publish the program, other people improve it, they read it, they understand it, they modify it, they use it themselves. However, history stops. Now, I and my buddy have copied a program that was progress. We made our own basic compiler or basic interpreter for A-P-D-P-I think it was. So we copied someone else’s idea that was a legitimate act of copying.
You must not copy our program when you do that, that’s piracy. And from now on, nobody copies anyone. All the copying is done. And it’s this moment where you see this division in the two cultures between people who think of it as a scientific enterprise, which means that it has this degree of peer review, information sharing, building standing on the shoulders of others, and this idea of it being an extractive industry and one where it’s like we’ve planted all the corn we need, now we can eat the seed corn, right? We’ve got all the cool ideas that we needed to make by sharing ideas. Now it’s time to just have whoever was holding onto the idea when the music stopped, be the person in charge of that idea forever and ever. And we’re still living through that. We’re living through evermore extreme versions of it.
And actually one of the things I’m very interested in at this moment, and one of the echoes of the moment that this book is set in is that we are at a moment of great upheaval a crisis. And Milton Friedman said in times of crisis, ideas moved from the periphery to the center. He was a terrible person, but he was right about that. His weird ideas about dismantling the new deal and turning us all into forelock tugging plebs who attended our social betters and cleaned their toilets are finally bearing fruit now. And for decades, people thought those were terrible ideas, but he was like, when the oil crisis comes, when whatever crisis it is comes, we’ll be able to do this. Well right now, Trump is our oil crisis. He’s about to make everything in the world 25% more expensive or more with a series of tariffs.
And when those hit all the countries in the world that have signed up to not allow people to jailbreak, modify, copy, and improve the big tech products who signed up to make sure that every time a Canadian software author makes an app and sells it to a Canadian software user, the dollar the Canadian software user pays makes a round trip through Cupertino and comes back 30 cents lighter. All those things that other countries have signed up to do, we can throw them out the window because we signed up to do them on the condition that we get free trade. So we can be performatively angry at Elon Musk about the Nazi salutes. He kind of likes that he’s into the attention, but if it was legal everywhere in the world to jailbreak Teslas and get all the subscription content, all the stuff that you have to pay every month for free, and that took his absurd valuation to earnings ratio down to something much more realistic and prompted a margin call on all the debt that he’s floated to buy Twitter and so on, that’s going to really kick that guy in the dongle. So I really think that we are at this moment where some of the things we wanted to do back then that were kind of taken as red back then that we exterminated over 40 years, that they’ve never really gone away. They’ve been lurking in the background all along. And I think, I’m not saying Trump is good or that this is a good thing that Trump is in office, but I am saying when life gives you stars, you make sars Barilla, and this is our chance.
Maximillian Alvarez:
I’m thinking about what you said about the timeline of the narrative, and you sort of know how we’re all going to end if you zoom out long enough. And in so many ways, there’s that kind of tragic sense that you get reading this novel and feeling that unsettledness of the eighties knowing that the endpoint is Aaron Swartz and the state’s attack on him. The endpoint is people like Eric Lundgren, who was one of the first people I ever reported on for the Baffler who printed the very free discs that come with every PC to let you just reboot the system if it fails. He wanted to print those and give ’em to as many people as he could, so they knew how to do it. And Microsoft charged him with basically manufacturing new OS systems and he went to prisons. So there’s that tragic sense of fatalism knowing where that memo from Bill Gates, where it ended up. And so I guess I wanted to ask how we really got from this open weird potential to such a cold system of capture.
Corey Doctorow:
Yeah, the five giant websites filled with screenshots, the text from the other four. I think that there’s a revisionist history of that moment that says there were people who were really excited about computers, but hopelessly naive. They thought if we gave everyone a computer, everything would be fine. Those techno optimists are how we got here. I don’t think that’s true. I don’t recognize that account. When I think back to those moments and those people, for example, nobody founds or devotes their life to the Electronic Frontier Foundation, everything is going to be fine. You have to, on the one hand, be very alive to the liberatory potential of computing, but also very concerned about what happens if things go wrong. It’s both. It’s not just these can be misused, but these can be used as well. And I think that if there was something we missed, and I do think we missed it, it was that competition law antitrust was dying as the computer was taking off.
Literally, Reagan went on the campaign trail when the Apple two plus went on sale. And we had this decades of tech consolidation, not by making better things, but by buying companies that made better things, making those things worse, but also capturing regulators so that people can’t escape. Making it illegal to reverse engineer and modify things so that you can get away from them. So you look at a company like Google, right? 25 years ago, Google made a really amazing search engine. I don’t want to downplay that. It was magic. You could ask Js questions all day long and you’d never get an answer nearly as good as the answer you would get out of Google. But in the years since the quarter century, since when Google has grown to a $3 trillion market cap company, it has had, depending on how you count between zero and one commercial successes of things that it made on its own.
And everything that it does that’s successful is something it bought from someone else. It made a video service, it sucked Google video, it’s gone. They bought someone else’s video service, YouTube, they bought their mobile stack, they bought their ad tech stack server management docs, collaboration maps, GPS, everything except the Hotmail clone is something that they bought from someone else. They’re not Willy Wonka’s Idea Factory, right? They’re just like Rich Uncle Penny bags. They just go around. They buy everyone else’s ideas up and kind of wall them off and lock you in with them. And I think we missed that that was going on and we missed it because there was a kind of echo of the antitrust enforcement that kind of carried forward through those years. So like 1982, which is more or less where the action this story starts, Ronald Reagan decides that he is going to go ahead and break up at and t.
At and t had been under antitrust investigation for 69 years at that point. He led IBM off the hook. IBM had been through 12 years of antitrust investigation at that point. Every year they spent more on outside counsel to fight the US government than all the lawyers in the DOJ antitrust division cost the US government. They outspent America for 12 consecutive years. They called it Antitrusts, Vietnam. And in the end, they did get off the hook, right? Reagan dropped the case against them, but they were also like, well, obviously we don’t want to get in trouble again. So when we build the pc, we’re going to get someone else to make the operating system. That’s where we get Bill Gates. We we’re going to make it out of commodity components so anyone can make a pc. And Tom Jennings, who has a cameo in this book, he is, in addition to being a really important person in the history of computer science, is also a really important gay rights activist and published a seminal zine called Core.
And there’s a scene in the book where he’s quietly selling issues of core in the corner of a dead Kennedy show. Tom went into a clean room and reverse engineered the PC rom for Phoenix, and that’s where we got Dell Gateway Compact and so on. So you get this moment of incredible eff fluorescence where there’s BBSs everywhere because at t is not crushing modems. Everyone’s making a PC like digital equipment company, which is this titan of computing keels over and gets bought with money down the back of the sofa cushions by compact, which is a company that had barely existed 10 minutes before. Things are really dynamic back then. Everything is changing. And I think that’s what we missed was that actually we weren’t going to do the antitrust work that would keep things dynamic after that. That was the last time we were going to do it.
We try with Bill Gates, and it did get us somewhere, right? With the Microsoft antitrust investigation. Conviction went very well. And then GW Bush gets in and he drops the investigation, but it was, it was this amazing time and it let Google exist, right? Microsoft didn’t do to Google what they’d done to Netscape. And so we got this incredible new kind internet company. Things were really dynamic. And what we missed was that the dynamism was being sapped out of the system, that these companies were aspiring to become monopolists, and the people who would’ve stepped in to prevent them were no longer on the job that we were operating on. The presumption that monopolies are intrinsically efficient, that if you see a monopoly in the wild, it means it’s doing something good. And it would be incredibly ironic to use public money to destroy something that everybody loves.
And so that’s how we get to this moment, and it’s how we end up with widespread regulatory capture. Because a hundred companies in the sector, they can’t agree on what they want their regulators to do. They can’t even agree on where to have their annual meeting. This is how tech got its ass kicked by entertainment. During the Napster Wars, the Napster companies, the entertainment companies, they were much smaller than tech and aggregate, but there were seven of them. They were all like godparents to each other’s children. They played on the same little league. Kids played on the same little league team. They were executors of each other’s estates. They were in the same polys, and they were able to run a very tight game around 200 tech companies that made up the sector then who were a rabble and who could be divided and conquered.
And so when the sector concentrates like this, it gets its way. And that I think was the great blind spot that we had that we would end up in this moment. Now where monopolies are the norm, regulatory capture is the norm. Markets don’t discipline companies because they don’t really have competitors. Governments don’t discipline companies because they have captured their regulators. Workers no longer have power. I mean, tech workers had power for decades. They were in such short supply. And if your boss asked you to screw up the thing, you’d missed your mother’s funeral to ship on time, you’d say, fuck off and go get a job across the street with someone who paid more. But 260,000 tech layoffs in 2023, 150,000 in 20, 24 tens of thousands this year. Facebook just announced a 5% across the board headcount reduction. And they’re doubling executive bonuses. That’s a good one. Tech workers aren’t telling their bosses to fuck off anymore. And so all the things that stopped tech from turning into just another industry, that dynamism, that meant that if they made us angry at them, we could do something about it. We could switch, we could go somewhere else. All that stuff is vaporized by the collapse of anti-monopoly enforcement and it led the pack. But we now see that in every sector.
Maximillian Alvarez:
And I want to just tease that out a little more from the consumer side,
Corey Doctorow:
Right?
Maximillian Alvarez:
I mean, it felt like all of us have lived through the timeline where it felt like we could tell tech to fuck off and say, I’m going to go buy a Blackberry instead of this. They’re like, I’m going to go buy this MP three player instead of an iPod. Now it feels like we’re living in the period where tech’s telling us to fuck off and accept whatever they give us. And I think that speaks to the delayed reaction from us as consumers to what was happening, what you’ve just described. And our blindness to that was in part because it felt like as consumers tech was still giving us what we wanted. That dynamic period you talked about, and the companies and products and personalities that emerged from that all fed into this deep set, techno modernist, conceit that better technologies are going to win out in the market and become dominant in our lives because they are better, more efficient, the people making them are smarter, so on and so forth. So I wanted to ask, how has Silicon Valley as a real world entity become what it is because of that deep set cultural conceit that we have about it, but also how does its trajectory over the past 40 years reveal the falseness of that conceit?
Corey Doctorow:
Well, I mean, the reason that it seems so plausible is that it was true for a time, right? In the same way that if you show me a 10 foot wall, I’ll show you an 11 foot tall ladder. If you show me a printer where the ink costs 30% over margin, I’ll show you a company willing to sell you ink at 15% over margin. But the expansion of laws that made it illegal to do that, reverse engineering, that would break the digital lock that stopped you from using Third Party Inc. Or going to a third party mechanic or exporting your data, or when Facebook kicked off, it had a superior product to MySpace. It was like MySpace except they promised they would never spy on you. I don’t know if you remember this, and their pitch to people was Come to Facebook, we promise we’ll never spy on you.
But the problem was that everyone who was already using MySpace had a bunch of friends there. And you know what it’s like you love your friends. They’re great people, but they’re a giant pain in the ass. And you cannot get the six people in your group chat to agree on what board game you’re going to play this weekend. Much less get 200 people that you’re connected to on Facebook to agree to leave when some of them are there, because that’s where the people have the same rare disease as them are hanging out. And some of them are there because that’s where they plan the carpool for Little League and some of them there because that’s where their customers are or their performers, and that’s where their audience is. Or they’ve moved from another country and that’s how they stay in touch with their family. It’s really hard to get those people to go Facebook cut through that Gordy and Knot, they gave people a scraper, a bot.
You gave that bot your MySpace login and password. It would pretend to be you at MySpace several times a day, grab all the messages waiting for you, put them in your Facebook inbox, you could reply to them in and push ’em back out again. If you did that to Facebook today, they would nuke you until you glowed, right? You’d have violated Section 1201 of the Digital Millennium Copyright Act, the Computer Fraud and Abuse Act. You’d be a tortious interferer with contract. You’d have violated their trademarks, their copyrights, their patents. I mean the rubble would be bouncing by the time the bomb stopped. And so this is how you end up in a situation where the same callow asshole Mark Zuckerberg can maltreat you much more without paying any penalty. And so he does. And printer ink is my favorite example of this because it’s just so visceral.
HP really invented this. And so it’s against the lottery fill a printer cartridge or to use a third party ink cartridge, not because those things have ever been prohibited by Congress, but because all the printers are designed to detect whether you’ve refilled your cartridge or used a third party cartridge and modifying the printer, bypassing the access control to modify the printer is illegal under Section 1201 of the DMCA $500,000 fine and a five-year prison sentence for trafficking and a device to remove that. And so HP has just been raising the price of ink along with other members of the cartel. Ink is now the most expensive fluid you can buy as a civilian without a special permit. It runs over $10,000 a gallon. You print your grocery lists with colored water that costs more than the semen of a Kentucky Derby winner.
This is how we get to this moment. These companies that are not run by more evil or wicked people, but are just less constrained, are able to act on the impulses that they have to exploit you, rip you off, do bad things because no one tells them no. I mean, we all know people who have gotten in a position of authority where no one could tell them no and abuse it. We are living through that politically right now. That is true all the way through movements, societies, and economies. When you take away the discipline and the responsibility and accountability to other people, then even benevolent people get crazy ideas and do bad things. And people who are malevolent, but we’re getting something done that we all enjoyed then can have their craziness fly mean, and it’s bad for them too, right? This is how you get Steve Jobs going. Well, I’m going to treat my cancer with juice cleanses, right? If no one can tell you no, you’re being an idiot, you have to do it differently. Everything goes wrong.
Maximillian Alvarez:
So we got about 10 minutes, and I want to make sure that we end before we go to q and a with the passage bringing us back to the book and reading a passage there. But while we’re on the subject of malevolent evil people and what they do when no one tells them no, I wanted to ask since we’ve got you here and we’re all freaking out for the same reasons how we interpret this, Elon Musk is doing to the federal government what he did to Twitter, and we were all laughing about a year ago with the same logic of laying off thousands of federal workers. I’ve interviewed some of them at The Real News, it’s heartbreaking. And talking about replacing ’em with ai. So how do we make sense of this and how do we make sure, where is this going to go if no one tells them no if we don’t stop them?
Corey Doctorow:
Well, the joke about the guy who goes to the therapist and he says, I’m really sad and I just can’t seem to shake it. And the therapist says, well, you’ve got good news. The great clown Pag Lichi is in town. You should go see him tonight. Everybody who sees Pachi comes away with a smile on his face and the patient says, but Doctor, I am pag. I sort of feel this way when people ask me about Elon Musk. I mean, look, I am in the same chaos and demoralizing stuff as you. And there is a saying from Eastern Canada, if you wanted to get there, I wouldn’t start from here. That saying gets more true every day. And as an activist, I try to focus on the places where I think we can get a lot of leverage and change stuff, not because I can see how we get from there to solving all of our problems, but I feel like the difference between optimism and pessimism or just the fatalistic belief that things will get better or worse irrespective of what we do that hope is this idea.
If we change things somewhat, if we ascend the gradient towards the world, we want to live in that. From that new vantage point, we’ll be able to see new ways to climb further and further up that gradient. And so that’s what I’m looking for. I’m looking for what we can do right now that improves the lie of the land so that maybe we can from there, see something else that we can do in something else. And right now, I think it’s going against the International Order of Trade. I really do think this is our moment for this. I especially think that this is the case because you can easily see how countries could be stampeded into it. So my friend Carolina Botero just wrote a couple of editorials in the big Columbian Daily about why Columbia should do this, should jettison all of its IP obligations under its trade agreements with the United States.
And I’ve been talking a lot to Canadians. I was just there giving a lecture and talking to policymakers in Canada when I told ’em this. They were like, oh, well, if Columbia does it first, we might not be able to make as much money as we would if we were the first ones off. The Mark Mexico’s in the same boat. Mexico’s facing the same 25% tariff as Canada. There are so many places that are deliberately allowing Americans to rip off their own people and holding back their own domestic tech sector that might make locally appropriate more resilient technology by adapting technology themselves that I really feel like this is our oil crisis. This is where we can get something done. I don’t know where it ends with Musk. I mean, one of the things that is crazy about this moment and for the last 10 years is that we live in a kind of actuarial nightmare of a political system because everyone is so old. We are just a couple of blood clots away from majorities flipping in both houses.
And it’s funny, but it’s totally true. It’s weird that a country that organizes a designated survivor in a bunker during the State of the Union, so there can be some continuity, can’t figure out how to have a talent pipeline that has anyone in it that’s not, doesn’t have a 13% chance of dying of natural causes in the next year. And so things are really unstable in lots of ways. And I could easily see Elon Musk just ODing on ketamine. We are just in this very weird moment where things could go very differently at any moment. And so what I’m bearing down on what I’m putting my chips on right now is figuring out how to get countries around the world to start thinking about what it would mean to raid the margins of large American companies as a retaliatory measure for tariffs instead of retaliatory tariffs, which just makes things more expensive in your own country, which if there’s one thing we learned from the last four years in every country around the world, if you are in office when things become more expensive, you will not be in office come the next election.
And so this is a moment where you can do something that will actually make everything cheaper for the people in your country. And here in America, I think this is going to bleed in. There’s no way to stop a Canadian company that makes a tool like a software tool that diagnoses cars that you plug into a laptop with a USB port that you plug into the car from selling that to American mechanics. So long as there’s payment processing and an internet connection, they’ll buy it. And the thing is that if you destroy the margins, if you globally zero out the margins of the most profitable companies in the s and p 500 in their most profitable lines of industry, and these are the firms that are really at the core of the corruption of our political process, I think this changes facts on the ground in America for the better as well.
And so this is where I’m not saying this is where everyone else should be, and I am freely admit that I’m a crank with one idea, and this is my idea and I’m going to work on it, but I am more excited about this than I’ve been in a long time because I really can see a way of doing this. I used to be a UN rep, right? I’ve been in treating negotiations. You ask how you carry on and persevere when it’s hopeless. It was hopeless then, right? We were just there because you couldn’t let this stuff happen without a fight. And every now and again, we won for weird reasons, which we just happened to be in the right place at the right time, and we could give things a push when they were already unstable, but mostly we lost. But after 25 years of doing it, I’m like, oh wait.
There’s a lot of groundwork we built in those years, and there’s a lot of constituencies that we know how to reach, and there’s a lot of people who are more worked up about this stuff than they were a long time ago. And maybe this is the moment where we can actually make a huge durable change. One of the things that I think is so about what Musk is doing is that it’s so hard to rebuild the institution after it’s gutted. But one of the things that I’m very excited about is that it will be so hard to rebuild these institutions if we can gut them. So I feel like Steve Bannon calling himself a Leninist. I’m a leftist Freedman Knight
Maximillian Alvarez:
As alumni of the University of Chicago. I don’t know what to do with that, but we love our crank, Corey. I know that much, and I really love and appreciate what you said earlier. I don’t know what’s going to happen in the next year, two years, four or five 50 either, but I know where we’re headed. If we do nothing, I don’t know what’s going to happen because that side of the story has not yet been authored by us. And I want to kind of return us to that question of authorship. I want to return us back to the question of this text and finish with the text, because I think one of the things that gave me was at least more of a understanding that things are not as settled as they seem. The fates of everything is not as assured as they want us to believe.
Corey Doctorow:
Actually, you know what? I summarized the bit that I was going to read, so I think I should yield my time for q and a. Cool. Let’s not do the reading.
Maximillian Alvarez:
Let’s just do that. We’ll yield, go read the book. It’s a really great book. Let’s give it up to Corey Docto, everybody. Thank you.
This content originally appeared on The Real News Network and was authored by Maximillian Alvarez.
New Zealand-based Canadian billionaire James Grenon owes the people of this country an immediate explanation of his intentions regarding media conglomerate NZME. This cannot wait until a shareholders’ meeting at the end of April.
Is his investment in the owner of The New Zealand Herald and NewstalkZB nothing more than a money-making venture to realise the value of its real estate marketing subsidiary? Has he no more interest than putting his share of the proceeds from spinning off OneRoof into a concealed safe in his $15 million Takapuna mansion?
Or does he intent to leverage his 9.6 percent holding and the support of other investors to take over the board (if not the company) in order to dictate the editorial direction of the country’s largest newspaper and its number one commercial radio station?
Grenon has said little beyond the barest of announcements that have been released by the New Zealand Stock Exchange. While he must exercise care to avoid triggering statutory takeover obligations, he cannot simply treat NZME as another of the private equity projects that have made him very wealthy. He is dealing with an entity whose influence and obligations extend far beyond the crude world of finance.
While I do not presume for one moment that he reads this column each week, let me suspend disbelief for a moment and speak directly to him.
Come clean and tell the people of New Zealand what you are doing and, more importantly, why.
Over the past week there has been considerable speculation over the answers to those questions. Much of it has drawn on what little we know of James Grenon. And it is precious little beyond two facts.
Backed right-wing Centrist
The first is that he put money behind the launch of a right-wing New Zealand news aggregation website, The Centrist, although he apparently no longer has a financial interest in it.
The second fact is that he provided financial support for conservative activists taking legal action against New Zealand media.
When I contacted a well-connected friend in Canada to ask about Grenon the response was short: “Never heard of him . . . and there aren’t that many Canadian billionaires.”
In short, the man who potentially may hold sway over the board of one of our biggest media companies has a very low profile indeed. That is a luxury to which he can no longer lay claim.
It may be that his interest is, after all, a financial one based on his undoubted investment skills. He may see a lucrative opportunity in OneRoof. After all, Fairfax’s public listing and subsequent sale of its Australian equivalent, Domain, provided not only a useful cash boost for shareholders but the creation of a stand-alone entity that now has a market cap of about $A2.8 billion.
Perhaps he wants a board cleanout to guarantee a OneRoof float.
If so, say so.
Similar transactions
Although spinning off OneRoof could have dire consequences for the viability of what would be left of NZME, that is a decision no different to similar transactions made by many companies in the financial interests of shareholders.
There is a world of difference, however, between seizing an investment opportunity and seeking to secure influence by dictating the editorial direction of a significant portion of our news media.
If the speculation is correct — and the billionaire is seeking to steer NZME on an editorial course to the right — New Zealand has a problem.
Communications minister Paul Goldsmith gave a lamely neoliberal response reported by Stuff last week: He was “happy to take some advice” on the development, but NZME was a “private company” and ultimately it was up to its shareholders to determine how it operated.
Let me repeat my earlier point: NZME is an entity whose influence and obligations extend far beyond the crude world of finance (and the outworn concept that the market can rule). Its stewardship of the vehicles at the forefront of news dissemination and opinion formation means it must meet higher obligation than what we expect of an ordinary “private company”.
The most fundamental of those obligations is the independence of editorial decision-making and direction.
I became editor of The New Zealand Herald shortly after Wilson & Horton was sold to Irish businessman Tony O’Reilly. On my appointment the then chief executive of O’Reilly’s Independent News & Media, Liam Healy, said the board had only one editorial requirement of me: That I would not advocate the use of violence as a legitimate means to a political end.
Only direction echoed Mandela
Coming from a man who had witnessed the effects of such violence in Northern Ireland, I had no difficulty in acceding to his request. And throughout my entire editorship, the only “request” made of me by O’Reilly himself was that I would support the distribution of generic Aids drugs in Africa. It followed a meeting he had had with Nelson Mandela. I had no other direction from the board.
Yes, I had to bat away requests by management personnel (who should have known better) to “do this” or “not do that” but, without exception, the attempts were commercially driven — they did not want to upset advertisers. There was never a political or ideological motive behind them. Nor were such requests limited to me.
I doubt there is an editor in the country who has not had a manager asking for something to please an advertiser. Disappointment hasn’t deterred their trying.
In this column last week, I wrote of the dangers of a rich owner (in that case Washington Post owner Jeff Bezos) dictating editorial policy. The dangers if James Grenon has similar intentions would be even greater, given NZME’s share of the news market.
The journalists’ union, E tu, has already concluded that the Canadian’s intention is to gain right-wing influence. Its director, Michael Wood, issued a statement in which he said: “The idea that a shadowy cabal, backed by extreme wealth, is planning to take over such an important institution in our democratic fabric should be of concern to all New Zealanders.”
He called on the current NZME board to re-affirm a commitment to editorial independence.
Michael Wood reflects the fears that are rightly held by NZME’s journalists. They, too, will doubtless be looking for assurances of editorial independence.
‘Cast-iron’ guarantees?
Such assurances are vital, but those journalists should look back to some “cast-iron” guarantees given by other rich new owners if they are to avoid history repeating itself.
I investigated such guarantees in a book I wrote titled Trust Ownership and the Future of News: Media Moguls and White Knights. In it I noted that 20 years before Rupert Murdoch purchased The Times of London, there was a warning that the newspaper’s editor “far from having his independence guaranteed, is on paper entirely in the hands of the Chief Proprietors who are specifically empowered by the Articles of Association to control editorial policy”, although there was provision for a “committee of notables” to veto the transfer of shares into undesirable hands.
To satisfy the British government, Murdoch gave guarantees of editorial independence and a “court of appeal” role for independent directors. Neither proved worth the paper they were written on.
In contrast, the constitution of the company that owns The Economist does not permit any individual or organisation to gain a majority shareholding. The editor exercises independent editorial control and is appointed by trustees, who are independent of commercial, political and proprietorial influences.
There are no such protections in the constitution, board charter, or code of conduct and ethics governing NZME. And it is doubtful that any cast-iron guarantees could be inserted in advance of the company’s annual general meeting.
If James Grenon does, in fact, have designs on the editorial direction of NZME, it is difficult to see how he might be prevented from achieving his aim.
Statutory guarantees would be unprecedented and, in any case, sit well outside the mindset of a coalition government that has shown no inclination to intervene in a deteriorating media market. Nonetheless, Minister Goldsmith would be well advised to address the issue with a good deal more urgency.
He might, at the very least, press the Canadian billionaire on his intentions.
And if the coalition thinks a swing to the right in our news media would be no bad thing, it should be very careful what it wishes for.
If the Canadian’s intentions are as Michael Wood suspects, perhaps the only hope will lie with those shareholders who see that it will be in their own financial interests to ensure that, in aggregate, NZME’s news assets continue to steer a (relatively) middle course. For proof, they need look only at the declining subscriber base of The Washington Post.
Postscipt On Wednesday, The New Zealand Herald stated James Grenon had provided further detail, of his intentions. It is clear that he does, in fact, intend to play a role in the editorial side of NZME.
Just how hands-on he would be remains to be seen. However, he told the Herald that, if successful in making it on to the NZME board, he expected an editorial board would be established “with representation from both sides of the spectrum”.
On the surface that looks reassuring but editorial boards elsewhere have also been used to serve the ends of a proprietor while giving the appearance of independence.
And just what role would an editorial board play? Would it determine the editorial direction that an editor would have to slavishly follow? Or would it be a shield protecting the editor’s independence?
Only time will tell.
Devil in the detail Media Insider columnist Shayne Currie, writing in the Weekend Herald, stated that “the Herald’s dominance has come through once again in quarterly Nielsen readership results . . . ” That is perfectly true: The newspaper’s average issue readership is more than four times that of its closest competitor.
What the Insider did not say was that the Herald’s readership had declined by 32,000 over the past year — from 531,000 to 499,000 — and by 14,000 since the last quarterly survey.
The Waikato Times, The Post and the Otago Daily Times were relatively stable while The Press was down 11,000 year-on-year but only 1000 since the last survey.
In the weekend market, the Sunday Star Times was down 1000 readers year-on-year to stand at 180,000 and up slightly on the last survey. The Herald on Sunday was down 6000 year-on-year to sit at 302,000.
There was a little good news in the weekly magazine market. The New Zealand Listener has gained 5000 readers year-on-year and now has a readership of 207,000. In the monthly market, Mindfood increased its readership by 15,000 over the same period and now sits at 222,000.
The New Zealand Woman’s Weekly continues to dominate the women’s magazine market. It was slightly up on the last survey but well down year-on-year, dropping from 458,000 to 408,000. Woman’s Day had an even greater annual decline, falling from 380,000 to 317,000.
Dr Gavin Ellis holds a PhD in political studies. He is a media consultant and researcher. A former editor-in-chief of The New Zealand Herald, he has a background in journalism and communications — covering both editorial and management roles — that spans more than half a century. This article was published first on his Knightly Views website on 11 March 2025 and is republished with permission.
Nine of the world’s ten wealthiest billionaires now call the United States home. The remaining one? He lives in France. And that one — Bernard Arnault, the 76-year-old who owns just about half the world’s largest maker of luxury goods — is now feeling some heat.
What has Arnault and his fellow French deep pockets beginning to sweat? Lawmakers in France’s National Assembly have just given a green light to the world’s first significant tax on billionaire wealth.
“The tax impunity of billionaires,” the measure’s prime sponsor, the Ecologist Party’s Eva Sas, exulted last month, “is over.”
The Aotearoa New Zealand union representing many of NZME’s journalists says it is “deeply worried” by a billionaire’s plans to take over its board.
Auckland-based Canadian billionaire Jim Grenon is leading a move to dump the board of media company NZME, owners of The New Zealand Herald and NewsTalk ZB.
He has told the company’s board he wants to remove most of the current directors, replace them with himself and three others, and choose one existing director to stay on.
He took a nearly 10 percent stake in the business earlier in the week.
Michael Wood, negotiation specialist at E tū, the union that represents NZME’s journalists, said he had grave concerns.
“We see a pattern that has been incredibly unhealthy in other countries, of billionaire oligarchs moving into media ownership roles to be able to promote their own particular view of the word,” he said.
“Secondly, we have a situation here where when Mr Grenon purchased holdings in NZME he was at pains to make it sound like an innocent manoeuvre with no broader agenda . . . within a few days he is aggressively pursuing board positions.”
What unsaid agendas?
Wood said Grenon had a track record of trying to influence media discourse in New Zealand.
“We are deeply concerned about this, about what unsaid agendas lie behind a billionaire oligarch trying to take ownership of one of our biggest media companies.”
Canadian billionaire James Grenon . . . track record of trying to influence media discourse in New Zealand. Image: TOM Capital Management/RNZ
“We are deeply concerned about this, about what unsaid agendas lie behind a billionaire oligarch trying to take ownership of one of our biggest media companies.”
He said it would be important for New Zealand not to follow the example of the US, where media outlets had become “the mouthpiece for the rich and powerful”.
E tū would consult its national delegate committee of journalists, he said.
Grenon has been linked with alternative news sites, including The Centrist, serving as the company’s director up to August 2023.
The Centrist claims to present under-served perspectives and reason-based analysis, “even if it might be too hot for the mainstream media to handle”.
Grenon has been approached for comment by RNZ.
Preoccupations with trans rights, treaty issues
Duncan Greive, founder of The Spinoff and media commentator, said he was a reader of Grenon’s site The Centrist.
“The main thing we know about him is that publication,” Greive said.
“It’s largely news aggregation but it has very specific preoccupations around trans rights, treaty issues and particularly vaccine injury and efficacy.
“A lot of the time it’s aggregating from mainstream news sites but there’s a definite feel that things are under-covered or under-emphasised at mainstream news organisations.
“If he is looking to gain greater control and exert influence on the publishing and editorial aspects of the business, you’ve got to think there is a belief that those things are under-covered and the editorial direction of The Herald isn’t what he would like it to be.”
The Spinoff founder and media commentator Duncan Greive . . . Investors “would be excited about the sale of OneRoof”. Image: RNZ News
Greive said the move could be connected to the NZME announcement in its annual results that it was exploring options for the sale of its real estate platform OneRoof.
“There are a lot of investors who believe OneRoof is being held back by proximity to the ‘legacy media’ assets of NZME and if it could be pulled out of there the two businesses would be more valuable separate than together.
“If you look at the shareholder book of NZME, you don’t image a lot of these institutional investors who hold the bulk of the shares are going to be as excited about editorial direction and issues as Grenon would be . . . but they would be excited about the sale of OneRoof.”
Wanting the publishing side
Greive said he could imagine a scenario where Grenon told shareholders he wanted the publishing side, at a reduced value, and the OneRoof business could be separated off.
“From a pure value realisation, maximisation of shareholder value point of view, that makes sense to me.”
Greive said attention would now go on the 37 percent of shareholders whom Grenon said had been consulted in confidence about his plans.
“It will become clear pretty quickly and they will be under pressure to say why they are involved in this and it will become clear pretty quickly whether my theory is correct.”
This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.
A new analysis has found that nearly $80 trillion in wealth has been redistributed from the bottom 90 percent of Americans to the richest 1 percent over the past 50 years, as neoliberal policies have come to roost and billionaires are poised to use their vast power to worsen wealth inequality in the coming years. Five years ago, researchers for RAND found that roughly $47 trillion earned by…
Far-right miscreant Elon Musk got a taste of the opposition to him in London – as protesters occupied his Tesla showroom over his multiple crimes against people and planet.
At midday on Saturday 1 March, the Tesla showroom in Westfield Shepherd’s Bush was disrupted by Climate Resistance protestors. A massive banner with the demand “Abolish billionaires” was dropped over the Tesla logo from a balcony above as a group of 30 staged a sit-in inside the showroom. The disruption took place as part of the new Abolish Billionaires campaign from campaign group Climate Resistance.
Private equity has a well-deserved reputation as a ruthless industry that specializes in stripping and flipping companies to extract profits for wealthy investors and enrich its own billionaire CEOs. It’s an industry that increasingly dominates our lives. Private equity’s tentacles stretch across nearly every sector, including housing, hospitals, energy, prisons, retail and sports.
Elon Musk, the world’s richest man, has been the public face of the Trump administration’s effort to dismantle many government agencies and slash the size of the federal workforce. On Wednesday, he attended Trump’s first Cabinet meeting, although he is not a Cabinet member. Meanwhile, Russell Vought, the Project 2025 mastermind and director of the White House Office of Management and Budget, has been working behind the scenes to enact far-right policies aimed at privatizing public resources like Medicaid and Social Security. We speak with Jacobin staff writer Branko Marcetic to discuss the radical DOGE agenda. “As they make these ruthless, ruthless cuts to the programs that people rely on, … they also want to keep in place massive tax cuts for the rich,” he says.
This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.
Elon Musk, the world’s richest man, has been the public face of the Trump administration’s effort to dismantle many government agencies and slash the size of the federal workforce. On Wednesday, he attended Trump’s first Cabinet meeting, although he is not a Cabinet member. Meanwhile, Russell Vought, the Project 2025 mastermind and director of the White House Office of Management and Budget, has been working behind the scenes to enact far-right policies aimed at privatizing public resources like Medicaid and Social Security. We speak with Jacobin staff writer Branko Marcetic to discuss the radical DOGE agenda. “As they make these ruthless, ruthless cuts to the programs that people rely on, … they also want to keep in place massive tax cuts for the rich,” he says.
This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.
The re-election of Donald Trump is proof that the Right’s most powerful weapon is media manipulation, ensuring the public sphere is not engaged in rational debate, reports the Independent Australia.
COMMENTARY:By Victoria Fielding
I once heard someone say that when the Left and the Right became polarised — when they divorced from each other — the Left got all the institutions of truth including science, education, justice and democratic government.
The Right got the institution of manipulation: the media. This statement hit me for six at the time because it seemed so clearly true.
What was also immediately clear is that there was an obvious reason why the Left sided with the institutions of truth and the Right resorted to manipulation. It is because truth does not suit right-wing arguments.
The existence of climate change does not suit fossil fuel billionaires. Evidence that wealth does not trickle down does not suit the capitalist class. The idea that diversity, equity and inclusion (yes, I put those words in that order on purpose) is better for everyone, rather than a discriminatory, hateful, destructive, divided unequal world is dangerous for the Right to admit.
The Right’s embrace of the media institution also makes sense when you consider that the institutions of truth are difficult to buy, whereas billionaires can easily own manipulative media.
Just ask Elon Musk, who bought Twitter and turned it into a political manipulation machine. Just ask Rupert Murdoch, who is currently engaged in a bitter family war to stop three of his children opposing him and his son Lachlan from using their “news” organisations as a form of political manipulation for right-wing interests.
Right-wingers also know that truthful institutions only have one way of communicating their truths to the public: via the media. Once the media environment is manipulated, we enter a post-truth world.
Experts derided as untrustworthy ‘elitists’
This is the world where billionaire fossil fuel interests undermine climate action. It is where scientists create vaccines to save lives but the manipulated public refuses to take them. Where experts are derided as untrustworthy “elitists”.
And it is where the whole idea of democratic government in the US has been overthrown to install an autocratic billionaire-enriching oligarchy led by an incompetent fool who calls himself the King.
Once you recognise this manipulated media environment, you also understand that there is not — and never has been — such as thing as a rational public debate. Those engaged in the institutions of the Left — in science, education, justice and democratic government — seem mostly unwilling to accept this fact.
Instead, they continue to believe if they just keep telling people the truth and communicating what they see as entirely rational arguments, the public will accept what they have to say.
I think part of the reason that the Left refuses to accept that public debate is not rational and rather, is a manipulated bin fire of misleading information, including mis/disinformation and propaganda, is because they are not equipped to compete in this reality. What do those on the Left do with “post-truth”?
They seem to just want to ignore it and hope it goes away.
A perfect example of this misunderstanding of the post-truth world and the manipulated media environment’s impact on the public is this paper, by political science professors at the Australian National University Ian McAllister and Nicholas Biddle.
Stunningly absolutist claim
Their research sought to understand why polling at the start of the 2023 Indigenous Voice to Parliament Referendumshowed widespread public support for the Voice but over the course of the campaign, this support dropped to the point where the Voice was defeated with 60 per cent voting “No” and 40 per cent, “Yes”.
In presenting their study’s findings, the authors make the stunningly absolutist claim that:
‘…the public’s exposure to all forms of mass media – as we have measured it here – had no impact on the result’.
A note is then attached to this finding with the caveat:
‘As noted earlier, given the data at hand we are unable to test the possibility that the content of the media being consumed resulted in a reinforcement of existing beliefs and partisanship rather than a conversion.’
This caveat leaves a gaping hole in the finding by failing to account for how media reinforcing existing beliefs is an important media effect – as argued by Neil Gavin here. Since it was not measured, how can they possibly say there was no effect?
Furthermore, the very premise of the author’s sweeping statement that media exposure had no impact on the result of the Referendum is based on two naive assumptions:
that voters were rational in their deliberations over the Referendum question; and
that the information environment voters were presented with was rational.
Dual assumption of rationality
This dual assumption of rationality – one that the authors interestingly admit is an assumption – is evidenced in their hypothesis which states:
‘Voters who did not follow the campaign in the mass media were more likely to move from a yes to a no vote compared to voters who did follow the campaign in the mass media.’
This hypothesis, the authors explain, is premised on the assumption ‘that those with less information are more likely to opt for the status quo and cast a no vote’, and therefore that less exposure to media would change a vote from “Yes” to “No”.What this hypothesis assumes is that if a voter received more rational information in the media about the Referendum, that information would rationally drive their vote in the “Yes” direction. When their data disproved this hypothesis, the authors used this finding to claim that the media had no effect.
To understand the reality of what happened in the Referendum debate, the word “rational” needs to be taken out of the equation and the word “manipulated” put in.
We know, of course, that the Referendum was awash with manipulative information, which all supported the “No” campaign. For example, my study of News Corp’s Voice coverage — Australia’s largest and most influential news organisation — found that News Corp actively campaigned for the “No” proposition in concert with the “No” campaign, presenting content more like a political campaign than traditional journalism and commentary.
A study by Queensland University of Technology’s Tim Graham analysed how the Voice Referendum was discussed on social media platform, X. Far from a rational debate, Graham identified that the “No” campaign and its supporters engaged in a participatory disinformation propaganda campaign, which became a “truth market” about the Voice.
The ‘truth market’
This “truth market” was described as drawing “Yes” campaigners into a debate about the truth of the Voice, sidetracking them from promoting their own cause.
What such studies showed was that, far from McAllister and Biddle’s assumed rational information environment, the Voice Referendum public debate was awash with manipulation, propaganda, disinformation and fear-mongering.
The “No” campaign that delivered this manipulation perfectly demonstrates how the Right uses media to undermine institutions of truth, to undermine facts and to undermine the rationality of democratic debates.
The completely unfounded assumption that the more information a voter received about the Voice, the more likely they would vote “Yes”, reveals a misunderstanding of the reality of a manipulated public debate environment present across all types of media, from mainstream news to social media.
It also wrongly treats voters like rational deliberative computers by assuming that the more information that goes in, the more they accept that information. This is far from the reality of how mediated communication affects the public.
The reason the influence of media on individuals and collectives is, in reality, so difficult to measure and should never be bluntly described as having total effect or no effect, is that people are not rational when they consume media, and every individual processes information in their own unique and unconscious ways.
One person can watch a manipulated piece of communication and accept it wholeheartedly, others can accept part of it and others reject it outright.
Manipulation unknown
No one piece of information determines how people vote and not every piece of information people consume does either. That’s the point of a manipulated media environment. People who are being manipulated do not know they are being manipulated.
Importantly, when you ask individuals how their media consumption impacted on them, they of course do not know. The decisions people make based on the information they have ephemerally consumed — whether from the media, conversations, or a wide range of other information sources, are incredibly complex and irrational.
Surely the re-election of Donald Trump for a second time, despite all the rational arguments against him, is proof that the manipulated media environment is an incredibly powerful weapon — a weapon the Right, globally, is clearly proficient at wielding.
It is time those on the Left caught up and at least understood the reality they are working in.
Dr Victoria Fielding is an Independent Australia columnist. This article was first published by the Independent Australia and is republished with the author’s permission.
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