Findings In this systematic review of 36 studies from 11 countries, school closures and social lockdown during the first COVID-19 wave were associated with adverse mental health symptoms (such as distress and anxiety) and health behaviors (such as higher screen time and lower physical activity) among children and adolescents.
When they shelled us with the second missile, I woke up and was surrounded by rubble. I realized that my leg had been cut off…. My father and mother were martyred. My brother Mohammad and my sister Dalia, too. I only want one thing: for the war to end.
The ongoing Israeli genocide of Palestinians has made Gaza “the world’s most dangerous place to be a child.” For every child Israel kills, many more are wounded or maimed, causing mass amputations and disablement that amount to a direct assault on the collective Palestinian body. Our latest visual, created in partnership with Defense for Children International – Palestine (DCIP), tells the stories of children whose lives and limbs have been stolen by Israel, and how Israel’s targeted destruction of Gaza’s healthcare system makes it impossible for them to access much-needed medical supplies and rehabilitation services.
From forced starvation, to scholasticide, to mass displacement, to mass disablement, to mass killing, to separation from caregivers and loved ones, children in Gaza are facing conditions that no child should ever face anywhere in the world.
Aqeel Muslem AbdulHusain Juma, a 16-year-old minor and school student, was arrested by Bahraini authorities on 14 January 2025 after appearing for a summons before the High Criminal Court. He is the younger brother of 17-year-old detained minor Abbas Muslem AbdulHusain Juma, who was arrested on 26 August 2024 and convicted on similar charges in the same case, including unlawful assembly, rioting, and arson. During his detention, he has endured torture, denial of family visits and legal counsel, deprivation of education, and an unfair trial. He is currently held in the Juvenile section of Dry Dock Prison, serving a one-year sentence.
In October 2024, at just 15 years old, Aqeel was repeatedly summoned for questioning at Budaiya Police Station. Accompanied by his father during each session, he was released under assurances from the responsible officer that his legal status was secure, he would not be arrested, and there was no cause for concern. On 21 October 2024, at 8:30 A.M., he attended what was supposed to be his final questioning with his father.
On 9 January 2025, at the end of his first school term, Aqeel’s family received a summons requiring his attendance before the High Criminal Court on 14 January 2025, along with a referral order—issued on 26 December 2024—for their detained older son, Abbas. The order also referred 15-year-olds Ali Husain Matrook Abdulla and AbdulAziz Husain AlHammadi to the High Criminal Court, all on charges of arson, unlawful assembly, and rioting. When the family reviewed the referral order, they were shocked to find that Aqeel had also been referred to the High Criminal Court in the same case on the same charges and labeled as a “wanted” and “fugitive,” despite having fully complied with all previous summonses..
On 14 January 2025, Aqeel, accompanied by his family, complied with the summons and appeared before the High Criminal Court. The judge ordered his detention until 21 January 2025 pending investigation on charges of 1) arson and 2) unlawful assembly and rioting, brought by the Public Prosecution Office (PPO) on 26 December 2024.
Between 14 and 28 January 2025, Aqeel was interrogated without the presence of a lawyer or guardian, despite being a minor. His family could not afford legal representation, and the authorities failed to appoint one for him. During this time, officers threatened him and pressured him to confess. To protect his family’s emotional well-being, he refrained from disclosing the methods of torture he endured. On 21 January 2025, the Public Prosecution Office (PPO) extended Aqeel’s detention by another week pending investigation. His trial began on 28 January 2025 without legal representation, as his family could not afford a lawyer, and the court failed to appoint one.
Aqeel was not brought before a judge within 24 hours of his arrest and was denied legal representation during both interrogation and trial. He was not given adequate time or resources to prepare his defense, nor was he able to present evidence or challenge the charges against him. His family could not afford a lawyer, and the court failed again to appoint one during the trial period. On 11 February 2025, the High Criminal Court sentenced Aqeel, along with his brother Abbas and their friends Ali Husain Matrook Abdulla and AbdulAziz Husain AlHammadi, to one year in prison on charges of 1) unlawful assembly and rioting and 2) arson related to burning tires.
Following his arrest, Bahraini authorities banned Aqeel’s family from visiting him in detention. The Dry Dock Prison administration has also deprived Aqeel of his right to education.
On 11 March 2025, two months after his arrest, Aqeel’s family was finally allowed to visit him at Dry Dock Prison for the first time.
Aqeel’s arbitrary arrest as a minor, torture, denial of family visits and legal counsel, unfair trial, and deprivation of his right to education constitute clear violations of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), and the United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners, also known as the Nelson Mandela Rules, to which Bahrain is a party.
Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) calls upon Bahraini authorities to fulfill their human rights obligations by immediately and unconditionally releasing Aqeel. ADHRB further urges the Bahraini government to investigate allegations of arbitrary arrest, torture, denial of family visits and legal counsel, and deprivation of education, ensuring that perpetrators are held accountable and that Aqeel is compensated for the violations he endured. At the very least, ADHRB advocates for a fair retrial for Aqeel under the Bahraini Restorative Justice Law for Children and in accordance with international legal standards, leading to his release. Furthermore, ADHRB calls on Bahraini authorities to allow regular family visits for Aqeel, permit him to resume his education, and offer the necessary support to enable him to complete his studies.
Ali Salman Maki Marhoon was a 16-year-old minor and school student when Bahraini authorities arrested him without a warrant on 5 August 2024 after summoning him to the Sitra Police Station. During his detention, he has endured enforced disappearance, torture, denial of legal representation, unfair trials, and deprivation of his right to education and family visits, along with ongoing reprisals. He is currently held at Dry Dock Prison, serving a one-year and three-month sentence while awaiting trial for other pending cases.
On the evening of 5 August 2024, Ali and his friends, Mohammed Isa Khatam and Husain Saleh AlBarri, went to Sitra Police Station after receiving a phone call from their detained friend, Sadiq Hobail, requesting them to deliver his mobile phone. Upon arrival, officers arrested them without presenting any arrest warrant or stating any reason for the arrest. At the station, they were later accused by officers of multiple offenses, including illegal assembly and rioting. Ali’s family attempted to contact him, but their calls went unanswered. After searching multiple police stations, officers repeatedly told them he wasn’t in custody. He remained forcibly disappeared for three days, with his family unaware of his whereabouts or well-being. Only on 8 August 2024, three days after his arrest, was Ali finally allowed to call home, revealing that he was being held at Dry Dock Prison and charged with multiple offenses, including 1) illegal assembly, 2) rioting, 3) arson, 4) incitement of hatred against the regime, and 5) two cases of assault on military personnel.
Between 5 and 8 August 2024, Ali was interrogated at Sitra Police Station without a lawyer or guardian present, despite being a minor. He was neither allowed to consult his lawyer beforehand nor have her present during questioning. Officers tortured him and pressured him to confess, but he refused. Out of concern for his family’s feelings, he did not disclose the specific methods of torture.
On 8 August 2024, Ali was brought before the Public Prosecution Office (PPO). His lawyer attempted to attend but was denied entry. He only saw her briefly as he was leaving the PPO, without the chance to speak. Despite refusing to confess, the PPO charged him with multiple offenses, including 1) illegal assembly, 2) rioting, 3) arson, 4) incitement of hatred against the regime, and 5) two counts of assault on military personnel. Following this, he was transferred to Dry Dock Prison.
On 16 December 2024, Ali and his three fellow detained minors—Mohammed Isa Khatam, Ali Omran, and Hussain Saleh AlBarri—began a hunger strike at Dry Dock Prison to protest their prolonged pre-trial detention and denial of their right to education. They demanded either their release or an expedited trial, along with the right to continue their school education in prison. In retaliation, the prison administration isolated all four in a small, closed cell. On 21 December 2024, an officer urged them to end their strike, but they refused, vowing to continue until their demands were met—even as Ali’s blood sugar dropped to a dangerously low level. That same day, a public prosecutor met with them and recorded their demands, yet the authorities took no action. On 22 December 2024, the minors ended their hunger strike. The next day, Ali was brought before the court again for the illegal assembly and rioting case.
On 20 January 2025, reports revealed that Ali, along with his friends Ali Omran, Husain AlBarri, and Mohammed Isa Khatam -detained in the Dry Dock Prison- had been subjected to additional punitive retaliatory measures. These included confinement to their cells without family contact or outdoor breaks for up to seven consecutive days and denial of access to purchase basic necessities from the prison canteen, all as punishment for speaking loudly. These harsh measures, effectively isolating Ali and his friends, have taken a severe toll on their mental and physical health.
Ali was not brought before a judge within 24 hours of his arrest and was denied access to his lawyer during trials. He was not given adequate time or facilities to prepare for his defense, nor was he able to present evidence or challenge the evidence presented against him. On an unknown date, Ali was sentenced to three months in prison for 1) illegal assembly and 2) rioting. On 25 February 2025, he received an additional one-year sentence and a 500 Bahraini Dinar fine for 3) arson, bringing his total sentence to one year and three months. He is also awaiting trial for additional charges, including 4) a second arson charge, 5) incitement of hatred against the regime, and 6) two separate cases of assault on military personnel.
For six months, Ali was completely denied family visits. His parents were only allowed to visit him for the first time on 6 February 2025—six months after his arrest.
Ali continues to be denied his right to resume school education. His family submitted complaints to the Ombudsman and the National Institution for Human Rights (NIHR), urging authorities to allow him to continue his education, but they have received no response.
Ali continues to face arbitrary bans from purchasing items from the prison canteen, imposed weekly for the slightest reasons—even for simply requesting drinking water. In February, despite the cold weather, hot water for bathing was unavailable. He also suffers from a shortage of clothing, as the prison administration refuses to allow his family to provide him with additional clothes, including winter wear.
Ali’s warrantless arrest as a minor, enforced disappearance, torture, denial of legal counsel and guardian access during interrogations and trials, deprivation of family visits, unfair trials, denial of his right to education, and reprisals constitute blatant violations of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the Convention against Torture (CAT), the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), and the United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners, also known as the Nelson Mandela Rules, to which Bahrain is a party.
Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) urges Bahraini authorities to immediately and unconditionally release Ali. ADHRB also calls for a thorough investigation into allegations of arbitrary arrest, enforced disappearance, torture, deprivation of family visits, denial of legal counsel and guardian access during interrogations and trials, denial of the right to education, and reprisals, demanding that those responsible be held accountable. At the very least, ADHRB demands that Ali be granted a fair retrial for the charges he has already been convicted and sentenced for, as well as a fair trial for the pending charges he faces, in line with the Bahraini Restorative Justice Law for Children and international standards. Additionally, he must be granted immediate access to education. Finally, ADHRB calls on Dry Dock Prison administration to immediately cease all retaliatory measures against Ali and his friends, ensuring their access to basic necessities through the prison canteen and the provision of adequate clothing during detention.
British society has been dealing with organised child exploitation through grooming gangs for an extended period. Official data contradicts media perceptions about who engages in these criminal activities by showing Pakistani men are not the main offenders. Official Home Office data indicates that defendants facing child sexual abuse prosecution in England and Wales are predominantly white since their number reaches 88 percent. News reports on offences by South Asian individuals receive unusually high attention from media outlets thus perpetuating racial misconceptions that deepen societal rifts.
The Origins of a Racialized Narrative
Forces of public discussion concerning grooming gangs grew stronger as three important cases occurred in Rotherham, Rochdale, and Telford during the early 2010s. Policing and child protection institutions revealed organisational breakdowns in their investigations while media discussion primarily focused on the racial backgrounds of the offenders. The Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse (IICSA) produces reports showing child exploitation happens throughout all racial and social backgrounds but Pakistani and South Asian men still face political accusations as chief perpetrators.
The selective nature of this presentation has occurred previously. A series of investigative reports from The Times during 2011 identified Pakistani men as responsible for most grooming incidents. The overall issue of child sexual abuse transcends specific ethnic groups even though select cases linked South Asian offenders to the crime. Statistics from the National Crime Agency (NCA) confirm that white men carry out most cases of organised child exploitation but these crimes remain substantially underreported in the media.
How the Stereotype Affects Pakistani Families
The institutionalised stereotyping of Pakistani families in the United Kingdom has produced severe negative results. The students of Pakistani descent experience school discrimination through stereotype abuse which links them to sex exploitation gangs. A 2020 Runnymede Trust report documented Pakistani students who described teacher and peer bullying together with being labelled as “rapists” and experiencing suspicion. Community members and employers also share the same prejudice toward Pakistani families that starts in educational institutions.
Research shows doses of bigotry against Muslim communities have grown because of recent media accounts. Statistics gathered by Tell MAMA demonstrate that reports about South Asian male grooming incidents led to an increase in Islamophobic incidents. Social isolation and vandalism attacks against Pakistani businesses and their families can be found in certain areas.
Systemic Failures in Addressing Child Exploitation
The genuine matter at hand concerns institutional missteps rather than the ongoing focus on ethnicity in political discussions. Vulnerable children received failed protection from both the police force and social services departments and government agencies because these institutions did not respond to abuse reports because of limited resources and poor management. The Jay Report (2014) uncovered that agency authorities neglected multiple reports of child exploitation in the Rotherham child abuse scandal for more than a decade.
The collective resources should move away from ethnic considerations so they focus on enhancing child protection legislation while training police forces and improving victim assistance services. The Children’s Commissioner has reported significant issues in both the reporting and handling of child sexual abuse incidents regardless of the racial background of abusers.
Why Pakistanis Are Targeted in This Narrative
The way grooming gang discussion has turned racial shows how British society generally views Asians and Muslims. Right-wing media together with politicians exploit this topic to advance immigration control measures and strengthen Muslim community monitoring. The English Defence League (EDL) uses Pakistani and Muslim communities as a focal point to rally their members while they organise protests that lead to violent incidents.
Throughout history the United Kingdom tends to blame minority communities for addressing broader social issues. The criminal investigation of Pakistani men for grooming gangs matches historical patterns of moral panics that previously targeted black muggers during the 1970s and Irish immigrants throughout the 20th century. Extending responsibility to an individual ethnicity creates diversion from institutional breakdowns that exist in police organisations and welfare agencies.
A Call for Evidence-Based Solutions
To combat child exploitation effectively, the UK must adopt a zero-tolerance policy that is not influenced by racial biases. Recommendations include:
Improved police training to handle child exploitation cases effectively.
Better data collection on grooming gangs that avoids racial profiling.
Stronger victim support services to ensure survivors receive adequate care.
Accountability for institutional failures, including oversight of law enforcement agencies.
The UK is implementing key recommendations to combat child exploitation effectively. These include improved police training, better data collection, stronger victim support services, and accountability for institutional failures. Police training should focus on recognising signs of exploitation and understanding grooming complexities. Data collection methods should focus on behaviours and patterns, avoiding racial profiling. Stronger victim support services should ensure survivors receive adequate care and support. Independent oversight bodies should monitor law enforcement and other institutions. Additional strategies include community engagement and awareness campaigns, partnership and collaboration between law enforcement, social services, schools, and community organisations, and the development and enforcement of robust legal frameworks. These strategies aim to move towards a more equitable approach to combating child exploitation. For more insights, refer to the UK Anti-Slavery Commissioner’s report.
National authorities in the UK execute essential recommendations to overcome child exploitation better. The UK is adopting four primary measures to enhance child exploitation combat through upgraded police teaching combined with better statistical data acquisition and enhanced victim care programs and institutional oversight systems. The training curriculum for police officers must teach them to detect exploitation indicators as well as complex grooming procedures. Data collection systems should analyse behavioural activities and detect patterns instead of adapting racially biased approaches. The delivery of victim support should achieve complete care and support for survivors through improved service approaches.
External supervision institutions need to monitor both law enforcement departments along with other institutions. Effective child exploitation prevention strategies necessitate active collaboration between law enforcement, social services, schools, and community organisations, as well as community outreach and public education programs. Strict legal systems are also necessary. Such measures work toward building a more fair method of fighting child exploitation. The complete UK Anti-Slavery Commissioner’s report contains additional detailed information about this subject.
Conclusion: Separating Fact from Fiction
The obsessive focus on Pakistani males in grooming gang stories produces misleading information which proves detrimental to both social harmony and genuine investigation. Racial stereotyping exacerbates social tensions, obscures institutional shortcomings, and places an undue burden on communities that bear no responsibility. The UK needs to stop blaming racial groups for its child protection problems while establishing complete child safety measures that approach the fundamental causes of child exploitation. Society guarantees child protection for children of every background through such measures alone.
Abbas Muslem AbdulHusain Juma was an 18-year-old school student when Bahraini authorities brutally arrested him on 26 August 2024without a warrantwhile he was on his way to his grandfather’s house. During his detention, he has endured torture, denial of family visits, deprivation of lawyer access, unfair trials, and medical neglect. He is currently held in the young convicts section of the Dry Dock Prison, serving a two-year sentence while awaiting trial for other pending cases.
On 26 August 2024, at 8:00 P.M., Abbas was heading to his grandfather’s house in AlMaqsha with his friends when a civilian car stopped. Several masked plainclothes officers emerged and, without warning, assaulted them. They struck Abbas on the body, head, and face, shattering his eyeglasses. The officers forcibly arrested all of them, took them into the car, and continued beating them without presenting any arrest warrant or stating any reason for the arrest or assault. The beatings persisted inside the vehicle as they were transported to the Budaiya Police Station.
After Abbas’ arrest, local residents informed his family about his and his friends’ detention. The family contacted several police stations, but none confirmed his whereabouts. On 27 August 2024, at 1:00 A.M., Abbas was allowed to call his family for the first time, stating that he had been arrested without knowing the charges or reasons for his detention. During the call, he was not permitted to disclose his location. Meanwhile, the families of his friends went to the Budaiya Police Station to inquire about their sons and learned that they were being held there with Abbas.
At Budaiya Police Station, Abbas was interrogated without legal representation on charges of alleged participation in an illegal assembly and committing arson on 24 August 2024. He remained at the station for over two weeks, during which officers repeatedly struck his face and head, splitting open his forehead. They also yelled at him, threatened him, and pressured him to confess or incriminate his friends. Initially, Abbas resisted and denied all accusations, but after days of abuse, he eventually confessed to all charges under coercion, fearing further torture. Following his interrogation, officers transferred him to Roundabout 17 Police Station for a few hours, then to the Public Prosecution Office (PPO), and finally to Dry Dock Prison. While held at Dry Dock, he was repeatedly taken back and forth to the PPO for a month, forced to sign confessions for new cases before being returned to detention. Throughout the entire interrogation period, his family was not allowed to visit him.
On 26 December 2024, the PPO charged Abbas and his friends with 1) arson and 2) illegal assembly, both allegedly committed on 24 August 2024.
Abbas was not brought before a judge within 48 hours of his arrest and was denied legal representation during both interrogation and trial. He was not given adequate time or facilities to prepare for his defense, nor was he able to present evidence or challenge the charges against him, which were ambiguous and made it difficult for him to defend himself. His family could not financially afford a lawyer, and Abbas remains uncertain whether a court-appointed lawyer represented him at trial. Additionally, his false confessions, extracted under torture, were used as evidence against him. On 13 January 2025, after nearly five months in pre-trial detention, Abbas and two other minors—15-year-old Ali Husain Matrook Abdulla and 15-year-old AbdulAziz Husain AlHammadi—were convicted of 1) illegal assembly and 2) arson, receiving six-month prison sentences. On 11 February 2025, the High Criminal Court sentenced Abbas and the same group of friends to an additional one-year prison term in a separate case related to 3) burning tires. After the hearing, Abbas was shocked to learn that the number of cases against him had risen to seven. On 2 March 2025, the court sentenced Abbas and the same group of friends to an additional six months in prison for another 4) illegal assembly case, bringing his total sentence to two years. He is still awaiting trial on four more charges..
Throughout his detention, Abbas’s family was denied visitation. On 21 January 2025, five months after his arrest, they were finally allowed to see him—for the first and only time. The visit coincided with a court session, and Abbas chose to miss the hearing just to see his family. During the visit, they noticed a cut on his forehead and significant weight loss in his face. When they asked about the injury, he appeared fearful and downplayed it, claiming it wasn’t serious and might have been from a fall. However, he eventually admitted—hesitantly and with evident fear—that he had been beaten. He also told them he needed new eyeglasses, as his had been completely broken.
Abbas’s warrantless arrest, torture, denial of family visits, denial of legal counsel, unfair trials, and medical neglect constitute clear violations of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), and the United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners, also known as the Nelson Mandela Rules, all of which Bahrain is a party to.
Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) calls on the Bahraini authorities to uphold their human rights obligations by immediately and unconditionally releasing Abbas. ADHRB further urges the government to investigate allegations of arbitrary arrest, torture, denial of family visits, denial of legal counsel, and medical negligence, ensuring that perpetrators are held accountable and that Abbas is compensated for the violations he endured. At the very least, ADHRB advocates for a fair retrial for Abbas under the Bahraini Restorative Justice Law for Children and in accordance with international legal standards, leading to his release. ADHRB also calls on authorities to provide Abbas with new eyeglasses and proper medical care for injuries sustained from torture and holds them accountable for any deterioration in his health.
15-year-old minor and school student AbdulAziz Husain AlHammadi was arrested by Bahraini authorities on 20 October 2024 from his home without a warrant. During his detention, he endured enforced disappearance, torture, denial of family contact and visits, denial of lawyer access, unfair trial, malnutrition, medical neglect, and deprivation of his right to education. He is currently held in the Juvenile section of the Dry Dock Detention Center, serving a one-year, six-month sentence while awaiting trial for other pending cases.
On 20 October 2024, at 11:50 P.M., AbdulAziz was asleep at home when plainclothes officers wearing police-emblem vests knocked on the door, frightening his mother and ordering her to wake him. They arrested him without presenting an arrest warrant or providing any reason for his arrest. He was then taken to a dark area behind Maqaba Police Station, where officers beat him on the head before transferring him that night to the Criminal Investigations Directorate (CID), where he was further tortured and interrogated.
The following day, 21 October 2024, authorities issued a summons for him despite already holding him in custody. That day, he was allowed to call his family for the first time, informing them he was being interrogated over an Instagram post. However, the call was cut off before he could reveal his location. He then disappeared for 48 hours. During this time, his mother contacted authorities to find him, but they falsely claimed he was at Dry Dock Detention Center while he was actually being held at the CID, preventing her from locating him.
At the CID, AbdulAziz was interrogated without legal representation or a guardian present, despite being a minor. He was left in a cold, dark room for 48 hours, blindfolded, handcuffed, and seated on a chair. Officers repeatedly struck his head, leaving a visible wound. When his blindfold was removed, an investigator ordered him to keep his eyes down and focus on a tablet displaying photos of individuals, demanding that he identify them. The moment AbdulAziz looked up, the investigator struck him hard on the head and slapped him. Despite repeated beatings and slaps, he could not identify the persons in the images, as he had never seen them before. The physical abuse persisted until he was forced to falsely claim recognition and confess to charges just to stop the beatings. Officers also shouted politically motivated insults at him.
After his interrogation at the CID, AbdulAziz was transferred to Roundabout 17 Police Station on 23 October 2024 and later that same day to the Public Prosecution Office (PPO). During the transfer, he learned that, in addition to charges of 1) inciting hatred against the regime and 2) misusing telecommunications related to the Instagram post, new charges had been added, including 3) assault on military personnel and 4) possession of usable and explosive devices. At the PPO, while his lawyer was present, authorities barred her from speaking with or defending him, claiming he had not personally authorized her—despite her authorization from his mother. There, AbdulAziz denied all charges and refused to sign pre-written confessions, arguing that no evidence, such as fingerprints or photographs, linked him to the accusations. Nevertheless, the prosecutor ordered his detention, and he was transferred to Dry Dock Detention Center.
On 10 December 2024, a court session was held for AbdulAziz regarding the misuse of telecommunication services case, and the court ordered his release. The family’s lawyer informed them of the verdict, stating they would receive a call to pick him up. At 5:00 P.M. that day, AbdulAziz called his mother from the CID, telling her that although he had been granted release, authorities refused to free him due to three other pending cases. He also informed her that he was being transferred to Budaiya Police Station in the Northern Governorate. When his mother arrived, officers initially denied her access to him, but a senior officer eventually allowed the visit, warning her not to cause problems. Seeing her son in a dire state—barefoot, in torn clothes, with bruised wrists from the handcuffs—she broke down in tears, screamed in distress, and collapsed. Shortly after, she was informed he would be transferred to Roundabout 17 Police Station. She objected, arguing that the facility housed adult detainees and insisted he be sent to Dry Dock Detention Center instead. Her demand was met after she briefly left to bring him clothes and shoes.
AbdulAziz was not brought before a judge within 24 hours of his arrest, was denied legal representation during interrogation, and was not given adequate time or facilities to prepare for his defense. His false confessions, extracted under torture, were used as evidence against him. On 13 January 2025, after nearly three months of pre-trial detention, AbdulAziz and two other minors—15-year-old Ali Husain Matrook Abdulla and 17-year-old Abbas Muslim Juma—were convicted of 1) illegal assembly and 2) arson, receiving six-month prison sentences. AbdulAziz was shocked by the verdict, as no evidence linked him to the crime, and the trial relied solely on statements from other minors convicted in the same case. He informed the judge that the alleged illegal gathering on 24 August 2024 took place in his hometown, AlMaqsha; however, it was impossible for him to have participated, as he and his family were residing in Hamad town at the time. Despite this, the court disregarded his evidence and proceeded with the conviction. AbdulAziz appealed the sentence, and an appeal session was scheduled for 3 March 2025. On 11 February 2025, he was convicted of 3) burning tires and sentenced to an additional year in prison, bringing his total sentence to one year and six months. He is also awaiting trial for additional charges, including 4) assault on security forces, 5) possession of usable and explosive devices, and 6) an unknown charge. He is scheduled to stand trial for the assault on security forces charge on 24 February 2025.
Throughout his detention, AbdulAziz was denied family visits. After his sentencing, his family was allowed to visit him for the first time on 26 January 2025. His mother noticed he looked pale and extremely fatigued. When she asked about his condition, he attributed it to severe sleep deprivation caused by intense fear at night and persistent frightening noises, as well as malnutrition due to the poor quality of the food provided. His detention has also caused him to miss an entire school year, as the Dry Dock Detention Center administration deprived him of his right to education. Additionally, he suffers from jaw problems and requires a specific device, but authorities refused to allow his family to provide it. His family filed two complaints with the Ombudsman and the National Institution for Human Rights (NIHR) regarding the torture he endured during interrogations and his deprivation of education since his arrest, but they have received no response.
AbdulAziz’s warrantless arrest as a minor, enforced disappearance, torture, denial of family contact, visits, denial of legal counsel, unfair trial, malnutrition, medical neglect, and deprivation of education constitute clear violations of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), and the United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners, also known as the Nelson Mandela Rules, all of which Bahrain is a party to.
Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) calls on the Bahraini authorities to uphold their human rights obligations by immediately and unconditionally releasing AbdulAziz. ADHRB further urges the government to investigate allegations of arbitrary arrest, enforced disappearance, torture, denial of family contact and visits, denial of legal counsel, malnutrition, medical negligence, and deprivation of the right to education, ensuring that perpetrators are held accountable and that AbdulAziz is compensated for the violations he endured. At the very least, ADHRB advocates for a fair retrial for AbdulAziz under the Bahraini Restorative Justice Law for Children and in accordance with international legal standards, leading to his release. ADHRB also calls on authorities to allow AbdulAziz to resume his education, provide the necessary support for him to complete his studies, ensure he receives proper medical care—including the device needed for his jaw condition—and improve the quality of his food.
Mohammed Isa Khatam was a 16-year-old minor and high school student when Bahraini authorities warrantlessly arrested him on 5 August 2024, just three days before his 17th birthday. During his detention, he has endured enforced disappearance, torture, denial of lawyer and guardian access during interrogations, unfair questioning, deprivation of family visits and contact, denial of education, prohibition of practicing religious rituals, and reprisals. Heartbreakingly, he was denied the chance to bid farewell to his mother, who passed away during his detention. He has been held in the Juvenile section of the Dry Dock Detention Center for six months, awaiting trial.
On 5 August 2024, Mohammed and his friends, Ali Salman Marhoon and Husain Saleh AlBarri, went to Sitra Police Station after receiving a phone call from their detained friend, Sadiq Hobail, requesting them to deliver his mobile phone. Upon arrival, the three minors were unexpectedly arrested and accused of multiple charges, including unlawful assembly, rioting, burning tires, and posting pictures. The officers presented no arrest warrants. Mohammed was then transferred from the Sitra Police Station to the Qudaibiya Police Station. When Mohammed failed to return home, his family grew worried and began searching for him by contacting his friends and their families. They learned he had gone to the Sitra Police Station and rushed there to inquire, but officials denied he was being held.
On 6 August 2024, Mohammed was interrogated at the Qudaibiya Police Station without legal representation or a guardian present, despite being a minor. His family remained unaware of the interrogation due to his enforced disappearance. During questioning, officers subjected Mohammed to psychological abuse, including insults and degrading language. They also attempted to coerce a confession through violent and humiliating methods, which Mohammed chose not to disclose to his family to protect their feelings. Despite the pressure, he consistently denied all charges against him.
On 7 August 2024, Mohammed was brought before the Public Prosecution Office (PPO) without legal representation, a guardian, or prior notification to his family. He was also denied adequate time to address the judge and defend himself. The judge read the charges against him, including arson and other accusations unknown to his family, and asked him to confirm or deny them, and then ordered his detention before postponing the session. A social researcher present during the session advised the judge against releasing Mohammed and his friends, claiming that the external environment negatively influences their behavior. Following this session, Mohammed was transferred to the Dry Dock Detention Center. Later that day, at 1:00 A.M., after two days of enforced disappearance, he called his family and informed them he was detained at the Dry Dock Detention Center. He remains at the Dry Dock Detention Center while awaiting trial, with his detention repeatedly extended through investigation sessions conducted via video calls.
Since his arrest, Bahraini authorities have denied Mohammed’s family the right to visit him at the Dry Dock Detention Center. He has also been deprived of his right to practice religious rituals and continue his education while in detention. On 22 September 2024, his family submitted requests to both the Ombudsman and the National Institution for Human Rights (NIHR), demanding Mohammed’s release and his right to resume his education. While a representative from one of these institutions met with Mohammed, who expressed his desire to continue his formal education, the Ombudsman later informed the family that their request had been dismissed, citing that the matter falls outside its jurisdiction.
On 10 January 2025, Mohammed’s mother passed away after a long battle with cancer. Despite Bahraini law guaranteeing prisoners the right to attend funerals and mourning ceremonies for immediate family members, Mohammed was denied the chance to bid farewell to his mother or participate in the ceremonies. He had a court session on 12 January 2025, which coincided with the second day of his mother’s mourning ceremonies. Mohammed submitted a request to attend the ceremonies, and the judge approved his release for the remainder of the mourning period, with the condition that he be handed over and returned to the Sitra Police Station. However, the PPO disregarded the judge’s order and failed to carry out the necessary procedures for his release.
On 20 January 2025, reports revealed that Mohammed, along with his friends Ali Omran, Husain AlBarri, and Ali Salman Marhoon-detained at the Juvenile Detention Center in Building 17 of the Dry Dock Detention Center- had been subjected to punitive retaliatory measures. These included confinement to their cells without family contact or outdoor breaks for up to seven consecutive days and denial of access to purchase basic necessities from the prison canteen, all as punishment for speaking loudly. These harsh measures, effectively isolating Mohammed and his friends, have taken a severe toll on their mental and physical health
Mohammed’s warrantless arrest as a minor, enforced disappearance, torture, denial of legal counsel and guardian access during interrogations, deprivation of family visits and phone contact, unfair investigation, withholding of his right to education, prohibition from practicing religious rituals, refusal to allow him to bid farewell to his deceased mother, unjust denial of outdoor breaks and access to the prison canteen as retaliation, and prolonged arbitrary pre-trial detention constitute blatant violations of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the Convention against Torture (CAT), the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), and the United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners, also known as the Nelson Mandela Rules, to which Bahrain is a party.
Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) calls on Bahraini authorities to uphold their human rights obligations by immediately and unconditionally releasing Mohammed. ADHRB further urges the government to investigate allegations of arbitrary arrest, enforced disappearance, torture, denial of legal counsel and guardian access during interrogations, unfair investigations, denial of family visits and phone contact, withholding of Mohammed’s right to education, prohibition of religious practice, refusal to allow him to bid farewell to his deceased mother, and acts of reprisal, while ensuring that those responsible are held accountable. ADHRB also demands compensation for the violations Mohammed has endured during detention. At the very least, ADHRB calls for a prompt and fair trial for Mohammed in line with the Bahraini Restorative Justice Law for Children and international legal standards, leading to his release. Additionally, ADHRB urges the Bahraini authorities to permit Mohammed to resume his education, freely practice his religious rituals, and maintain regular family visits and phone calls. Finally, ADHRB calls on the Dry Dock Detention Center’s administration to immediately end all retaliatory measures against Mohammed and his friends, ensuring they are allowed family contact, outdoor breaks, and access to basic necessities through the prison canteen.
Yousif Fadhel AlTooq was a 15-year-old minor and school student when Bahraini authorities arrested him without a warrant on 8 August 2024 after summoning him to the Sitra Police Station. During his detention, he has endured torture, denial of family visits, denial of access to legal counsel, deprivation of his right to education, withholding of drinking water and adequate winter clothing, as well as limited phone communication with his family. He has been held in the Juvenile section of the Dry Dock Detention Center for five months, awaiting trial.
On 8 August 2024, Yousif and his family received a phone call from the Sitra Police Station summoning him for questioning without providing any reason. His parents drove him there after assurances that he would be released immediately following the interrogation. Upon arrival, Yousif was transferred from the Sitra Police Station to the Qudaibiya Police Station. Although his family followed him, they were denied access to visit him.
At the Qudaibiya Police Station, officers interrogated and tortured Yousif without legal representation or the presence of a guardian, despite his status as a minor. While subjected to psychological pressure, threats, and various forms of torture, Yousif refrained from sharing details with his family to spare their feelings. Despite the abuse and the fear he endured, Yousif did not confess to the charges against him. His case relies solely on forced false verbal confessions extracted from friends who were arrested with him in connection to political cases, and no evidence has been presented to support the charges. The next day, he was brought before the Public Prosecution Office (PPO), again without a lawyer or guardian present. Throughout the interrogation and his appearance at the PPO, Yousif was denied legal counsel, as his family lacked the financial resources to appoint a lawyer, and the PPO failed to provide one. Following his appearance at the PPO, Yousif spent one night at the Nabih Saleh Police Station before being transferred to the Juvenile section of the Dry Dock Detention Center, where he remains detained. Two days later, he was briefly allowed to contact his family, informing them of a one-week detention in the Juvenile section of the Dry Dock Detention Center.
Yousif was denied legal counsel during his interrogation and continues to be denied legal representation during his pre-trial detention. His family lacks the financial means to appoint a lawyer, and the PPO has failed to provide one. The PPO has repeatedly extended his detention before referring him to trial, relying solely on forced false verbal confessions extracted from friends arrested alongside him in connection to political cases, which are being used as evidence against him. Yousif is currently awaiting his repeatedly postponed trial. While the investigator has leveled various charges against others in his group, Yousif’s specific charges remain unclear. The charges known so far are 1) burning tires, 2) acts of vandalism, and 3) attacking the Sitra Police Station.
Since his arrest, Bahraini authorities have barred Yousif’s family from visiting him at the Dry Dock Detention Center. He has only been able to make two video calls with his family since his arrest, with the costs deducted from their account. His sole means of communication is through voice calls, which allow him to contact his family two to three times a week, each lasting 10 minutes. Yousif’s family has also reported periods of disconnection, sometimes extending for an entire week, as part of collective punishment imposed on detainees. Moreover, Yousif has at times been denied drinking water and, in the current cold weather, lacks adequate clothing to stay warm.
Yousif’s detention has caused him to miss an entire school year, as the Dry Dock Detention Center administration has deprived him of his right to education during his detention. As a second-year secondary school student specializing in an industrial major, Yousif needs to complete practical courses to progress academically. Furthermore, his detention facility lacks recreational, vocational, or educational programs to support his development.
Yousif’s parents have submitted several complaints to the Ombudsman and the National Institution for Human Rights (NIHR) requesting his release and the resumption of his education. Although a representative from one of these institutions met with Yousif and acknowledged his urgent need to return to school, no actions have been taken. The complaints have been closed, and Yousif has lost his entire academic year.
Yousif’s warrantless arrest as a minor, torture, denial of legal counsel and family visits, restricted family phone contact, deprivation of his right to education, withholding of drinking water and adequate winter clothing, and prolonged arbitrary pre-trial detention constitute clear violations of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT), the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), and the United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners, also know as the Nelson Mandela Rules, to which Bahrain is a party.
Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) calls upon Bahraini authorities to fulfill their human rights obligations by immediately and unconditionally releasing Yousif. ADHRB further urges the Bahraini government to investigate allegations of arbitrary arrest, torture, denial of legal counsel and family visits, restricted family phone contact, deprivation of education, and withholding of drinking water and adequate winter clothing, and to hold the perpetrators accountable. ADHRB also demands compensation for the violations Yousif has suffered in detention. At the very least, ADHRB advocates for a prompt, fair trial for Yousif under the Bahraini Restorative Justice Law for Children, and in accordance with international legal standards, leading to his release. Furthermore, ADHRB calls on Bahraini authorities to allow family visits for Yousif, provide him with adequate winter clothing, allow him to resume his education, and offer the necessary support to enable him to complete his studies.
Ali Husain Matrook Abdulla was a 15-year-old minor and school student when Bahraini authorities arrested him on 26 August 2024 in Karranah while spending time with friends. The arrest was carried out without a warrant. During his detention, he endured torture, denial of family visits, denial of access to his lawyer, deprivation of his right to education, and medical neglect. He has been held at the Dry Dock Detention Center for five months without trial, as Bahraini authorities repeatedly delay and continue to postpone his hearings.
On the evening of 26 August 2024, Ali was with his friends in the village of Karranah when plainclothes officers and officers from the Ministry of Interior (MOI) arrested him without presenting an arrest warrant. During the arrest, an officer slapped him on the face. The officers then transferred him to Budaiya Police Station before sending him for medical examinations. Unaware of Ali’s arrest, his parents attempted to contact him, but their calls went unanswered. They later learned of his detention from witnesses who saw him being apprehended and taken to Budaiya Police Station. When his family inquired at the station, officers at the police station denied he was being held there. In reality, Ali was not at the station at the time, as he had been sent for a medical examination, a detail the officers failed to disclose. Ten hours later, the station called to inform the family that Ali was there and requested they send him clothes and shoes. Ten minutes later, Ali called his family, informing them he was being transferred to Roundabout 17 Police Station and asked for the clothes to be sent there instead.
On 27 August 2024, the day after Ali’s arrest, at approximately 8:30 A.M., Ali’s mother visited Budaiya Police Station to inquire about him and requested to see him, unaware that he had already been transferred for interrogation at Roundabout 17 Police Station. Officers informed her that he was charged with arson and possession of Molotov cocktails but stated that Ali was no longer at the station and had been transferred for interrogation without disclosing his destination.
During interrogation at Roundabout 17 Police Station, officers slapped Ali in the face and subjected him to psychological torture to force a confession. One officer threatened him, saying, “If you don’t talk and confess, I’ll beat you with this stick or bring something else from outside.” Fearing further abuse, Ali falsely confessed. His lawyer was not allowed to be present during the interrogation. The following day, 28 August 2024, Ali was brought before the Public Prosecution Office (PPO). Although his lawyer was present, he was only allowed to exchange greetings with Ali and was not permitted to consult with him. Consequently, the Juvenile and Family Prosecution decided to detain him for one week pending investigation. Following this, Ali was transferred to the Dry Dock Detention Center.
On 4 September 2024, Ali appeared before the Juvenile and Family Prosecution for the second time, where his detention was extended for another two weeks pending investigation, based on his coerced confessions obtained under threats and torture. This pattern of extending his detention every two weeks continued after each appearance before the Prosecution, relying on the same coerced confessions, until his referral to trial on 19 December 2024. During these sessions, Ali’s lawyer was consistently prohibited from attending. As of 6 January 2025, it was revealed that Ali faced charges in two separate arson cases. On 8 January 2025, he discovered a third arson charge against him, related to an arson incident in Karranah on 24 August 2024, which had been referred to the High Criminal Court.
Ali was not brought before a judge within 24 hours of his arrest, does not have adequate time and facilities to prepare for trial, is unable to present or challenge evidence, and is denied access to his attorney. As a result, his mother serves as an intermediary, communicating with the lawyer and relaying the information to her son through phone calls. On 19 December 2024, after nearly four months of arbitrary pre-trial detention, Ali and several of his peers were referred to trial, with the first court session initially scheduled for 23 December 2024. However, the session was later postponed to 30 December 2024. He remains detained at Dry Dock Detention Center, awaiting trial, as his court sessions continue to be postponed.
Ali has been subjected to medical neglect while in detention. Before his arrest, he was receiving dental treatment at a private clinic, but his detention prevented him from completing the treatment. As a result, his front teeth remained exposed after nerve extraction and gum surgery, causing him frequent, severe pain. Initially, authorities denied him medical care and even refused to provide painkillers. After a complaint was filed with the Ombudsman, treatment resumed, with one tooth being treated and a promise to continue treatment on one tooth per week. However, this treatment was later discontinued, and his care was limited to pain relief medication. Ali experienced three consecutive fainting episodes due to severe pain. Additionally, comprehensive medical examinations revealed low blood pressure, but neither he nor his family were provided with detailed results.
Ali, a first-year high school student, has been deprived of his education while in detention. The Ministry of Education refused to allow him to take exams or continue his studies. His mother was summoned to the ministry and presented with two options: either withdraw Ali from school or accept a certificate marked “Deprived” with a zero average. The Ministry of Education justified this by stating that Ali had not attended any school days due to his detention.
Since his arrest, Ali’s family has been denied visits with him in detention. They submitted multiple complaints to both the Ombudsman and the National Institute for Human Rights (NIHR) regarding mistreatment, denial of medical care, and the deprivation of his right to education. However, most of these complaints have yielded no results.
Ali’s warrantless arrest as a minor, torture, denial of family visits and lawyer access, deprivation of his right to education, medical neglect, and prolonged arbitrary pre-trial detention are clear violations of the Convention Against Torture (CAT), the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), all of which Bahrain is a party to.
Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) calls upon Bahraini authorities to fulfill their human rights obligations by immediately and unconditionally releasing Ali. It calls on the Bahraini government to investigate allegations of arbitrary arrest, torture, coerced confessions, denial of family visits and lawyer access, deprivation of the right to education, and medical neglect, and to hold the perpetrators accountable. ADHRB also demands compensation for the violations Ali has suffered in detention. At the very least, ADHRB advocates for a prompt, fair trial for Ali under the Bahraini Restorative Justice Law for Children, and in accordance with international legal standards, leading to his release. Furthermore, ADHRB calls on the Dry Dock Detention Center administration to provide Ali with immediate, appropriate medical care, including the completion of his dental treatment, holding it responsible for any further deterioration in his health. It also demands that the center allow Ali to resume his education and permit family visits without delay.
The Australian government is being run ragged in various quarters. When ragged, such a beast is bound to seek a distraction. And what better than finding a vulnerable group, preferably children, to feel outraged and noble about?
The Albanese government, armed such problematic instruments as South Australia’s Children (Social Media Safety) Bill 2024, which will fine social media companies refusing to exclude children under the age of 14 from using their platforms, and a report by former High Court Chief Justice Robert French on the feasibility of such a move, is confident of restricting the use of social media by children across the country by imposing an age limit.
On November 21, the government boastfully declared in a media release that it had officially “introduced world-leading legislation to enforce a minimum age of 16 years for social media.” The proposed legislation, known as the Online Safety Amendment (Social Media Minimum Age) Bill 2024, is supposedly going to “deliver greater protections for young Australians during critical stages of their development.”
The proposed legislation made something of an international splash. NBC News, for instance, called the bill “one of the toughest in the world”, failing to note its absence of muscle. To that end, it remains thin on detail.
These laws constitute yet another effort to concentrate power and responsibilities best held by the citizenry in the hands of a bureaucratic-political class governed by paranoia and procedure. They are also intended to place the onus on social media platforms to place restrictions upon those under 16 years of age from having accounts.
The government openly admits as much, seemingly treating parents as irresponsible and weak (their consent in this is irrelevant), and children as permanently threatened by spoliation. “The law places the onus on social media platforms – not parents or young people – to take reasonable steps to ensure these protections are in place.” If the platforms do not comply, they risk fines of up to A$49.5 million.
As for the contentious matter of privacy, the prime minister and his communications minister are adamant. “It will contain robust privacy provisions, including requiring the platforms to ringfence and destroy any information collected to safeguard the personal information of all Australians.”
The drafters of the bill have also taken liberties on what is deemed appropriate to access. As the media release mentions, Australia’s youth will still “have continued access to messaging and online gaming, as well as access to services which are health and education related, like Headspace, Kids Helpline, and Google Classroom, and YouTube.”
This daft regime is based on the premise it will survive circumvention. Children, through guile and instinctive perseverance, will always find a way to access forbidden fruit. Indeed, as the Digital Industry Group Inc says, this “20th Century response to 21st Century challenges” may well steer children into “dangerous, unregulated parts of the internet”.
In May, documents uncovered under Freedom of Information by Guardian Australia identified that government wonks in the communications department were wondering if such a scheme was even viable. A document casting a sceptical eye over the use of age assurance technology was unequivocal: “No countries have implemented an age verification mandate without issue.”
Legal challenges have been launched in France and Germany against such measures. Circumvention has become a feature in various US states doing the same, using Virtual Private Networks (VPNs).
While this proposed legislation will prove ineffectual in achieving its intended purpose – here, protecting the prelapsarian state of childhood from ruin at the hands of wicked digital platforms – it will also leave the apparatus of hefty regulation. One can hardly take remarks coming from the absurdly named office of the eSafety Commissioner, currently occupied by the authoritarian-minded Julie Inman Grant, seriously in stating that “regulators like eSafety have to be nimble.” Restrictions, prohibitions, bans and censorship regimes are, in their implementation, never nimble.
For all that, even Inman Grant has reservations about some of the government’s assumptions, notably on the alleged link between social media and mental harm. The evidence for such a claim, she told BBC Radio 5 Live, “is not settled at all”. Indeed, certain vulnerable groups – she mentions LGBTQ+ and First Nations cohorts in particular – “feel more themselves online than they do in the real world”. Why not, she suggests, teach children to use online platforms more safely? Children, she analogises, should be taught how to swim, rather than being banned from swimming itself. Instruct the young to swim; don’t ringfence the sea.
Rather appositely, Lucas Lane, at 15 something of an entrepreneur selling boys nail polish via the online business Glossy Boys, told the BBC that the proposed ban “destroys… my friendships and the ability to make people feel seen.”
Already holed without even getting out of port, this bill will serve another, insidious purpose. While easily dismissed as having a stunted moral conscience, Elon Musk, who owns X Corp, is hard to fault in having certain suspicions about these draft rules. “Seems like a backdoor way to control access to the internet by all Australians,” he wrote to a post from Albanese. One, unfortunately, among several.
Imagine an experienced Ukrainian surgeon breaking down in front of a committee of British MPs as he related how Russian forces had been deliberately targeting Ukrainian children.
Imagine the surgeon had had to operate in desperate conditions on young children who had been lying injured after a Russian bombing attack and who were then ‘picked off’ by Russian drones. The atrocity claims would be headline news all across Western media.
Here, in the real world, the horrific testimony of a British surgeon who had operated on children in Gaza targeted by Israeli drones after Israeli bombing attacks– something that happened ‘day after day after day’ – has been largely blanked.
Professor Nizam Mamode, a retired NHS surgeon who recently returned after working at Nasser Hospital in southern Gaza, said he had ‘never seen anything on this scale, ever’. He has worked in a number of conflicts around the world, including the genocide in Rwanda.
Prof Mamode worked for a month between August and September as a volunteer for the charity, Medical Aid for Palestinians. In a hearing on the humanitarian situation in Gaza, he told members of the UK parliamentary International Development Committee :
‘Drones would come down and pick off civilians, children. This is not an occasional thing. This was day after day after day operating on children who would say, “I was lying on the ground after a bomb dropped and this quadcopter [a small, remotely-piloted helicopter drone] came down and hovered over me and shot me”.’
Prof Mamode told MPs he saw children with sniper injuries to the head. He also noted that the pellets fired by most drones were more destructive than bullets which would go straight through a victim’s body. Instead, the pellets would bounce around inside bodies, creating much more extensive damage.
A seven-year-old boy, who had been caught up in an Israeli bombing and then deliberately hit by an Israeli drone, came into the hospital with his stomach hanging out of his chest. He had further injuries to his liver, spleen, bowel and arteries.
‘He survived that and went out a week later. Whether he is still alive, I don’t know.’
The surgeon broke down three times during his testimony. He described one case of an 8-year-old girl who was bleeding to death during surgery: ‘I asked for a swab and they said, “No more swabs”’.
Simple medical items, such as sterile gloves and painkillers, are in short supply because of Israel’s blocking of aid into Gaza, said Prof Mamode. This also applies to basic items like soap and shampoo, leading to unhygienic conditions.
He added:
‘I saw I don’t know how many wounds with maggots in [them]. One of my colleagues took maggots out of a child’s throat in intensive care. There were flies in operating theatre landing in wounds.’
He told MPs that he had spent the entire month in the hospital, partly because it was not safe to travel around. But also because, in January 2024, Israel had bombed the guest house used by Medical Aid for Palestinians.
The surgeon believes that this was done deliberately by Israeli forces:
‘All of those guest houses are in the Israeli army’s computers and are designated safe houses, so my assumption is that it was a deliberate attack and the aim behind it is to discourage aid workers from coming.’
He said the same applied to five Israeli attacks on UN convoys, including one while he was in Gaza.
Labour MP and committee chair Sarah Champion asked Prof Mamode if he meant that rogue snipers were shooting at the armoured vehicles.
‘No, no. This is the Israeli army coming up as a unit and deliberately shooting.’
Prof Mamode’s Palestinian colleagues told him that when Israeli forces attacked the hospital in February, they killed members of staff and deposited them in a mass grave with dead patients. Many other colleagues were taken away. The surgeon related one such case:
‘They [Israeli soldiers] just took him away and killed him. That’s what’s going on. As far as I can see, it doesn’t matter who you are in Gaza. If you are a Palestinian in Gaza, you are a target.’
‘The Committee will do all we can to act on Professor Mamode’s extraordinary testimony and ensure his experiences are heard loud and clear. If leaders are not yet listening, they should be by now.’
This should have generated massive coverage across national news media, with the Prime Minister Keir Starmer and Foreign Minister David Lammy being bombarded by questions from journalists on what action the UK government would now take. Instead, there has been virtual silence. As far as we can tell, there was no broadcast coverage on BBC News, Sky News or ITV, although Channel 4 News did include an item on Prof Mamode’s testimony, at least on its X feed (we could not find a broadcast item, however, on the Channel 4 News programme catch-up page). We do not have the resources to monitor all television and radio programmes, so we cannot rule out that there was a passing mention on the BBC World Service or elsewhere.
Nor were there any editorials or significant coverage in major news reports in UK national newspapers. Prof Mamode’s appearance before the parliamentary committee was reported in a live Guardian blog about Gaza on 12 November, but his most compelling and harrowing evidence was omitted or glossed over. To his credit, Owen Jones mentioned the surgeon’s account in a Guardian opinion piece.
The appalling lack of serious coverage is actually highlighted by the fact that there was one article on the BBC News website about Prof Mamode’s testimony to the committee (we were alerted to it by a post on X by one of our followers). The article was titled, ‘Gaza surgeon describes drones targeting children’. As is often the case, the word ‘Israel’ or ‘Israeli’ – as in ‘Israeli drones’ – was missing from the headline. In other words, the perpetrator of violence was missing. Moreover, rather than refer to Prof Mamode as a British surgeon, he was labelled as a ‘Gaza surgeon’, perhaps implying that he was employed by the ‘Hamas-run health ministry’, the phrase that is routinely deployed in BBC News reports.
But here was the most glaring feature of the piece: rather than being placed on the front page or even somewhere in the section marked, ‘Israel-Gaza war’, a glaring misnomer for an ongoing genocide, it appeared deep inside the BBC’s ‘Local News’ category on the page for ‘Hampshire & Isle of Wight’. (As far as we know, it never appeared in a more prominent place on the BBC News website. But the fact that the bottom of the article contains the line, ‘Get in touch: Do you have a story BBC Hampshire & Isle of Wight should cover?’, suggests that it was immediately placed in that section). The same treatment was afforded to an earlier BBC News article in October, shortly after the surgeon had returned from Gaza, but with the most disturbing details about the deliberate targeting of children omitted.
Why place such an important story in the ‘Hampshire & Isle Of Wight’ local news section of the BBC website? The ostensible reason is that Prof Mamode comes from Brockenhurst, a New Forest village in Hampshire. But surely the real reason was to minimise public attention and thus evade pressure from the powerful Israel lobby. After all, as we have mentioned before, senior BBC News staff have admitted to ‘waiting in fear for the phone call from the Israelis’. The Israel lobby’s weaponising of antisemitism, which was deployed to prevent Jeremy Corbyn becoming Prime Minister, is being used to suppress or silence criticism of Israel. This has had a crippling effect on journalism and free speech.
Regular readers will recall the dearth of media coverage given to the harrowing testimony provided by Professor Nick Maynard, a UK surgeon who works as a consultant gastrointestinal surgeon at Oxford University Hospital, when he returned from Gaza earlier this year. He had described the clear, deliberate targeting of hospital and healthcare facilities; but also the actual execution of Palestinian surgeons and other medical staff.
In April, Prof Maynard said that Israeli forces are: ‘systematically targeting healthcare facilities, healthcare personnel and really dismantling the whole healthcare system.’
He described what had happened to Al-Shifa hospital in Gaza where he had previously worked, and where around 400 Palestinians had reportedly been killed in a brutal two-week attack by Israeli forces:
‘Every single part of the hospital has been destroyed. The whole infrastructure of the hospital has been destroyed. When I spoke to Marwan [a Palestinian colleague] yesterday, he told me there were 107 patients, 60 medical staff. God only knows what has happened to them. I think we’ve seen some of the pictures. Surgeons I know have been executed in the last 48 hours there. Bodies have been discovered in the last 12-24 hours who had been handcuffed, with their hands behind their back. [Our added emphasis].’
He added: ‘And so, there is no doubt at all, that multiple healthcare workers have been executed there in the last few days.’
All of the above, taken together with the media’s recent gaslighting about a supposed ‘pogrom’ against rampaging Israeli football fans chanting genocidal, anti-Arab slogans in Amsterdam last week – disinformation expertly dissected by Richard Sanders for Double Down News – reveals like never before the monstrous, genocide-enabling reality of ‘mainstream’ news media.
Meanwhile, Israel appears able to continue unimpeded in its brutal drive towards a ‘Greater Israel’, openly espoused by Netanyahu and other Israeli politicians, which would require the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians ‘from the Jordan to the sea’.
For decades, the cultural phenomenon known as Americanisation has taken place with diffusing ease. Momentum was gained with the retreat of communism from Europe’s eastern states with the end of the Cold War and the eventual termination of the Soviet Union in 1991. Global brands of Americana from fizzy drinks to Dallas became pervasive cultural presences. Not even children’s programming was exempt.
Converts and devotees would mimic accents, adopt terms of reference, and emulate patterns of behaviour. In terms of children’s programming, Sesame Street, the work of the non-profit organisation Sesame Workshop, has been the global standard bearer. Jenny Perlman Robinson and Daniela Petrova, writing for Brookings in 2015, delved into its significance as an informal educating tool, reaching millions of children across 150 countries. “What had started as an educational television program more than 40 years ago is now a multimedia platform that uses everything from radio, video, and books to the latest in interactive media and technology.”
In 2018, Australia made its own contribution in the field. The Australian Broadcasting Corporation released an animated series that has since become a giddying global phenomenon. The US has not been spared, suggesting that Americanisation, at least in some areas, can also be given hearty doses of its own medicine. The series in question, Bluey, features an Australian dog of the Blue Heeler variety: one Bluey, a six-year-old cattle dog who lives in the Queensland city of Brisbane with sister Bingo, and parents Bandit and Chilli.
By the end of March 2020, the series had won an International Emmy in the children’s preschool category, something no doubt helped by the enforced isolation brought on by the coronavirus pandemic. In 2023, Bluey became the second most popular streaming show in the US, logging 731 million hours. In 2024, the series became the most viewed show in the United States.
Such success was due, in no small part, to a distribution deal struck between the BBC and Disney in 2019. “The warmth and authenticity of Bluey’s family dynamic is what first captured our interest in the show,” explained Jane Gould, senior vice president of Disney Channels Worldwide. “Bluey reminds us all of our own families, and it plays out in the small but emotionally epic dramas of day-to-day life in surprising, heartfelt and very funny ways that will engage children and parents alike.”
The fascinating aspect about Bluey is its central premise: neither the viewing parents nor their engaged children are treated like passive imbeciles. Both groups can partake in the themes of the series without feeling infantilised. “It trusts,” wrote David Sim in The Atlantic in August last year, “that its young audience will be able to understand stories that are about the foibles and insecurities of parents too.” The web traffic site, Similarweb.com, yields an interesting statistic: the largest demographic of visitors to the official Bluey website (Bluey.tv) are those between 25-34, coming in at 28.86%.
Fantasy and imagination mingle with testing, even potentially contentious issues. There are questions about premature birth (“Early Baby”); the appearance of friends who proceed to vanish (“Camping”); even questions about the fine line between full blooded banter and unacceptable teasing. In a Father’s Day episode, Bluey’s dad, Bandit, openly wonders about the merits of getting a vasectomy.
Given such a format, it was bound to interest academics keen to tell us the obvious after generating the usual quantitative quarry of data. In a survey of 700 adults – part of a research project called Australian Children’s Television Cultures – we are told that Bluey was most keenly enjoyed by parents wishing to view a series with their children. Those behind the research project were keen to note the words of one of the respondents in describing the series. Bluey was “representative of an idealised Australian ethos – relaxed, curious, and hard-working.”
The influence of Bluey has also been noted in another respect. In 2022, a father in Massachusetts revealed that his child had begun using the term “dunny” instead of “toilet”. This brought much pleasure to ABC Sydney radio presenter, Richard Glover. “Finally,” he chortled in the Washington Post, “we have our revenge.”
According to Glover, US popular culture had ensured that Australians of his generation had “enrolled in a PhD program” on the subject. “We paid the price for our enthusiasm, regularly scolded by our parents for ‘using those terrible American words.’ These included ‘sidewalk’ instead of ‘footpath’ and ‘trash’ instead of ‘rubbish’.” Now, it was time for those in the US, notably children, to learn that breakfast could be called “brekkie”, a chicken a “chook”, and “tradie” a skilled tradesperson.
Little wonder that we can find a Master of Arts thesis dedicated to the adult fandom phenomenon around Bluey, including its appeal to those millennials who show “higher rates of anxiety, a greater distrust in the American government, and disbelief in American excellence than those of previous generations.” Anthropomorphised cattle dogs had become saviours of a sort.
Something else is at play here. If Bluey is naturalistic, touching on the raw end of life in parenting and children’s lives, it functions in a digital world that is less adult, increasingly infantile and increasingly disabling. Children and adults are becoming increasingly estranged from relations through technological parting and an addiction to the screen. Funny that it should fall to a family of animated Australian cattle dogs to tie parents and children in a gentle knot of play and accommodation.
Mohamed Ali AlNibool was a 22-year-old accounting student from Sitra at the University of Bahrain when Bahraini authorities arrested him on 28 June 2023 at Caribou Café in Hala Plaza. The arrest was carried out without a warrant. During his detention, he endured torture, denial of family contact and visits, denial of access to his lawyer, unfair trial, reprisal, isolation, and medical neglect. He is currently serving a life sentence at Jau Prison
On 28 June 2023, Mohamed was at Caribou Café in Hala Plaza, when plainclothes officers raided the café and arrested him without presenting any arrest warrant or informing him of the reason for his arrest. Following the arrest, at 1:00 A.M., officers brought Mohamed to his home in Sitra, entering without concern for privacy. His brother’s wife, who was in the kitchen of her first-floor apartment, was shocked to find the officers inside. They confiscated his car, two mobile phones, a laptop, and a sum of money. He was then taken to unknown locations, possibly in the AlSakhir area, where he was coerced into reenacting a crime he did not commit. He was then transferred to the Criminal Investigations Directorate (CID), where he was allowed to contact his family for one minute for the first time two days after his arrest. He informed them that he was held at the CID, and asked them to send him clothes.
During his 15-day interrogation at the Criminal Investigation Directorate (CID), CID officers subjected Mohamed to various forms of torture and psychological pressure to force a false confession while denying him lawyer access. Out of concern for his mother’s feelings, he did not reveal the specific methods of torture. Throughout this period, he was not allowed to change clothes, despite his family sending clothes, nor was he permitted to shower. As a result of the torture, Mohamed was coerced into signing fabricated confessions at the Public Prosecution Office (PPO), which then ordered his detention for 60 days. On 13 July 2023, 15 days after his arrest, he was transferred to the Dry Dock Prison.
Mohamed was previously arrested on 24 June 2017, when he was 16 years old. He was detained for 10 days at the CID pending investigation on charges of gathering to commit crimes and targeting a police patrol with Molotov cocktails.
Mohamed was not brought before a judge within 48 hours after his arrest, was denied adequate time and facilities to prepare for his trial, was denied access to his attorney before and after trial sessions, and was unable to present evidence and challenge evidence presented against him. Additionally, the confessions extracted from him under torture were used as evidence against him in court, even though he informed the judge that his confessions were obtained under torture and psychological pressure. On 24 June 2024, Mohamed was sentenced to life imprisonment, a fine of 100,000 Bahraini dinars, and the confiscation of his belongings. He was convicted of multiple charges, including 1) joining a terrorist cell (AlAshtar Brigades), 2) possession and acquisition of explosives, fireworks, and weapons for terrorist purposes, which is an alleged plan to bomb the American base in the Sitra in July 2023, 3) training in the use of explosives, fireworks, and weapons for terrorist purposes, 4) transferring and receiving funds for terrorist activities, and 5) participating in operations targeting military institutions and security agencies. Following his sentencing, Mohamed was transferred on the same day to Building 2 in Jau Prison, which houses foreign inmates convicted of felonies who do not share his language, culture, and religion, therefore he was isolated.
Mohamed appealed his sentence, however, he did not attend the appeal sessions due to his participation in the prisoners’ strike and sit-in at Jau Prison between March and August 2024, protesting mistreatment and demanding basic prisoner rights. Consequently, on 24 August 2024, the Court of Appeal upheld the sentence and rejected the appeal in absentia. Mohamed has since applied for cassation and is currently awaiting the Court of Cassation’s decision.
Mohamed was denied family visits for over a year following his arrest. In response, his family submitted a request to the Ombudsman on 30 April 2024, seeking permission to visit him. This request was ignored for an extended period. It was not until 9 July 2024 that the prison administration permitted his parents to visit him for the first time since his arrest.
While serving his sentence in Building 2 of Jau Prison, known as the isolation building, Mohamed contracted a skin disease known as black ringworm, which caused red spots to spread across his body. Despite his condition, authorities denied him access to proper medical treatment. His family filed numerous complaints with the Ombudsman and the National Institution for Human Rights (NIHR), requesting both medical care and a transfer to a different building. Although Mohamed was eventually transferred to Salmaniya Hospital, he did not receive adequate treatment and continues to suffer. Despite further complaints to the Ombudsman and NIHR, no effective action has been taken, and Mohamed remains without treatment.
Mohamed experienced significant psychological distress during his isolation in Building 2 of Jau Prison. His communication was severely restricted; the prison administration allowed him to make a phone call only once a week for no more than five minutes and occasionally denied him this right altogether. Additionally, Mohamed had no programs to occupy his time, the building lacked a television and a place to dry clothes, and his cell lacked ventilation and sunlight. On 14 July 2024, his family submitted a new complaint to the Ombudsman about the lack of communication and the brief duration of calls but received no response. Mohamed was only given two pieces of clothing, and officers did not allow him to visit the canteen for personal necessities.
Between July and August 2024, communication between Mohamed and his family was cut off for over a month due to the conditions in Jau Prison during a prisoners’ sit-in protesting mistreatment and demanding basic rights. His family filed additional complaints with both the Ombudsman and the NIHR but received no response. During this period, the Jau Prison administration dangerously escalated its retaliation against protesting prisoners by cutting off electricity, water, and food during extremely hot summer days, when the temperature reached 50°C. Communication was restored in the fourth week of August after a prolonged strike and tough negotiations with the administration, which promised to address the issues. Consequently, communication between Mohamed and his family was restored. As part of the agreement between the protesting prisoners’ representatives and the prison administration, the administration ended the isolation of the protesting political prisoners, including Mohamed, who was reclassified to Building 6 on 30 August 2024 and granted access to the prison’s outdoor area daily from morning until afternoon.
Mohamed’s arrest without a warrant, torture, denial of family contact and visits, denial of legal counsel, unfair trial, reprisals, isolation, and medical neglect are clear violations of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), and the United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners, also known as the Nelson Mandela Rules, to which Bahrain is a party.
As such, Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) calls on the Bahraini authorities to uphold their human rights obligations by immediately and unconditionally releasing Mohamed. ADHRB further urges the Bahraini government to investigate allegations of arbitrary arrest, torture, denial of family contact and visits, denial of legal counsel, reprisals, isolation, medical negligence, and ill-treatment, and to hold the perpetrators accountable. ADHRB also demands compensation for the violations Mohamed endured in prison. At the very least, ADHRB advocates for a fair retrial for Mohamed, leading to his release. Additionally, ADHRB urges the Jau Prison administration to provide prompt and appropriate healthcare for Mohamed, holding it responsible for any further deterioration in his health.
When I was about seven years old I used to play a “let’s pretend” baseball game in our backyard. I laid out 4 rags I’d gotten from the garage and placed them in a diamond form which represented the bases. The bases were about 20 feet apart. Then I looked at our house and took my batting stance and let my imagination take over. The imaginary scene is no doubt familiar to many of you. It is the last of the 9th inning, we are losing by three runs. The bases are loaded and there are two outs. Then I swing and hit the ball – tsssssch! As Mel Allen was saying in my head “there is a high fly ball deep to right center. The center fielder is at the track. It is going, going, gone”. Then I would trot around the bases. As I got older, I played a great deal of hardball and I hit home runs, but never quite experienced the situation I imagined when I was seven until the end of my playing days.
Coming Through the Hole in the Fence
Around the same time, my father used to take me across the street in the woods to play catch and bat. It was a good scene because the weeds would always stop the ball from going too far. In addition, I always hit with a tree in back of me so that if my father’s pitches were outside the strike zone or I missed or fouled it back, the tree stopped it. Then about a year later my father initiated me into the mysteries of the multiple baseball fields at Jamaica, Queens High School. Officially you had to go through a gate way at the end of the field to get in. But the local kids weren’t having it. They used cutting wires to pry open a hole in the fence. My father and I climbed through the fence and set up. He would pitch to me even though we only had one or two balls. If I hit it past him, he had to get it. But as happens often in these kind of situations, other kids or even adults are around, size up the situation and volunteer to catch or play the field. Willie came by and volunteered to be a catcher. He was an older kid, maybe 14, and looked like he could be a soccer player from South America. If I hit a ball past my father, I would run around those imaginary bases again. My father would retrieve the ball and throw it to Willie to try to get me out at the plate. Willie would make believe he missed the tag or the throw so I could hit a homerun. I was at the age where I couldn’t quite figure out if this was intentional not. Even then, I appreciated his kindness
Geographical Constraints of Choose-up Games in the Corner Our house was only 2 long blocks away from Jamaica High School so I went past the school for many reasons other than baseball. One time I noticed in the distance a group of kids playing baseball in the corner of the park. The actual baseball field for high school games was only part of the park. Surrounding the field was a track and beyond the track was a corner where the kids were playing. The “bases” were old rags of some sort that were laid out maybe 60-70 feet apart (as opposed to the official high school field which was 90 feet apart). These distances were decided long before I began to play. In part it was determined by the fact that our throwing arms weren’t strong enough to make a throw from third base to first, or short to first with the bases 90 feet apart. Also, the pitcher’s mound was only about 45 feet from the plate as opposed to 60 feet for the same reasons.
Adapting to Inadequacies in Numbers and Positions Our games never had 18 players. Mostly we had maybe 10 or 12. That meant that any kid who wanted to play could. We would adapt our rules to accommodate them. For example, we might decide that right field was in foul territory to shorten the distances to be covered by the outfielders. In addition, we might only have one outfielder to cover center and left. That wasn’t a big deal because most of us were not strong enough to hit it to the outfield. If you hit one on the other side of the high school track it was a home run. In right field there was large tree. As we got older and could hit the ball to the outfield more consistently and the right fielder had to play the ball off the trees. If someone hit a fly ball into the trees and the right fielder could catch the ball bouncing off the trees the batter was out. Needless to say, no one wanted to play right field! The pitcher and the catcher were not specialized positions. The catcher might not even be on the team on defense. It might be a player on the offensive team that was just backing up if the batter missed the ball or it was too far out of the strike zone. While the pitcher was on the defensive team, there were no balls and strikes. The pitcher’s job was to just get the ball over the plate so everyone could hit. There was no standing around. If you struck out it was because you missed the ball on the 3rd strike after either missing or fouling off the first two. Our fields had pebbles and sometimes rocks in the infield. There were many bad hops, but you just took it in stride. In the outfield you had to look out for potholes, mole hills and gravel.
Choosing Up Sides
Choosing up sides was an opportunity to feel proud or humiliated depending on when you were picked. The best players were usually the ones who picked the teams. The better players were chosen first and players with less skill picked later. In those days, Brendan and Owen were two of the best as was Tony Cirillo and I. We could all hit homeruns. Tony and I played shortstop on opposite teams. The shortstop position was usually the best fielder on the team and got the most action. Tony had a great arm. My arm was average but I covered a lot of ground. Brendan and Owen were close friends and always wound up on the same team. I don’t know why. They were both big guys and it might have been the case that we were too afraid to get them on opposite teams. How was it determined who picked first? Well, some neutral player would hold a bat out and grip it tightly. One of the guys who wanted to be captain had three chances to kick the bat out of their hands. If they were successful, they got to pick the first player
Culture and Class
Most of these kids were working class Irish and Italian. Here is a list of the players I remember. Brendan Rice, Owen Brennan, Chris Green, Tony Circillo, James (Head) Circillo, Abe Circillo, Ronnie Christian, Billy Smolin, James Sheehy, Georgie Robles, Bernard Rubino, Evan Munkmeir; Danny Mettines , Billy Insulman, Kenny Lowe, and Frankie Majori. Once in a while a tall lanky guy would slither thorough the hole in the fence on his way to the library. What was odd was that this guy (I think his name was Luke) wanted to be the Pope. As you can imagine, he was mercilessly teased. We’d say “there goes the Pope!”. Our neighborhood was very unusual. Within an area of about a mile and a half we had three social classes represented. From Parson’s boulevard to Jamaica high was a working-class area. The closer you got to 168th Street the houses were lower middle class attached houses. Our block, 168th Street was middle class. I would say there was subliminal tension between us around social class which I will get to later.
What to do About Close Plays
Those adults and kids who were involved in Little League have no idea how easy they had it. The teams had coaches who determined who was going to play what position, and they had umpires who determined who is safe and who is out on close plays. In the sandlots we had to figure this out for ourselves. For us the captains determine the battling order and the positions. But the captain of a team was the first among equals. By a long process of trial and error we learned who was the best in each position so the captain barely had to say a word about who was going to play where. Also, the players themselves got to know who was a weak and a strong hitter and they would self-organize themselves accordingly. No one kept personal records of performances. We just knew what the score was and what inning we were in. To this day I cannot imagine how we kept track of close plays at home, first, second or third base. Our arguments were never technical or legal. They were always matters of who beat the throw and who didn’t. What was interesting as I remember it, is the arguments never lasted very long. We just wanted to keep playing. Our games were usually high scoring so a game was usually never determined by a single call.
The Passing of a Comet: Danny Mettines
My father never liked the kids I played ball with. He grew up very poor. His mother raised seven kids and they were “on the dole”. He was an artist who rose out of poverty to become a commercial artist. We lived in a middle class neighborhood (one square block) and he was afraid my baseball friends would be a bad influence on me. He was always trying to get be to play for church teams as an alternative. I never gave up my friends but I did play on one church team in grammar school. I could never get enough of baseball. At St. Nicholas of Tolentine the teams were organized with the names of native American tribes – The Mohawks, Algonquins, Iroquois, Cheyannes. One day the Mohawks showcased a pitcher who was a real phenom, Danny Mettinis. Danny just towered over us in terms of skill. As a left-handed pitcher he could strike out anybody. As a first baseman he could scoop the ball out of the dirt and do splits to sweep up errant throws from the infield. Danny ran like the wind and as a hitter he could hit the ball 100 feet further than any one else. He wasn’t a big guy but he was built like a tank. He was charismatic, funny and sarcastic. I prayed that he’d never find out about our games in the corner, but that day came.
When Danny came to participate in our games, he revolutionized the existing hierarchy. Brendon, Owen, Tony and I were all knocked off of top ranking. Danny was in a class by himself. Danny was a lefthanded power hitter who would not only hit balls into the trees but over them. He would regularly hit homeruns over the track. It was hard to lose a game if Danny was on your side. Danny was charismatic, funny and sarcastic. You didn’t want to get on his bad side.
For the Love of the Game: Joe Austin On the actual playing field of Jamaica high, sometimes games and practices would be going on that were not connected to the actual high school baseball team. The players were older, maybe 15-17 years old. The person who was coordinating their practices was an old guy who I eventually came to know as Joe Austin. Joe was an ex-minor league baseball player who worked with kids in the neighborhood and eventually took them into leagues. Joe had skills way beyond any coach I had seen. If you happen to go to a baseball game early and watch the infield and outfield practices, that was the routine Joe would go through with his players. He would provide bats and balls for the players and when they were old enough to go into leagues, he would buy the uniforms. Joe worked at night in a brewery and then five days a week he would take the bus from his house on Sutfin Blvd about a mile to 168th Street. He would then walk 4 blocks to the field carrying bats, balls and gloves in a duffle bag. He was on the field from about 9AM to 3PM. When he went into leagues he named his teams Irish names. Like the Lepricons leprechaun? , Blarney Boys and Shannons.
When Joe thought we were old enough, he started coming to our choose-up games in the corner. He was not pushy at all. He provided bats and balls for us regularly and offered to umpire our games. This was a great relief for us as time wasn’t wasted arguing. He started to make lineup cards for us that he would draw on the back of a paper lunch bag. When we got a little older, maybe 11 or 12, he moved us to another part of the high school park, which had more room. Then he offered to pitch for both sides. This was a boom for us because he got the ball over the plate virtually all the time which speeded up the games. Joe had skills that in retrospect no other coach could ever come close to let alone match. He started to pitch us knuckleballs and curve balls us to get us used to hitting pitches other that weren’t straight. He also worked with kids who seemed to want to become pitchers and he taught them not only to throw curves, but sliders, screwballs, and forkballs. One kid, Joey Fitzgerald made it as far as the Mets farm system. Little did we know Joe was grooming us to be his next team, the Emeralds.
“Yaw wanna play ball, play ball! Ya don’t? Get the fuck off the field” Joe always welcomed new players so that once we transitioned to a bigger field, more boys came to play. Now the teams each had 9 players on a side. We were bigger, stronger and we could hit the ball further. Younger kids started coming including Jesse Braverman (with whom I’m still friends), Joey Fitzgerald, Bobby Saca, John Brennan, Ritchie Ames. While Joe was very inclusive, he was also very demanding. Once you started playing in the games, Joe expected you to be there every day. Some of the guys I started with stopped coming to the choose-up games probably because they got tired of it. Their skills had leveled off or they got involved in other activities (some activities like drugs or stealing cars). But one player, a catcher by the name of Davey Heckendorn, made a conscious choice to stop playing, told everyone about it and he paid for it.
One day Davey came to the field with someone I had never seen before. I later found out his name was Joe Trapp. Davey started to cry as he announced he wouldn’t be coming anymore. His music teacher told him that if he continued catching, he would ruin his hands by digging the balls out of the dirt. Joe Trapp and David Bernstein were there to support him. As I recall, Joe cursed him out for quitting. If you can imagine what a response was like from a group of 15 predominately Italian or Irish boys hearing this, it wasn’t pretty. We mocked him for crying and I’m sure we threatened Joe and David with a good beating for even daring to come to our turf again. I spoke with him years later, and this is the first topic we discuss. In retrospect, this was one of many miserable things I did as a 12-13 year old.
The lazy hazy days of summer pick-up games with Joe
In spite of the intensity that Joe demanded I would say the two years we spent on the big field were the happiest of all my 13 years of baseball. I loved playing against people I knew and because there were no crowds, uniforms, bells or whistles it was easy to relax. During the course of a summer’s day we would have two games. One in the morning, starting about 9:30 and one after lunch. After the first game I would rush home for lunch, eat quickly and then run back to the field. As I remember it, we let Joe pick the teams instead of us choosing up. Joe had a very good sense of how to pick combinations of players who would make the teams evenly matched. As I recall it most of our games were close. I switched over from shortstop to second base because as the field was larger I couldn’t make the throw from short to first very easily. I started secretly keeping records of my hitting statistics – batting average, homers, RBIs, doubles and triples. Because we were bigger now and could hit the ball further the outfield became more attractive to play rather than a sentence of banishment.
Poetry in motion One of my favorite activities was having Joe hit fungoes to me in the outfield. He would stand at home plate and I would be stationed in center field. With the wave of his hand, he would motion to me to run from center to right center. He would hit the ball to me perfectly, neither too far to make it uncatchable nor too easy where I would stand still and wait for it. I always had to catch it on the run. Then he would motion me to run to left-center back to right center field and the same thing would happen, back and forth for maybe 30-45 minutes. I loved to fact there was no fence to worry about crashing into. Playing the outfield really developed my arm so by the time I started playing that position I developed a really strong arm. Also, I was a very fast runner but you would never know it with me playing second base. Playing center field, I could utilize my speed to the max. I loved center because, like shortstop, it’s a position where you see the whole field at once.
Joe had nicknames for some of the players. He called me “Lash LaRue” after a movie he had seen where the cowboy used to strip a gunslinger’s gun out of his hand with a whip. Because my arm was pretty wild in center field when it was still developing, my throws home were often way off. He once yelled at me, “hey Lash, the backstop is 18 feet across. Do you think you get that shotgun within that range? I never took it personally. I was flattered that I had enough standing for him to tease me.
Crossing the Rubicon We did not always just play games among ourselves. Occasionally we would get a challenge from a group from another neighborhood to play a game. The game was not slow pitch. It was with pitchers pretty much throwing fast balls as hard as they could with someone calling balls and strikes. These games were harder for everyone because we had to hit pitches coming at us at much greater velocity. Some of our better players stopped coming. Billy Smolin and Bernard Rubino didn’t return. Tony Circillo stopped being the power hitter he was, but hung on as a pitcher. Brendon Rice was not a good hitter once we switched to fast pitch but continued as a catcher. Chris Green and I made the transition as did Danny.
Our entry into organized leagues as the Emeralds
It was in 1961 when I was 13 that Joe moved us to play on the actual Jamaica High School field. It was around the same year that Joe prepared us to play in the Queens-Nassau League. We stopped playing pick-up games and when we were together it was strictly infield and outfield and batting practice. Joe bought all uniforms. He never made any cuts (telling players they didn’t make the team). I think in our first year we had close to 30 players on our team. I believe it was in 1962 that we had our first team. The league had players that could be up to the age of 17. Our oldest players were 14. Joe wanted to play in a league with older players because the competition would be good for us. In retrospect I think it was a mistake. Before we got into the league, we knew that we were much better than kids our own age. But playing against teams with players who were 2-3 older than we were was demoralizing. I think in the first year in the league we were 4-16. The next year we did better. I think we played about .500 ball. Our last year in the league we thought we could compete for the championship. I think we won more than we lost but we never won anything.
A taste of the East Side kids Our team was a rough team, kind of like the East Side kids. We got into some fights with the other teams and probably the organizers of the league warned Joe. When we played occasionally in the suburbs we could feel the class tensions and this would carry over to Joe and his relationship with the other players. Joe would coach first base. Sometimes he’d get into razzing with opposing teams’ first baseman. One time
Joe told me to spike the first baseman. I said no. Joe took me out for a pinch runner.
Our team did not have good team spirit. We teased each other almost as much as we teased the other team. Who’s in and who’s out? Soon before our first year in the league two players we had never seen before started to come to our practices: Mark Kenny, Ronnie Gerreki. They were not from our neighborhood and naturally enough that challenged the existing pecking order. As I recall Mark Kenney’s father talked to Joe about taking Mark on the team. His father had professional aspirations for Mark and his father knew Joe would develop his talents. I think the same thing happened with Ronnie. Both Mark and Ronnie were very good. Probably the only player we had better than they was Danny. But there was a problem. Mark played short-stop and Ronnie played second. What was going to happen to the existing people we had to play short and second?
There were a number of tension points. One was the fact that Mark and Ronnie did not come up from the ranks. They just appeared, so naturally those who played with Joe for years would feel pushed aside. I was a good hitter and Joe still wanted me in the line-up so he moved me into center field where I had been practicing for a year or two. But we already had a center fielder, Frankie Majori. I was a much better hitter than Frankie and so because of me, Frankie was on the bench. This caused tension between some of Frankie’s friends and I who were also on the team. This was amplified by class conflicts. Frankie, Brendan and Bernard were working class. I was middle class and they knew it because they knew where I lived. I started to feel more isolated than I ever had.
My distance from others on the team was aggravated by the differences in where we went to school. Many of the Emeralds were also playing ball for Jamaica High School, a working class public school. My parents did not want me to go to Jamaica High. It was too rough and they thought I would get a better education at a Catholic school. So instead of going to a high school with my friends which was 2 blocks away, I was shipped off Holy Cross High School, three or four miles away. I was very angry at my parents for this and I had a major rift with my them that never really healed completely. Meanwhile the players who went to Jamaica high noticed my absence and probably concluded that I was spoiled, being shipped off to a private school. After I got home from school in high school, I would walk over to Jamaica High to watch my old friends play, hoping to find some solidarity and imagining I was in center field there. But my old friends rarely acknowledged me. I was an outsider. After a while I stopped going. It was too painful. I never even tried out for the Holy Cross baseball team. I hated going there and didn’t want to spend any extra time there.
My father coming to my games Despite my father’s disapproval of Joe and the Emeralds, he came to the games. From his point of view it was a natural thing to want to watch your kid play ball. But with rare exceptions, none of the kid’s father’s came to the game, so he stuck out like a sore thumb. In addition, being Italian he would yell when I did something well. It was humiliating. I asked him not to come but he didn’t, telling me that the other kids were jealous because their fathers didn’t come to the game. He didn’t understand that for a 15-year-old teenager living in the United States in the early 1960s, the last thing they wanted was to be seen with their parents. One time we had a Saturday afternoon game in which the field we were supposed to play on was waterlogged by the previous days of rain. I got word that we would switch fields. I called my father to tell him not to come to the waterlogged field and that we were playing somewhere else. He asked me where, and I made believe I couldn’t remember it. Well, I was very happy to know I wouldn’t have to deal with him for a day. However, when I stepped up leading off the game in the new location, Tony Cirillo says to me from the bench, “hey Bruce, guess who’s here?”. It was my father, who must have made some phone calls and found the field.
My performance I didn’t do nearly as well as I did in the pick-up games. In my three years with the Emeralds I think I hit about .260 or so. I was a streak hitter and better with runners on base. I was a good left-handed drag bunter so Joe translated that as my being a good leadoff batter. I wasn’t. I didn’t like taking pitches and my main goal was to get my cuts in. In retrospect, my best position was batting fifth, after Mark and Danny. That way I could hit with runners on base. The only reason I liked hitting lead-off was I would come to the plate more. Our home field was the 201st Street field which had a short rightfield fence. It was a great experience to hit a ball over the fence and trot around the bases. Until then if I hit one deep over the outfielders I had to run it out as it was it was an inside the park homer. I hit some homers but I also had bad streaks. I once struck out six times in a double-header, four in the first game and two in the second. By the end of the game, Jesse’s brother Roger was pointing out what I was doing wrong in front of a small crowd. He meant well, but it was humiliating.
By my seventeenth birthday my time with the Emeralds was up. I either had to find a new team or stop playing. I had been playing ball for 10 years and wouldn’t know what to do with myself, so I played on. I played three more years, one with the Dukes in South Zone Park; one was with a team in Forest Hills and one with a team from South Jamaica. I will focus most on my crazy year with the Dukes. I learned more about myself and life than I ever dreamed of in all my years with Joe. I had to face my shadow side.
From Joe Austin to Ray Church and the Dukes The shadow side of my baseball life In all my years with Joe I was a very good player all around. I could hit for power, I was a very good center fielder, I had a good arm and I was fast. I started every game and finished every game That meant I could count on:
never being pinch-hit for;
never pinch-hitting;
Never being pinch run for
never pinch running; and
never going into the outfield for defensive purposes
Doing any of these things was a sign you were not a complete player and only had part-time status. Yet when I played for Ray Church, I had to learn to accept all these roles. But what I found was that as I rose to the occasion and in the process formed at deeper relationship with a coach that I ever dreamed of.
Who was Ray Church? Ray Church was no Joe Austin. He could not hit fungoes like Joe. He couldn’t curse like Joe and he never played minor league baseball. I later found out the Ray worked at the LaGuardia airport in some administration capacity, he had been in the Air Force, and like Joe, he was single. What Ray had that Joe didn’t have was he was natural psychologist and social psychologist. Ray was very even-tempered and he seemed to have emotional relationships with most of players who were all about 17-18 years old. Ray was about 45 years old. My friend Jesse who used to represent Joe at the league meetings told me that Ray had coached the South Ozone Park Dukes for many years.
My introduction to Ray and Dave Laney Dave Laney was a well-built, good looking, tall Irish kid with a mass of bleached blond hair and a red face. I never knew whether his face was red because he had been surfing or drinking. I later found out it was both. I played against Davey when I was with Joe. He was a good left-handed pitcher and first baseman with power. One day he showed up at our Jamaica high field to pitch informal battling practice. I didn’t know why he was here, given South Ozone park was about five miles or so from Jamaica. However, Joe remembered him, let him pitch to us and Dave fit right in. I happened to be hitting well in batting practice and remember hitting everything he threw – line drives. I hit one over the wall. The next pitch he just rolled in like he was bowling. “Try to hit that one” he said. We had a good laugh. I liked his spirit. So I asked him about playing for the Dukes. As if he had rehearsed ahead of time he gave me Ray’s phone number. It was only later that I suspected that Ray had sent him over to recruit me. Anyway, two days later I called Ray and asked him if I could play for him. He said “any one of Joe’s boys can play for me”. I asked him when the first practice was and we were off.
From center field to the bench I got a late start in the Spring of 1968. The snow was slow to dry and so I wasn’t able to work out with Joe as I usually had (his “Spring training” began March 15th). Also I had put on some 10 pound, possibly from drinking in the woods with friends. We had some practices but I was struck by how rudimentary the practices were compared to Joe. However, the players were very good. The Dukes started me in center field but after three games or so I think I only had one hit. Meanwhile a center fielder named Wally Shultz was tearing up his high school league hitting .500. So, by the fourth game Wally was in center and I was on the bench. Ray seemed to understanding how disheartening this way for me. Without too much prodding sitting in his car after a game I blurted out how my father was driving me nuts, trying to control me. Before the next game Ray, came to pick me up along with some other guys and drive us to the field. I invited him to come in and meet my parents, which he did. Soon after he told me how much he understood about my situation of being controlled after meeting my parents.
As the season went on I played some of the time but never constantly. The players were much more supportive of me than anything I had experienced with Joe and all the guys I grew up with. One thing I noticed is that whenever I started a game I was never pinch-hit for, even if I wasn’t doing well. I think Ray understood that would be more painful for me to start and be taken out than not starting at all. Ray had a couple of coaches who were more impatient with me than Ray and I felt Ray was defending me.
One time after another fight with my father, I called Ray and asked him to come get me. He did and we spent a long time talking at his house until about 1 in the morning. I was becoming more and more attached to him and the more I wanted to show him I was a better player than what I had shown so far.
I hit a pinch-triple
That summer I had been working at UPS unloading trucks. I dropped a 50-pound box on my foot so my toe was bandaged for a while. However, I didn’t want to miss our night game we were playing so I went to game. I could still hit but I couldn’t run very fast. In about the 8th inning of a game, Ray told me to pinch hit for a player. The first pitch was a high fastball which I fouled back. I thought to myself I would have creamed that in any other year but this one. Well, lo and behold the pitcher threw me the same pitch. This one didn’t get away from me. I tomahawked to straight away center. It must have been 100 feet over center fielder head. I lumbered around to third with triple. Ray called time out and took me out of the game for a pinch runner. This was so weird. I had never been pinch-run for before. But then again, I probably never pinch hit before starting to play with Ray. After the game I sat in Ray’s car crying. I was so happy I contributed something. We hugged.
A late inning defensive replacement A little later in the summer when my foot healed and I lost the weight I had gained I found myself still on the bench. In the eighth inning of a game in which we were barely ahead, Ray called on me to replace Al Locaccio, a catcher who was only in left field because we needed his bat in the line-up. I hated left field because there was so little room to run. However, I was in no position to move Walley Shultz out of center. The field we were playing at was Rosedale. This field was notorious for fog. So sure enough, a right hand batter hits a long high drive towards me but curving foul. I keep on running into and through foul territory. I lose the ball in the fog but then it comes out of the fog and I snag it. I must have been 50 into foul territory. Our bench explodes with cheering. Mike Dunn, the other coach who was sympathetic to me looked at Ray in disbelief. Ray taps his forehead with his finger three or four times. I am fighting back the tears.
Ray confides in me he is gay My relationship with Ray was obviously deepening. He invited me to his place on Friday nights a couple of times just to visit. I asked him questions about himself because I thought it was selfish of me to keep the focus on myself. He told me he wasn’t looking forward to going to his sister’s house on Sunday because they kept asking him when he is going to get married. He then said something to me like, “Bruce, I have to tell you something. I’m gay.” I didn’t have an adverse relation other than sympathy for the situation he was in with his sister. I asked him why he didn’t just tell her. He said he wasn’t ready to do that. It would send shock waves through his family. I understood. I was very pleased that I built up a relationship with him such that he didn’t have to say “don’t tell anyone”. He just knew I wouldn’t. I was proud of that.
Pinch hit double and score the winning run We were a pretty good team and at the end of the year we were in contention to go to the playoffs. Maybe we were about 12-8. Our game was being played at my old 201st street field where I played with the Emeralds. In our last game which was to determine if we were going to the playoffs or not I came up to pinch hit to start off the bottom of the 9th inning of a game that was tied. Before I stepped to the plate Ray motioned to me to come towards him where he was coaching third base. He looked me straight in the eye and said “look, this is your turf. Act accordingly”. I went back to home plate looked it him. He always gave me a sign to hit line drives, and not to try to hit everything out of the park. I stepped in. The first pitch was a fastball right down the middle. I blasted it over the right field fence and over the Long Island Railroad tracks for a ground rule double (it wasn’t a homer for reasons I won’t go into.). As I look my lead off second, I noticed that instead of pitching from a stretch, the pitcher went into a full wind-up. I broke for third. I got such a great jump I was less that 10 feet from third base when Sandy Ameroso lined a single to right. It reached the right fielder in two hops. I paid no attention to any signals from Ray, I just instinctively thought I could beat the throw. I turned on the jets and slid safely underneath the throw which reached the catcher on a hop. Our dugout exploded from the bench to greet me at home. It was hard for me to cry in front of other boys. They didn’t seem to understand what I was crying about. But coach Mike Dunn and Ray knew what I was crying about.
Our end of the year party
Every year some sandlot baseball teams have a dinner in which the coaches give speeches and awards to the players. I was sitting at a table with one of some of the players I felt closest to. Since I batted .206 for the season, I was confident I wouldn’t be standing up for anything. So along with many other 18-year-old boys at a table, I started to drink. I was never much good at holding my liquor so after 3 beers I was pretty high and the room seemed foggy. Then out of the fog I hear my name. “For sportsmanship award, Bruce Lerro”. What the fuck” I think to myself. I don’t even know what the award is for. The people at my table already started laughing at the prospect of me walking to the front of the room. As I was making my way to the front, Ray, said “and to present him with this award, the only and only, Joe Austin” Now, Joe himself was known to drink a bit and it seemed like he too had been drinking. I got the trophy and wobbled back to my table. the players at my table were fighting off laughing until I was respectfully seated. Then they burst out full flush.
My happy ending with my Forest Hills team
I was done with the South Ozone park Dukes because I was too old. So the next year I hooked up with another team in Forest Hills Queens. I had a very good year with this team. I played center every game and I hit consistently throughout the year. But the climax came at the end of the year when we made the playoffs. This section has been taken from my article Facing the Music: Religion, Nationalism and Sports Have Enchanted the Working Class; Socialism Hasn’t
Making my dreams come true In 1968 our team from Brooklyn got into a playoff game at Victory Field which was one of the fanciest fields around. My girlfriend, Rose Nuccio, let it be known to me that this was the last time she was coming to my games. Sunday was her only day to sleep in. “Besides” she said, “you are 0-8” (referring to my performance in the last two games.) She brought her sister Miriam along with her for this game. In the top of the first inning, I was up with two guys on base and two outs. The left-handed pitcher, Rick Honeycutt, threw me a high inside curve ball.
“Tshrush”! I tomahawk the pitch and the ball really does head for the right center field fence just like in my fantasy 13 years ago. As I watch the ball head for the fence time and space seem to contract. It’s as if I were in my backyard 13 years ago. The ball lands on the tennis courts on the other side of the fence scattering everyone. I am so out of it that as I make my rounds of the bases, I miss first base. The coach has to get me to touch the base. As I round second, I see Rosie and Miriam jumping up and down screaming like two young Italian gals will. The look on Rosie’s face as our eyes met was like a melting ray of sunlight that united our eyes. I missed third base, too. Finally, as I headed for home most everyone on our team came out to home plate to meet me. It was as if we won the World Series. I disappeared in a mass of teammates at the plate.
A thirteen year life cycle is complete dialectically. I returned to my fantasy of thirteen years ago, on a higher level, deeper, richer more real. I tell this story in my Brainwashing Propaganda and Rhetoric class to point out the Propagandistic power of Sports. There is rarely a dry eye in the house.
Sadeq Jaafar Ali (AlSammak) was a 16-year-old Bahraini student from the town of Al Aali when he was arrested by Bahraini authorities on 5 October 2017, while he was on his way to school. The arrest was carried out without a warrant. During his detention, he endured torture, insults, solitary confinement, enforced disappearance, isolation, denial of family contact and visits, denial of access to his lawyer, unfair trials, religious discrimination, reprisals, and medical neglect. He is currently serving a 14-year sentence in Jau Prison.
On the morning of 5 October 2017, Sadeq was walking to school when several civilian cars surrounded him, and their passengers arrested him without a warrant. They took Sadeq to the Ministry of Interior (MoI)’s Criminal Investigation Directorate (CID), where he was held in solitary confinement for two and a half months. On the second day of his arrest, he called his family and informed them of his whereabouts. When Sadeq’s family went to the CID, officers refused to disclose the reason for his arrest, and his lawyer was not able to talk to or meet him. Additionally, officers searched Sadeq’s house three times without presenting a search warrant, seizing his father’s properties, including computers and cars, which were never returned.
Sadeq was previously arrested several times in 2015 and 2016 at AlKhamis Police Station and Roundabout 17 Police Station. During these detentions, at the ages of 14 and 15, he was subjected to torture, beatings, and electric shocks. He was later released due to a lack of evidence supporting the charges against him.
While at the CID, officers interrogated, tortured, and subjected Sadeq to enforced disappearance for two and a half months. The CID officers physically beat him, especially in sensitive areas, and subjected him to prolonged solitary confinement and electric shocks to force him to sign pre-written confessions that were later used against him in trials. During these interrogations, the officers did not allow Sadeq to meet or speak with his legal counsel. Furthermore, Sadeq was taken multiple times to the Public Prosecution Office (PPO), where he denied the charges against him and reported the torture he endured. However, he was returned each time to the CID, where he was further tortured to force a confession. After two and a half months of physical and psychological torture, Sadeq finally signed the confession due to exhaustion and fear of further violence. A forensic doctor later confirmed the physical beatings during a medical examination, which the court did not consider in its ruling. Moreover, his family was not allowed to visit him until three months after his arrest, when he was transferred to the Dry Dock Detention Center.
On 4 January 2018, Sadeq’s family filed a complaint with the Ombudsman about the torture he endured during his interrogations at the CID. His family waited two and a half months after his arrest, after he was transferred from the CID, to file a complaint due to fear of further torture by CID officers. Sadeq informed the Ombudsman’s investigator about the torture he endured, particularly in his private area, and he was checked for injuries after submitting the complaint. On 5 March 2018, the Ombudsman responded, stating that their investigation raised suspicion of a criminal offense that falls within the jurisdiction of the Special Investigation Unit (SIU). Consequently, the case was referred to the SIU on 1 March 2018. Sadeq’s family later contacted the SIU, however, it did not provide them with any information about the investigation.
Sadeq was not promptly brought before a judge, did not have adequate time and facilities to prepare for his trials, and was denied access to his lawyers during the trial period. Despite the evidence provided to the judge and the complaint filed with the Ombudsman concerning the torture Sadeq was subjected to, the confessions extracted from him under torture were used as evidence against him. Between March 2018 and May 2022, Sadeq was sentenced in several cases to a total of 14 years and two months in prison, along with the revocation of his citizenship. He was convicted of various charges, including 1) illegal gathering, 2) rioting, 3) arson, 4) joining a terrorist group, 5) endangering people’s lives, 6) importing and possessing explosives, rifles, or weapons without authorization, 7) manufacturing or possessing explosives, and using them to endanger people’s property, 8) training on using weapons to commit terrorist crimes, 9) placing structures simulating the shapes of explosives, 10) initiating an explosion in one of the petrol lines in Buri Town, 11) kidnapping, and 12) assaulting the bodily integrity of others. His convictions included his alleged participation in and joining of the “Bahraini Hezbollah”, an umbrella group used by the government to convict 137 other individuals in a mass trial on 16 April 2019. While awaiting appeal and cassation, officers have either denied Sadeq’s attendance at the proceedings or brought him to the building but prevented him from entering the courtroom. This resulted in his convictions being upheld due to his “absence,” depriving him of a fair appeals process. For instance, the court of appeal sentenced Sadeq in absentia in the case in which he was denaturalized, even though he was on the bus that transferred detainees outside the courtroom, and despite the lawyer’s request for Sadeq to attend. His nationality was later restored through a royal pardon. On 19 January 2021, Sadeq was transferred to the isolation building in Jau Prison.
Throughout his detention, Sadeq has undertaken numerous hunger strikes to protest the poor prison conditions. The longest of these began on 13 October 2021, lasting approximately 16 days, to protest his transfer to the isolation building on 1 January 2021 in Jau Prison without valid reasons, as well as the medical negligence he endured. On 27 October 2021, 14 days into his hunger strike, Sadeq reported in a voice recording that his blood sugar levels had dropped dangerously to 3.1%. He described facing persecution, harassment, and threats to prolong his isolation. Isolated prisoners faced additional punishment such as chaining of their hands and feet if they objected to being segregated from other political prisoners. Sadeq also stated in the recording that he had met with a media committee of an official human rights institution, which pressured him to end his hunger strike without securing any guarantees, instead of urging the prison administration to end his isolation and respond to his demands.
Following his convictions, Sadeq was subjected to numerous forms of physical and psychological torture. Officers beat him with their hands and other objects such as hoses and wires, insulted him, and subjected him to hanging and crucifixion. They falsely accused him of inciting other prisoners to vandalize the prison building, quarrel with police officers, and go on strike. After every prison incident, Sadeq is summoned, interrogated, and beaten without any clear reason. Reprisals against him continue intermittently, including repeated solitary confinement, isolation, discrimination, humiliation based on religion, denial of his right to practice religious rituals, harassment, assaults, and ill-treatment. For instance, when Sadeq was held in isolation with foreign criminal inmates, he was prohibited from leaving his cell or communicating with anyone outside the cell. He was once moved to the outdoor area while shackled at the hands and legs. He was not allowed to leave his cell and was deprived of many necessities, with a policeman bringing him food and water to his cell.
Since 26 March 2024, following the death of political Husain Khalil Ebrahim due to medical neglect, Sadeq has been participating in an ongoing protest with other prisoners against the medical negligence and poor conditions in Jau Prison, demanding the release of prominent elderly opposition leaders, including Mr. Hasan Mushaima and Dr. AbdulJalil AlSingace. In response, the Jau prison administration has cut off water and electricity to the protesting prisoners, prohibited communication, withheld adequate meals and toiletries, and transferred prisoners who left the building for clinic or court to isolation and solitary confinement, depriving them of their rights. The director of Jau Prison, Hisham AlZayani, has also threatened to forcibly return the protesting prisoners to their cells.
Sadeq continues to suffer from medical negligence in Jau Prison, with his health deteriorating due to untreated eczema spreading throughout his body. He also suffers from acne on his face and back caused by unhealthy meals, despite repeatedly requesting healthier food options from the prison administration, but to no avail. Additionally, he has shrapnel from a shotgun in his body that the prison’s administration has repeatedly promised to remove, but this has yet to be done. Proper treatment is often not provided or is given in very limited quantities, and sometimes the treatment provided is inappropriate for his condition. Furthermore, official visits and communications from Sadeq’s family have been cut off for nearly a year. His family has filed several complaints with the Ombudsman regarding the restrictions, medical negligence, insults, and torture he has endured, but these have yielded no results.
Sadeq’s arrest without a warrant as a minor, torture, insults, solitary confinement, enforced disappearance, denial of family contact and visits, isolation, denial of access to legal counsel, unfair trials, religious discrimination, reprisals, and medical neglect all constitute clear violations of the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment (CAT), the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), to which Bahrain is a party.
As such, Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) calls on the Bahraini authorities to uphold their human rights obligations by immediately and unconditionally releasing Sadeq. Additionally, ADHRB further urges the Bahraini government to investigate allegations of arbitrary arrest, torture, insults, solitary confinement, enforced disappearance, denial of family contact and visits, denial of legal counsel, isolation, religious discrimination, reprisals, medical negligence, and ill-treatment, and to hold perpetrators accountable. ADHRB advocates for the Bahraini government to provide compensation for the injuries he suffered due to torture. At the very least, ADHRB advocates for a fair retrial for Sadeq under the Restorative Justice Law for Children, leading to his release. Additionally, it urges the Jau Prison administration to promptly provide appropriate healthcare for Sadeq, holding it responsible for any further deterioration in his health condition. Furthermore, ADHRB calls on the Jau Prison administration to immediately allow Sadeq to contact his family and receive visits from them. Finally, ADHRB demands that the Jau Prison administration immediately end its retaliatory and degrading treatment of protesting prisoners, including Sadeq, and meet their demands to end their ongoing strike.
Updated: Hasan Moosa Jaafar Ali was a 16-year-old Bahraini student with learning disabilities when he was arrested for the first time without a warrant on 23 September 2013. During his detention, he endured torture, enforced disappearance, solitary confinement, denial of attorney access, isolation, reprisals, religious discrimination, and medical neglect. He was sentenced to a total of 32 years imprisonment through a series of unfair trials, including the “Bahraini Hezbollah” case. Hasan is currently imprisoned at Jau Prison. On 18 September 2020, the United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention (WGAD) adopted an opinion regarding nine Bahraini prisoners convicted in the “Bahraini Hezbollah” case, including Hasan, urging Bahrain to release them immediately and unconditionally and to provide them with compensation.
On 5 September 2012, officials raided Hasan’s family home in an attempt to arrest him, but he was not home at the time. Hasan’s mother asked the officers to see the arrest warrant, but they only said Hasan’s name was on a list of wanted fugitives and would not provide her with a warrant.
After being chased by the authorities for over a year, Hasan was arrested for the first time on 23 September 2013 while he was in a car with his cousin. The officers provided no arrest warrant or reason for the arrest. The officers took Hasan to Samaheej police station, where he was forcibly disappeared and tortured by burning the soles of his feet and thighs and by beating him on his head, abdomen, and “sensitive areas.” As a result of the torture, Hasan developed burns on his feet and thighs, along with green bruises on his body. Two days after his arrest, Hasan was transferred to the AlHadd police station, where he was interrogated for a week without the presence of his lawyer. Officials then allowed him to contact his family for the first time. As a result of torture, Hasan was coerced into confessing to fabricated charges against him. Furthermore, he was not examined by a forensic pathologist following interrogations.
Hasan was not promptly brought before a judge, was unable to present evidence and challenge evidence presented against him, did not have adequate time and facilities to prepare for his trials, and was denied access to his lawyer during the trial period. Additionally, the confessions extracted from him under torture were used as evidence against him. On an unknown date, Hasan was charged with illegal assembly and arson. The Bahraini court sentenced him to a total of nine and a half years in prison and a fine of 200 Bahraini dinars. After his conviction, Hasan was transferred to Jau Prison. Hasan appealed his rulings, however, the Court of Appeals rejected all the appeals and upheld the verdicts.
On 10 March 2015, a prison protest broke out when a family was denied access to visit a prisoner. In retribution, at approximately 10:00 P.M., a group of prison guards attacked a group of detainees, including Hasan. The officers tortured Hasan and the other detainees, beating them with batons until they were unable to move. They threw the detainees to the floor, jumped on their bodies, forcibly cut their hair, and refused to give them access to a bathroom. Hasan was also beaten on the head, causing a deep injury. In May 2015, officials transferred him to the New Dry Dock Prison, the section of Jau Prison reserved for inmates under the age of 21.
On 3 June 2016, approximately three years after his arrest, Hasan escaped with some prisoners from the New Dry Dock Prison. On the same day, plainclothes officers and riot police officers raided his home while searching for him. The officers returned several times in search of Hasan, but he remained in hiding for approximately two years.
On 23 January 2018, officers in plain clothing forcibly entered Hasan’s grandfather’s home, arrested Hasan, and took him to the Criminal Investigations Directorate (CID), where he was subjected to enforced disappearance for two days. He was charged with prison break, hiding from arrest, and for his alleged participation in the Bahraini Hezbollah case. The officers called Hasan’s family two days later to inform them of his arrest and to tell them that he was “fine.”
Officials interrogated Hasan at the CID for 45 days and tortured him to coerce a confession. Hasan did eventually confess to the charges against him, and his confession was used against him during his trial. His lawyer was not allowed to be present during his interrogation. After 45 days at the CID, Hasan was transferred to the “isolation building” of Jau Prison.
The Bahraini court sentenced him to an additional 23 years in prison, a fine of 100,000 Bahraini dinars, and revoked his citizenship, resulting in a total sentence of 32 years. One of the verdicts against him was issued during the “Bahraini Hezbollah” mass trial on 16 April 2019. Hasan was denied access to his attorney and did not have adequate time or facilities to prepare for his trial. The court rejected all of Hasan’s appeals and upheld his convictions. On 21 April 2019, Hasan’s nationality was restored by royal order.
On 21 April 2019, Hasan stated in a voice recording shared on social media that he was isolated from other prisoners, prohibited from interacting with them, and deprived of basic rights such as medical care and religious rituals. He mentioned that he had not met with any prison administrative officials, and his requests to do so were consistently denied.
On 15 August 2019, Hasan joined other detainees at the “isolation building” in a hunger strike to protest poor prison conditions. They demanded to be moved from the isolation building and placed with other prisoners, allowed to practice their religious rituals, and have the restrictions on their phone calls and outdoor time removed. They also protested against constant surveillance of their movements, conversations, and personal belongings by prison officers. The strike continued until the first week of September when the prison administration promised to fulfill their demands. However, after the strike ended, the administration refused to keep its promises, leading the prisoners to resume the strike. In response, prison officers tied Hasan’s hands behind his back and forced him into his cell to prevent him from reciting Ashura’s eulogies with his fellow inmates in the corridor, threatening him with further sanctions if he attempted to recite these eulogies. The prison administration also denied him family visits and placed him in solitary confinement for a few days. Hasan remained in the isolation building of Jau Prison for three years before being moved to another building in 2021.
On 18 September 2020, the United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention (WGAD) adopted an opinion regarding nine Bahraini prisoners convicted in the “Bahraini Hezbollah” case, including Hasan, determining their detention to be arbitrary. The WGAD urged Bahrain to release them immediately and unconditionally and to provide them with compensation.
In September 2020, scabies spread among prisoners in Jau Prison due to a new inmate suffering from it, resulting in Hasan becoming infected. In August 2021, Hasan contracted COVID-19. Between 2015 and 2024, he has been repeatedly placed in solitary confinement. Throughout his detention, he has been repeatedly denied medical treatment for a knee injury, sinusitis, and a deviated septum, and has been denied three necessary nose surgeries for four years. Recently, in March 2024, an officer at Jau Prison prevented Hasan from attending a scheduled ENT appointment for his nose issues under the pretext of his “inappropriate hairstyle”, though his hairstyle complied with prison regulations. He has also been denied follow-up ophthalmology appointments. Hasan’s family has submitted numerous complaints to the Ombudsman, requesting medical care. Although the Ombudsman promised to follow up on the issue, no action has been taken, and the family has yet to receive a response. Additionally, traces of cigarette burns on the soles of Hasan’s feet, inflicted during the interrogation period, are still visible.
Hasan’s first warrantless arrest as a minor, torture, enforced disappearances, solitary confinement, denial of attorney access, unfair trials, isolation, reprisals, religious discrimination, and medical neglect all constitute clear violations of the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment (CAT), the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), to which Bahrain is a party.
Currently, Jalal Labbad is sentenced to death for crimes committed when he was a juvenile. Jalal is a young man who represents critical issues concerning human rights, legal fairness and the treatment of religious minorities in Saudi Arabia. His case embodies the harsh and unjust application of the death penalty in Saudi Arabia.
Jalal Labbad, born in 1995, is a Saudi national who actively participated in demonstrations between 2011 and 2012, at the age of seventeen, protesting the treatment of theShia minority in Al-Qatif. These protests were part of a broader movement against the oppressive actions of the Saudi government. Labbad, who was still a minor during these protests, was subsequently targeted by authorities for his involvement. OnFebruary 23, 2017, Labbad was arrested at his family home by security forces. The arrest was carried out without a warrant. This marked the beginning of a legal journey, characterised by severe torture and prolonged periods of solitary confinement.
From the moment of arrest, Labbad was subjected to horrific conditions. He was isolated from the outside world and deprived of his right to legal counsel. He reports being held in solitary confinement for over nine months. He wastortured for confessions and, through beatings, the use of electric shocks, suffocation and other psychological torture mechanisms, they attempted to manipulate and undermine his morale. This prolonged torture has had a detrimental effect on Labbad’s condition. The torture led him to behospitalized on multiple occasions and has left after-effects such as a weak heartbeat, and frequent fainting… causing chronic conditions, loss of concentration, and persistent forgetfulness.
Despite clear indicators of the use of torture in his imprisonment, this wasignored in a judicial process that can only be defined as flawed, wrongful, and unfair. On January 24, 2019, the prosecution requested the hudud penalty for hirabah against him on various charges, some of which date back to when he was a minor. Thesecharges included participating in demonstrations, attending funerals of victims killed by government forces, helping wanted persons, and being involved in the case of the abduction and murder of Sheikh Mohammed al-Jirani, despite thelack of concrete evidence of his involvement. In July 2019, Labbad appeared before the Specialized Criminal Court, accused, among other charges, of participating in demonstrations at the age of 15. OnJuly 31, 2022, the Court sentenced Labbad to death. Finally, onOctober 13, 2023, the Saudi Arabian Supreme Court secretly confirmed Labbad’s death sentence without notifying his family or legal representatives. This places Labbad at imminent risk of execution.
Jalal Labbad’s case represents a flaw in Saudi Arabia’s justice system. Saudi Arabia has repeatedly stated that it does not apply the death penalty to minors;abolishing in 2020 the death penalty for accused minors through a Royal Decree, limiting the maximum sentence to ten years in a juvenile detention center. Despite these statements, children and individuals who committed crimes as minors continue to face executions.
An important factor allowing for the continued execution of juveniles is the distinction betweenTa’zir, Qisas and Hudud offences in Islamic Sharia law. Offences categorized as hudud or visas can still be punishable by the death penalty, which the Royal Decree sought to abolish for juveniles. By reclassifying certain offences from Ta’zir to Hudud, the Saudi government has overpowered the decree, maintaining the death penalty.
Jalal’s warrantless arrest, torture, enforced disappearance, solitary confinement, and unfair trial are violations of the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT), to which Saudi Arabia is a party. Additionally, these violations, committed against him as a minor, contravene the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), to which Saudi Arabia is also a party.
As such, Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) highlights the imminent risk that Jalal and other detainees will be executed for crimes allegedly committed when they were minors. ADHRB calls on the international community to take immediate action and pressure the Saudi government to cancel the death sentences imposed on all minors in Saudi Arabia. Furthermore, ADHRB urges the Saudi authorities to immediately release Jalal due to the absence of a fair trial associated with the lack of appropriate legal actions. ADHRB also calls for an investigation into the allegations of torture, enforced disappearance, solitary confinement and ill-treatment, to hold perpetrators accountable. Finally, ADHRB calls on Saudi Arabia to provide Jalal with compensation for the violations he has suffered, or at the very least, a fair retrial leading to his release.
On April 30, when Columbia University student protesters took over Hamilton Hall, they renamed it “Hind’s Hall,” dropping a large banner out the windows above the building’s entrance. This was a hall famously occupied by students in the 1968 protests against the Vietnam War and against Jim Crow racism in the United States. The students are risking suspension and expulsion, and a very real blacklist has already been generated against them, with Congress joining in to define criticism of genocide as a form of antisemitism that state universities and state-linked employers will not be allowed to tolerate.
I believe their love for Hind Rajab guides the movement so desperately needed to resist militarism. Hind was six years old when Israel used U.S.-supplied weapons to kill her.
If our civilization survives a looming ecological collapse that is helping to drive catastrophic nuclear brinkmanship, I hope future generations of students will study the “Hind’s Hall” occupation in the way that students of the civil rights movement have studied the Edmund Pettus Bridge and the story of Emmett Till. Hind’s story is tragically emblematic. Her cruel murder has befallen many thousands of children throughout the decades of Israel’s fight to maintain apartheid. Just in our young century, from September 2000 to September 2023, Israel’s B’tselem organization reports that 2,309 Palestinian minors were killed by Israelis and some 145 Israeli minors were killed by Palestinians, with these numbers excluding Palestinian children dead from deliberate immiseration via blockade or traumatized as hostages in prisons. We hear reports that thirty-eight Israeli children and some 14,000 Palestinian children have been murdered since October 7, deaths which can all be laid on the doorstep of the ethnostate project so lethally determined to keep one ethnicity in undemocratic governance.
No six-year-old poses any threat to anyone. Like the hundreds of thousands of Iraqi children starved to death during the U.S. imposition of economic sanctions against Iraq, none of these children could be held accountable for the actions of their government or military.
Hind Rajab committed no crime, but she was made to watch her family die and wait for death surrounded by their corpses. When the ambulance crew asked safe passage to come rescue her, she was used as bait to kill them as well. Her story must be remembered and told over and over.
As Jeffrey St. Clair writes, Hind was a little girl who liked to dress up as a princess. She lived in the neighborhood of Tel al-Hawa, an area south of Gaza City.
“Hind Rajab was in her own city when the invaders in tanks came,” St. Clair notes. “What was left of it . . . Hind’s own kindergarten, from which she’d recently graduated, had been blown up, as had so many other schools, places of learning, places of shelter and places of safety in Gaza City.”
On January 29, when the Israelis ordered people to evacuate, her mother, Wissam Hamada, and an older sibling set off on foot. Hind joined her uncle, aunt, and three cousins who traveled in a black Kia automobile.
The uncle placed a call to a relative in Germany which initiated the family’s contact with the Palestinian Red Crescent Society (PRCS). After the initial connection with the PRCS switchboard, the car was targeted and hit, killing Hind’s uncle, her aunt, and two of her cousins.
Hind and her fifteen-year-old cousin, Layan, were the only survivors.
Switchboard operators handling the phone contact with Layan had immediately notified ambulance workers that the little girls needed to be rescued.
But it would have been suicidal for a rescue crew to enter the area without first working out coordinates with the Israeli military.
Similar to the World Central Kitchen workers killed on Monday, April 1, they waited hours for the coordinated rescue plan.
On the audio tape shared by the PRCS workers, Layan’s petrified voice can be heard. The tank is coming closer. She is so scared. A blast is heard and Layan no longer speaks. PRCS workers call back and Hind answers.
She pleads, “Please come and get me. I’m so scared.”
St. Clair writes, “The [PRCS] dispatched an ambulance crewed by two paramedics: Ahmed al-Madhoon and Youssef Zeino. As Ahmed and Youssef approached the Tel al-Hawa area, they reported to the Red Crescent dispatchers that the IDF was targeting them, and that snipers had pointed lasers at the ambulance. Then there was the sound of gunfire and an explosion. The line went silent.”
The tank-fired M830A1 missile remnant found nearby had been manufactured in the United States by a subsidiary of the Day and Zimmermann Corporation. Day and Zimmermann prides itself on having once received the U.S. National “Family Business of the Year” award—an Internet search for the award chiefly produces references to this company. The company states that it believes in civic and community service, with core values of safety and integrity; emphasizing their success as a team that hits its targets. But since last October, their business has been killing families like Hind’s.
Although Israel predictably insists that Layan and Hind, and the additional slain paramedics, were all lying with their final breaths and that no IDF tanks were present to attack them, Al Jazeera’s analysis of satellite images taken at midday on January 29 corroborates the victims’ accounts and puts at least three Israeli tanks just 270 meters (886 feet) from the family’s car, with their guns pointed at it.
When rescuers were finally allowed to approach the remains of Hind and her family on February 10, the car was riddled with bullet holes likely coming from more than one direction.
Hind’s mother couldn’t go to the site until February 12.
On May 5, Israel raided the offices of Al Jazeera at the Ambassador Hotel in Jerusalem and moved to shut down the television network’s operations in Israel.
To remember Hind’s story is an act of resistance. Commemorating her short life builds resolve to confront profiteers who benefit from developing, manufacturing, storing, and selling the weapons that prolong wars—robbing children of their precious right to live.
Universities should, in theory, be places to learn things of importance, and we can learn from the students of Hind Hall to throw comfort and ambition out the window while keeping hold of love, as the students clung to that banner and to the name of Hind Rajab. We can learn to keep hold of our humanity. We learn by doing, as these students are learning to do, drawing wisdom from people like Phil Berrigan who famously said, “Don’t get tired!”
The list of Gaza solidarity encampments grows each day. Conscious of increasing famine in Gaza, students at Princeton University launched a water-only fast on May 4 as they continue to call for their University to divest from corporations selling weapons to Israel. The United Nations warns of a potential collapse of aid delivery to Palestinians with Israel’s May 7 closure of the two main crossings into Gaza. These crossings are critical entry points for food, medicine, and other supplies for Gaza’s 2.3 million people. The disruptions come at a time when officials say northern Gaza is experiencing a “full-blown famine.”
With thousands of innocent lives in the balance, promoters of peace should take advantage of this crucial opportunity to follow the young people, learning alongside the students whose hunger for humanity reveals stunning courage.
Hind Rajab (Image provided, family photo)
Palestinian Red Crescent Society ambulance crew (Photo Credit: PCRS)
• This article first appeared in The Progressive Magazine
Ali Mahmood Mahmood (AlKahraba’ii) was a 15-year-old Bahraini school student and minor when Bahraini authorities arrested him from his grandfather’s house on 16 January 2019 without presenting an arrest warrant. During detention, he endured torture, enforced disappearance, denial of access to legal counsel, unfair trial based on confessions extracted under torture, and sectarian-based insults. Ali was sentenced to 10 years in prison, of which he served five years before being released on 8 April 2024, under a royal pardon that included 1,584 convicts.
On 16 January 2019, riot police, commandos, and special forces raided the home of Ali’s grandfather in Duraz, where he was staying. The officers entered the house from above and arrested him without providing any arrest warrant or reason for his arrest. Ali’s arrest occurred on a cold day while he was wearing light clothes, and officers refused to provide him with warmer clothing. Subsequently, they transferred him to the Criminal Investigation Directorate (CID) Building, where he managed to call his family for no more than a minute, informing them of his location. After that, his news was cut off and he forcibly disappeared until he was transferred to the New Dry Dock Prison on 6 February 2019.
Ali was previously summoned to appear before the Hamad Town Center in 2018 when he was 14 years old; however, he was not arrested at that time.
At the CID, Ali was interrogated without the presence of a lawyer or guardian for 20 days. CID officers stripped him of his clothes, beat him on his face, forced him to stand for extended periods, poured cold water on him while the weather was cold, and then transferred him to an extremely cold air-conditioned room. Furthermore, they insulted his parents and his Shia religious sect. Subsequently, he confessed to the fabricated charges brought against him under torture.
Ali was not presented to the Public Prosecution Office (PPO). Instead, he was transferred to Jau Prison, where he met with the PPO’s representative who forced him to sign papers without knowing their content. On 6 February 2019, he was transferred to the New Dry Dock Prison, where he was able to call his family for the first time since his enforced disappearance when he was at the CID.
Ali was not brought before a judge within 48 hours after arrest, was not given adequate time and facilities to prepare for his trial (which started six months after his arrest), and was unable to present evidence or challenge the evidence presented against him. Furthermore, the court utilized the confessions extracted from him under torture as evidence against him in his trial.
On 28 January 2020, Ali was sentenced to 10 years in prison and a fine of 100,000 dinars. He was convicted of 1) training on explosive materials, 2) attempted explosion, 3) possession of weapons, 4) manufacture of explosives, and 5) conspiring with external entities. The court of appeal, as well as the court of cassation, upheld the sentence.
On 22 March 2024, Ali joined a hunger strike in solidarity with his fellow inmate, Mohamed Hasan Radhi, who was transferred to isolation. In a voice recording spread on social media, Ali held concerned authorities responsible for the deterioration of his inmate’s psychological condition.
On 8 April 2024, King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa of Bahrain issued a royal decree pardoning 1,584 convicts on the occasion of the silver jubilee of his accession to the throne, coinciding with Eid al-Fitr, with Ali among them. He was released on the same day.
Ali’s warrantless arrest, torture, enforced disappearance, denial of attorney access, unfair trial, and religious discrimination constitute violations of the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT), the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), to which Bahrain is a party. Furthermore, the violations he endured as a minor contravene the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), to which Bahrain is also a party.
As such, Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) calls upon the Bahraini authorities to investigate the allegations of Ali’s arbitrary arrest as a minor, torture, enforced disappearance, religious discrimination, and denial of attorney access during interrogations, and to hold the perpetrators accountable. Additionally, ADHRB urges the Bahraini government to end the isolation of all political prisoners, holding the government responsible for the deterioration of the psychological conditions of the isolated detainees. While ADHRB welcomes the issued royal pardon, which included several political prisoners, it considers this belated step insufficient unless investigations into the violations suffered by these released individuals are conducted, compensation is provided, perpetrators are held accountable, and political arrests and prison violations cease.
Twin brothers Ahmed and Mahmood Mohamed Habib were 17-year-old minor students when Bahraini authorities arrested them along with some of their friends on 1 July 2015 while they were eating Suhoor during the month of Ramadan. During their detention, they were subjected to enforced disappearance, torture, sexual harassment, sectarian-based insults, and unfair trials based on confessions extracted under torture. Ahmed was sentenced to 40 years in prison, and Mahmood was sentenced to 47 years and six months in prison on politically motivated charges before being released on 8 April 2024, under a royal pardon that included 1584 convicts.
On 1 July 2015, at 3:00 A.M., military and civilian vehicles, with helicopter support, surrounded the house in the Wadyan area, where Ahmed and Mahmood were eating suhoor during the month of Ramadan with their friends. Riot police officers from the Ministry of Interior (MOI) and two plainclothes officers raided the house and arrested the twins and the young men who were accompanying them:Ali Hasan Ashoor, Ali Jaafar AlAmr, Ahmed Hasan AlAnsara, and Ahmed Yasser Ahmed. The officers did not present any arrest warrant, nor provide a reason for the arrest. Subsequently, they transferred them to the Criminal Investigations Directorate (CID) building.
After their arrest, Ahmed and Mahmood were forcibly disappeared for two days. Their family didn’t know about the arrest until after it was spread onsocial media platforms, and they heard the news from other people. On 3 July 2015, two days after the arrest, the twins called the family and informed them that they were at the CID building.
At the CID, officers interrogated and tortured Ahmed and Mahmood. They severely beat them, took photos and videos of them while they were naked, and didn’t allow them to pray. Furthermore, they beat them whenever they tried to go to the bathroom and forced them to sign fabricated confessions to some of the charges brought against them. The interrogations lasted for about two weeks and were conducted without the presence of a lawyer. Subsequently, they were transferred to the Public Prosecutor’s Office (PPO) on 4 July 2015, and on 8 July 2015, they were transferred to the Dry Dock Prison. On 11 July 2015, 11 days after the arrest, Ahmed and Mahmood’s parents were able tovisit them for the first time since the arrest in the Dry Dock Prison.
Ahmed and Mahmood were not brought promptly before a judge, did not have adequate time and facilities to prepare for their trials, weren’t able to present evidence and challenge evidence presented against them, and were denied access to their lawyer. Furthermore, their confessions extracted under torture were used against them as evidence in their trials.
The court convicted Ahmed between 29 October 2015 and 31 March 2020 in cases related to 1) gathering and rioting, 2) manufacturing usable or explosive devices, 3) negligent destruction, 4) using force and violence against a public official, 5) arson, 6) endangering people’s lives or safety, 7) violating the conditions of getting a license to import explosives, 8) using explosives to endanger the funds of others, 9) importing or possessing explosives, guns or pistols, and 10) explosion or attempted explosion. He was sentenced to a total of more than 50 years in prison. Ahmed appealed some of the rulings, however, the Court of Appeal rejected some of the appeals and upheld the verdicts. On the other hand, it accepted the rest of the appeals and reduced the sentences. After the appeals, the total sentence became 40 years in prison.
Mahmood was convicted between 23 April 2013 and 29 October 2018 in cases related to 1) gathering and rioting, 2) breaching the prestige of the court, 3) manufacturing usable or explosive devices, 4) negligent destruction, 5) using force and violence against a public official, 6) arson, 7) endangering people’s lives or safety, 8) violating the conditions of getting a license to import explosives, 9) using explosives to endanger the funds of others, 10) importing or possessing explosives, guns or pistols, and 11) explosion or attempted explosion. He was sentenced to more than 59 years and six months in prison. Mahmood appealed some of the rulings, however, the Court of Appeal rejected some of the appeals and upheld the verdicts. On the other hand, it accepted the rest of the appeals and reduced the sentences. After the appeals, the total sentence was reduced to 47 years and six months in prison.
While serving their sentences in Jau Prison, Ahmed and Mahmood were deprived of prayer and insulted based on their Shia religious sect.
On 8 April 2024, King Hamad bin Isa AlKhalifa of Bahrain issued a royal decree pardoning 1584 convicts on the occasion of the silver jubilee of his accession to the throne, coinciding with Eid al-Fitr, with Ahmed and Mahmood among them. Ahmed and Mahmood were released on the same day.
Ahmed and Mahmood’s warrantless arrest, torture, denial of attorney access, unfair trials, sectarian-based insults, and sexual harassment constitute violations of the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT), the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), to which Bahrain is a party. Furthermore, the violations they endured as minors contravene the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), to which Bahrain is also a party.
As such, Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) calls on the Bahraini authorities to investigate allegations of arbitrary arrest, torture, sexual assault, denial of legal counsel, and sectarian discrimination, provide compensation for Ahmed and Mahmood, and hold the perpetrators accountable. While ADHRB welcomes the royal pardon issued, which included several political prisoners, it considers this belated step incomplete if the Bahraini government does not investigate the violations endured by these released individuals and compensate them. This step would also be considered incomplete if the perpetrators are not held accountable and political arrests and violations within prisons are not stopped.
Tourists visiting Spanish cities like Córdoba, Toledo and Sevilla have the option of whiling away an hour or so at a ‘Museum of the Inquisition’, sometimes known as a ‘Gallery of Torture’. For around three euros, visitors can view an exotic range of devices used to impale, immolate, strangle and dismember human beings in the name of God.
It’s tempting to reassure ourselves that these are relics of a far-distant past, horrors that could never happen now. But did the Dark Ages ever really end? Noam Chomsky commented:
‘Part of the tragedy of the Palestinians is that they have essentially no international support. For a good reason – they don’t have wealth, they don’t have power. So they don’t have rights. It’s the way the world works – your rights correspond to your power and your wealth.’
It is indeed the way the world works. It is also the way the medieval world worked. UK Foreign Secretary, Lord David Cameron (Baron Cameron of Chipping Norton), recently passed judgment on the war in Ukraine at a Washington press conference:
‘It is extremely good value for money… Almost half of Russia’s pre-war military equipment has been destroyed without the loss of a single American life. This is an investment in the United States’ security.’
According even to Ukraine’s president Volodymyr Zelensky, 31,000 Ukrainians have been killed in the conflict. US officials estimate 70,000 dead, while Russia claims to have killed 444,000. Are these deaths ‘good value for money’?
And what about the 50,000 Russians estimated by the BBC to have died? Do they matter? After all, European civilisation is supposed to be founded on Christ’s teaching that we should love, not just our ‘neighbour’ but our ‘enemy’. On Britain’s Channel 5, BBC stalwart Jeremy Vine offered a different view to Bill, a caller from Manchester:
‘Bill, Bill, the brutal reality is, if you put on a uniform for Putin and you go and fight his war, you probably deserve to die, don’t you?’
Elsewhere, the Most Reverend and Right Honourable Justin Welby, the Archbishop of Canterbury, commented after Iran retaliated to Israel’s bombing of an Iranian consulate in Damascus, Syria, killing 16 people, including two senior Iranian generals:
‘The attacks on Israel by Iran this weekend were wrong. They risked civilian lives and they escalated the already dangerous tensions in the region. I pray for the peace and security of Israel’s peopleat this time and I appeal to all parties both for restraint and to act for peace and mutual security.’ (Our emphasis)
If Christ had done political commentary, he would have declared both the Iranian and Israeli attacks wrong, and he would have prayed ‘for the peace and security’ of the peoples of Israel and Iran, and also Palestine.
‘[It was] a reckless and dangerous thing for Iran to have done, and I think the whole world can see. All these countries that have somehow wondered, well, you know, what is the true nature of Iran? It’s there in black and white.”
He was immediately asked: ‘What would Britain do if a hostile nation flattened one of our consulates?’
Cameron’s tragicomic response:
‘Well, we would take, you know, we would take very strong action.’
Naturally, ‘we’ would do the same or worse, but it’s a grim sign of Iran’s ‘true nature’ when ‘they’ do it. The ‘Evil’ have no right even to defend themselves when attacked by the ‘Good’. Standard medieval thinking.
‘Murderous’ And ‘Brutal’ – Tilting The Language
In idle moments, we sometimes fantasise about opening our own Media Lens Chamber of Propaganda Horrors, a Hall of Media Infamy. It would be a cavernous space packed with examples of devices used to strangle and dismember Truth.
A special section would be reserved for the sage effusions of BBC security correspondent Frank Gardner, who wrote recently of Israel:
‘It responded to the murderous Hamas-led attacks of 7 October… and then spent the next six months battering the Gaza Strip.’
The Hamas attack was ‘murderous’, then, with Israel administering a mere ‘battering’ with its attack that has caused at least 30 times the loss of life. A ‘battering’ is generally bruising but not necessarily fatal. The term is certainly not synonymous with genocide. Is this biased use of language accidental, or systemic?
Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting (FAIR) commented on their careful study of the New York Times, the Washington Post and the Wall Street Journal:
‘Looking at all attributions, 77% of the time when the word “brutal” was used to describe an actor in the conflict, it referred to Palestinians and their actions. This was 73% of the time at the Times, 78% at the Post and 87% at the Journal. Only 23% of the time was “brutal” used to describe Israel’s actions…’
The Intercept reported on a leaked memo which revealed that the New York Times had ‘instructed journalists covering Israel’s war on the Gaza Strip to restrict the use of the terms “genocide” and “ethnic cleansing” and to “avoid” using the phrase “occupied territory” when describing Palestinian land’. The Intercept added:
‘The memo also instructs reporters not to use the word Palestine “except in very rare cases” and to steer clear of the term “refugee camps” to describe areas of Gaza historically settled by displaced Palestinians expelled from other parts of Palestine during previous Israeli–Arab wars. The areas are recognized by the United Nations as refugee camps and house hundreds of thousands of registered refugees.’
The memo was written by Times standards editor Susan Wessling, international editor Philip Pan, and their deputies. A Times newsroom source, who requested anonymity ‘for fear of reprisal’, said:
‘I think it’s the kind of thing that looks professional and logical if you have no knowledge of the historical context of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. But if you do know, it will be clear how apologetic it is to Israel.’
Our Chamber of Propaganda Horrors might feature this barely believable sentence from a BBC report by Lucy Williamson, which reads like something from the film ‘Dr. Strangelove’:
‘If you wanted to map the path to a healthy, functioning Palestinian government, you probably wouldn’t start from here.’
Probably wouldn’t start from where? From the middle of a six-months genocide, with two million civilians starving, with children literally starving to death, with tens of thousands of children murdered, with Gaza in ruins? It is hard to imagine a more ethically or intellectually tone-deaf observation. The BBC’s Jeremy Bowen added to the sense of surreality:
‘The decision not to veto the Ramadan ceasefire resolution is also an attempt by the Americans to push back at accusations that they have enabled Israel’s actions.’
Is it an ‘accusation’ that the US has supplied billions of dollars of missiles and bombs without which Israel could not conduct its genocide? Is there any conceivable way the US could ever ‘push back at’ that unarguable fact? The Guardiandescribed how the US has worked hard to avoid Congressional oversight:
‘The US is reported to have made more than 100 weapons sales to Israel, including thousands of bombs, since the start of the war in Gaza, but the deliveries escaped congressional oversight because each transaction was under the dollar amount requiring approval.
‘The Biden administration… has kept up a quiet but substantial flow of munitions to help replace the tens of thousands of bombs Israel has dropped on the tiny coastal strip, making it one of the most intense bombing campaigns in military history.’
These hidden sales are in addition to the $320m in precision bomb kits sold in November and 14,000 tank shells costing $106m and $147.5m of fuses and other components needed to make 155mm artillery shells in December.
In response to the latest news of a massive additional supply of arms to Israel, Edward Snowden posted on X:
‘ok but you’re definitely gonna hold off on sending like fifteen billion dollars’ worth of weapons to the guys that keep getting caught filling mass graves with kids until an independent international investigation is completed, right?
‘…right?’
Because we no longer live in the Dark Ages, right?
Waiting For The Hiroshima Bombing Scene
People are generally not tortured on the rack in Western societies, but are we really any less callous?
Christopher Nolan’s film ‘Oppenheimer’ has been lauded to the skies. It earned 13 nominations at the Academy Awards, winning seven Oscars, including Best Picture, Best Director, Best Actor and Best Supporting Actor. It also won five Golden Globe Awards.
And yet the film is a moral disgrace. It focuses on the life of physicist Robert J. Oppenheimer, and particularly, of course, on his key role in developing the first atomic weapons. The direct results of his efforts were the dropping of nuclear fireballs on the civilian populations of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in Japan that killed between 129,000 and 226,000 people.
These were the first acts of nuclear terrorism, by far the greatest single acts of terrorism the world has ever seen. Although the moral doubts haunting the ‘Manhattan Project’ then and since feature strongly in the film, a portrayal of the hideous impact of Oppenheimer’s invention on civilians is almost completely absent. This single, dignified comment from an elderly Japanese viewer reported by the Guardian says it all:
‘“I was waiting for the Hiroshima bombing scene to appear, but it never did,” said Mimaki, 82.’
Although the BBC sought out the opinion of cinemagoers in Hiroshima, ‘only meters away’ from where the bomb exploded, the film’s shocking moral failure was not mentioned.
On reflection, our museum might be better called, The Museum Of Media Madness. Thus, the BBC reported on the refusal of event organisers, The European Broadcasting Union (EBU), to ban Israel from the Eurovision Song Contest. The EBU opined:
‘We firmly believe that the Eurovision Song Contest is a platform that should always transcend politics, promote togetherness and bring audiences together across the world.’
The BBC claims to be obsessed with reporting ‘both sides of the story’, but it conveniently forgot to mention that Russia has been banned from the song contest since 2022 for a reason that did not ‘transcend politics’ – its invasion of Ukraine.
Martin Österdahl, EBU’s executive supervisor for Eurovision, was asked to explain the contradiction. He responded that the two situations were ‘completely different’. True enough – Israel’s crimes in Gaza are much worse even than Russia’s crimes in Ukraine. Österdahl’s casual brush off:
‘We are not the arena to solve a Middle East conflict.’
Media and political voices seeking to challenge the reigning brutality are not burned alive, but they are buried alive in high security prisons like Julian Assange, beaten up on the street like George Galloway, and forced into exile like Edward Snowden. Dissidents may not be pelted with rotten fruit and vegetables in the stocks, but they are pelted with relentless media attacks intended to discredit them.
In the Guardian, John Crace greeted the news that Galloway had returned to parliament, with a piece titled:
‘The Ego has landed: George Galloway basks in his swearing in as MP’
Crace wrote:
‘Wherever he goes, his giant ego is there before him. Like most narcissists, the only fool for whom he makes allowances – for whom he has a total blindspot – is himself.’
He added:
‘… there is a lot about Galloway to dislike. His self-importance is breathtaking. Most MPs suffer from an excess of self-regard, but George is off the scale. It has never crossed his mind that he is not right about everything.’
Before Galloway’s victory, a Guardian news piece commented:
‘“A total, total disaster”: Galloway and Danczuk line up for Rochdale push – Two former Labour MPs are back to haunt the party in what has been called “the most radioactive byelection in living memory”’
As we have discussed many times, this is the required view, not just of Galloway, but of all dissidents challenging the status quo – they (and we) are all toxic ‘narcissists’. Thus, the BBC observed of Galloway, a ‘political maverick’:
‘To his critics and opponents, he is a dangerous egotist, someone who arouses division.’
What percentage of Tory and Labour MPs under (and including) Sunak and Starmer are not dangerous egotists? Are the thousands of MPs who, decade after decade, line up to vote for US-UK resource wars of aggression of first resort, for action to exacerbate climate collapse, not dangerous egotists? Of course they are, but they are not labelled that way. The only egotism perceived as ‘dangerous’ by our state-corporate media system is one that threatens biocidal, genocidal and suicidal state-corporate narcissism.
We have to travel far from the ‘mainstream’ to read a more balanced view of Galloway. Former British ambassador Craig Murray commented:
‘I have known George Galloway my entire adult life, although we largely lost touch in the middle bit while I was off diplomating. I know George too well to mistake him for Jesus Christ, but he has been on the right side against appalling wars which the entire political class has cheer-led. His natural gifts of mellifluence and loquacity are unsurpassed, with an added talent for punchy phrase making.
‘… But outwith the public gaze George is humorous, kind and self-aware. He has been deeply involved in politics his entire life, and is a great believer in the democratic process as the ultimate way by which the working classes will ultimately take control of the means of production. He is a very old-fashioned and courteous form of socialist.’
We strongly disagree with Galloway’s views on fossil fuel production and climate change – in fact, he blocked us on X for robustly but politely challenging him on these issues. Nevertheless, it is clear to us that Murray’s view of Galloway is far more reasonable.
Neon-Lit Dark Age
In ‘Brave New World Revisited’, Aldous Huxley wrote:
‘The victim of mind-manipulation does not know that he is a victim. To him, the walls of his prison are invisible, and he believes himself to be free.’ (Huxley, ‘Brave New World Revisited’, archive.org, 1958, p.109)
This is certainly true of corporate journalists. Borrowing illiberally from authentically dissident media, a recurring Guardian appeal asks readers to support its heroic defence of Truth. The declared enemy:
‘Teams of lawyers from the rich and powerful trying to stop us publishing stories they don’t want you to see.
‘Lobby groups with opaque funding who are determined to undermine facts about the climate emergency and other established science.
‘Authoritarian states with no regard for the freedom of the press.
‘Bad actors spreading disinformation online to undermine democracy.
‘But we have something powerful on our side.
‘We’ve got you.
‘The Guardian is funded by its readers and the only person who decides what we publish is our editor.’
They have indeed ‘got you’, many of you, and not in a good way. The real threat to truth in our time, quite obviously, is the fact that profit-maximising, ad-dependent corporate media like the Guardian cannot and will not report the truth of a world dominated by giant corporations. The declared aspiration is a sham, a form of niche marketing exploiting the gullible.
The truth is that ‘mainstream’ media and politics are now captured in a way that is beyond anything we have previously seen. All around the world, political choices have been carefully fixed and filtered to ensure ordinary people are unable to challenge the endless wars, the determination to prioritise profits over climate action at any cost. The job of the corporate media system is to pretend the choices are real, to ensure the walls of the prison remain invisible.
The only hope in this neon-lit Dark Age is genuinely independent media – the blogs and websites that are now being filtered, shadow-banned, buried and marginalised like never before.
Since the beginning of the popular movement demanding reform and democracy in Bahrain in 2011, the government has suppressed all forms of peaceful movements by all means and without any restraint. Repression has become a prevailing approach in the country, and prisons have been filled with prisoners of conscience, political prisoners, and human rights activists.
Since its inception, Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) has been working to monitor and document the violations against these victims. These cases have been published in a series for seven years since 2017, every week under the title “Profiles in Persecution”. The documented cases have shown a systematic pattern of violations against political prisoners in Bahrain, starting from the moment of summons and arrest and continuing through interrogation, investigation, trials, and issuance of sentences, and does not end even after their release. In light of this pattern of systematic violations, the absence and failure of government institutions to fulfill their designated roles have become evident. These institutions were assigned to monitor, document, and independently investigate violations and torture allegations. Instead, their role has been limited to whitewashing violations and promoting alleged prison reforms.
This release includes a comprehensive summary of ADHRB’s work in documenting the cases of prisoners of conscience in Bahrain within the “Profiles in Persecution” section. It includes information, statistics, and graphics based on comprehensive documentation and clear narratives in this weekly series over the years, which has reached 284 cases as of the publication date of this file.
The work on this report was conducted between December 2023 and February 2024. It includes updates regarding recent releases following a royal decree issued on 8 April 2024, granting amnesty to 1,584 prisoners, including dozens of political prisoners. Furthermore, it incorporates information about recent releases under the decision issued on 9 April 2024 by the General Directorate of Verdict Enforcement and Alternative Sentencing, which replaced the sentences of 210 prisoners with alternative sanctions and included 47 prisoners in the ‘Open Prisons’ program.
ADHRB considers this decision a first step towards the demand for cleaning prisons but believes it will remain incomplete unless followed by additional steps to improve the human rights situation in the country. This includes stopping systematic violations affecting a large segment of Bahraini society exercising their right to freedom of expression and demanding democracy, as well as ending violations inside prisons and the prevalence of the culture of impunity among officials. ADHRB emphasizes that true reform begins with the removal of the Minister of Interior, who is directly responsible for all these violations, and conducting a transparent investigation into the violations leading to the accountability of those responsible for torture.
To download the full file, click on the link below.
Yesterday I attended mass. Instead of a priest, the mass was celebrated by Nicaraguan children – 10 fourth and fifth grade students. The kids led the congregation in prayers, passing of the peace, read the gospel and shared a homily. They invited congregants to share reflections on the reading – the Good Shepherd – and they blessed wine and soda crackers and served communion.
As I watched, I thought, “This is the way it should always be, we should be following the children, not the other way around.” Why listen to old white men who stand behind so many pulpits the world over when the children can teach us so much more?
These kids have already learned all of life’s important lessons. They already love each other, they already recognize the divine in each other, they already respect each other. These kids won’t preach hate or war. In their homily, they tell us that their good shepherds are their parents and teachers; but I believe our good shepherds are these children.
I am struck by the hope that this model of the children leading the congregation is a reflection of a larger global shift. Worldwide, we have begun to see countries from the global south preaching from the pulpit, so to speak: South Africa taking Israel to the World Court for the genocide of the Palestinian people. Nicaragua taking Germany to the International Court of Justice for aiding and abetting Israel’s genocide of the Palestinian people. Namibia arguing before the ICJ that because it has suffered occupation and colonialism Namibia “considers it a moral duty and sacred responsibility to appear before this court on the question of the indefensible occupation of Palestine by Israel.”
Just as these children shepherded us in a mass that was every bit as dignified as any mass ever said by a priest, so is Nicaragua shepherding the world. Nicaragua is a small country from the global south that is modeling consistency and dignity – and choosing peace every step of the way. Just in recent days, Nicaragua has:
Broken diplomatic ties with Ecuador following its flagrant violation of international law and diplomatic norms when police raided the Mexican Embassy in Quito and forcibly removed former Vice President Jorge Glas, who had been granted political asylum by Mexico. In its statement, Nicaragua expressed “forceful, emphatic and irrevocable repulsion, in light of which we take our Sovereign Decision to break all diplomatic relations with the Ecuadoran Government, at the same time we express, once again, our warm and consistent consideration to the beloved Ecuadoran people, who are living through times of inconceivable brutality, and we ratify, once again, our adherence to International Law and the Conventions that govern civilized relations between the States and Governments of the World.”
Reminded the UN that the U.S. still owes Nicaragua reparations and requested that these now be paid. In 1986, Nicaragua won a case against the United States wherein the International Court of Justice ruled that the U.S. repeatedly violated international law by training, arming, equipping, financing, and supplying the Contra paramilitaries in Nicaragua; attacking Nicaraguan infrastructure; putting mines in Nicaragua’s ports; imposing an embargo on Nicaragua; and encouraging the Contras to commit atrocities that violate international humanitarian law. In 1988, the ICJ ordered the U.S. to pay $12 billion in reparations, which would be at least $31 billion
Brought Germany to the ICJ for aiding and abetting Israel’s genocide of the Palestinian people. Given its experience in the court successfully arguing the above case against the U.S. as well as many other cases in the intervening years, Nicaragua wanted to use its experience at the ICJ to benefit of the Palestinian people in an attempt to stop the genocide being perpetrated against them.
Summed up its consistent and dignified approach in its message at the Economic and Social Council Forum on monitoring financing for development at the UN: “We reaffirm Nicaragua’s commitment…to reducing poverty and inequality; to multilateralism, international law, and the assertion, exercise and defense of our sovereignty; and to the relationships of equality based on friendship, mutual respect, cooperation and solidarity.”
With Nicaragua leading and the global south now lending its voice, it seems clear that the world will pivot on Palestine. While the U.S. and Europe continue to facilitate genocide by arming Israel; the global south calls for ceasefire and stands in solidarity with Palestine. As the children conclude mass with hugs and high fives all around, it seems especially fitting to me that the trajectory of the world be determined by our response to the genocide in Palestine. After all, Jesus was a Palestinian living under occupation, and he taught us that, “Whatever you did for one of the least of these brothers and sisters of mine, you did for me.”
2024-04-21 Mass CEB San Pablo Apostle Managua (Photo Credit: Becca Mohally Renk)
2024-04-21 Mass CEB San Pablo Apostle Managua 2 (Photo Credit: Becca Mohally Renk)
Husain Ali Matar was an 18-year-old Bahraini citizen when he was arrested for the final time on 30 October 2022 without a warrant. He was previously arrested on 28 June 2020 when he was a 16-year-old minor student in his second year of middle school and was sentenced to three years in prison following an unfair trial. He was then released on 6 May 2022 under alternative sanctions. During both detentions, he was subjected to physical and psychological torture, enforced disappearance, communication cutoffs, forced confessions, unfair trials, deprivation of prayer, blackmail, and medical neglect. On 20 June 2023, the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention adopted anopinion concerning six Bahraini students, including Husain, who deemed their detention as arbitrary. The Working Group called for the immediate and urgent release of all six prisoners and for an impartial investigation to hold the perpetrators accountable. He was sentenced to three years in prison, half of which he served before being released on 15 April 2024 under alternative sanctions issued on 9 April 2024, which included 210 convicts.
On the evening of 29 October 2022, Husain’s father was summoned to the Khamees Police Station. When he went to the station on the morning of 30 October, he was detained. The police officers demanded that the father hand over Husain, threatening to hold him hostage otherwise. Consequently, Husain surrendered himself on the evening of the same day, 30 November 2022. He wasaccused of participating in burning part of a tent that was serving as a center for a candidate in the parliamentary elections on 29 October 2022. Husain was interrogated at the police station for three days without a lawyer present and was prevented from sleeping and praying. Plainclothes officers beat him, gave him only one meal during the day, and did not allow him to use the toilet when needed. As a result of the beatings he endured, he is now experiencing severe vision weakness. He then forcibly disappeared, and his family was cut off from any news about him. Three weeks after his arrest, Husain managed to call his family for the first time since his arrest, informing them that he was in the isolation building of the new Dry Dock Prison, designed for convicts under the age of 21. On 5 November 2022, he was brought before the Public Prosecution Office (PPO), which accused him of participating in burning part of the parliamentary election candidate’s tent.
Husain was arbitrarilyarrested for the penultimate time on 28 June 2020, when he was a 16-year-old Bahraini minor student. He was subjected to torture, deprivation of communication, isolation, medical neglect, and ill-treatment, and was sentenced to three years in prison in an unfair trial. On 29 April 2022, the Bahraini governmentdecided to release Husain among a group of 69 prisoners under alternative sanctions, most of whom were criminals, with few political prisoners. On 6 May 2022, Husain was released before being re-arrested on 30 October 2022, just less than six months later.
Since his last release on 6 May 2022 under alternative sanctions and up until his final arrest, Husain had been pursued in the streets by security forces and shot at, which led to constant concern for his life by his family. While implementing his alternative sanctions by working in social service, he faced numerous harassment by the responsible personnel. He was subjected to insults, and his social service locations were changed without prior notice, resulting in his absence being recorded. Although he also completed his work according to his old schedule, he was surprised to find his absence recorded for days when he was working, and violations were registered against him.
Husain was not brought promptly before a judge within 48 hours of his arrest, did not have adequate time and facilities to prepare for his trial, was not given any opportunity to present evidence and challenge evidence presented against him, and was not allowed to speak during his trial. On 15 January 2023, the First High Criminal Courtsentenced Husain to 3 years in prison with a 3,000 Dinars fine for the destruction of the electoral tent through arson. On 12 May 2023, the Court of Appealupheld the verdict and rejected Husain’s appeal. On 23 October 2023, the Cassation Court in turnrejected Husain’s appeal and upheld the judgment.
On 20 June 2023, the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention adopted anopinion concerning six Bahraini students, including Husain, who deemed their detention as arbitrary. The Working Group called for the immediate and urgent release of all six prisoners and for an impartial investigation to hold the perpetrators accountable.
In January 2024, a year and two months after his final arrest, Husain’s parents were allowed to visit him for the first and only time since his arrest.
Husain had been isolated in a cell withAli Isa Jasim since their transfer to the new Dry Dock Prison until the issuance of the alternative sanctions decree on 9 April 2024. They endured severe psychological pressure, systematic harassment, and deprivation of the most basic rights, including clothing, healthy meals, and education. On 3 March 2024, Husain’s mother indicated in an audio recording that her son had gone on a hunger strike along with his cellmate,Ali Isa Jasim, due to their isolation away from all other prisoners, and in solidarity with a colleague who was transferred to a ward containing foreign prisoners. On 5 March 2024, Husain’s cellmate, Ali, conveyed in anaudio recordingfrom the isolation cell, complaining about their deteriorating health condition after a hunger strike lasting more than 7 days and a significant drop in blood sugar levels. They have sent several letters to the prison administration and various officers. Consequently, Husain and his cellmate received repeated promises that they would be placed with other prisoners, yet to no avail.
On 9 April 2024, the General Directorate for the Implementation of Alternative Judgements and Sanctions and the PPO decided to replace the sentences of 210 convicts in Bahraini prisons with alternative sanctions. They also decided to release 47 convicts under the open prisons program. Husain was among the prisoners whose names were included in the alternative sanctions decree. On the same day, Husain was transferred from Jau Prison to the Roundabout 17 Police Station in preparation for his release. However, he was forced to remain at the police station due to another case against him. In detail, Husain received a new offer to work as an informant in exchange for completing his release procedures; however, he refused the offer. Despite his name being on the list of those to be released, authorities arbitrarily kept him in prison. When his family inquired about him outside the station, awaiting his release, the police informed them that there was another sentence issued against him in absentia for 3 years in prison, even though the decision issued by the General Directorate for the Implementation of Alternative Judgements and Sanctions and the PPO stated that the remaining period of imprisonment and fines imposed on all mentioned prisoners should be dropped.
On 15 April 2024, Husain was presented to the PPO, which ordered his release. On the same day, he was released without any further details or clarification provided.
Husain’s arbitrary arrests, including his penultimate one when he was a minor, torture, enforced disappearance, communication cutoffs, deprivation of prayer, denial of access to legal counsel during interrogations, restraints on his rights to education, denial of fair trial rights, medical neglect, blackmail, and isolation represent clear violations of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT), the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), to which Bahrain is a party. The Bahraini authorities also violated the UN Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners, also known as the Nelson Mandela Rules.
Thus, ADHRB calls on the Government of Bahrain to investigate the allegations of arbitrary arrests, torture, enforced disappearance, communication cutoffs, deprivation of prayer, denial of access to legal counsel during interrogations, restrictions on his rights to education, medical neglect, blackmail, and isolation to hold perpetrators accountable. In addition, ADHRB urges the Bahraini government to end the isolation of all political prisoners, holding the government responsible for the deterioration of the psychological conditions of isolated detainees. While ADHRB welcomes the recent release of a large number of political prisoners, it considers this belated step insufficient if it is conditional. ADHRB considers this step insufficient unless investigations into the violations suffered by these released individuals are conducted, compensation is provided, perpetrators are held accountable, and political arrests and ongoing prison violations cease.
After six months – and many tens of thousands of dead and maimed Palestinian women and children later – western commentators are finally wondering whether something may be amiss with Israel’s actions in Gaza.
Three missiles, fired over several minutes, struck vehicles in a World Central Kitchen (WCK) aid convoy heading up Gaza’s coast on one of the few roads still passable after Israel turned the enclave’s homes and streets into rubble. All the vehicles were clearly marked. All were on an approved, safe passage. And the Israeli military had been given the coordinates to track the convoy’s location.
With precise missile holes through the vehicle roofs making it impossible to blame Hamas for the strike, Israel was forced to admit responsibility. Its spokespeople claimed an armed figure had been seen entering the storage area from which the aid convoy had departed.
But even that feeble, formulaic response could not explain why the Israeli military hit cars in which it was known there were aid workers. So Israel hurriedly promised to investigate what Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu described as a “tragic incident”.
Israel deeply regrets the tragic incident which claimed the lives of seven humanitarian aid workers.
Our hearts go out to their families and to their home countries.
The IDF is conducting a swift and transparent investigation and we will make our findings public.
Israel…
— Benjamin Netanyahu – ?????? ?????? (@netanyahu) April 2, 2024
Presumably, it was a “tragic incident” just like the 15,000-plus other “tragic incidents” – the ones we know about – that Israel has committed against Palestinian children day after day for six months.
In those cases, of course, western commentators always managed to produce some rationalisation for the slaughter.
Not this time.
“This has to stop”
Half a year too late, with Gaza’s entire medical infrastructure wrecked by Israel and a population on the brink of starvation, Britain’s Independent newspaper suddenly found its voice to declare decisively on its front page: “Enough.”
Richard Madeley, host of Good Morning Britain, finally felt compelled to opine that Israel had carried out an “execution” of the foreign aid workers. Presumably, 15,000 Palestinian children were not executed, they simply “died”.
When it came to the killing of WCK staff, popular LBC talk-show host Nick Ferrari concluded that Israel’s actions were“indefensible”. Did he think it defensible for Israel to bomb and starve Gaza’s children month after month?
'It could've been our missiles that killed them.' @NickFerrariLBC calls for the suspension of arms sales to Israel after an Israeli airstrike on Gaza killed seven aid workers, including three Brits. pic.twitter.com/HK4PfHy2JU
Like the Independent, he too proclaimed: “This has to stop.”
The attack on the WCK convoy briefly changed the equation for the western media. Seven dead aid workers were a wake-up call when many tens of thousands of dead, maimed and orphaned Palestinian children had not been.
A salutary equation indeed.
British politicians reassured the public that Israel would carry out an “independent investigation” into the killings. That is, the same Israel that never punishes its soldiers even when their atrocities are televised. The same Israel whose military courts find almost every Palestinian guilty of whatever crime Israel chooses to accuse them of, if it allows them a trial.
But at least the foreign aid workers merited an investigation, however much of a foregone conclusion the verdict. That is more than the dead children of Gaza will ever get.
Israel’s playbook
British commentators appeared startled by the thought that Israel had chosen to kill the foreigners working for World Central Kitchen – even if those same journalists still treat tens of thousands of dead Palestinians as unfortunate “collateral damage” in a “war” to “eradicate Hamas”.
But had they been paying closer attention, these pundits would understand that the murder of foreigners is not exceptional. It has been central to Israel’s occupation playbook for decades – and helps explain what Israel hopes to achieve with its current slaughter of Palestinians in Gaza.
Back in the early 2000s, Israel was on another of its rampages, wrecking Gaza and the West Bank supposedly in “retaliation” for Palestinians having had the temerity to rise up against decades of military occupation.
Shocked by the brutality, a group of foreign volunteers, a significant number of them Jewish, ventured into these areas to witness and document the Israeli military’s crimes and act as human shields to protect Palestinians from the violence.
They arrived under the mantle of the International Solidarity Movement (ISM), a Palestinian-led initiative. They were keen to use what were then new technologies such as digital cameras, email and blogs to focus attention on the Israeli military’s atrocities.
Some became a new breed of activist journalist, embedded in Palestinian communities to report the story western establishment journalists, embedded in Israel, never managed to cover.
Israel presented the ISM as a terrorist group and dismissed its filmed documentation as “Pallywood” – a supposedly fiction-producing industry equated to a Palestinian Hollywood.
Gaza isolated
But the ISM’s evidence increasingly exposed the “most moral army in the world” for what it really was: a criminal enterprise there to enforce land thefts and the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians.
Israel needed to take firmer action.
The evidence suggests soldiers received authorisation to execute foreigners in the occupied territories. That included young activists such as Rachel Corrie and Tom Hurndall; James Miller, an independent filmmaker who ventured into Gaza; and even a United Nations official, Iain Hook, based in the West Bank.
This rapid spate of killings – and the maiming of many other activists – had the intended effect. The ISM largely withdrew from the region to protect its volunteers, while Israel formally banned the group from accessing the occupied territories.
Meanwhile, Israel denied press credentials to any journalist not sponsored by a state or a billionaire-owned outlet, kicking them out of the region.
Al Jazeera, the one critical Arab channel whose coverage reached western audiences, found its journalists regularly banned or killed, and its offices bombed.
The battle to isolate the Palestinians, freeing Israel to commit atrocities unmonitored, culminated in Israel’s now 17-year blockade of Gaza. It was sealed off.
With the enclave completely besieged by land, human rights activists focused their efforts on breaking the blockade via the high seas. A series of “freedom flotillas” tried to reach Gaza’s coast from 2008 onwards. Israel soon managed to stop most of them.
The largest was led by the Mavi Marmara, a Turkish vessel laden with aid and medicine. Israeli naval commandos stormed the ship illegally in international waters in 2010, killing 10 foreign aid workers and human rights activists on board and injuring another 30.
That is the proper context for understanding the latest attack on the WCK aid convoy.
Israel has always had four prongs to its strategy towards the Palestinians. Taken together, they have allowed Israel to refine its apartheid-style rule, and are now allowing it to implement its genocidal policies undisturbed.
The first is to incrementally isolate the Palestinians from the international community.
The second is to make the Palestinians entirely dependent on the Israeli military’s goodwill, and create conditions that are so precarious and unpredictable that most Palestinians try to vacate their historic homeland, leaving it free to be “Judaised”.
Third, Israel has crushed any attempt by outsiders – especially the media and human rights monitors – to scrutinise its activities in real-time or hold it to account.
And fourth, to achieve all this, Israel has needed to erode piece by piece the humanitarian protections that were enshrined in international law to stop a repeat of the common-place atrocities against civilians during the Second World War.
This process, which had been taking place over years and decades, was rapidly accelerated after Hamas’ attack on 7 October. Israel had the pretext to transform apartheid into genocide.
Unrwa, the main United Nations refugee agency, which is mandated to supply aid to the Palestinians, had long been in Israel’s sights, especially in Gaza. It has allowed the international community to keep its foot in the door of the enclave, maintaining a lifeline to the population there independent of Israel, and creating an authoritative framework for judging Israel’s human rights abuses. Worse, for Israel, Unrwa has kept alive the right of return – enshrined in international law – of Palestinian refugees expelled from their original lands so a self-declared Jewish state could be built in their place.
Israel leapt at the chance to accuse Unrwa of being implicated in the 7 October attack, even though it produced zero evidence for the claim. Almost as enthusiastically, western states turned off the funding tap to the UN agency.
The Biden administration appears keen to end UN oversight of Gaza by hiving off its main aid role to private firms. It has been one of the key sponsors of WCK, led by a celebrity Spanish chef with ties to the US State Department.
WCK, which has also been building a pier off Gaza’s coast, was expected to be an adjunct to Washington’s plan to eventually ship in aid from Cyprus – to help those Palestinians who, over the next few weeks, do not starve to death.
Until, that is, Israel struck the aid convoy, killing its staff. WCK has pulled out of Gaza for the time being, and other private aid contractors are backing off, fearful for their workers’ safety.
Goal one has been achieved. The people of Gaza are on their own. The West, rather than their saviour, is now fully complicit not only in Israel’s blockade of Gaza but in its starvation too.
Life and death lottery
Next, Israel has demonstrated beyond doubt that it regards every Palestinian in Gaza, even its children, as an enemy.
The fact that most of the enclave’s homes are now rubble should serve as proof enough, as should the fact that many tens of thousands there have been violently killed. Only a fraction of the death toll is likely to have been recorded, given Israel’s destruction of the enclave’s health sector.
Israel’s levelling of hospitals, including al-Shifa – as well as the kidnapping and torture of medical staff – has left Palestinians in Gaza completely exposed. The eradication of meaningful healthcare means births, serious injuries and chronic and acute illnesses are quickly becoming a death sentence.
Israel has intentionally been turning life in Gaza into a lottery, with nowhere safe.
According to a new investigation, Israel’s bombing campaign has relied heavily on experimental AI systems that largely automate the killing of Palestinians. That means there is no need for human oversight – and the potential limitations imposed by a human conscience.
Israeli website 972 found that tens of thousands of Palestinians had been put on “kill lists” generated by a program called Lavender, using loose definitions of “terrorist” and with an error rate estimated even by the Israeli military at one in 10.
Another programme called “Where’s Daddy?” tracked many of these “targets” to their family homes, where they – and potentially dozens of other Palestinians unlucky enough to be inside – were killed by air strikes.
An Israeli intelligence official told 972: “The IDF bombed them in homes without hesitation, as a first option. It’s much easier to bomb a family’s home. The system is built to look for them in these situations.”
As so many of these targets were considered to be “junior” operatives, of little military value, Israel preferred to use unguided, imprecise munitions – “dumb bombs” – increasing dramatically the likelihood of large numbers of other Palestinians being killed too.
Or, as another Israeli intelligence official observed: “You don’t want to waste expensive bombs on unimportant people – it’s very expensive for the country and there’s a shortage [of smart bombs].”
That explains how entire extended families, comprising dozens of members, have been so regularly slaughtered.
Separately, Israel’s Haaretz newspaper reported on 31 March that the Israeli military has been operating unmarked “kill zones” in which anyone moving – man, woman or child – is in danger of being shot dead.
Or, as a reserve officer who has been serving in Gaza told the paper: “In practice, a terrorist is anyone the IDF has killed in the areas in which its forces operate.”
This, Haaretz reports, is the likely reason why soldiers gunned down three escaped Israeli hostages who were trying to surrender to them.
Palestinians, of course, rarely know where these kill zones are as they desperately scour ever larger areas in the hope of finding food.
If they are fortunate enough to avoid death from the skies or expiring from starvation, they risk being seized by Israeli soldiers and taken off to one of Israel’s black sites. There, as a whistleblowing Israeli doctor admitted last week, unspeakable, Abu Ghraib-style horrors are being inflicted on the inmates.
Goal two has been achieved, leaving Palestinians terrified of the Israeli military’s largely random violence and desperate to find an escape from the Russian roulette Israel is playing with their lives.
Reporting stifled
Long ago, Israel barred UN human rights monitors from accessing the occupied territories. That has left scrutiny of its crimes largely in the hands of the media.
Independent foreign reporters have been barred from the region for some 15 years, leaving the field to establishment journalists serving state and corporate media, where there are strong pressures to present Israel’s actions in the best possible light.
That is why the most important stories about 7 October and the Israeli military’s actions in Gaza and treatment of Palestinian prisoners in Israel have been broken by Israeli-based media – as well as small, independent western outlets that have highlighted its coverage.
Since 7 October, Israel has barred all foreign journalists from Gaza, and western reporters have meekly complied. None have been alerting their audience to this major assault on their supposed role as watchdogs.
Israeli spokespeople, well-practised in the dark arts of deception and misdirection, have been allowed to fill the void in London studios.
What on-the-ground information from Gaza has been reaching western publics – when it is not suppressed by media outlets either because it would be too distressing or because its inclusion would enrage Israel – comes via Palestinian journalists. They have been showing the genocide unfolding in real-time.
But for that reason, Israel has been picking them off one by one – just as it did earlier with Rachel Corrie and Tom Hurndall – as well as murdering their extended families as a warning to others.
The one international channel that has many journalists on the ground in Gaza and is in a position to present its reporting in high-quality English is Al Jazeera.
The list of its journalists killed by Israel has grown steadily longer since 7 October. Gaza bureau chief Wael al-Dahdouh has had most of his family executed, as well as being injured himself.
His counterpart in the West Bank, Shireen Abu Akhleh, was shot dead by an Israeli army sniper two years ago.
Perhaps unsurprisingly, Israel rushed a law through its parliament last week to ban Al Jazeera from broadcasting from the region. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu called it a “terror channel”, claiming it participated in Hamas’ 7 October attack.
Al Jazeera had just aired a documentary revisiting the events of 7 October. It showed that Hamas did not commit the most barbaric crimes Israel accuses it of, and that, in fact, in some cases Israel was responsible for the most horrifying atrocities against its own citizens that it had attributed to Hamas.
Al Jazeera and human rights groups are understandably worried about what further actions Israel is likely to take against the channel’s journalists to snuff out its reporting.
Palestinians in Gaza, meanwhile, fear that they are about to lose the only channel that connects them to the outside world, both telling their stories and keeping them informed about what the watching world knows of their plight.
Goal three has been achieved. The lights are being turned off. Israel can carry out in the dark the potentially ugliest phase of its genocide, as Palestinian children emaciate and starve to death.
Rulebook torn up
And finally, Israel has torn up the rulebook on international humanitarian law intended to protect civilians from atrocities, as well as the infrastructure they rely on.
Israel has destroyed universities, government buildings, mosques, churches and bakeries, as well as, most critically, medical facilities.
Over the past six months, hospitals, once sacrosanct, have slowly become legitimate targets, as have the patients inside.
Collective punishment, absolutely prohibited as a war crime, has become the norm in Gaza since 2007, when the West stood mutely by as Israel besieged the enclave for 17 years.
Now, as Palestinians are starved to death, as children turn to skin and bones, and as aid convoys are bombed and aid seekers are shot dead, there is still apparently room for debate among the western media-political class about whether this all constitutes a violation of international law.
Even after six months of Israel bombing Gaza, treating its people as “human animals” and denying them food, water and power – the very definition of collective punishment – Britain’s deputy prime minister, Oliver Dowden, apparently believes Israel is, unfairly, being held to “incredibly high standards”. David Lammy, shadow foreign secretary for the supposedly opposition Labour party, still has no more than “serious concerns” that international law may have been breached.
Neither party yet proposes banning the sale of British arms to Israel, arms that are being used to commit precisely these violations of international law. Neither is referencing the International Court of Justice’s ruling that Israel is “plausibly” committing genocide.
Meanwhile, the main political conversation in the West is still mired in delusional talk about how to revive the fabled “two-state solution”, rather than how to stop an accelerating genocide.
The reality is that Israel has ripped up the most fundamental of the principles in international law: “distinction” – differentiating between combatants and civilians – and “proportionality” – using only the minimum amount of force needed to achieve legitimate military goals.
The rules of war are in tatters. The system of international humanitarian law is not under threat, it has collapsed.
Every Palestinian in Gaza now faces a death sentence. And with good reason, Israel assumes it is untouchable.
Despite the background noise of endlessly expressed “concerns” from the White House, and of rumours of growing “tensions” between allies, the US and Europe have indicated that the genocide can continue – but must be carried out more discreetly, more unobtrusively.
The killing of the World Central Kitchen staff is a setback. But the destruction of Gaza – Israel’s plan of nearly two decades’ duration – is far from over.
Diego Rivera (Mexico), El Agua, Origen de la Vida (‘Water, Origin of Life’), 1951.
By November 2023, it was already clear that the Israeli government had begun to deny Palestinians in Gaza access to water. ‘Every hour that passes with Israel preventing the provision of safe drinking water in the Gaza strip, in brazen breach of international law, puts Gazans at risk of dying of thirst and diseases related to the lack of safe drinking water’, said Pedro Arrojo-Agudo, UN special rapporteur on the human rights to safe drinking water and sanitation. ‘Israel’, he noted, ‘must stop using water as a weapon of war’. Before Israel’s most recent attack on Gaza, 97 percent of the water in Gaza’s only coastal aquifer was already unsafe for human consumption based on World Health Organisation standards. Over the course of its many attacks, Israel has all but destroyed Gaza’s water purification system and prevented the entry of materials and chemicals needed for repair.
In early October 2023, Israeli officials indicated that they would use their control over Gaza’s water systems as a means to perpetrate a genocide. As Israeli Major General Ghassan Alian, the head of the Coordination of Government Activities in the Territories (COGAT), said on 10 October, ‘Human beasts are dealt with accordingly. Israel has imposed a total blockade on Gaza. No electricity, no water, just damage. You wanted hell, you will get hell’. On 19 March, UN Humanitarian Coordinator for Palestine Jamie McGoldrick noted that Gaza needed ‘spare parts for water and sanitation systems’ as well as ‘chemicals to treat water’, since the ‘lack of these critical items is one of the key drivers of the malnutrition crisis’. ‘Malnutrition crisis’ is one way to talk about a famine.
Faeq Hassan (Iraq), The Water Carriers, 1957.
The assault on Gaza – whose entire population is ‘currently facing high levels of acute food insecurity’, according to Oxfam and the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification – has sharpened the contradictions that strike the world’s people with force. A UN report released on World Water Day (22 March) shows that, as of 2022, 2.2 billion people have no access to safely managed drinking water, that four out of five people in rural areas lack basic drinking water, and that 3.5 billion people do not have sanitation systems. As a consequence, every day, over a thousand children under the age of five die from diseases linked to inadequate water, sanitation, and hygiene. These children are among the 1.4 million people who die every year due to these deficiencies. The UN report notes that, since women and girls are the primary collectors of water, they spend more of their time finding water when water systems deteriorate due to inadequate or non-existent infrastructure or droughts exacerbated by climate change. This has resulted in higher dropout rates for girls in school.
Newsha Tavakolian (Iran), Untitled, 2010–2011.
A 2023 study by UN Women describes the perils of the water crisis for women and girls:
Inequalities in access to safe drinking water and sanitation do not affect everyone equally. The greater need for privacy during menstruation, for example, means women and girls and other people who menstruate may access shared sanitation facilities less frequently than people who do not, which increases the likelihood of urinary and reproductive tract infections. Where safe and secure facilities are not available, choices to use facilities are often limited to dawn and dusk, which exposes at-risk groups to violence.
The lack of access to public toilets is by itself a serious danger to women in cities across the world, such as Dhaka, Bangladesh, where there is one public toilet for every 200,000 people.
Aboudia (Côte d’Ivoire), Les trois amis II (‘The Three Friends II’), 2018.
Access to drinking water is being further constricted by the climate catastrophe. For instance, a warming ocean means glacier melt, which lifts the sea levels and allows salt water to contaminate underground aquifers more easily. Meanwhile, with less snowfall, there is less water in reservoirs, which means less water to drink and use for agriculture. Already, as the UN Water report shows, we are seeing increased droughts that now impact at least 1.4 billion people directly.
According to the United Nations, half of the world’s population experiences severe water scarcity for at least part of the year, while one quarter faces ‘extremely high’ levels of water stress. ‘Climate change is projected to increase the frequency and severity of these phenomena, with acute risks for social stability’, the UN notes. The issue of social stability is key, since droughts have been forcing tens of millions of people into flight and starvation.
Ibrahim Hussein (Malaysia), The Game, 1964.
Climate change is certainly a major driver of the water crisis, but so is the rules-based international order. Capitalist governments must not be allowed to point to an ahistorical notion of climate change as an excuse to shirk their responsibility in creating the water crisis. For instance, over the past several decades, governments across the world have neglected to upgrade wastewater treatment facilities. Consequently, 42% of household wastewater is not treated properly, which damages ecosystems and aquifers. Even more damning is the fact that only 11% of domestic and industrial wastewater is being reused.
Increased investment in wastewater treatment would reduce the amount of pollution that enters water sources and allow for better harnessing of the freshwater available to us on the planet. There are several sensible policies that could be adopted to immediately address the water crisis, such as those proposed by UN Water to protect coastal mangroves and wetlands; harvest rainwater; reuse wastewater; and protect groundwater. But these are precisely the kinds of policies that are opposed by capitalist firms, whose profit line is improved by the destruction of nature.
In March 2018, we launched our second dossier, Cities Without Water. It is worthwhile to reflect on what we showed then, six years ago:
The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change’s Technical Paper VI (IPCC, June 2008) is on climate change and water. The scientific consensus in this document is that the changes in weather patterns – induced by carbon-intensive capitalism – have a negative effect on the water cycle. Areas where there will be higher rainfall might not see more groundwater due to the velocity of the rain, which will create a rapid movement of water to the oceans. Such high velocity rainfall neither refills aquifers (natural water sources), nor does it allow water to be stored by humans. The scientists also predict higher rates of drought in regions such as the Mediterranean and Southern Africa. It is this technical report that put forward the number that over a billion people will suffer from water scarcity.
For the past decade, the United Nations Environmental Programme has warned about the growth of water-intensive lifestyles and of water pollution. Both of these – lifestyles and pollution – are consequences of the spread of capitalist social relations and capitalist productive mechanisms across the planet. In terms of lifestyle use, the average resident in the United States consumes between 300 and 600 litres of water per day. This is a misleading figure. It does not mean that individuals consume such high amounts of water. Much of this water is used by water-intensive agriculture and by water-intensive industrial production, including energy production. The World Health Organisation (WHO) recommends per person usage of 20 litres of water per day for basic hygiene and food preparation. The gap between the two is not accidental. It is about a water-intensive lifestyle – use of washing machines and dishwashers, washing of cars and watering of gardens, as well as the use of water by factories and factory farms.
Water pollution is a serious problem. In Esquel, Argentina, the people saw that the contaminants from corporate gold mining were ruining their drinking water. ‘Water is worth more than gold’ (El agua vale más que el oro), they said. Ruthless techniques of extraction by mining corporations (by use of cyanide) and of cultivation by agribusiness (by use of fertilisers and pesticides) have ruined reservoirs of clean water. Their blue gold, say the people of Esquel, is more important than real gold. They held a public assembly in 2003 that asserted their right to their water against the interests of the private corporations.
It is worth pointing out that the amount of water it would take to support 4.7 billion people at the WHO daily minimum would be 9.5 billion litres – the exact amount used every day to water the world’s golf courses. The water used by 60,000 villages in Thailand, for instance, is used to water one golf course in Thailand. These are the priorities of our current system.
In other words, watering golf courses is more important than providing piped water to the thousand children under the age of five who die every day due to water deprivation. Those are the values of the capitalist system.
Salman Maki Ali was a 15-year-old Bahraini student and minor when Bahraini authorities arbitrarily arrested him on 21 October 2014 from the street without presenting an arrest warrant. During detention, he endured torture, enforced disappearance, solitary confinement, denial of access to legal counsel, unfair trials based on confessions extracted under torture, sectarian-based insults, and medical neglect. He is currently serving a 27-year prison sentence in Jau Prison on politically motivated charges.
On 21 October 2014, at around 9:45 P.M.,masked plainclothes officers, aided by a number of security forces, arrested Salman and two others on the main street in the Markuban area of Sitra, where they were setting up Ashura banners with a group of young men. As Salman was near Sahara Studio, two civilian cars passed by him and the group, from which masked officers in civilian clothes and security forces emerged, chasing them on the street before apprehending Salman. Simultaneously, they beat, kicked, insulted, and cursed him. Subsequently, they transported him and his friends on a bus to the Sitra area, where they seated him in the front seat, subjected him to psychological pressure and beatings, and demanded he guide them to a relative’s house. Furthermore, Salman and his friends were taken to al-Bandar (the coast guard in Sitra), where they were threatened that if they didn’t confess, they would be tortured. Following this, they were transferred to the Criminal Investigations Directorate (CID) building.
On the same day after his arrest, the family was unaware of their son’s location. His mother visited the Sitra Police Station, Isa Town Police Station, and Nabi Saleh Island Police Station, seeking information about his whereabouts, but received no information. On the morning of the second day, she went to the CID, where officers took her information, but she still received no response. Salman’s family continued to search for him by visiting the CID, the Public Prosecution Office (PPO), and the court, yet they received no response. Three days after his arrest, on 24 October 2014, Salman’s family was surprised when they saw a news in the state media and a statement from the Ministry of Interior, stating that their son was accused of terrorist crimes, primarily the case of burning the car of parliamentary election candidate, MP Sheikh Majid AlAsfour.
During Salman’s interrogation, he was transferred multiple times between the CID building and the PPO before being transferred to the Dry Dock Detention Center. At the CID, the detainees were dispersed into separate rooms. Salman had his friend’s phone when CID officers asked him to unlock it. However, he did not know the password to do so. Consequently, they subjected him to psychological pressure and beatings. CID officers stripped him of his clothes, beat him, insulted and slandered him, and sexually harassed him. They also threatened him with rape, beatings, and deprived him of the ability to pray.
Furthermore, officers didn’t allow Salman to use the bathroom when needed, but only at specific times. They rushed Salman inside the bathroom and sometimes opened the door on him. Additionally, they lined the detainees up in one row blindfolded and hit their heads against the wall. Husain AlSari, Ali Abdulhadi, and Jasim Mohamed Ajwaid were among those detainees accused of the same charge brought against Salman, which was burning the car of the parliamentary elections candidate, Majid AlAsfour.
Salman’s interrogation lasted for about 7 days and was conducted without the presence of a lawyer. As a result of the threats and torture, his mental state deteriorated, and consequently, he was forced to confess by signing an investigation report without being aware of its content. On 28 October 2014, Salman was transferred to the Dry Dock Detention Center. A week after his transfer to the Dry Dock Detention Center, his family received phone calls from detainees at the center who informed them that their son was in the detention center, enduring a bad psychological state. A few minutes later, Salman called and reassured his family of his condition.
Salman was not given adequate time and facilities to prepare for his trials, was unable to present evidence and challenge evidence presented against him, was denied access to his attorney, and wasn’t allowed to meet with him alone. Furthermore, his confessions extracted under torture were used against him despite informing the judge that the charges against him were untrue and obtained under torture. On 6 September 2015, Salman was sentenced in absentia to ten years in prison in the case of burning the car of the parliamentary election candidate for a terrorist purpose and endangering people’s lives and money. He was charged with1) arson, and 2) manufacturing usable or explosive devices. Moreover, he was later sentenced to ten years in prison on the charge of 3) attacking a police patrol and causing harm to a citizen. On 28 October 2015, he was also sentenced to ten years in prison in a gathering and rioting case on charges of 4) negligent destruction, 5) intentionally endangering a private means of transport, 6) manufacturing usable or explosive devices, 7) arson, and 8) assaulting the body integrity of others. Lastly, on 1 November 2015, he was sentenced to three years in prison on the charge of 9) manufacturing usable and explosive devices to disturb public security, resulting in a total sentence of 33 years imprisonment. On 28 March 2016, the court of appeals reduced Salman’s first sentence for the charge of burning the car of MP AlAsfour to five years of prison. On 29 May 2016, the court of appeals also reduced the sentence for the last case, the charge of manufacturing usable and explosive devices to disturb public security, to two years imprisonment. However, the court of appeal upheld the verdict for the third case on 31 May 2016, making the total of his sentence 27 years. On 6 September 2015, after the issuance of the first verdict, Salman was transferred to the New Dry Dock Prison, designated for inmates under the age of 21.
After the first sentencing hearing, on 6 September 2015, the prisoners were taken to Jau Prison to collect their personal belongings. During this time, Salman was severely beaten and handcuffed from behind. Additionally, a police officer beat him in the stomach. He endured long hours of torture before being transferred to the young convicts’ prison. Furthermore, the security forces subjected him and the other prisoners to psychological and physical torture by insulting, laughing, and mocking them.
Salman and his fellow inmates were insulted and tortured by the Dry Dock Prison officers, forcing them to stand and sit for a long time. He also suffered from alopecia in the head, for which he was denied medical treatment before being allowed to bring in the necessary medicine from outside the prison.
In 2020, Salman was transferred to Jau Prison upon reaching 21 years old, where he faced mistreatment while serving his sentence. Jau Prison officers once tied him up on a cold day while he was wearing light clothes and left him in the corridor of the prison where it was extremely cold. Moreover, Salman was subjected to discrimination by Jau Prison officers based on his religious and political opinions. They insulted him, his Shia sect, and the opposition figures belonging to the sect. Additionally, he was once placed in solitary confinement in Jau Prison for going out to the prison fence.
Furthermore, Salman was infected with COVID-19 and was isolated with the other infected inmates in a cell containing more than eight people. Back then, he did not receive the necessary medical treatment for a period ranging from 10 days to two weeks.
In August 2023, Salman participated in a collective hunger strike with around 800 prisoners in Jau Prison to protest mistreatment and inadequate healthcare. This hunger strike persisted for 40 days, ending in September 2023 with a promise from the prison administration to improve conditions inside the prison.
Recently, Salman complained about medical neglect in Jau Prison and the inedible meals offered to him. For three months, he has been suffering from poor eyesight and needed an eye test to get suitable glasses. After prolonged delays, he underwent an eye test at Salmaniya Hospital, and eyeglasses were prescribed to him; however, the glasses have not yet been handed over to him.
Salman’s warrantless arrest, torture, enforced disappearance, unjust solitary confinement, denial of attorney access, unfair trials, religious discrimination, and medical negligence constitute violations of the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT), the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), to which Bahrain is a party. Furthermore, the violations he endured as a minor contravene the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), to which Bahrain is also a party.
As such, Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) calls on the Bahraini authorities to immediately and unconditionally release Salman. ADHRB also urges the Bahraini government to investigate allegations of arbitrary arrest, torture, enforced disappearance, solitary confinement, denial of legal counsel, religious discrimination, and medical negligence, and to hold the perpetrators accountable. At the very least, ADHRB advocates for a fair retrial for Salman under the Restorative Justice Law for Children, leading to his release. Additionally, it urges the Jau Prison administration to promptly provide appropriate healthcare for Salman, including eyeglasses, treatment for his head alopecia, and adequate healthy food, holding it responsible for any further deterioration in his health condition.