Category: Caste

  • A screengrab of a YouTube video from TV9 Kannada featuring Karnataka chief minister Siddaramaiah is being widely shared on social media with users drawing attention to its title. It says: “I Will Share Wealth Of The Nation To Muslims: CM Siddaramaiah”.

    BJP supporters and Right Wing influencers are sharing the clip in response to the criticism by the Congress camp of Prime Minister Modi’s speech at a public meeting in Rajasthan’s Banswara on April 21. In his address, the PM stated that the Congress manifesto had promised wealth redistribution among Muslims. He further claimed that former Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh had in 2006 said that the “first claim on nation’s resources” was of the Muslims. Alt News has fact-checked this claim here.

    Subsequently, PM Modi was heavily criticized by the Opposition.

    Premium subscribed X (formerly Twitter) user BhikuMhatre (Modi’s Family) (@MumbaichaDon) shared the above-mentioned image on April 22 reasserting that Congress wanted to take the wealth of the Hindus to distribute it to the Muslim community.

    Another premium subscribed X user, Mr Sinha (Modi’s family) (@MrSinha_) who has been found by Alt News spreading communal misinformation several times in the past, shared the viral image and mentioned in his caption: “PM Modi wasn’t lying……” His tweet has received close to 7.5 Lakh views and has been retweeted over 8,600 times.

    Several other users associated with the BJP and members of the Right-Wing ecosystem shared the same image claiming that what PM Modi had said about Congress’ wealth redistribution plans was true.

    Click to view slideshow.

    Fact Check

    We searched for the video in question on TV9 Kannada’s YouTube channel and found that it was published on December 3, 2023. At the 0.46 mark of the video, one can find Siddaramaiah’s original speech given in Kannada. We translated the Karnataka CM’s speech from Kannada to English. He said:

    “The previous government did less than what was done when I was there. But again, I have worked to increase it again this year, because I came to power in the middle of this year. But from next year I will ensure giving more because you also need to get an education, and religious centres should be developed to practice your religion. You too should get a share in the wealth of this country. You are also Indian right… This country should belong to you and us. The wealth of this country belongs to you and belongs to us, so I will work to distribute the wealth of this country to you too. In this case, I will say one thing you will not be treated unfairly for any reason. I work to protect you. Similarly, I work to protect people belonging to all religions and castes”.

    Siddaramaiah made the remarks after inaugurating the South India convention of Muslim religious heads ‘Aluad-E-Gouse-E-Azam Conference’ at Dargah Hazrat Badshah Peeran of Pale village on the outskirts of Hubballi on December 4, 2023. He had also announced increasing the allocation to minorities welfare department from the existing Rs 4,000 crore to Rs 10,000 crore. His statements sparked a row as BJP and JD(S) described it as appeasement and vote-bank politics and demanded an explanation from the CM on how he could make a promise with such huge financial implications at a private event when the legislature was in session.

    It is clear from the above translation that Siddaramaiah was not talking about giving doles to any one community. His words, “his country should belong to you and us. The wealth of this country belongs to you and belongs to us, so I will work to distribute the wealth of this country to you too” and “I work to protect you. Similarly, I work to protect people belonging to all religions and castes” belie the claims being made on social media that the Karnataka CM had pledged that he would take the wealth of the Hindus to distribute it to the Muslim community. In reality, he spoke about an equitable distribution of the wealth of this country and everyone getting their rightful share irrespective of caste and religion.

    The title of the TV9 Kannada video on YouTube, too, is misleading.

    The post Siddaramaiah’s pledge of equitable distribution of wealth irrespective of caste and religion amplified falsely appeared first on Alt News.


    This content originally appeared on Alt News and was authored by Oishani Bhattacharya.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Park Jin Chul was still high on meth and slightly drunk when he spat into his hand and held it out in front of Ri Kwang Hyuk’s face.

    “Eat this,” he ordered his junior non-commissioned officer.

    Kwang Hyuk thought about submitting to his former classmate, who had once looked up to him but who now outranked him in the North Korean army. 

    But he had seen enough. Jin Chul was still the slacker he was back then, and he was only leading this unit because he came from a higher-status family. He talked down to his men and ordered them around like servants.

    Defiantly, Kwang Hyuk stood motionless.

    “Fine, if that’s how it is,” Jin Chul said as he grabbed Kwang Hyuk by the throat and slammed him against the wall.

    Life in the North Korean military is very much like this scene from recently released short film “Two Soldiers,” said defector-turned-director Jeong Haneul, who had been a soldier when he escaped to the South across the demilitarized zone in 2012.

    But the main point of his 23-minute film is not so much to reveal hardships facing soldiers but more to illustrate the unfairness of North Korea’s songbun system of ascribed status, he said.

    It was this caste-like system that drove Jeong to risk everything to get to South Korea, where he became a film director.

    “I titled the film ‘Two Soldiers’ to show through the lives of soldiers how differences in class and songbun exist as discrimination,” Jeong told RFA Korean.

    Caste based on loyalty

    Those with the highest songbun are descended from people who fought alongside national founder Kim Il Sung against colonial Japan prior to and during World War II, and have demonstrated through multiple generations that they are steadfast in their loyalty to the North Korean leadership. 

    These people are also the most privileged and can expect a fast track to membership in the ruling Korean Workers’ Party, which almost guarantees them cushy government jobs, the best education for their children, and expensive homes in the best parts of the capital Pyongyang.

    Meanwhile those with the lowest songbun are descendants of those who collaborated with Japan during the colonial period, or criminals. 

    They have almost no hope of ever joining the party and they aren’t even allowed to visit the capital without a rare invitation from the government. They are given the most menial jobs and have little access to higher education.

    ENG_KOR_DefectorDirector_02142024.2.PNG
    An image from “Two Soldiers,” to movie Haneul made the movie to show how differences in class and songbun exist as discrimination. (Courtesy Jeong Haneul)

    In essence, those with low songbun are paying for crimes or lapses of loyalty committed by their grandparents or even great-grandparents, and those with high songbun are often reaping the rewards that they did not earn. 

    North Korea’s mandatory military service, which, for men, is now seven years but was 10 years until recently, brings people of all strata of society together, but those from the lower status must fall in line or else, Jeong said.

    Sick of this system, Jeong sneaked away when the senior officer at his border guard post was taking a midday nap. Normally, a fence surging with 2,200 volts of electricity would have prevented such an escape, but it had collapsed in a recent typhoon.  

    The next day, he encountered a South Korean soldier on the southern side of the border and told him he wanted to defect.

    As of 2024, the total number of North Korean escapees to have entered South Korea since the end of the 1950-53 Korean War is 34,078.

    Jeong is among around only 400 who crossed the land border to South Korea and lived to tell the tale. Most take a much more circuitous route through China and Southeast Asia, from where they fly to Seoul.

    Elements of truth

    The film “Two Soldiers,” which debuted on Jan. 21 and can be viewed on YouTube, is based loosely on Jeong’s own experience.

    His family were laborers, relatively low on the social ladder, so his time in the army was similar to that of the protagonist Kwang Hyuk. 

    Jin Chul, the arrogant and abusive higher ranking soldier in the film, is based on a schoolmate with whom Jeong served whose uncle was a high-ranking military official. 

    The classmate would brag that he would be a member of the party only five years after being discharged, easily get a recommendation to attend the prestigious Kim Il Sung University and become a party official upon graduation – making him one of the elite.

    Soldiers whiskey.jpg
    Soldiers drink imported whiskey – a rarity in North Korea – in a scene from the film “Two Soldiers.” (Two Soldiers)

    “He was also able to be assigned a sleeping position wherever he wanted, and I remember his untanned face, ” he said. “[He even] disappeared for several days during training to rest at his uncle’s house in Pyongyang and then came back.”

    In the movie, the privileged Jin Chul, whose uncle is a big shot political official, doesn’t even bother wearing his full uniform. When Kwang Hyuk arrives, Jin Chul orders Kim Kwang Il, a private under his command whom he treats like a servant, to bring some whiskey and food for him and his old schoolmate.

    Kwang Hyuk questions whether it is wise to be drinking openly while they should be on duty, but Jin Chul explains that he’s the boss, and if Kwang Hyuk sticks with him, he can get preferential treatment.

    Though soldiers aren’t supposed to have any visitors, Jin Chul’s girlfriend arrives in a Mercedes Benz convertible, and she delivers him a supply of “ice,” the North Korean street name for crystal meth. 

    Jin Chul later passes out on his bunk in the middle of the day after binging on meth. He uses the half-empty bottle of Ballantine’s whiskey as a makeshift pillow.

    Intentionally exaggerated

    Jin Chul’s portrayal could be seen as over the top, but Jeong says that is deliberate.

    “I intentionally exaggerated the setting in the movie, but considering my experience in military life, North Korea is capable of doing more than that,” he said

    Jeong, as a laborer, was in a better situation than farm workers, he said. In order to get off the farm, they would have to be recommended to a military school that trains officers or a security college that trains security agents after discharge.

    During Jeong’s service, an order was issued to “reduce the number of former farm workers recommended to military schools,” which closed off many opportunities for them.

    “This kind of discrimination is not anyone’s fault,” he said. “The North Korean authorities who created that system are the cause.”

    While he was making “Two Soldiers,” Jeong said he was often reminded about his experience during bootcamp.

    “I missed my parents so much and thought about my hometown a lot,” he said. “My weight was 45 kilograms [99 pounds]. I was almost malnourished.”

    His lack of freedom was stifling, Jeong said.

    “I was unable to do anything or go anywhere. There was no one on my side and I felt completely isolated,” he said. “I cried endlessly in the blowing autumn wind. I was hoping that someone would take me away and that someone would recognize me.”

    Translated by Leejin J. Chung. Written in English by Eugene Whong. Edited by Malcolm Foster.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By Lee Hyunju and Mok Yong Jae for RFA Korean.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.


  • This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Seg1 avacasteorigin

    We speak with award-winning filmmaker Ava DuVernay about her latest feature film, Origin, which explores discrimination in the United States and beyond through a dramatization of the book Caste: The Origins of Our Discontents by Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist Isabel Wilkerson, whose process of writing the book is a central part of the film’s story. DuVernay, whose previous projects include Selma and 13th, says she was captivated by the ideas in the book after reading it in 2020 amid mass protests over the police murder of George Floyd in Minneapolis. “Isabel Wilkerson writes it in a beautiful way, but it is pretty dense material. And so my goal was to attach character into that so that there could be a deeper empathy,” DuVernay tells Democracy Now! “The film follows Isabel Wilkerson in her pursuit of truth as she writes the book.”


    This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken and U.S. Ambassador to India Atul Keshap (back right), deliver remarks to civil society organization representatives in a meeting room at the Leela Palace Hotel in New Delhi, India, on July 28, 2021.

    Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited the U.S. recently, attending the UN General Assembly session and meeting with President Biden. In spite of his government’s reign of terror against religious and ethnic minorities and dissidents in India, his U.S. hosts remained strangely silent.

    The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government led by Modi has committed egregious human rights violations against wide swaths of the Indian population. In just the two years since getting reelected in 2019, the government has changed naturalization laws to discriminate against Muslims and charged critics of this new law with sedition.

    It has escalated the conflict in Kashmir, used pellet guns against peaceful protesters (which can cause serious eye injuries leading to blindness), and detained thousands (including children) without trial under cover of a complete news, landline phone, mobile phone, and internet shutdown that lasted seven months.

    It has ignored the epidemic of horrific sexual violence in which Dalit women and girls (belonging to the lowest Hindu castes) are often targeted by upper-caste perpetrators.

    Over the last year, the Indian farmers’ movement has made history as the largest protest movement ever. The government of India has responded by unleashing violence against the protesters, cracking down on journalists covering the protests, and targeting the Indian youth climate movement for its solidarity with the farmers.

    Far from expressing any disapproval of these horrors, Biden joined Modi in a commitment to “advance the partnership between the world’s largest democracies.” The fact that India is well on its way to full-fledged authoritarianism didn’t factor into Biden’s remarks in the least.

    The meaningless platitudes in the official statement could be mere diplomatic niceties between nation states. But there may be more sinister factors at play here.

    The Ambassador and the Brownshirt

    Until September 8, the U.S. Charge d’Affaires in India was Atul Keshap. Shortly before his return to the U.S., he met with the head of the oldest existing fascist militia in the world, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS).

    This meeting wasn’t remotely justifiable as a part of Keshap’s duties. The RSS is neither a part of the Indian government nor a formal political party. It’s an extremist organization with a sordid history of instigating sectarian violence, a fact acknowledged by the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom. The violent acts attributable to members of the RSS include the assassination of Gandhi.

    Yet the ruling BJP openly admits its close ideological ties with the RSS.

    None of this could possibly be unknown to Keshap. Why then did he meet with the head of the RSS? Was it poor judgment, or evidence of his own Hindu fascist leanings? Or did it result from a cynical political calculation at high levels of the U.S. foreign policy establishment that the RSS was the de facto ruling faction in India, so the U.S. may as well start dealing with them?

    We’ll never know the answer unless there’s an investigation into Keshap’s motives. And if there’s no investigation, suspicion of approval of this ill-advised meeting by higher levels of the U.S. government will only deepen.

    Corporate Interests Over Human Rights

    India has the third highest GDP in the world (taking purchasing power into account). It’s also the world’s second most populous country, with about one-sixth of the world’s population.

    For multinational businesses, this makes India a lucrative export market and an attractive target for foreign direct investment (FDI). This isn’t hypothetical — India has the ninth highest level of FDI in the world. The U.S. is India’s second largest trading partner, and the second highest source of FDI.

    Here’s a question for Biden: By befriending the Modi government and ignoring its abuses, has your administration knowingly elevated the economic interests of U.S. corporations over the human rights of hundreds of millions of Indians?

    Islamophobia and Sinophobia

    The institutionalized Islamophobic policies of the Indian government are well-documented. Unfortunately, the U.S. is guilty of much the same.

    Domestic surveillance programs in the U.S. targeting Muslims using “terrorism” as a pretext haven’t vanished under Biden; they have remained in place under four successive administrations since the enactment of sweeping new government surveillance powers in 2001. No one should be fooled by the mere absence of the overt Islamophobic rhetoric of the Trump era.

    The convergence of security and counter-terrorism policies between the two countries is reflected in the commitment to a “shared fight against global terrorism.” This is a reaffirmation of pre-existing collaboration on “counterterrorism.”

    It should be disturbing to anyone who cares about human rights that the country that invented the “war on terror,” which has entailed bombing several Muslim majority countries and spying on Muslims at home, is cooperating on “counterterrorism” with a country under an openly Islamophobic government.

    Another arena of security cooperation between the two countries is the newly formed “Quad,” a grouping that also includes Japan and Australia. It’s evidently intended to counter China’s growing influence in the Asia-Pacific region. This represents yet another example of the Biden administration’s ongoing saber-rattling on China.

    India has its own regional power rivalry with China, and clearly the U.S. sees value in enlisting India into its anti-China alliance.

    This isn’t to say that the common enemies identified by the U.S. and India are angels. China and the Taliban, to take another example, have their own well-documented histories of human rights violations. But rhetoric about “strengthening democratic values and institutions” from the U.S. and India ring hollow in the face of India’s slide into fascism. And the U.S. isn’t a paragon of democracy either.

    Another question for Biden : Do you seriously believe your own rhetoric from your joint statement with Modi, or are you merely making an expedient alliance with an authoritarian government for your geopolitical ends?

    The Petrostate and the Coal Republic

    There’s growing evidence that climate change can’t be tackled effectively without phasing out fossil fuel production. But the U.S. is the world’s largest oil and gas producer, and India is the world’s second largest coal producer. Any joint India-U.S. statement about “galvanizing global efforts to scale up climate action” have to be seen in this light.

    While the Biden administration doesn’t engage in Trump’s crude denialism, it has continued offshore oil and gas leasing and refused to block harmful fossil fuel projects such as the Line 3 oil pipeline. The construction of Line 3 has faced determined resistance from Indigenous peoples defending their land, water, and culture. Governments from the local to the federal have responded with a violent crackdown.

    The Modi government in India has waged its own repression against Adivasi (Indigenous) peoples resisting extractivism.

    It has auctioned land for expanded coal mining, disproportionately in majority Adivasi areas. It has promoted increased coal production as “self-reliance,” which I have noted elsewhere is “a possible prelude to characterizing opposition from the Adivasis and other impacted communities as acts of sedition.” That’s because Modi’s government has already (repeatedly) labeled dissidents and critical journalists as seditious.

    Another question for Biden: Do the “shared values and principles” cited in your joint statement with Modi include digging up fossil fuels while paying lip service to climate action, and unleashing repression against Indigenous peoples who get in the way?

    A Fundamental Continuity

    In several areas, including relations with India, the difference between Trump and Biden is more stylistic than substantive. Unlike Trump, Biden doesn’t join Modi at Nuremberg-style rallies in Houston and Ahmedabad. But U.S. complicity in India’s human rights abuses continues, without Trump’s bluster.

    For those in the U.S., there’s not much we can do directly to confront the RSS and its political front in India. But the least we can do is hold the U.S. government’s feet to the fire for aligning with one of the most dangerous authoritarian regimes in the world.

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • Isabel Wilkerson’s account of racial oppression elides crucial differences between social inequality in South Asia and the United States—differences with real implications for emancipatory political projects.

    This post was originally published on Dissent MagazineDissent Magazine.