Category: Climate & Energy

  • On many nights, John Allaire can turn off the lights in his house and keep reading a book by the glow of 80-foot-high flares blasting from a gas export terminal a mile away. 

    The prospect of a second liquified natural gas (LNG) terminal in his once-peaceful corner of southwest Louisiana is unsettling for Allaire, a retired oil and gas engineer whose house sits near Calcasieu Pass. 

    “There’s the ongoing noise pollution, ongoing flaring,” he said. “And the light pollution is unbelievable.” 

    Venture Global, the U.S.’s second-largest LNG producer, plans to build a second terminal alongside its Calcasieu Pass facility in sparsely populated Cameron Parish. Venture also owns the newly built Plaquemines LNG terminal, about 20 miles south of New Orleans. 

    The proposed second Venture terminal in Cameron, dubbed CP2, was recently granted an export permit by the U.S. Department of Energy. The permit was the fifth LNG-related approval from the department since President Donald Trump took office and lifted former President Joe Biden’s pause on new LNG permits.

    The Trump administration aims to cut “red tape around projects like CP2” and boost the availability of “affordable, reliable, secure American energy,” U.S. Energy Secretary Chris Wright said in a statement. 

    Louisiana has four LNG terminals and two more are under construction. Many more are welcome, said Louisiana Gov. Jeff Landry. 

    “Every time these projects come to Louisiana, [they] give the people of our state the ability to have their income raised,” he said during a speech last month announcing Australian company Woodside Energy’s decision to invest nearly $18 billion in a stalled terminal project, formerly known as Driftwood LNG, near Lake Charles, about 22 miles north of CP2.

    Environmental groups say reviving the LNG building boom has serious consequences for coastal communities, fisheries and the climate. 

    A white man in a yellow safety vest holds a hardhat and talks into microphones.
    Venture Global CEO Michael Sabel speaks with media alongside at the company’s liquified natural gas export facility alongside Secretary of the Interior Secretary Doug Burgum, Louisiana Governor Jeff Landry and Secretary of Energy Chris Wright, in Plaquemines, Louisiana. Jack Brook / AP Photo

    “It has been damaging to our coast, damaging to our air quality and our water quality,” said Anne Rolfes, director of the Louisiana Bucket Brigade. “It’s destroyed property values [and] it’s certainly damaging to our health.”

    Venture did not respond to a request for comment. 

    LNG is natural gas cooled to a liquid state, compressing its volume and making it easier to store and ship long distances. Six of the country’s eight LNG export terminals dot the western Gulf Coast, including the world’s largest, Sabine Pass LNG in west Cameron. LNG shipments from the U.S. have skyrocketed over the past decade, rising from about 16 billion cubic feet in 2014 to just under 4.4 trillion cubic feet last year, making the U.S. the world leader in LNG exports. A little more than half of U.S. LNG goes to Europe, where demand has slowed in recent years, but Asia is hungry for more, with that continent’s share of exports rising to more than 30 percent last year, according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration.   

    Venture’s Calcasieu Pass terminal had a rocky startup process that began in 2022 and ended last month when the facility sent its first shipments. The company’s construction strategy, which relied on pre-fabricated, modular components to speed construction and cut costs, resulted in power outages, several repairs and dozens of pollution violations, according to company documents and a report by the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis. In 2022, the facility exceeded its air pollution permits 139 times, according to the Louisiana Department of Environmental Quality. A March warning letter from DEQ indicated many problems haven’t been fixed. The letter cited recent inspections showing several “areas of concern,” including frequent emissions violations and failures to report air pollution exceedances.

    Much of the pollution comes from flaring, a process often triggered by operational malfunctions that force facilities to burn excess gas to avoid fires or explosions. Flaring emits chemicals that can cause cancer, respiratory illnesses and other health problems

    The Calcasieu Pass facility is allowed 60 flaring hours annually by DEQ, but nearby residents allege it goes well over that allowance.

    “It’s been ongoing, sometimes days in a row,” Allaire said. 

    Commercial shrimpers in Cameron and Calcasieu parishes say dredging to deepen waterways for large LNG transport ships has harmed habitat and made fishing harder. 

    “The numbers we’re catching now have decreased drastically,” shrimper Travis Dardar said. 

    Boosting the U.S.’s LNG export prowess is “part of one of the biggest fossil fuel build-outs in our lifetimes,” and will dampen efforts to shift toward cleaner energy sources like solar and wind, said Ethan Nuss, an organizer with the Rainforest Action Network.

    “This will deepen the climate crisis and lock us into decades of emissions,” he said. 

    Rolfes said opposing LNG is now doubly hard because both the state and federal government strongly back the industry. Instead of focusing on regulators, environmental groups may attempt to delay projects through lawsuits or convince the industry’s insurers and investors that LNG is a bad long-term bet. 

    “We’ll keep getting the word out about their accident history [and] their horrible track records as business partners,” Rolfes said. “But we acknowledge the odds are tremendous.”

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Louisana already has 4 LNG terminals. It just added another. on May 7, 2025.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • This story is part of a Grist package examining how President Trump’s first 100 days in office have reshaped climate and environmental policy in the U.S.

    President Donald Trump came into office promising to “drill, baby, drill” and, on day one, signed an executive order aimed at “Unleashing American Energy.” On Friday, just over 100 days later, oil companies released their first quarterly earnings reports of Trump’s second term. They weren’t pretty.

    The two largest oil companies in the United States saw revenues tumble. Earnings at Exxon Mobil fell 6 percent compared to last year, to $7.7 billion. Chevron’s first-quarter income dropped more than a third, to $3.5 billion. “We are seeing significant downward pressure on prices and margins,” Darren Woods, chief executive of Exxon Mobil, said during a call with analysts on Friday. “In this environment, it is more important than ever to focus on what we can control.”

    This caps a three month stretch — and the first 100 days of an administration — that saw oil executives swooning at the possibility of a boon. But since President Trump has taken office, headwinds have mounted.

    The price of a barrel of oil has fallen from almost $80 to about $60 since his inauguration, sweeping new tariffs have made things like steel costlier, and economic uncertainty has made planning considerably more challenging. According to Baker Hughes, an oil field service provider, the number of drilling rigs in the nation’s largest oil field, the Permian Basin, have fallen about 3 percent over the last month.

    “There seems to be a lack of continuity in the policymaking that affects that industry,” said Sanjay Srinivasan, a professor of petroleum and natural gas engineering at Penn State University.

    On the one hand, President Trump declared a national energy emergency within hours of taking office and has been pushing for an expansion of fossil fuel extraction. The Department of Interior, for example, announced plans to open more tracts of public land to drilling, including in the Arctic. It also moved to shorten the permitting process for projects from as long as two years to 28 days

    “They are fast-tracking dangerous, disastrous projects that are going to put the health and safety of people, the water, and the environment at risk,” said Jasmine Vazin, Deputy Director of the Beyond Dirty Fuels Campaign at the Sierra Club, pointing to the Line 5 pipeline in Michigan as one example. “This is what [oil companies] wanted.”

    At the same time, the president has called for oil prices of $50 a barrel, which would decimate the industry. “At $50-per-barrel oil, we will see U.S. oil production start to decline immediately and likely significantly,” one anonymous executive responded in a Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas survey. “There cannot be ‘U.S. energy dominance’ and $50 per barrel oil; those two statements are contradictory.” Others reported already cutting future capital expenditures based on the administration’s ambitions. 

    Trump’s tariffs have also taken a toll on oil companies by raising the cost of the steel they rely on for wells and other equipment, as well as, likely slowing global demand for oil, which generally drops along with economic activity.  Foreign producers deciding to increase output, including an OPEC+ announcement last week to boost its supply by more than 400,000 barrels a day in June, has only compounded domestic pressures. 

    “I have never felt more uncertainty about our business in my entire 40-plus-year career,” said one executive in the Federal Reserve survey. Another added: “Tariff policy is impossible for us to predict and doesn’t have a clear goal. We want more stability.”

    Whether the Trump administration can bring that stability remains an open question. Even if it does, there’s no guarantee that American oil output — which was already at record levels before Trump took office  — can grow significantly, or that it will create more jobs. It’s also unclear if Trump cares. 

    “I’ll get those guys drilling,” he told supporters in Greenville, North Carolina, in November. “If they drill themselves out of business, I don’t give a damn.” 

    So far, that seems to be the trajectory. A Wall Street Journal analysis found that American oil-and-gas companies lost more than $280 billion in stock-market value between April 2, when Trump unveiled his tariff blitz, and Monday. 

    That drop outpaced that of every other major sector.

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Trump promised to help Big Oil. Its revenues plummeted on May 2, 2025.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • Around the world, farmers are retooling their land to harvest the hottest new commodity: sunlight. As the price of renewable energy technology has plummeted and water has gotten more scarce, growers are fallowing acreage and installing solar panels. Some are even growing crops beneath them, which is great for plants stressed by too many rays. Still others are letting that shaded land go wild, providing habitat for pollinators and fodder for grazing livestock.

    According to a new study, this practice of agrisolar has been quite lucrative for farmers in California’s Central Valley over the last 25 years — and for the environment. Researchers looked at producers who had idled land and installed solar, using the electricity to run equipment like water pumps and selling the excess power to utilities. 

    On average, that energy savings and revenue added up to $124,000 per hectare (about 2.5 acres) each year, 25 times the value of using the land to grow crops. Collectively, the juice generated in the Central Valley could power around 500,000 households while saving enough water to hydrate 27 million people annually. “If a farmer owns 10 acres of land, and they choose to convert one or two acres to a solar array, that could produce enough income for them to feel security for their whole operation,” said Jake Stid, a renewable energy landscape scientist at Michigan State University and lead author of the paper, published in the journal Nature Sustainability. 

    The Central Valley is among the most productive agricultural regions in the world: It makes up just 1 percent of all farmland acreage in the United States, yet generates a third of the nation’s fruits and vegetables. But it’s also extremely water-stressed as California whiplashes between years of significant rainfall and drought. To irrigate all those crops, farmers have drawn so much groundwater that aquifers collapse like empty water bottles, making the earth itself sink by many feet.

    Farmers can’t make their crops less thirsty, so many have been converting some of their acreage to solar. The Central Valley is ideal for this, being mostly flat and very sunny, hence the agricultural productivity. At the same time, farmers have been getting good rates for the electricity that they offset and that they send back to the grid. 

    Now, though, California has adopted standards that reduce those rates by 75 percent on average. For a farmer investing in panels, the investment looks less enticing. “The algebra or calculus — or whatever math discipline you want to reference — it just doesn’t work out the same way,” said Karen Norene Mills, vice president of legal advocacy at the California Farm Bureau, which promotes the state’s agricultural community. 

    Also, the study found that by fallowing land for solar panels, food production in the Central Valley dropped by enough calories to feed 86,000 people a year. But, Stid said, markets can adjust, as crops are grown elsewhere to make up the deficit. By tapping the sun instead, Stid added, growers can simultaneously help California reach its goals of deploying renewable and reducing groundwater usage. 

    The tension, though, is meeting those objectives while still producing incredible quantities of food. “That is always our concern about some of these pressures,” Mills said.

    But this isn’t an either-or proposition: Many farmers are finding ways to grow some crops, like leafy greens and berries, under the panels. The shade reduces evaporation from the soil, allowing growers to water less often. In turn, a wetted landscape cools the panels, which improves their efficiency. “This is the compromise that’s going to allow for both energy independence and food security,” said horticulturalist Jennifer Bousselot, who studies agrisolar at Colorado State University but wasn’t involved in the new study. 

    Farmers are also turning livestock loose to graze under their panels. Their droppings fertilize the soil, leading to more plant growth and more flowers that support native pollinators. “The grass, it’s so much more lush under the panels, it’s amazing,” said Ryan Romack, founder of Virginia-based AgriSolar Ranch, which provides grazing services. “Especially when the sheep have been on site long-term, you can really see the added benefits of the manure load.”

    Then, if a farmer decides not to replace the solar panels at the end of their lifespan — usually around 25 or 30 years — the soil will be refreshed with nutrients and ready to grow more crops. Even if a grower simply lets them sit for decades without any management, the fallowing can restore the soil’s health. “We really see solar as a collective landscape,” Stid said, “that can be sited, managed, and designed in a way to benefit both people and the planet and ecosystems as well.”

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Farmers are making bank harvesting a new crop: Solar energy on Apr 30, 2025.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • Heat pumps are essential for ditching fossil fuels. The appliances are many times more efficient than even the best gas furnaces, and they run on electricity, so they can draw power from renewables like wind and solar. 

    But the very thing that makes them such an amazing climate solution is also their biggest challenge. A common refrigerant called R-410A pumps through their innards so they can warm and cool homes and offices and anything else. But that refrigerant is also liquid irony, as it can escape as a greenhouse gas over 2,000 times more powerful than carbon dioxide. (This is known as its “global warming potential,” or how much energy a ton of the gas absorbs over a given amount of time compared to the same amount of CO2.) Leaks can happen during the installation, operation, and disposal of heat pumps. 

    But this year the industry is rolling out alternative refrigerant formulations like R-454B and R-32, which have around 75 percent less global warming potential. That’s in response to Environmental Protection Agency rules mandating that, starting this year, heat pump refrigerants have a global warming potential of no more than 700. Manufacturers are looking even farther ahead at the possibility of using propane, or even CO2, as the next generation of more atmospherically friendly refrigerants.

    “The whole industry is going to be transitioning away from R-410A, so that’s good,” said Jeff Stewart, the refrigeration chief engineer for residential heating, ventilation, and air conditioning at Trane Technologies, which makes heat pumps and gas furnaces. “We’re getting lower global warming potential. The problem is, it still has some, right? So there’s concern about ‘OK, is that low enough to really help the environment?’”

    To be clear, heat pumps do not release greenhouse gases at anywhere near the scale of burning natural gas to heat homes, so their environmental impact is way smaller. “Even if we lost all the refrigerant, it still actually has a much smaller effect just having a heat pump and not burning gas,” said Matthew Knoll, co-founder and chief technology officer at California-based Quilt, which builds heat pump systems for homes. “I would actually want to make sure that doesn’t hamper the rapid adoption of heat pumps.”

    But why does a heat pump need refrigerant? Well, to transfer heat. By changing the state of the liquid to a gas, then compressing it, the appliance absorbs heat from even very cold outdoor air and moves it indoors. Then in the summer, the process reverses to work like a traditional air conditioner.

    The potential for refrigerant leaks is much smaller if the heat pump is properly manufactured, installed, and maintained. When a manufacturer switches refrigerants, the basic operation of the heat pump stays the same. But some formulations operate at different pressures, meaning they’ll need slightly different sized components and perhaps stronger materials. “It’s all the same fundamental principles,” said Vince Romanin, CEO of San Francisco-based Gradient, which makes heat pumps that slip over window sills. “But it does take a re-engineering and a recertification of all of these components.”

    While Trane has transitioned to R-454B, Gradient and other companies are adopting R-32, which has a global warming potential of 675 and brings it in line with the new regulations. Gradient says that with engineering improvements, like hermetic sealing that makes it harder for refrigerants to escape, and by properly recycling its appliances, it can reduce the climate footprint of heat pumps by 95 percent. “Our math shows R-32, plus good refrigerant management, those two things combined solve almost all of the refrigerant problem,” said Romanin. “Because of that data, Gradient believes the industry should stay on R-32 until we’re ready for natural refrigerants.”

    Those include CO2, butane, and propane. CO2 has a global warming potential of just 1, but it works at much higher pressures, which requires thicker tubes and compressors. It’s also less efficient in hot weather, meaning it’s not the best option for a heat pump in cooling mode in the summer.

    Propane, on the other hand, excels in different conditions and operates at a lower pressure than the refrigerants it would replace. It also has a global warming potential of just 3. Propane is flammable, of course, but heat pumps can run it safely by separating sources of ignition, like electrical components, from the refrigerant compartments. “It is kind of perfect for heat pumps,” said Richard Gerbe, board member and technical advisor at Italy-based Aermec, another maker of heat pumps.

    That’s why Europe is already switching to propane, and why the U.S. may soon follow, Gerbe said. A typical heat pump will run about 10 pounds of propane, less than what’s found in a barbeque tank. Gas furnaces and stoves, by contrast, are constantly fed with flammable natural gas that can leak, potentially leading to explosions or carbon monoxide poisoning. “If you’ve got a comfort level with a gas stove in your house,” Gerbe said, “this is significantly less of a source.”

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline The quest to fix the irony at the heart of every heat pump on Apr 4, 2025.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • The world is grappling with an energy crisis — not one of scarcity, but one created by overwhelming demand. More energy-hungry data centers and AI algorithms are coming online. Developing countries are using more energy to support their people and industries. And as the world electrifies — replacing gas cars with electric vehicles, for instance — it will use ever more power. So the electrical grid doesn’t just need renewables (and batteries to store their energy) to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, but also to meet growing demand.

    A new analysis from the Paris-based International Energy Agency puts some hard numbers to the challenge, finding that in 2024, electricity consumption jumped by 4.3 percent worldwide, almost double the annual average over the last decade. Power use in buildings accounted for nearly 60 percent of the growth last year, with other drivers including the ballooning of energy-intensive industries and the electrification of transportation. 

    “What is certain is that electricity use is growing rapidly, pulling overall energy demand along with it to such an extent that it is enough to reverse years of declining energy consumption in advanced economies,” said Fatih Birol, the IEA’s executive director, in a press release announcing the findings. “The result is that demand for all major fuels and energy technologies increased in 2024, with renewables covering the largest share of the growth, followed by natural gas.”

    The good news is that the installation of renewables like wind and solar hit a record in 2024 for the 22nd consecutive year, according to the analysis, while 33 percent more nuclear capacity came online compared to 2023. Renewables and nuclear power combined for 80 percent of the increase in worldwide electricity generation. Together, the two sources handled 40 percent of overall generation for the first time, which meant energy-related carbon dioxide emissions rose by just 0.8 percent last year, compared with 1.2 percent in 2023. 

    At the same time, the global economy grew by more than 3 percent in 2024. Carbon dioxide emissions, in other words, didn’t keep up with economic growth, so CO2 emissions and economic growth are increasingly “decoupled,” the report notes. Beneath the headline numbers, however, the story varies region to region. While countries like the U.S. can easily deploy more renewables to reduce their emissions and still maintain economic growth — renewables actually encourage that growth — in 2024 the bulk of the rise in emissions came from developing economies. “We can have more energy and less emissions — we need to have more energy and less emissions,” said R. Max Holmes, president and CEO of the Woodwell Climate Research Center, who wasn’t involved in the analysis. “There are encouraging signs in this report that that decoupling is starting to take place.”

    Still, no matter the country, renewables aren’t growing fast enough to displace fossil fuels: Oil demand rose by 0.8 percent in 2024 and coal by 1 percent. Natural gas demand went up 2.7 percent, far above the annual growth rate of 1 percent between 2019 and 2023. That was thanks to the growth of heavy industries along with brutal heat waves, especially in China and India. The hotter the world gets, the more people switch on their air conditioners, creating demand that power plants have to meet by burning fossil fuels, leading to even more warming and more AC use.

    Even so, the report reveals that the world is making some progress in weaning itself off fossil fuels. In 2024, EVs accounted for a fifth of all car sales around the world. In the U.S., sales of electric heat pumps — which move heat from outdoor air into a home — jumped 15 percent last year, and now outsell gas furnaces by 30 percent. All told, since 2019, the deployment of solar and wind energy, nuclear power, EVs, and heat pumps now prevents the release of 2.6 billion metric tons of CO2 each year. “That’s about half the U.S. economy’s worth of emissions, and that’s just five solutions in five years,” said Jonathan Foley, executive director of Project Drawdown, a Minnesota-based climate nonprofit that wasn’t involved in the report. “We’re still far behind. All the bad news is still true — climate change is still happening, it’s bad, it’s ugly, we’re not doing enough. But I’m seeing an inflection point here.”
    The big question in the U.S. is whether the new Trump administration, which has been aggressivelydismantlingclimateprogress in its first two months in office, can kneecap this shift to clean-energy. Experts say that there are fundamental market forces beyond the control of the federal government, namely that renewables are now cheaper to deploy than more fossil-fuel infrastructure. “The world is transitioning away from fossil fuels and toward renewable and non-greenhouse-gas-emitting energy sources, period,” Holmes said. “It is going to happen. What the Trump administration right now is doing can slow that transition, but it certainly can’t stop that transition.”

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Renewables surged in 2024 — but so did fossil fuels on Mar 27, 2025.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • Electric utilities across the United States are shutting off power to a growing number of households, according to a recent report that also found most shutoffs happened during last year’s record-hot summer, a reminder that climate change fuels more intense, frequent and prolonged heat waves. 

    Shutoffs can be deadly, especially during extreme freezes and blistering heat. And while health issues are the most worrisome risk, there are other threats to daily life such as losing access to phone, internet, medical equipment, and food storage. Basic physical comfort can prove impossible. 

    The report by the nonprofit Center for Biological Diversity revealed that six investor-owned utilities disconnected customers between January and September 2024 more than 662,000 times, an over 20 percent jump from the same period in 2023. Those companies included Georgia Power, DTE Energy, Duke Energy, Ameren Corporation, Pacific Gas & Electric, and Arizona Public Service. 

    But all shutoffs, and the harms they cause, are avoidable, said Selah Goodson Bell, lead author of the report. States and local governments have the power to protect customers by enacting policies like comprehensive shutoff bans during extreme heat and reining in utility rate hikes. While most states already ban shutoffs during cold weather, more and more are starting to ban it during heat waves. “It’s going to be up to cities, municipalities, and states to remedy ongoing energy injustices and hold these utility companies accountable,” he said.

    It’s hard to know the true extent and nature of shutoffs because only a patchwork of data exists nationwide. Twenty-two states don’t require utilities to report disconnections at all, and among the ones that do, only 20 states and Washington, D.C., have up-to-date data. Report authors analyzed the six power companies because they provide current disconnection data and collectively serve more than 200 million customers, spanning most regions of the U.S. from California to the Carolinas. 

    In Georgia, the state’s largest electric utility Georgia Power disconnected customers for nonpayment over 180,000 times from January to September 2024 — a more than 20 percent increase from the same period in 2023. Duke Energy in North and South Carolina also increased shutoffs by nearly 20 percent last year. DTE Energy in Michigan disconnected customers more than 150,000 times, and Ameren in Illinois and Missouri shut off power more than 120,000 times, with both raising shutoff rates in the past few years. 

    While Pacific Gas & Electric in California and Phoenix-based Arizona Public Service cut off power to fewer customers than the other utilities, the report still found a steady growth in shutoffs since 2022.

    Lingering inflation, rate hikes, and climate change have all contributed to the rise in shutoffs, the report found. But the core issue is an “antiquated and broken” utility business model that effectively punishes low-income customers by aggressively raising rates, and then cutting off power when households can’t pay, said Goodson Bell. 

    As shutoffs increased, the six utilities analyzed in the report also netted $10 billion in profits between January and September 2024, a more than 20 percent increase from the same period in 2023. Less than 2 percent of their shareholder dividends would have prevented all shutoffs last year, the report found. “Customers are losing access to an essential service they need to survive while shareholders line their pockets with lavish returns,” Goodson Bell said.

    Besides using more electricity to cope with extreme temperatures, customers are also paying for the mounting costs of repairing and hardening the grid after disasters like wildfires or hurricanes. Yet the report documents efforts by utilities that would worsen climate-driven costs: almost all the utilities mentioned in the report have worked to expand gas infrastructure and fossil fuel energy supply, and lobbied to weaken rooftop solar and other climate policies. 

    Representatives from Ameren, Arizona Public Service, DTE Energy, and PG&E told Grist that disconnection is a last resort, and that the utilities offer a range of energy assistance and flexible payment plans. “We recognize that higher costs, including energy bills, can be a challenge for customers,” said PG&E spokesperson Mike Gazda. Duke Energy and Georgia Power did not respond to a request for comment.

    For most of the utilities in the report, shutoffs peaked in the summer. 

    While 42 states already ban shutoffs during cold weather, 23 have now passed heat-based shutoff bans, including Washington state in 2023 and Virginia in 2024. Last year, Illinois strengthened an existing ban by lowering the previous threshold of 95 degrees Fahrenheit to 90. That change appears to have already had a measurable impact: According to the Center for Biological Diversity’s report, summertime shutoffs in Illinois were 13 percent lower in 2024 than in 2023.

    But in Michigan and California, which both have temperature-based shutoff bans for extreme heat, disconnections by DTE Energy and PG&E still peaked during the summer. Temperature-based shutoff bans in those states fail to adequately protect customers because they don’t require utilities to automatically restore power to households that get disconnected prior to a heat event, said Goodson Bell. That means that even if a household gets their power shut off right before a ban takes effect, if they can’t pay in time, “They will be forced to endure harsh conditions without access to electricity.”

    Arizona Public Service, on the other hand, has avoided a summertime spike in shutoffs by using a date-based shutoff moratorium from June 1st to October 15th. The policy was introduced by state regulators after Arizona Public Service cut off power to a 72 year-old woman who owed $51 on her electricity bill, resulting in her death in 2018. But even date-based protections may not be enough because extreme heat is increasingly happening on days outside summer months, Goodson Bell pointed out.

    States should instead use both temperature and date-based restrictions to widen the period of time customers are protected, and ban shutoffs completely for certain customers such as those with medical conditions, he said. Such measures are small steps to address widespread harms, said Sanya Carley, a professor at the University of Pennsylvania who studies utility disconnections. “When it comes to disconnections, I think states need to adopt as many protections as they possibly can.”

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Utilities are shutting off power to a growing number of households on Mar 18, 2025.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • When former President Joe Biden paused the Department of Energy’s approval of new natural gas export projects last January — a move received positively by environmental advocates and scorned by fossil fuel companies — the LNG industry was in the midst of a period of unbridled expansion. Sprawling export terminals had been popping up, one after another, all along the Gulf Coast in south Texas and Louisiana, with many more in various stages of planning. The consequences of the build-out on the climate and on consumers was uncertain, Biden said, echoing the concerns of advocates, and the DOE had a responsibility to understand them fully before greenlighting new developments. 

    “During this period, we will take a hard look at the impacts of LNG exports on energy costs, America’s energy security, and our environment,” the former president said in a statement. Though Biden’s pause on new LNG developments was celebrated by climate and environmental advocates, it only applied to DOE, not the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, or FERC, the other agency responsible for approving gas developments. 

    Midway through the pause, while the DOE was assessing the advisability of new LNG developments, FERC approved the construction of a new plant by gas giant Venture Global. 

    Six months later, in December 2024, when government offices were beginning to empty for the winter holidays, the DOE quietly published the results of its research. Across 58 pages, the report succinctly confirmed what many climate and environmental justice advocates had feared: Exporting huge quantities of natural gas abroad increases domestic fuel and electricity prices. Not only that, but export terminals are massive greenhouse gas emitters, undermining the fossil fuel industry’s contention that LNG is a clean alternative to coal, and dumping hulking export terminals on pristine wetlands has a devastating effect on the multigenerational fishing communities of the Gulf Coast. 

    “Today’s publication reinforces that a business-as-usual approach is neither sustainable nor advisable,” the agency wrote in a press release announcing the report.

    The following month, President Donald Trump began his second term, and rather than sending the mixed messages under the Biden administration, the federal government’s position on LNG exports became uniformly supportive. On his first full day in office, Trump ended Biden’s moratorium on new export projects. Then, in mid-February, FERC issued Venture Global another major greenlight.

    In its supplemental environmental impact assessment, FERC determined that Venture Global’s CP2 LNG project presented “no significant emissions” to the surrounding area — a blatant contradiction of the DOE’s prior report. A week later, under the new leadership of former hydraulic fracking magnate Chris Wright, the DOE authorized Commonwealth LNG’s proposed export terminal. In its decision, the agency did not reference its own December report. The omission calls into question the candidness of Trump’s “America First” agenda, said Tyson Slocum, the director of the energy program at Public Citizen, a nonprofit consumer advocacy organization. 

    “Every single Trump action, especially on energy, is designed to raise prices for Americans and maximize profits for the fossil fuel industry,” he said. “When you put the industry in charge of policy, the policy will reflect industry priorities.”

    Both of the LNG export terminals that received approvals this month are slated for southwest Louisiana’s Cameron Parish, a wetland region that just a few decades ago was home to one of the largest seafood producers in the country. Though successive hurricane seasons and industrial development have crippled the industry, artisan fishermen and shrimpers continue to work in the parish, several of whom joined a lawsuit against FERC for approving Venture Global’s CP2 plant. After the lawsuit was filed, the commission set aside its authorization to make it more “legally durable,” explained Megan Gibson, a lawyer at the Southern Environmental Law Center who works on LNG. The supplemental EIS issued earlier this month is supposed to provide that durability, and set the project back in motion. 

    “This EIS reads like [FERC] checking a box so that we can get this project built without assessing the impacts on the local community and quite frankly our national economy,” Gibson told Grist.

    Venture Global’s CP2 facility would be one of the largest liquefied gas export terminals in the world. The plans consist of an 18-block liquefaction plant, a pre-treatment plant, massive aboveground storage tanks, and an 84-mile pipeline connecting the facility to natural gas feedstocks in Jasper and Newton County, Texas. The company already operates an LNG terminal in Louisiana’s Cameron Parish and is in the process of building a separate one in Plaquemines Parish in the state’s southeast. In 2023, Grist visited the property of John Allaire, whose land abuts the facility, and witnessed the hundred-foot flares emitted by the Venture Global’s smoke stacks — evidence of operational problems that advocates say the company has yet to solve. Before Venture Global can break ground on CP2, FERC will have to issue a final draft of the supplemental EIS, and DOE will have to issue an approval of its own.

    Like other experts that Grist spoke to, Gibson said FERC’s actions didn’t surprise her since the commission has a reputation for rubber-stamping new gas projects under both Democratic and Republican administrations. It’s really the DOE, she continued, that has historically been more of a check on the industry. Under the National Gas Act, both FERC and DOE are required to determine whether a new LNG development is in the public interest before approving it. That burden of proof has been the easiest way for advocates to fight agency decisions in court.

    “Transforming this once idyllic coastal community into this industrial hub … That doesn’t seem like it’s in the public interest,” said Gibson. Venture Global did not respond to a request for comment.

    The DOE’s December 2024 report identifying risks to the public from unchecked LNG exports is currently open for public comment. The Trump administration extended the comment period until late March. Slocum, the director of the energy program at Public Citizen, believes that this decision may be a tactical one more than it is a genuine openness for public input — giving fossil fuel companies more time to commission studies that would undermine the DOE’s previous findings. In an email, Grist asked the DOE why they extended the comment period, but did not hear back.

    “Industry is going to basically try to buy a pro-public interest analysis through some very expensive fancy studies that the DOE is going to rely heavily on,” Slocum said. It was his and other advocates’ job to poke holes in those studies. “We don’t have the money, but I think we have the facts on our side.”

    Beyond the impacts to consumers, locals, and the climate, experts pointed out that building new LNG terminals in an already saturated market doesn’t make sense economically. A recent report by the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis found that Europe, the U.S.’s largest gas export market, experienced a 19 percent decline in LNG imports last year, with gas demand at an 11-year low. Ana Maria Jaller-Makarewicz, IEEFA’s lead energy analyst for Europe, said the trend reflects new renewable projects coming online as well as countries using gas from their own reserves. While she expects demand to increase next year, in particular due to a cold early winter season and the need to replenish reserves, Jaller-Makarewicz said she does not expect it to rise again to levels seen after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

    The Trump administration appears undeterred by these figures. Earlier this month, Trump announced a joint venture with Japan for a proposed $44 billion LNG project in Alaska, a move that could make the East Asian country — which has the second-highest LNG demand in the world — more reliant on U.S. gas. 

    “There has to be a need for the project, and what we see with this project is that it’s essentially taking domestic U.S.-grade gas and shipping it overseas,” said Caroline Reiser, a lawyer at the Natural Resources Defense Council working on the case against FERC for approving CP2. 

    According to Reiser, whether or not Trump finds a market for the gas plants coming online, the American public could still be left holding the bag.

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Exporting natural gas raises your power bills. Trump is doing it anyway. on Feb 27, 2025.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • This coverage is made possible through a partnership between Grist and WABE, Atlanta’s NPR station.

    Three years ago, one of the country’s largest electric utilities, Southern Company, made a splash when it announced it would retire most of its coal-fired power plants in the coming years, a major step toward the company’s stated goal of net zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2050. 

    Southern’s subsidiary utilities — the companies that actually run the coal plants to provide electricity to homes and businesses — backed up the announcement by seeking and obtaining approval to close coal plants from the powerful state regulators who oversee them.

    But now the utilities are backtracking. They say they need to meet an extraordinary spike in demand for electricity, mostly from the large facilities packed with computer servers that enable intensive online activity like generative AI and cryptocurrency, known as data centers.

    In its latest integrated resource plan, or IRP, Southern Company subsidiary Georgia Power forecasts that demand will go up by 8,200 megawatts (MW) by the winter of 2030-31, more than three times the output of the new nuclear reactors at Plant Vogtle, the first new nuclear reactors in the U.S. in decades, which Georgia Power and other utilities just spent more than $30 billion to build. To meet that growth, the company is requesting a range of resources, including upgrades to existing nuclear plants, more renewable energy, and improvements to the overall power grid — but it’s also asking to extend the life of heavily-polluting coal plants that were previously slated for retirement.

    This move is part of a national trend. The data center industry is booming all over, from Virginia to Texas to Oregon, and utilities across the country are responding by building new fossil fuel resources or delaying retirements, all at a time when scientists agree that cutting fossil fuel emissions is more urgent than ever. More than 9,000 MW of fossil fuel generation slated for closure has been delayed or is at risk of delay, and more than 10,800 MW of new fossil fuel generation has been planned, according to the sustainability research and policy center Frontier Group.

    The backslide into fossil fuels is alarming to environmental and consumer advocates, and not only because it stands to slow down climate action and extend the harmful effects of fossil fuel use. Some also question the purported growth in demand — meaning utilities could be doubling down on climate-warming coal and gas to meet energy demand that won’t actually materialize.

    When Georgia Power requested permission to retire most of its coal plants by 2028, the decision wasn’t directly about reducing emissions. Rather, the utility had deemed the plants “uneconomic” — it would no longer make economic sense to keep running them. A key factor in that calculus was the cost of bringing old plants into compliance with new federal emissions restrictions. The future of that rule is now uncertain. The Supreme Court last fall ordered that the emissions rule could go into effect while legal challenges from states and power companies proceed. As a candidate, President Donald Trump promised to repeal the rule. 

    Regardless of the motive, environmental groups and large companies with their own emissions targets to hit applauded the move to close the coal plants.

    So Southern Environmental Law Center senior attorney Jennifer Whitfield called Georgia Power’s request to renege on some coal closures an “odd choice.”

    “It is not only an expensive and dirty fuel that Georgia Power didn’t even want a couple of years ago for some of these plants, but the data centers don’t want it, either,” she said. “They want clean energy.”

    Though controversial, the proposal to delay coal plant closures isn’t exactly surprising or new. Last year, the Georgia Public Service Commission approved a power purchase deal between Georgia Power and its sister company Mississippi Power that will keep a Mississippi coal plant open beyond its planned retirement date. That move, too, was meant to cover rising demand that Georgia Power said came mostly from data centers. Other utilities have proposed delaying coal unit closures in Virginia and West Virginia, according to the Frontier Group analysis.

    Environmental advocates have applauded coal retirements, and are now decrying the reversals, because of the many negative impacts of burning coal to make electricity. Along with airborne pollution that can harm people and contribute to climate change, burning coal creates residual material known as coal ash that poses serious health risks if it seeps into groundwater. Often, the costs of cleaning up and storing coal ash are passed on to customers.

    “Extending the lives of uneconomic coal plants, especially if tied to energy-guzzling data centers, makes no sense when better investments in renewable energy and energy efficiency are clearly available,” said Liz Coyle of consumer advocacy group Georgia Watch. 

    While data centers are certainly not new — computing and the internet require data servers, and our increasingly digital lives demand ever more data processing capacity — the recent explosion has taken utilities and policymakers alike by surprise.

    Georgia Power’s planning is good evidence of that: In 2023, the utility took the unusual step of filing an IRP update in between its regularly-scheduled plans in 2022 and 2025. Georgia Power claimed that demand for energy was increasing so much and so quickly that the company needed to make and buy more power immediately. The purported demand from large data centers popped up so quickly that the utility didn’t foresee it less than two years before and insisted it couldn’t wait another year to address the issue.

    As utilities scramble to meet the data center demand they claim is coming, lawmakers and regulators are also playing rapid catch-up.

    In Georgia, data centers enjoy a sales tax exemption on the high-tech equipment they need to run, which was passed in 2018 and later renewed with little fuss. The state offers many such tax incentives to economic development projects, part of an ongoing effort to remain business-friendly that the governor and other state leaders frequently boast about.

    But in 2024, as Georgia Power’s highly unusual request for more energy shone a spotlight on the enormous energy demands of data centers, the legislature reconsidered. Lawmakers ultimately passed a bill to pause the data center tax break while a study was conducted to evaluate the state’s energy and water resources. Governor Brian Kemp vetoed the bill. This year, the state House of Representatives is forging ahead with the study even as the tax break remains in place and new, large data centers continue to be announced.

    “We want to make sure that we look at how sustainable our energy production is, our energy usage, and certainly our water usage,” House Speaker Jon Burns said when he announced the study committee.

    The Georgia Public Service Commission, meanwhile, has taken steps to address a major concern that came up during the interim IRP. New power generation and transmission infrastructure is expensive, and consumer advocates and the commissioners worried regular customers would end up paying for costs created in the scramble to power data centers. So in January, the commission approved new rules meant to prevent the costs from being passed on to others.  

    These rules, commission chair Jason Shaw said, are just a first step in dealing with a rapidly changing issue.

    “We’ve got to be flexible in terms of keeping an open mind in how we deal with this,” he said. “And we’re also looking at what other states are doing, because Georgia’s growing faster than most but we’re not the only state that’s dealing with this.”

    Policymakers elsewhere are indeed grappling with these same concerns. In Virginia, the state leading the data center boom, lawmakers have introduced a litany of bills on data centers this year, aiming to track their energy and water use, ensure residents and other businesses aren’t subsidizing their energy needs, and assess the impact of new data centers before they’re approved. Legislators in New York and Oregon are working on similar measures.

    Even as lawmakers and regulators reconsider the impacts, data center companies enjoy tax breaks in many states just as they do in Georgia. Data centers receive subsidies of some form in 22 states, according to a recent report by Frontier Group, Environment America, and the U.S. Public Interest Research Group.

    Although the 2025 IRP builds on the trend of skyrocketing demand predictions in other recent filings from Georgia Power and indeed the nationwide trajectory, some consumer advocates are skeptical of the company’s forecasts. Commissioners and advocates questioned the projections closely during hearings last year over Georgia Power’s urgent request for more energy in the 2023 IRP update.

    “It’s not just a math exercise,” Jeffrey Grubb, Georgia Power’s director of resource planning, said of the projections at the time. “It’s based on facts. It’s tangible projects.”

    Still, Public Service Commission staffers tasked with advocating for the public interest sharply criticized how Georgia Power factored those projects into their forecast, arguing the company inflated the probability that the new demand would actually materialize. Experts have also questioned the projections from Georgia Power and other utilities because multiple states are vying to attract the data centers that are driving the demand growth.

    “I think there is a real overestimation of the power requirements throughout the southeast,” Georgia Tech professor and energy expert Marilyn Brown told Grist last year. “[The data center companies are] touring states and they’re asking for the best deal that these states can offer them for clean electricity. So what I’m seeing … it’s like double counting.”

    If a company is considering building a data center in either Georgia or Tennessee, for instance, Brown said utilities in both states may factor in the large energy demands of that potential new customer — even though in reality, only one data center will be built.

    Even within the electric utility industry, demand projections for data centers are uncertain and vary widely, according to the Frontier Group report. One forecast by the Electric Power Research Institute finds data center demand could grow by as little as 29 percent or as much as 166 percent by 2030. The industry forecasts for 2030 cited in the report differ by as much as a staggering 200 terawatt-hours, or 200 million megawatt-hours.

    The same report also points to the risks of inflated projections. In the 1950s and ’60s, it explains, electricity demand grew rapidly amid the postwar economic boom and explosion of new technology. The North American Electric Reliability Council predicted this growth of more than 7 percent a year would continue, and utilities built resources accordingly. But in reality, the boom leveled off. Projects were canceled and utilities defaulted on bonds, according to the report.

    The current moment, the paper argues, could go either way — and depends in large part on a choice as to “whether rapid growth of energy use for technologies such as GenAI and crypto mining are worth the pollution, disruption and costs they impose.”

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Georgia was about to retire coal plants. Then came the data centers. on Feb 12, 2025.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • Chris Wright, a Colorado fracking executive, was confirmed on Monday by the U.S. Senate with a vote of 59 to 38 to become the Secretary of Energy.

    Wright’s nomination hearing, held last month before the Senate’s Committee on Energy and Natural Resources, was a relatively amiable affair. Though there were interruptions by Sunrise Movement protesters and a heated exchange with California senator Alex Padilla over Wright’s past comments dismissing the link between climate change and wildfires, Wright was not subjected to the contentious questioning that some of President Trump’s other cabinet nominees have faced. He was introduced by Senator John Hickenlooper, a Democrat, as a personal friend, and four of the committee’s Democrats voted for his confirmation.

    While he acknowledged that “climate change is a real and global phenomenon,” Wright also insisted that “there isn’t dirty energy and clean energy; all energy is different and they all have different tradeoffs.” He pledged “to unleash American energy at home and abroad to restore our energy dominance,” to “lead the world in innovation and technology breakthroughs,” and to “build things in America again and remove barriers to progress.” Pressed on the policy particulars by the committee members, he expressed support for expanding nuclear power, renewables, and liquefied natural gas, and said he believed the nation’s transmission system needs to be expanded, and that this should be prioritized in future permitting reforms.

    Part of the reason for Wright’s friendly reception was that he articulated a coherent, if tendentious, version of the “energy abundance” theory of how increasing the domestic production of energy in all forms — including fossil fuels — could enable the U.S. to adequately address the climate crisis. The vision Wright laid out broadly overlaps with a set of ideas that has gained prominence among energy policy thinkers in both parties — as well as in some sectors of the climate movement who see an opportunity for permitting and transmission reforms and nuclear subsidies as a reasonable tradeoff for increased oil and gas production.

    In the committee hearing, Louisiana senator Bill Cassidy — a Republican and the lead sponsor of a bill to tax imports of carbon-intensive goods — told Wright, “I like your emphasis upon abundance.” And both the committee’s Republican chair, Mike Lee, and Democratic ranking member, Martin Heinrich, asked Wright to describe how he would promote energy abundance.

    “The term ‘energy abundance’ is definitely having a moment,” said Katie Auth, policy director of the Energy for Growth Hub and a former USAID official. “I have heard it used in many different contexts by many different people who are coming at this from different ideological angles.”

    But what, exactly, does it mean?

    Alex Trembath, deputy director of the Breakthrough Institute — the climate think tank perhaps best associated with the term, and a longtime gadfly of the environmental movement — said a core idea of his organization is that “technology and abundant energy can help solve ecological problems, not just cause them.”

    Perhaps the most obvious example is the hope that nuclear energy can help speed our transition away from fossil fuels without sacrificing reliability, but self-described “ecomodernists” like Trembath dream of a wide range of possibilities that would be unlocked by sufficient energy. 

    “If you had really abundant solar or nuclear, then energy-intensive industrial processes like water desalination or indoor agriculture start to look a lot more economical,” Trembath said. “You could imagine desalinating seawater and not having to deplete rivers and aquifers. You could imagine sparing land that could grow produce and other water-intensive crops.”

    To Auth, the term doesn’t just encompass futuristic hopes of unlocking miracle solutions by increasing electricity supply; it has immediate importance for the world’s hundreds of millions who lack access to electricity, and the even greater numbers whose countries’ development is hampered by inadequate power infrastructure.

    “Outside of the U.S. and Europe, across Africa and Southeast Asia, we need a lot more power,” Auth said. “People need not only basic electricity services, but they need to build competitive economies, they need to build modern industry, they need to build manufacturing facilities, and to be climate resilient. They need electricity for air conditioning and all sorts of infrastructure. So I think abundance to me means that we need to be extremely ambitious in the scope and speed at which we try to build out energy infrastructure around the world.”

    In Wright’s confirmation hearing, he spoke eloquently of the tragedy of energy poverty and the need for electrification in developing countries. “I think we’re going to see more abundant energy resources coming out of our country and hopefully out of the world so that everyone else can live lives like we do,” he said.

    “I appreciated Chris Wright drawing attention to the fact that, here in the U.S., we take for granted that the lights will be on and that we have refrigerators and televisions, and that’s just simply not the reality for millions and millions of people,” said Auth, of the Energy for Growth Hub.

    But Wright’s commitment to energy abundance stood in marked contrast to the agenda, augured in Project 2025, that seems to underlie Trump’s executive orders so far, which would make it very difficult for Wright to act on his stated priorities of increased energy supply and funding for research and development.

    Trump started off his second administration by declaring an “energy emergency” — but followed this up by unilaterally freezing all new permitting and leasing for wind energy in federal lands and waters. The president then attempted last week to freeze many federal grants and loans — an order that threw the government into chaos and whose current status is contested. And Trump’s blanket freeze of foreign aid has already gouged the administration’s ability to make good on Wright’s vision of helping the developing world electrify: Programs like Power Africa, which directed USAID funds toward ending energy poverty in Africa, are now in question and, according to Auth, may have already been halted.

    The president’s moves raise the question of how exactly Wright, as energy secretary, can ensure “energy abundance” if his boss isn’t on board.

    “From day one, the incoming Trump administration dispelled any pretense of supporting energy abundance,” said Tyler Norris, a Duke University doctoral fellow and former special adviser at the Department of Energy, in an email. “Instead, it is taking the unprecedented step of leveraging the executive’s emergency powers to block energy resources the president dislikes. To the extent Mr. Wright favors energy abundance, he faces a steep uphill battle against a White House controlled by ideologues who appear more focused on waging tribal energy warfare than solving real-world problems.”

    “You see shades of energy abundance in both parties,” Trembath said. On the Republican side, he pointed to the emergence of the term “‘energy dominance’ — which I think is really a Trumpy spin on the idea of energy abundance.” And among Democrats, energy abundance can practically be described as the guiding vision of the last four years’ American energy policy, which combined massive federal investments in green technology with record levels of oil and gas production. “The Biden administration and Democrats in the Department of Energy and Congress had their own vision of abundance articulated in the Inflation Reduction Act and the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act,” Trembath said.

    But both parties also have their corners of resistance to the energy-maximization agenda, for motivations ranging from conservationism on the part of environmental groups to profit on the part of fossil fuel companies who see renewables as an existential threat. And while liberals and the regulations they pass often get cast as the villains in the endlessly proliferating laments about America’s lost industrial age, the new administration is showing its ability to use the same tools to its ends. 

    “A very cogent argument could be made that Trump’s executive orders so far are not in the spirit of energy abundance or energy dominance; they’re draping more red tape over projects they don’t like,” Trembath said. “This is the NIMBY proceduralism that Republicans complain about with drilling for oil and gas, but when the shoe’s on the other foot they’re happy to weaponize the National Environmental Policy Act against projects they don’t like.”

    Wright’s ability to increase energy production will be hobbled by the fact that the Energy Department simply doesn’t directly control the building or permitting of most new energy infrastructure, or write the rules that govern it. The most substantial portion of the department’s budget is spent on the maintenance of the nation’s nuclear weapons arsenal. The DOE’s primary levers of influence over the nation’s electricity grids are the purse strings for investments in new technologies and subsidies for project developers — and even in those areas, the money must be approved by Congress and, politically speaking, ultimately subject to the president’s agenda. 

    “EPA actually has more say over regulating energy infrastructure than DOE; the Interior Department has more say over leasing of public lands,” said Trembath. “In terms of building and regulating and permitting infrastructure, it’s largely out of the remit of the DOE. Likewise, Congress is in charge of what gets spent at the DOE.”

    There are some arenas in which Wright will have the power to enact his ambitions, like liquefied natural gas terminals, for which Trump has lifted a Biden administration moratorium and the DOE issues permits. Another is buying and selling oil from the Strategic Petroleum Reserve in order to stabilize energy prices, a practice heavily used by Biden’s energy secretary Jennifer Granholm. Finally, the Department of Energy controls a once-obscure energy financing agency called the Loan Programs Office, which came into the public eye as the most prominent vehicle for the Biden administration’s climate investments under the leadership of Jigar Shah, a former solar developer who likes to talk about “energy abundance” (the phrase appears in his Twitter bio).

    One signal of Wright’s intentions arose during his confirmation hearings, when the energy committee’s Republican chair, Mike Lee, asked him to commit to immediately suspending the issuance of new Loan Programs Office loans on the basis of a Trump-appointed inspector general’s report alleging conflicts of interest in the contracts the office had awarded. Wright said he was aware of the report, but did not commit to suspending new loans.

    However, the question — and Wright’s authority to decide how to proceed — was soon preempted by the administration’s funding freeze. For the time being, the office is effectively shut down.

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Trump’s agenda won’t let his energy secretary achieve ‘energy abundance’ on Feb 4, 2025.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • This coverage is made possible through a partnership with Grist and Interlochen Public Radio in Northern Michigan.

    The owners of a shuttered nuclear plant on the shores of Lake Michigan are still banking on its historic reopening later this year, despite the confusion of President Donald Trump’s first days. 

    The Palisades Nuclear Plant ran for over 50 years in southwest Michigan’s Covert Township before it went offline, seemingly for good, in 2022. Soon after, lawmakers across the political spectrum and owner Holtec International pushed for a reversal. Holtec officials say they’re confident in the restart, partly because Trump’s administration has signaled strong support for nuclear power. 

    However, Trump’s messaging on nuclear hasn’t been uniform in the past, and more confusion has been kicked up by orders to pause Inflation Reduction Act funding and a now-rescinded memo calling to temporarily pause all federal loans and grants. 

    Such an environment could complicate things for projects like Palisades that require stability to plan for, say, large capital investments, according to Josh Freed, senior vice president for climate and energy at the centrist think tank Third Way.

    The nuclear industry needs to know that policies, regulations, and promised funding “are actually delivered on time and in predictable ways,” he said. (Third Way supports the restart.)

    The White House Office of Management and Budget did not respond to requests for comment. 

    There’s been renewed interest in nuclear power — and restarting mothballed plants — amid increased demand for electricity from technologies like data centers and efforts to lower greenhouse gas emissions.

    Last year, the Biden administration pledged about $2.8 billion in Inflation Reduction Act funding toward the restart and other clean energy, including a $1.5 billion loan for Holtec and $1.3 billion in grants to help two rural electric cooperatives purchase that power: Indiana-based Hoosier Energy and Michigan’s Wolverine Power Cooperative.

    Based in northern Michigan, Wolverine plans to buy over half of Palisades’ energy — whether or not it receives the estimated $650 million in IRA funding, which the co-op said would be passed along to customers.

    Michigan law requires 100 percent clean energy by 2040, and it considers nuclear power clean. The state is allocating $300 million for the plant’s restart, which is expected to bring back 800 megawatts of power — enough for some 800,000 homes.

    Wolverine officials said this would allow their members to reach the state’s energy goals a decade ahead of time. Zach Anderson, the chief operating officer, said during an interview with Grist in October that Palisades was a “perfect fit” for the co-op.

    If the restart doesn’t happen, he said Wolverine wouldn’t lose money, but would have to take more time and “a lot more solar to replace something like Palisades.”

    Now the co-op is figuring out what to make of Trump’s orders to pause and review IRA spending, and subsequent guidelines.

    Officials with Holtec maintain that they don’t pose a problem, and that the Department of Energy will stick to the $1.5 billion loan. As for the power purchase agreement with the electric cooperatives, it “was completed well before any grants were factored in,” said spokesperson Patrick O’Brien in an email. 

    Nuclear power is polarizing, and behind the latest deluge of executive actions, the debate continues around whether and how much to rely on, invest in, and develop it. 

    Critics — and even Trump himself — have pointed to the industry’s history of delays and going over budget, like the new Vogtle reactors in Georgia, which came online years behind schedule.

    Kevin Kamps, a radioactive waste specialist with the group Beyond Nuclear, thinks the Palisades restart is ill-advised.

    “This is unprecedented risk taking that they’re talking about now. They’ve never done this before. It’s not needed,” he said. “Renewables are really the way to go, not resurrecting very problematic nuclear power plants.”

    Beyond Nuclear has been an outspoken critic of Holtec, with longstanding concerns including radioactive contamination and nuclear waste storage. It has also intervened in the licensing process for the restart. Kamps said if necessary, they will take the matter to federal court.

    “We’ll fight it as long as we can, till the last opportunity,” he said. “We feel that strongly about it.”

    Environmental groups like Sierra Club Michigan have spoken against the restart as well, urging the state to develop renewables and energy storage instead. 

    While renewable energy has been on the rise — and generated over a fifth of the country’s electricity in 2023 — nuclear power is the third-largest source, something its supporters say can’t be dismissed. A common argument for nuclear is that it provides a baseload of power necessary to supplement less reliable renewable technologies harnessing the sun and wind.

    Of course, developing nuclear power is expensive. Allison Macfarlane, a professor and director of the University of British Columbia’s school of public policy who chaired the U.S. Nuclear Regulatory Commission from 2012 to 2014, said advancing nuclear technology, including things like smaller reactors, will require federal support.  

    “To bring any of these new technologies to a real commercial level will take an investment of tens to hundreds of billions of dollars. The only place where you can find that amount of money is the government,” she said, pointing out that the Trump administration wants to cut costs. 

    There are also procedural obstacles. Before reopening the Palisades plant, Holtec must get approval from the Nuclear Regulatory Commission, which will assess the facility, including its safety and infrastructure. For instance, inspectors are looking at issues with the plant’s steam generators, and regulators have called Holtec’s timeline “very, very demanding.” 

    More broadly, the recent funding back-and-forth may complicate the landscape for nuclear, according to Tyler Norris, who worked in the Department of Energy during the Obama administration and is now a fellow at Duke University. 

    “Based on real-world conversations with regulators, I can say firsthand that the uncertainty the Trump administration has created around the future of these programs is dampening the investment environment for advanced nuclear,” Norris said. 

    Others say Trump’s support for nuclear is clear in signs like his pick for energy secretary, fossil fuel executive Chris Wright, who has talked about expanding it. Quill Robinson, a senior advisor with the right-of-center nonprofit ConservAmerica, thinks that could continue.

    “For many Republicans who have questions about the intermittency issues of wind and solar and the concentration of renewable supply chains in China, they see nuclear as a solution that also happens to be quite environmentally friendly,” he said. “So I would imagine that this administration is going to be pretty bullish on [nuclear] technology.”

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline A Michigan nuclear plant is slated to restart, but Trump could complicate things on Jan 31, 2025.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • This coverage is made possible through a partnership between Grist and Verite News, a nonprofit news organization with a mission to produce in-depth journalism in underserved communities in the New Orleans area.

    Despite President Donald Trump’s calls to “drill, baby, drill,” many oil companies operating in the Gulf of Mexico will likely do what they’ve done for years: sit on hundreds of untapped oil leases across millions of acres. 

    Trump has repeatedly said eliminating barriers to drilling will unlock vast untapped reserves of “liquid gold” and ignite a new era of national prosperity. But most of the drilling leases already granted to companies in the oil-rich Gulf are idle and unused, and they’ll stay that way until the United States’ record-breaking production rates wane and the high costs of drilling offshore drop precipitously. 

    Of the 2,206 active leases in the Gulf, only a fifth are producing oil, according to records from the Bureau of Ocean Energy Management, which regulates offshore drilling. Oil industry executives and analysts say the current number of 448 oil-producing leases is unlikely to grow significantly, even if Trump makes good on promises to expand leasing opportunities and expedite drilling permits. 

    The market is saturated with oil, making companies reluctant to spend more money drilling because the added product will likely push prices down, cutting into profits. 

    “It’s not the regulations that are getting in the way, it’s the economics,” said Hugh Daigle, a professor of petroleum engineering at the University of Texas in Austin. “It’s true that there are a bunch of undeveloped leases in the Gulf, and it’ll stay that way if we continue to see low or stagnant oil prices.”

    A bar chart showing the number of acres and count of leases for oil leases in the Gulf of Mexico, broken down by active versus producing leases. Active acreage and lease counts drastically outpace producing leases.
    Clayton Aldern / Grist / Peter Olexa / Unsplash

    Global oil production is expected to grow more than demand over the next two years, likely forcing the price of crude to drop 8 percent in 2025 and another 11 percent next year, according to a January forecast from the U.S. Energy Information Administration, or EIA.

    The Gulf accounts for 97 percent of all offshore oil and gas production in the U.S. Nearly 12 million acres are under active leases in the Gulf, but only about 2.4 million acres are being used to produce oil and gas, according to BOEM data.

    So, what’s the actual benefit of a quicker and easier regulatory process for companies that don’t appear to need more leases?

    “It’s simple,” said Brett Hartl, the Center for Biological Diversity’s government affairs director. “The companies make more money when they have to spend less time and effort on permits and environmental regulations and mitigation.”

    A host of environmental and worker safety rules enacted after the 2010 Deepwater Horizon oil disaster has made obtaining a lease and drilling permit a multi-year process. Companies must demonstrate their operations are prepared to deal with potential blowouts and worst-case-scenario discharges, and all drilling platform designs and materials must undergo certification by independent engineers. 

    It’s unclear how the Trump administration will change these and other offshore drilling rules. During Trump’s first term, his administration loosened requirements for offshore well designs, materials, and monitoring technology. Former President Joe Biden reinstated most of these rules. 

    Oil companies cheered Trump’s recent calls for a more streamlined process and a series of energy-related executive orders he signed this month. The orders declared an “energy emergency,” expanded drilling in the Arctic and repealed Biden’s ban on drilling off the East and West coasts and parts of Alaska. 

    “Directing regulators to expand access to resources [and] streamline permitting processes … will help deliver a stronger, more prosperous energy future for all Americans,” Mike Sommers, president of the American Petroleum Institute, said in a statement last week. “This is a new day for American energy, and we applaud President Trump for moving swiftly to chart a new path where U.S. oil and natural gas are embraced, not restricted.”

    But industry leaders have also been clear that these and other policy changes floated by Trump won’t lead to more drilling. The U.S. is already producing more crude oil than any country, ever, according to the EIA. Last year’s production rate of 13 million barrels per day was a new record high, surpassing the previous record set in 2023.

    “I don’t think today that production in the U.S. is constrained,” ExxonMobil CEO Darren Woods told Semafor in November. “So, I don’t know that there’s an opportunity to unleash a lot of production in the near term, because most operators in the U.S. are [already] optimizing their production today.”

    In essence, oil is just too cheap to justify more drilling. If prices do go up, companies are likely to tap into Permian Basin shale in Texas and New Mexico rather than seek offshore reserves, which cost more to drill, according to industry analysts.  

    But that doesn’t mean companies won’t snap up even more offshore leases if they’re offered, Daigle said. 

    “Some of these (leases) might be drilled in the future, but many are being held just so somebody else doesn’t lease them,” he said. Companies may also stockpile leases to raise funds from investors, or they may simply be playing “mind games” with competitors. Buying up leases in one area of the Gulf can sometimes throw rival drillers off the scent of richer deposits elsewhere, Daigle said. 

    Leases have been sold too quickly and cheaply in recent decades, according to a 2021 report by the U.S. Department of the Interior, which oversees BOEM. This fast and loose approach “shortchanges taxpayers” and encourages “speculators to purchase leases with the intent of waiting for increases in resource prices, adding assets to their balance sheets, or even reselling leases at profit rather than attempting to produce oil or gas,” the report said. 

    “More leases may make the companies look good, on paper, to investors,” said Tom Pelton, communications director for the Environmental Integrity Project, an environmental watchdog group. “But they won’t necessarily even produce more oil and gas. And they certainly will not be good for the climate or clean water.”

    If Trump really wanted to slash energy prices for U.S. consumers, he wouldn’t have banned offshore wind leasing in federal waters or restarted permitting for new liquefied natural gas (LNG) export terminals, said Scott Eustis, the community science director for Healthy Gulf, a nonprofit environmental group. 

    Shipping LNG overseas contributes to higher electricity and natural gas prices in the U.S., according to a recent U.S. Department of Energy report.

    “LNG exports make everybody’s energy cost more because we’re giving it to China and not using it domestically,” Eustis said. 

    Beyond the economics, giving companies an easier route to secure leases and permits does little more than put the Gulf at risk of another Deepwater Horizon-scale disaster, Hartl said.

    “The only result we’ll have is more risky drilling,” he said. “And then the question is not ‘if’ but ‘when’ we’ll have the next catastrophic spill in the Gulf.”

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Trump wants more drilling, but the oil market is already saturated on Jan 31, 2025.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • During his first week in office, President Trump withdrew from the Paris climate agreement, declared an energy emergency, renewed his vow to “drill, baby, drill,” and began dismantling American climate policy. That has left environmental advocates looking to states to lead the nation’s efforts to burn fewer fossil fuels — and a report released Wednesday shows there is much more they can do.

    One of the most powerful tools at each state’s disposal is the ability to work with utilities to encourage energy efficiency. But, the report from the American Council for an Energy-Efficient Economy, or ACEEE, details how only 26 states, along with the District of Columbia, have established a so-called “energy efficiency resource standard,” or EERS. These targets, set by legislators or utility regulators, require utilities to implement programs — such as weatherization or rebates on appliances — that cut energy consumption by a certain amount each year.

    “There is more work that needs to be done,” said Jasmine Mah, a senior research analyst at the Council and an author of the report. Since 2012, just three states have added such a standard, while New Hampshire, Ohio, and Iowa repealed theirs in favor of less ambitious or scaled back programing. Arizona is also pursuing a rollback. Mah says the report is aimed at state policymakers and regulators, who could shift that tide. 

    “We hope that highlighting the positive impacts of having an EERS in place would encourage states to pass a policy,” she said. An earlier ACEE report found that, as of 2017, states with an energy efficiency resource standard saw four times the electricity savings as states without one. In 2023, states with such a plan accounted for about 59 percent of the U.S. population but 82 percent of the savings.

    “States aren’t doing this just because of climate change,” said Barry Rabe, a political scientist at the University of Michigan who studies energy and climate politics. “There is an economic advantage.”

    Fossil-fuel friendly Texas, Rabe noted, was the first to adopt an EERS in 1999. But efficiency can become less of a priority when energy supplies are abundant and costs are stable. “The decline in interest,” Rabe said, “has in some degree coincided with the massive increase in natural gas use in the U.S.” 

    Still, the Council also found that many states have gone beyond baseline policies and implemented what the report dubs “next-generation” initiatives that aim to lower greenhouse gas emissions, spur electrification, serve lower-income populations, and reduce consumers’ financial energy burdens. All but four of the 27 states (including DC) with an energy efficiency resource standard have implemented at least one such effort, but only nine have adopted all of them, leaving plenty of room for growth. 

    “We found that low income targets are the most common complimentary goal related to efficiency standards,” said Mah. “[But] not many states had provisions for energy affordability.”

    The report spotlights five states that have been particularly effective at employing these programs. Illinois has targeted using only clean energy by 2050. Massachusetts aims to install half a million heat pumps by 2030. Michigan mandates that utilities dedicate at least 25 to 35 of their energy efficiency funding to programs serving low-income customers. Utilities in New York and Minnesota have capped the portion of a customer’s income that can go toward utility costs at 6 and 4 percent, respectively.

    President Trump’s push to repeal the 2022 Inflation Reduction Act, or IRA, likely won’t impact state EERSs because they are generally funded through fees added to utility bills. “We see that as probably the best way to bring significant funds,” said Justin Brant, the utility program director at the Southwest Energy Efficiency Project. 

    Critics of Arizona’s EERS, which was adopted in 2010, point to the $3 billion cost to customers. “Utilities should select the most cost-effective energy mix to provide reliable and affordable service, without being constrained by government-imposed mandates that make it more expensive for their customers,” said Arizona Corporation Commissioner Nick Myers, in a statement last year. But the state’s largest electric utility found that, in 2023, EERS investments reaped about twice as much in returns as was spent

    “We’re saving money for all customers, even those who aren’t participating,” said Brant. 

    The IRA does provide nearly $9 billion for energy efficiency and electrification programs, almost all of which is distributed via states and could be used on next-generation programs, like those serving low-income households. That money has already been awarded. But the Republican-controlled Congress could roll back federal tax credits for energy efficiency and electrification, which indirectly make it easier for states to achieve their energy efficiency resource standard and next-generation goals. 

    Brant says he would add another policy to the Council’s “next-generation” wishlist for states: programs that encourage customers to spread out the timing of their daily energy use. Lower peak demand means power plants don’t need to be as large and that, he said, will be especially critical as renewable energy becomes an increasing part of the country’s electricity mix. 

    “​​Time shift is not something that this report looked at,” he said. “I think that’s another piece that needs to be prioritized.”

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Almost half of US states haven’t done the bare minimum to cut utility bills on Jan 29, 2025.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • One of the biggest myths about renewable energy is that it isn’t reliable. Sure, the sun sets every night and winds calm down, putting solar panels and turbines to sleep. But when those renewables are humming, they’re providing the grid with electricity and charging banks of batteries, which then supply power at night. 

    A new study in the journal Renewable Energy that looked at California’s deployment of renewable power highlights just how reliable the future of energy might be. It found that last year, from late winter to early summer, renewables fulfilled 100 percent of the state’s electricity demand for up to 10 hours on 98 of 116 days, a record for California. Not only were there no blackouts during that time, thanks in part to backup battery power, but at their peak the renewables provided up to 162 percent of the grid’s needs — adding extra electricity California could export to neighboring states or use to fill batteries. 

    “This study really finds that we can keep the grid stable with more and more renewables,” said Mark Z. Jacobson, a civil and environmental engineer at Stanford University and lead author of the new paper. “Every major renewable — geothermal, hydro, wind, solar in particular, even offshore wind — is lower cost than fossil fuels” on average, globally.

    Yet Californians pay the second highest rates for electricity in the country. That’s not because of renewables, but in part because utilities’ electrical equipment has set off wildfires — like the Camp Fire started by Pacific Gas and Electric’s power lines, which devastated the town of Paradise and killed 85 people — and now they’re passing the costs that come from lawsuits and burying transmission lines to their customers. While investigators don’t know for sure what sparked all of the wildfires that have ravaged Los Angeles this month, they’ll be scrutinizing electrical equipment in the area. Power lines are especially prone to failing in high winds, like the 100-mile-per-hour gusts that turned these Southern California fires into monsters.

    Even with the incessant challenge of wildfires, California utilities are rapidly shifting to clean energy, with about half of the state’s power generated by renewables like hydropower, wind, and solar. The study compared 116 days in 2024 to the same period in 2023 and discovered California’s output from solar was 31 percent higher and wind 8 percent. After increasing more than 30-fold between 2020 and 2023, the state’s battery capacity doubled between 2023 and 2024, and is now equivalent to the juice produced by more than four nuclear power plants. According to the study, all that new clean tech helped California’s power plants burn 40 percent less fossil fuel for electricty last year.

    Those batteries help grid operators be more flexible in meeting demand for electricity, which tends to peak when people return home in the early evening and switch on appliances like air conditioners — just when the grid is losing solar power. “Now we’re seeing the batteries get charged up in the middle of the day, and then meet the portion of the demand in the evening, especially during those hot summer days,” said Mark Rothleder, chief operating officer of the California Independent System Operator, the nonprofit that runs the state’s grid.

    Another pervasive myth about renewables is that they won’t be able to support a lot more electric vehicles, induction stoves, and heat pumps plugging into the grid. But here, too, California busts the myth: Between 2023 and 2024, demand on the state’s grid during the study period actually dropped by about 1 percent.

    Why? In part because some customers installed their own solar panels, using that free solar energy instead of drawing power from the grid. In 2016, almost none of those customers had batteries to store that solar power to use at night. But battery adoption rose each of the following years, reaching 13 percent of buildings installing solar in 2023, then skyrocketing to 38 percent last year. (That is, of the 1,222 megawatts of solar capacity added last year, 464 megawatts included batteries.) That reduces demand on the grid because those customers can now use their solar power at night. 

    Batteries also help utilities get better returns on their investments in solar panels. A solar farm makes all its money selling electricity during the day. But if it has batteries attached to the farm, it can also provide energy in the evening, when electricity prices rise due to increased demand. “That evening battery contribution is very key to the economics working out well,” said Jan Kleissl, director of the Center for Energy Research at the University of California, San Diego, who wasn’t involved in the new paper. 

    So utilities are incentivized to invest in batteries, which also provide reliable backup power to avoid blackouts. But like any technology, batteries can fail. Last week, a battery storage plant caught fire on California’s central coast, the largest of its kind in the world, but it only knocked out 2 percent of the state’s energy storage capacity. A grid fully running on renewables will have a lot of redundancy built in, beyond multiple battery plants: Electric school buses and other EVs, for instance, are beginning to send power back to the grid when a utility needs it — a potentially vast network of backup energy.

    But here’s where the economics get funky. The more renewables on the grid, the lower the electricity prices tend to be for customers, according to the new study. From October 1, 2023 to September 30, 2024, South Dakota, Montana, and Iowa provided 110 percent, 87 percent, and 79 percent, respectively, of their electricity demand with renewables, particularly wind and hydropower. Accordingly, the three have some of the lowest electricity prices in the country. 

    California, on the other hand, got 47 percent of its power from renewables over the same period, yet wildfires and other factors have translated into higher electricity prices. The California Public Utilities Commission, for instance, authorized its three largest utilities to collect $27 billion in wildfire prevention and insurance costs from ratepayers between 2019 and 2023.

    Climate change is making California ever more prone to burn — a growing challenge for utilities. But the state’s banner year for solar and batteries just poked a whole lot of holes in the notion that renewables aren’t reliable.

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline California just debunked a big myth about renewable energy on Jan 24, 2025.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • The Simpsons did nuclear power dirty. With towers looming over Springfield, three-eyed fish swimming the lake, and an inept Homer running things, the show’s nuclear power plant is a perpetual existential risk. It’s a reliable running gag to be sure, but also a reflection of a society that’s soured on what used to be the bountiful energy of the future.

    That turn has put human civilization in a pickle. The costs of renewables like wind and solar have fallen so sharply in recent years it’s caught even researchers off guard. Day by day, electric utilities around the United States are finding clever ways to store that energy, like tapping into idled electric school buses and using the earth itself as a giant battery. Still, humans can’t make the sun always shine and the wind always blow, so currently utilities have to burn planet-warming natural gas in power plants when renewables aren’t available.

    Nuclear power plants generate electricity cleanly and reliably, but the technology has fallen out of favor. “When nuclear power burst on the scene, it was the first time that we would break with scarcity that we had known throughout human history,” said environmental journalist Marco Visscher, author of the book The Power of Nuclear: The Rise, Fall and Return of Our Mightiest Energy Source, publishing today. “This abundant energy source bloomed, and this was nothing less than a revolution.”

    Through the early 1980s, operators started construction on an average of 19 new reactors a year. But as Visscher recounts, a variety of factors conspired to turn nuclear power from a miracle technology into a villain — and the butt of Simpsons jokes — thanks in large part to Chernobyl and other accidents. By the 1990s, new projects dropped to just a handful each year. Now, though, nuclear is once again having a moment, potentially working alongside renewables to accelerate the decarbonization of the grid, or even power data centers and artificial intelligence models. Grist sat down with Visscher to talk about the technology’s roller coaster history. 

    This conversation has been condensed and edited for clarity.

    Q. Going back to the early history of nuclear energy, it started with the horrific use of atomic weapons against Japan. It transformed into this technology that in its early days, people really did think was going to be the future of energy. 

    A. When the first nuclear plants opened in the 1950s and early 1960s, there were these grand promises: It’s clean, it’s cheap, it’s modern. It could power plants for desalination, so there would be plenty of clean water around the world. It could produce fertilizer on a large scale, so that yields would be much higher. Nuclear energy could provide the fuel for trains and ships and airplanes. 

    Q. A section of the book talks about regulation becoming a problem, but not in the way people might think. Perhaps there was an overabundance of caution that started to turn nuclear power into something the public should worry about.

    A. Regulation of nuclear power came through fears of exposure to radiation. These fears had originally everything to do with fear of nuclear war and the fear that people would get sick from the fallout. When nuclear plants were being built, people started to wonder: Isn’t that a source of radiation as well? Couldn’t their radiation somehow escape? Or if an accident occurs, what if it could explode like a bomb? In the ‘50s and 1960s, there was a call for more regulation, and the regulation was all about keeping radiation as low as reasonably achievable.

    The focus became on safety, and the safety limits for a safe dose got lowered over and over again. Meanwhile, the coal industry, for instance, didn’t have all these regulations, nor did natural gas plants. So those industries could innovate, they could become more effective. But the nuclear power industry seemed sort of paralyzed by this narrow focus on bringing down any possible exposure to radiation.

    Q. On top of that, we have a few disasters — Three Mile Island, Chernobyl, and Fukushima. But you argue in the book that among energy disasters — especially considering the ravages of climate change, brought about by the burning of fossil fuels — they were used to further beat down the nuclear industry.

    A. Chernobyl was, of course, a unique design, in unique circumstances. But those reactors have no similarities to the reactors used in the U.S. at that time, but still, reactors in the U.S. had to go through multiple safety updates. It brought in money for some companies working in the nuclear sector, but it didn’t make the nuclear power plant any safer.

    All these fears and all the suspicions gave rise to the idea that any accident in a nuclear power plant must be some kind of apocalypse. But the reality is much more mundane. It’s nothing like the fantasies that we have in our heads. You just called Three Mile Island a disaster, but really the radiation that was leaked into the environment was so low it didn’t cause any health effects. 

    In Fukushima, nobody died of radiation. Nobody will die of radiation. This is the scientific consensus on Fukushima: There’s no discernible increase in cancer or in birth defects or heart attacks or deformities in coming generations. 

    But these accidents didn’t help the nuclear industry to move on. After Fukushima, Germany decided to close down its nuclear reactors one by one. Japan did the same. Accidents rarely happen, but they have a huge impact.

    Q. As the world turned on nuclear power and started decommissioning plants, we had to get that electricity somehow, and it was largely from natural gas. Can you talk about that missed opportunity, that transition, and our doubling down on natural gas as we’re waiting for renewables to ramp up?

    A. What typically happens when a nuclear plant closes, a natural gas plant opens later on. Nuclear is a competitor to coal and natural gas, not so much to renewables, and this is simply because a nuclear power plant can be turned on and off, just like a coal plant and a natural gas plant. They work when you want, basically, and this is different with renewables like wind and solar that are dependent on the weather.

    Q. You write that renewables can’t provide reliable power on their own. But utilities are finding more ways to store that energy in battery banks and other long-duration energy storage systems. Is there not a future where we can rely on renewables exclusively? Do we need nuclear?

    A. Maybe one day it will be possible to run the entire world on renewables. I think it makes so much more sense to look at a proven technology that is available and that has shown that it can decarbonize the economy of a modern society. 

    Of course, nuclear power and wind and solar can work together, right? All societies, all economies, need base load power so there is a continuous, available, reliable source of energy that ensures there is enough electricity to meet demand. There is energy poverty in the world, and there will be such a rising demand for electricity in the next decades,

    Q. Unlike fossil fuels, which are stagnant — there’s really no improving natural gas or coal — many companies are working on things like small modular nuclear reactors. Do you think that will help nuclear power grow once again?

    A. Some of these designs are intended for remote areas. Others are designed for coastal cities. All of them are said to be cheaper, of course — more efficient, easier to build. They’re safer. Some say they require less uranium and produce less waste.

    But I was thinking: Why exactly do we need innovation? And it seemed to me that many of these innovations are designed to comfort people. Reactors should be smaller because we don’t like things to be big — small is beautiful, that’s an environmental credo. We love hearing that it is safer — at least some of the startups think so — because we think that nuclear power is so dangerous. 

    I don’t want to be too cynical or skeptical about small modular reactors. I think they serve a purpose. They may have a psychological effect, because small modular reactors may allow long-time critics of nuclear power to ease up, to open up. Those are reactors I’m okay with.

    Q. What, in your opinion, does the world risk by not going all in on nuclear?

    A. We are going to have to live with climate change anyway. I don’t think nuclear or any technology can stop global warming, to the extent that we do not feel the consequences anymore. That doesn’t mean that we’re screwed, and that doesn’t mean that we don’t have to do anything. It means we’ll have to step up and do much more. 

    It would be ridiculous not to use nuclear power. It would be a crime to close down nuclear power plants that function perfectly fine, as they have done in Germany, but also in other countries. And I think there should be much more of an awareness eventually in politics that we can beat the fossil fuel industry if we really expand our nuclear fleet.

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Will the world fall in love with nuclear power once more? on Jan 7, 2025.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • Like wildfires chewing through dried-out forests, hurricane after hurricane fed on extra-hot ocean water this summer and fall before slamming into communities along the Gulf Coast, causing hundreds of billions of dollars in damages and killing more than 300 people. The warmer the sea, the more potent the hurricane fuel, and the more energy a storm can consume and turn into wind. 

    Human-made climate change made all of this season’s 11 hurricanes — from Beryl to Rafael — much worse, according to an analysis released on Wednesday from the nonprofit science group Climate Central. Scientists can already say that 2024 is the hottest year on record. By helping drive record-breaking surface ocean temperatures, planetary warming boosted the hurricanes’ maximum sustained wind speeds by between 9 and 28 miles per hour.

    That bumped seven of this year’s storms into a higher category on the Saffir-Simpson Hurricane Wind Scale, including the two Category 5 storms, Beryl and Milton. “Our analysis shows that we would have had zero Category 5 storms without human-caused climate change,” said Daniel Gilford, climate scientist at Climate Central, on a press call. “There’s really this impact on the intensity of the storms that we’re experiencing in the real world on a day-to-day basis.”

    In a companion study also released Wednesday, Climate Central found that between 2019 and 2023, climate change accelerated hurricane wind speeds by an average of 18 mph. More than 80 percent of the hurricanes in that period were made significantly more intense by global warming, the study found. 

    That’s making hurricanes more dangerous than ever. An 18 mph boost in wind speeds might not sound like much, but that can mean the difference between a Category 4 and a Category 5, which packs sustained winds of 157 mph or higher. Hurricanes have gotten so much stronger, scientists are considering modifying the scale. “The hurricane scale is capped at Category 5, but we might need to think about: Should that continue to be the case?” said Friederike Otto, a climatologist who cofounded the research group World Weather Attribution, on the press call. “Or do we have to talk about Category 6 hurricanes at some point? Just so that people are aware that something is going to hit them that is different from everything else they’ve experienced before.”

    Hurricanes need a few ingredients to spin up. One is fuel: As warm ocean waters evaporate, energy transfers from the surface into the atmosphere. Another is humidity, because dry air will help break up a storm system. And a hurricane also can’t form if there’s too much wind shear, which is a change in wind speed and direction with height. So even if a hurricane has high ocean temperatures to feed on, that’s not necessarily a guarantee that it will turn into a monster if wind shear is excessive and humidity is minimal. 

    Climate Central

    But during this year’s hurricane season — which runs through the end of November — those water temperatures have been so extreme that the stage was set for catastrophe. As the storms were traveling through the open Atlantic, Caribbean Sea, and Gulf of Mexico, they exploited surface temperatures made up to 800 times more likely by human-caused planetary warming, according to the Climate Central analysis. Four of the most destructive hurricanes — Beryl, Debby, Helene, and Milton — had their wind speeds increased by an average of 17 mph, thanks to climate change. In early November, Hurricane Rafael managed to jump from Category 1 to Category 3.

    Climate Central’s companion study, published in the journal Environmental Research: Climate, looked at the five previous years and found that climate change boosted three hurricanes — Lorenzo in 2019, Ian in 2022, and Lee in 2023 — to Category 5 status. That isn’t to say climate change created any of these hurricanes, just that the additional warming from greenhouse gas emissions exacerbated the storms by raising ocean temperatures. Scientists are also finding that as the planet warms, hurricanes are able to dump more rain. In October, World Weather Attribution, for instance, found that Helene’s rainfall in late September was 10 percent heavier, making flooding worse as the storm marched inland.

    All that supercharging might have helped hurricanes undergo rapid intensification, defined as an increase in wind speed of at least 35 mph within 24 hours. Last month, Hurricane Milton’s winds skyrocketed by 90 mph in a day, one of the fastest rates of intensification that scientists have ever seen in the Atlantic basin. In September, Hurricane Helene rapidly intensified, too

    This kind of intensification makes hurricanes particularly dangerous, since people living on a stretch of coastline might be preparing for a much weaker storm than what actually makes it ashore. “It throws off your preparations,” said Karthik Balaguru, a climate scientist who studies hurricanes at the Pacific Northwest National Laboratory who wasn’t involved in the new research. “It means you have less time to evacuate.”

    Researchers are also finding that wind shear could be decreasing in coastal areas due to changes in atmospheric patterns, removing the mechanism that keeps hurricanes in check. And relative humidity is rising. Accordingly, scientists have found a huge increase in the number of rapid intensification events close to shore in recent years.

    The hotter the planet gets overall, and the hotter the Atlantic Ocean gets specifically, the more monstrous hurricanes will grow. “We know that the speed limit at which a hurricane can spin is going up,” Gilford said, “and hurricane intensities in the real world are responding.”

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Climate change made all of this year’s Atlantic hurricanes so much worse on Nov 20, 2024.


    This content originally appeared on Grist and was authored by msimon.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • As President-elect Donald Trump gears up for his second term in January, things might appear bleak for those who want to see the United States tackle climate change. Trump has promised to expand fossil fuel production and undo much of President Joe Biden’s climate agenda, saying he would roll back environmental regulations, cut federal support for clean energy, and withdraw from the Paris climate agreement — again.

    But a certain brand of Republican still hopes to push the incoming administration to take on climate change, the “America First” way. In a statement congratulating Trump on his victory last week, the American Conservation Coalition, a Washington, D.C.-based group trying to build a conservative environmental movement, laid out the case for a cleaner future by emphasizing the economy, innovation, and competition with China. “In the 20th century, America put a man on the moon and the internet in the palm of our hands,” the group’s statement says. “Now, we will build a new era of American industry and win the clean energy arms race.”

    The lines read like they came from a parallel universe where Republicans, rather than Democrats, had prioritized taking on climate change. In reality, the belief that people are driving global warming is one of the issues where the partisan gap has widened the most over the last two decades, and Republican politicians regularly attack climate solutions like wind and solar power.

    But in recent years, behind the scenes, congressional Republicans have been talking to one another about how their party might be able to address rising carbon emissions. Even red states like Arkansas and Utah have quietly passed bipartisan policies that help the climate, though they’re often less ambitious than what Democrats propose and are rarely promoted as “climate action.”

    “I don’t think progress will stop,” said Renae Marshall, who researches bipartisan cooperation on climate change at the University of California, Santa Barbara. “I think it’ll just be harder.”

    Republicans aren’t a monolith, as 54 percent of them say they support the U.S. participating in international efforts to reduce the effects of climate change, and 60 and 70 percent, respectively, say they want more wind and solar farms. Younger Republicans in particular are also less supportive of expanding fossil fuels, Pew Research surveys show.

    “Climate change is less polarizing than we think,” said Matthew Burgess, an environmental economist at the University of Wyoming. “Let’s notice that, and say that out loud, and work with that.” 

    For an example of what’s politically possible, take the Energy Act of 2020, signed by Trump during the last year of his presidency. The law, which passed through a Democratic House and a Republican Senate, included investments in renewables, energy efficiency, carbon capture, and nuclear energy. It also phased down the production of hydrofluorocarbons, so-called super-pollutants that are thousands of times more potent than carbon dioxide at warming the atmosphere.

    Now with both the Senate and the House of Representatives in their control, Republicans see an opportunity to reform the permitting process for new energy projects. The idea is to make it faster and easier to approve both fossil fuel projects as well as clean energy ones. The United States’ recent surge in oil and gas development has already imperiled the world’s climate goals, so support for loosening rules for permits could backfire, but the American Conservation Coalition sees it as essential.

    “During a second Trump presidency, we can expect robust permitting reform efforts, making it possible to build again in America, paired with an energy dominance agenda that will put American energy first on the world stage and reduce global emissions,” said Danielle B. Franz, the coalition’s CEO, in a statement to Grist. “We advise those in the climate community to approach the second administration with good faith over skepticism.”

    Even if progress stalls at the federal level, precedent suggests that Republican-led states might pass energy policies that reduce emissions. During the same era Trump was last in office, from 2015 to 2020, Arkansas, South Carolina, and Utah enacted legislation to pave the way for expanding solar and wind power. Of the roughly 400 state-level bills to reduce carbon emissions from that time period, 28 percent of them passed through Republican-controlled legislatures, according to Marshall and Burgess’ research.

    Their analysis showed that these laws, which carried bipartisan support, had some key things in common. They tended to expand choices for energy rather than restricting them — think of removing red tape for solar projects, as opposed to banning new gas stoves. The bills that got bipartisan support were also more likely to emphasize the concept of “economic justice,” meaning that they aimed to help lower-income people, rather than use language related to race or gender. “The best way to depolarize it is to get it as far away from the culture wars as you can,” Burgess said.

    The rare Republican politicians who talk openly about climate change often distance themselves from their Democratic counterparts. “I think anybody that’s had a chance to hear me talk about climate understands that I do it from a very conservative perspective, so much so that the left would say, ‘You’re not serious about it,’” said Representative John Curtis from Utah, who was just elected to the Senate, in a conversation with reporters last month. 

    Curtis started the Conservative Climate Caucus in 2021 to get House Republicans talking to each other about climate change and thinking through what a conservative-friendly approach to the problem might look like, with the goal of offering alternatives to “radical progressive climate proposals that would hurt our economy, American workers, and national security,” according to the group’s site. The caucus now has 85 members.

    “It kind of serves as this, like, glue, this social capital glue, that helps them talk about climate together when they might not have otherwise,” said Marshall, who is keeping an eye on the caucus. Liberals sometimes question the usefulness of talking to Republicans about climate change, she said, but she believes bipartisanship is necessary for long-term progress.

    Even with Trump’s expected onslaught on regulations, Burgess expects U.S. greenhouse gas emissions to continue to steadily decline in the coming years, since states and businesses are doing a lot to cut carbon emissions. He also thinks that the climate policies Congress passed during the Biden era might be protected: They either passed with Republican support, or, in the case of the Inflation Reduction Act, which invests hundreds of billions of dollars in green technologies, mostly benefit Republican districts. Biden’s climate policies, Burgess said, “are almost perfectly designed to be bipartisan” — so it’s possible they might survive a second Trump administration mostly intact, in spite of all the bluster.

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline How Republicans (sometimes) get on board with climate action on Nov 15, 2024.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • After president-elect Donald Trump announced Lee Zeldin as his nominee to lead the Environmental Protection Agency, the former Republican representative from Long Island, New York, phoned into Fox News from Mar-a-Lago. 

    “You know, the EPA has been in some ways an enemy to a lot of these businesses across America, because they’ve had a long arm,” the Fox News presenter said after congratulating Zeldin on his nomination. “What do you plan to do at the EPA?”

    Zeldin proceeded to talk vaguely about reversing a slate of regulations that “are forcing businesses to struggle” and sending American jobs overseas. “We have the ability to pursue energy dominance, to be able to make the United States the artificial intelligence capital of the world,” he said. “President Trump cares about conserving the environment,” Zeldin added. “It’s a top priority.” 

    And then he returned to what seemed to be his main point: “So I’m excited to get to work to implement President Trump’s economic agenda.” 

    The second half of the six-minute interview was spent discussing other matters — New York Governor Kathy Hochul’s recent phone call with Trump, the indictment against the former president still making its way through New York’s supreme court.

    The whole conversation offered an indication of what to reasonably expect from the EPA over the next four years: Regulatory rollbacks for fossil fuel industries justified as boosts for the economy, and platitudes about the importance of clean air and water, without any mention of how those things will be achieved simultaneously. In a similar rhetorical tact, Trump said himself that Zeldin “will ensure fair and swift deregulatory decisions that will be enacted in a way to unleash the power of American businesses, while at the same time maintaining the highest environmental standards, including the cleanest air and water on the planet.”

    Without saying it directly, Zeldin signaled a tough road ahead for the thousands of community advocates that have spent years pushing for stronger regulations in the nation’s “sacrifice zones” — towns like Port Arthur, Texas and Lake Charles, Louisiana, where a concentration of fossil fuel infrastructure and petrochemical plants dump cancer-causing pollutants into the air and water. 

    Zeldin, a 44-year-old attorney and former army lieutenant, does not have a background in environmental policy. He made his foray into politics through the New York State Senate in 2011, serving until 2014. That year, he was elected to be the U.S. representative for the state’s first congressional district, which encompasses much of Long Island. 

    As a congressman, Zeldin did not serve on any subcommittees overseeing environmental policy. He regularly voted against progressive climate and environment policies, earning him a lifetime score of just 14 percent from the League of Conservation Voters, an advocacy group that tracks congress members’ positions on environmental legislation. At the height of the COVID-19 pandemic, in 2020, he voted against an amendment to block the EPA from finalizing a Trump-era soot standard that would expose communities of color to additional air pollution that studies have linked to increased COVID mortality. The amendment ultimately passed. 

    In 2021, Zeldin voted against a bill that would require public companies to disclose information about the climate risks of their business models. That bill passed as well. The following year, he supported a failed bill that would have rescinded U.S. participation in the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, a process that encourages international coordination on climate policy and includes participation in the annual U.N. climate conference.

    Notably, Zeldin voted in favor of a bill that would require the EPA to set a drinking water standard for PFAS and PFOA, the so-called “forever chemicals” that accumulate in the environment and have been linked to a range of cancers and other serious health issues. Last year, a local news station found that 33 of Long Island’s 48 water districts have traces of these chemicals in their drinking water.

    In 2022, Zeldin ran for governor of New York, and lost to Kathy Hochul.

    Zeldin’s appointment marks a departure from current EPA Administrator Michael Regan, whose term will expire when Trump assumes office in January. Unlike Zeldin, Regan has a background in environmental science, and before being nominated as administrator, served as secretary of North Carolina’s Department of Environmental Quality and worked as an air quality specialist in the EPA. As EPA administrator, he oversaw the Biden administration’s historic push towards environmental justice, which included community engagement sessions, the strengthening of national standards for particulate matter, and the overhaul of regulations for many chemical plants. 

    It remains to be seen whether and to what extent Regan’s initiatives and regulations will persist over the years of a second Trump administration. Zeldin’s nomination will have to be confirmed with a vote from the Senate, which gained a Republican majority in the elections earlier this month.

    If confirmed, Zeldin will have considerable power to shape the national direction of climate and environment policy. In addition to overseeing the enforcement of current environmental laws and regulations, he will be tasked with preparing the EPA’s annual budget, which determines how much funding will be allocated towards efforts like state oversight and air monitoring. A more fossil-fuel inclined administrator might choose to gut these parts of the agency, enabling industry-friendly state agencies like the Louisiana Department of Environmental Quality or the Texas Commission on Environmental Quality to regulate in the dark.

    Trump ran on a platform that prioritized minimizing the regulatory oversight and maximizing fossil fuel production. Zeldin’s appointment would be key for seeing that through. 

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Trump picked Lee Zeldin to lead the EPA. What will that mean for environmental policy? on Nov 13, 2024.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • Due to a quirk of geology, the purest quartz in all the world comes from the picturesque town of Spruce Pine, North Carolina. The mineral, created deep within the earth when silicon-rich magmas cooled and crystallized some 370 million years ago, is essential to the production of computer chips and solar panels.

    China, India, and Russia provide high purity quartz as well, but what’s mined there does not match the quality or quantity of what lies beneath the Blue Ridge Mountains. With Spruce Pine among the scores of Appalachian communities reeling from Hurricane Helene, the sudden closure of quartz mines that have supplied chip manufacturers for decades has rattled the global tech industry. But this quartz is vital to the solar industry too. And while industry experts expect companies to withstand the temporary closure of the town’s two mines, it highlights the precarity of a clean energy economy that relies on materials produced at a single location — especially in a world of increasingly ferocious natural disasters.

    Helene’s impact on Spruce Pine “absolutely lays bare the danger of having a monopoly in any part of the supply chain,” said Debra DeShong, head of corporate communications at solar manufacturer QCells North America. QCells, which manufactures photovoltaic panels in Georgia and is building an additional facility that will manufacture the components needed to assemble them, is evaluating whether the Spruce Pine mine closures will impact it.

    The industry relies on quartz primarily to make polysilicon, a highly refined type of silicon that forms the sunlight-harvesting cells in most photovoltaic panels. But the quartz from Spruce Pine serves another purpose: It is used to make the crucibles in which molten polysilicon crystallizes into cylindrical or rectangular ingots. Those rods are cut into the solar wafers that are further processed to produce the cells within panels.

    Forming solar ingots requires heating polysilicon to over 2,500 degrees Fahrenheit. Only the highest purity quartz sand provides the thermal stability needed to create the crucibles capable of enduring such heat, and the best of it is found in western North Carolina.

    “Spruce Pine is a very unusual quartz deposit and it is incredibly pure,” said Jenny Chase, the lead solar analyst at energy consultancy BloombergNEF. 

    BloombergNEF estimates that Spruce Pine supplies more than 80 percent of the ultra-pure quartz sand used to manufacture crucibles for both the solar and the semiconductor industry, as well as for optical and lighting applications. (There isn’t any public data on how much of the town’s quartz is used by each sector, but BloombergNEF estimates that in China, the world’s leading producer of photovoltaic panels, 80 percent of the high purity quartz it uses goes into solar applications.) Spruce Pine dominates this market, and supplies nearly all of the material that lines the inside of solar crucibles, which come in direct contact with molten silicon. There, purity is particularly important for ensuring high ingot yields and long crucible lifespans.

    The amount of quartz required to support solar crucible production is fairly small. Chase says that Spruce Pine produced about 20,000 tons of high purity quartz sand last year — more than enough to satisfy the demands of the solar industry. That same year, global polysilicon production stood at 1.52 million metric tons. Producing that much polysilicon likely required about 3 million metric tons of quartz, according to Chase. All of which is to say, Spruce Pine is, she said, “quite a small cog” in the solar supply chain.

    Still, a small cog can become a big problem if there are no contingencies when it breaks down. But Chase suspects that most crucible manufacturers — an industry based largely in East Asia — have stockpiles of high purity quartz. May Haugen, who leads communications at The Quartz Corp, a Norwegian company that produces high purity quartz sand at Spruce Pine, confirmed this in an email to Grist.

    “The Quartz Corp operates in long value chains where everybody has learnt through Covid the importance of sizable safety stocks,” Haugen wrote. “Between our own safety stocks which are built in different locations and the ones down in the value chain, we are not concerned about shortages in the short or medium term.”

    In preparation for Hurricane Helene, The Quartz Corp halted all mining operations in Spruce Pine on September 26th. So did the Belgian firm Sibelco, the town’s other producer.

    It is unclear when either company will resume mining: In an October 2 statement, The Quartz Corp wrote that while its plants do not seem to have been seriously damaged by the storm it is still “too early to tell” when they will reopen, “as this will also depend on the rebuilding of local infrastructure.” In an October 4 statement shared with Grist, Sibelco wrote that its facilities appear to have sustained “minor damage” and that the company hopes to “restart operations as soon as we can.”

    “Our dedicated teams are on-site, conducting cleanup,” the statement noted. “Our final product stock has not been impacted.” The company declined to say how the hurricane could impact its plan to double production capacity in Spruce Pine by 2025.

    Even if both mines remain shuttered for months, the solar industry could adapt, Chase said. The Japanese firm Mitsubishi Chemical Group manufactures high-purity synthetic silica for the semiconductor industry, and the material meets the standards required for solar crucibles, according to Chase. 

    However, production would need to ramp up. Mitsubishi Chemical Group representative Kana Nuruki told Grist in an email that the company currently does not have enough synthetic quartz to support the solar industry, and what it does produce is “considerably more expensive” than the real thing.

    Paying a premium for synthetic quartz would be a challenge for the price-sensitive solar industry, Chase said. “But if it had no choice, it would do it.” 

    Developing alternative supplies of high purity quartz, even ones that cost more, could help fortify the solar supply chain against the next climate-fueled disaster. “As solar becomes a larger piece of our electrification, it’s going to be increasingly important that we ensure we have a stable supply chain,” DeShong of QCells said.

    Still, manufacturing both semiconductors and solar panels in America is a key priority of the Biden Administration, and it seems unlikely that Washington will want to see a critical cog in both supply chains move overseas. A spokesperson for the US Department of Energy told Grist that the agency “is closely monitoring Hurricane Helene’s effects [on] the supply chain” while “advancing efforts to maintain the stability of America’s energy systems.”

    Spencer Bost, executive director of the community development organization Downtown Spruce Pine, said that quartz mining is the largest private employer in the county and restarting it quickly is “very important from a local economy perspective.” If the federal government cares about building clean energy in America, Bost said, “we have all the stuff here.” 

    “We have the people who need the jobs here,” he added. 

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline The solar supply chain runs through this flooded North Carolina town on Oct 8, 2024.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • Every five years, farmers and agricultural lobbyists descend on Capitol Hill to debate the farm bill, a massive food and agriculture funding bill that helps families afford groceries, pays out farmers who’ve lost their crops to bad weather, and props up less-than-profitable commodity markets, among dozens of other things. The last farm bill was passed in 2018, and in 2023 Congress extended the previous farm bill for an additional year after its negotiations led to a stalemate. That extension expires today, and Congress seems poised to settle for another one.

    House Republicans and Democrats’ primary dispute is over on how much funding will go to food programs like SNAP and the Thrifty Food Plan. Another reason for this unusual standoff — in past cycles, the bill passed easily with bipartisan support — is a grant authority called the Environmental Quality Incentives Program, which has become a flashpoint for a fight over the relationship between agriculture and climate change. At first glance, the program might not sound all that controversial: it “helps farmers, ranchers and forest landowners integrate conservation into working lands,” according to the U.S. Department of Agriculture, funding a wide variety of conservation practices from crop rotation to ditch lining. In contrast to other huge programs in the farm bill, such as crop insurance, EQIP costs only around $2 billion per year, which is measly by federal spending standards. So why is it such a sticking point?

    The Biden administration’s landmark Inflation Reduction Act expanded EQIP and three other USDA programs with billions of new dollars for on-farm improvements, but the bill specified that the money had to go to “climate-smart” conservation practices. This was stricter than the original EQIP, which allows farmers to use money for thousands of different environment-adjacent projects. 

    Democrats and climate advocates view EQIP as a potential tool to fight climate change, not just a way to fund the building of fences and repairing of farm roofs. Agriculture accounts for 11 percent of American greenhouse gas emissions, a share that’s projected to rise dramatically as other sectors of the nation’s economy such as transportation continue to decarbonize. To help the farming sector keep pace with the nation’s emissions targets, 2022’s Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) included $20 billion in subsidies for farmers who engaged in agricultural practices designed as “climate-smart” — a category defined by the USDA, which administers the subsidies. These practices include installing vegetation breaks to reduce fire risk, electrifying tractors, and planting “no-till” crops, which reduce greenhouse gas emissions by cutting down on soil disturbance.

    Farmers and politicians of both parties have embraced the additional EQIP money from the IRA, but the boost was a one-time infusion, slated to run out in 2026. Now, as lawmakers debate making the expanded environmental program permanent in the looming new farm bill, Republicans and Democrats are clashing over what “climate-smart” means, and whether the money should be “climate-smart” at all. 

    Earlier this year, the agriculture committee chairs in the Senate and House, which are controlled respectively by Democrats and Republicans, released competing farm bill proposals. In May, the House committee passed its version, but that has still not gone to the floor for a full vote. Nevertheless, the two proposals differ significantly on the fate of the IRA’s $20 billion conservation boost.  

    But with each passing year that a new farm bill isn’t passed, the amount of IRA money that’s available to permanently reallocate into its conservation title will diminish, as more of the infrastructure funding is spent. With Congress now out of session until after November’s election, the two chambers will have a short window to pass their versions of the bill and then reconcile them together by the end of the year. If they fail to do so by January, Congress’s next two-year cycle will begin, and the bill dockets reset — so lawmakers will have to start from scratch and renegotiate the bill drafts in committee. Even with yet another short-term extension, the fight for next year will pretty much be the same: If Republicans get their way, they will negate perhaps the most significant attempt in recent history to control the environmental and climate impacts of the nation’s massive agriculture industry. If Democrats succeed, they will safeguard the IRA’s climate ag money from a potential repeal if Donald Trump wins the election, and the money will also be incorporated into the bill’s “baseline,” making it likely to stick around in future farm bills.

    Though the moment for some action this time around has all but passed, the arguments over whether and how to direct climate-specific funding to the agriculture industry are instructive for any future opportunities to make some progress. In February, Representative Glenn Thompson, the Pennsylvania Republican who chairs the House agriculture committee, proposed stripping the “climate-smart” label from the IRA money, criticizing it as a needless bureaucratic modifier. This would more or less negate the intention of the Inflation Reduction Act, funneling the unspent portion of the $20 billion from that bill into EQIP’s catchall fund and allow it to fund grazing fences and other ordinary improvements.

    “These dollars, riddled with climate sideboards and Federal bureaucracy, should be refocused toward programs and policies that allow the original conservationists — farmers — to continue to make local decisions that work for them,” Thompson wrote

    Ashley House, the vice president of strategy and advocacy at the Colorado Farm Bureau, took a softer line than Thompson, but still expressed some concern that the guardrails could lock farmers out of useful EQIP money.

    “I think the anxiety and hesitation when you talk about EQIP dollars being contingent on what climate smart imperative is, what’s under that umbrella? If we find something helpful in five years and it’s not on the list, do we still get our money? I think that’s the anxiety and hesitation, as opposed to, we just don’t want to participate in something that’s climate-smart.”

    But if all the money can be used for anything, then the chances that the agriculture industry meets the goal set by the Biden administration — to cut the 10 percent of the country’s emissions generated by agriculture — dramatically decrease.

    The Senate’s proposal, authored by Michigan Democrat Debbie Stabenow, who is retiring after this term, would import the funding from the IRA as it currently is, protecting the climate guardrails. Stabenow’s public position has been that the climate guardrails are a “red line” without which the bill won’t pass, and she has said she plans to stake her legacy as a legislator on the passage of a farm bill with the guardrails intact.

    “If you remove that protection, many of those funds could go toward practices that are good for conservation but not also good for climate,” said Rebecca Riley, managing director of the Natural Resources Defense Council’s food and agriculture program. Perhaps of greatest concern to climate advocates is the fact that, under normal circumstances, 50 percent of EQIP funds are legally earmarked for livestock operations, which are among the most emissions-intensive agricultural sectors. So if the climate guardrails are removed from the IRA dollars spent through EQIP, they will be subject to this provision — and effectively used as a vehicle to further subsidize factory farming.

    But some researchers have criticized even those “climate-smart” agricultural policies that the Democrats are fighting to keep funded as themselves giveaways to the agricultural industry with dubious value for the climate. For instance, the USDA has given the “climate-smart” tag to projects that sequester carbon in soil. Many climate experts argue that the emissions benefits of these soil sequestration projects are overstated and difficult to verify. Funds are also available to cover practices like the installation of anaerobic digesters to convert manure into biogas — a practice widely opposed by climate advocates, who say it encourages emissions-heavy factory farming.

    The agriculture industry operates with deeply entrenched standards of operation, and the practices and policies that would make meaningful reductions in farming emissions and can be scaled to the whole industry, are still being tested. That’s why Erik Lichtenberg, an agricultural economist at the University of Maryland who has studied the USDA’s conservation program argues the USDA should cast a wide net at first.

    The federal government has only distributed $2 billion out of the $20 billion in “climate-smart” funding from the IRA, so it’s too early for Democrats to claim this money as a success and for Republicans to claim that the climate guardrails are too onerous. “It makes sense to experiment and be very broad, because we can afford some failures in a search for successes,” Lichtenberg said. 

    But he also noted that, in terms of greenhouse gas emissions, the best possible conservation technique is afforestation, which turns active farmland into carbon-absorbing forest. This echoed an argument by the agricultural historian Ariel Ron, who wrote in a recent essay on this year’s farm bill that “the surest way to do ‘climate smart’ agriculture is simply to convert excess farm acreage into new forests.”

    For many environmentalists, water use is just as big of an issue as emissions, and there is similar uncertainty about whether and how EQIP affects water use on farms. Agriculture is the largest water user in the dry western United States, accounting for more than 80 percent of water consumption in some basins; in some other cases, the industry causes household wells to go dry. EQIP has long doled out funding for farmers to make their operations more water-efficient by lining canals with concrete or installing new irrigation machinery, but some research suggests that the program hasn’t had its intended effect. 

    Anne Schechinger, an agricultural economist at Environmental Working Group, a nonprofit focused on farming and environmental issues, says this is in large part because farmers in the West need to use their entire water allocations each year or else risk losing their water to other users.

    “Farmers still have to use their water allocation, even if they reduce the water use each time they irrigate,” she said. “It’s like, ‘I’m using less water, so I can water more frequently,’ so then you’re still using the same amount of water.”

    The difficulty of measuring EQIP’s effects on climate and water usage has made the debate over this year’s farm bill difficult — and this debate will not resolve itself. 

    Editor’s note: The Sierra Club and the Natural Resources Defense Council are advertisers with Grist. Advertisers have no role in Grist’s editorial decisions.

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline The climate fight that’s holding up the farm bill on Sep 30, 2024.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • Matthias Weyland loves having people ask about his balcony. A pair of solar panels hang from the railing, casting a sheen of dark blue against the red brick of his apartment building. They’re connected to a microinverter plugged into a wall outlet and feed electricity directly into his home. On a sunny day, he’ll produce enough power to supply up to half of his family’s daily needs.

    Weyland is one of hundreds of thousands of people across Germany who have embraced balkonkraftwerk, or balcony solar. Unlike rooftop photovoltaics, the technology doesn’t require users to own their home, and anyone capable of plugging in an appliance can set it up. Most people buy the simple hardware online or at the supermarket for about $550 (500 euros.)

    The ease of installation and a potent mix of government policies to encourage adoption has made the wee arrays hugely popular. More than 550,000 of them dot cities and towns nationwide, half of which were installed in 2023. During the first half of this year, Germany added 200 megawatts of balcony solar. Regulations limit each system to just 800 watts, enough to power a small fridge or charge a laptop, but the cumulative effect is nudging the country toward its clean energy goals while giving apartment dwellers, who make up more than half of the population, an easy way to save money and address the climate crisis.

    “I love the feeling of charging the bike when the sun is shining, or having the washing machine run when the sun is shining, and to know that it comes directly from the sun,” Weyland said. “It’s a small step you can take as a tenant” and an act of “self-efficacy, to not just sit and wait until the climate crisis gets worse.”

    Balcony solar emerged around a decade ago, but didn’t catch on until four or five years ago, thanks in part to years of lobbying by solar and clean energy advocates for policies to foster its adoption. The German government enacted the first technical regulations for plug-in solar devices in 2019, allowing balcony solar systems to use standard electrical plugs and feed into the grid. That prompted an influx of plug-in devices and advocates to promote the technology.

    The pandemic helped fuel the surge in popularity as people spent time at home, working on DIY projects. More recently, the escalating energy prices that followed Russia’s invasion of Ukraine led more Germans to consider balcony solar. “People just did anything they could to reduce their energy bills,” said Wolfgang Gründinger, who works with the clean energy company Enpal.

    Federal and local policymakers have redoubled their efforts to make the technology more accessible. In April, the government simplified permitting and registration requirements, and in July, federal lawmakers passed renter protections that prevent landlords from arbitrarily blocking installations. Cities throughout Germany, including Berlin and Weyland’s home city of Kiel, have offered millions of euros in subsidies to install balcony solar.

    Gründinger and experts at the German Solar Industry Association noted that the devices don’t generate enough power to strain the grid, and their standardized design and safety features allow them to integrate smoothly and easily.

    The back side of a pair of solar panels is seen from the balcony of an apartment that is using the technology to provide power.
    Solar panels are connected to a microinverter that is plugged into a wall outlet and feeds electricity directly into the home. German regulations limit balcony solar systems to 800 watts, enough to power a small fridge or charge a laptop. Photo courtesy Matthias Weyland

    Despite the hype, most users concede that balcony solar provides modest cost and energy savings. Weyland spent around $530 for his 600-watt-capacity system. While he’s happy with how his south-facing panels perform during balmy weather, such days are rare in northern Germany. He estimates that he’ll save around $100 in annual electricity costs and recoup his investment in about five years. 

    That’s fairly typical, although advocates of the technology say a system’s efficacy — and, therefore, payback timeline — varies widely depending upon the number of panels, their location and direction, and how much shade surrounds them. A household with a “comparatively large well-positioned balcony system in a sunny spot facing south” can produce 15 percent of its electricity with balcony solar, according to Peter Stratmann, head of renewables at German Federal Network Agency, the country’s utility regulator. 

    While that can put a dent in a household’s utility bill, its impact on Germany’s consumption is far smaller. “Even if we attached panels to all suitable balconies across the country, we’d still only manage to meet 1 percent or less of our overall energy needs,” Stratmann told Deutsche Welle

    So if balcony solar doesn’t generate a lot of power or save a lot of money, why are so many people flocking to it? Many of them like the idea of producing energy at home and gaining a bit of independence from the grid. It also provides a tangible way to take climate action. “It makes the energy transition feel a little more concrete and not so abstract,” said Helena Holenweger of the nonprofit Deutsche Umwelthilfe, or Environmental Action Germany. She installed a balcony solar system on top of her garage about a year ago. “You can literally do something about it.”

    Holenweger and others who have tapped the sun said balcony solar led them to reevaluate their understanding of electricity consumption and take steps to reduce it. “For lots of people, energy is just something that comes out of your socket,” Holenweger said. “You never think about how it gets there or how it works.” The systems don’t include battery storage, so the juice they generate must be used immediately, leading people to plan the best time to, say, run the washing machine to ensure they’re using renewable energy. In that way, it becomes something of a game. Many balcony solar kits feature an app to track daily energy generation, providing what has, for many people, become a scorecard. “They screenshot that, they send it around to their Facebook groups, family WhatsApp groups. They’re super proud,” Gründinger said.

    Germany is unique in its rabid embrace of the tech. Although increasingly popular in Austria, the Netherlands, France, and elsewhere in Europe, plug-in solar devices aren’t viable in the United States due to costly permitting requirements and other local regulations. Beyond that, most systems are designed to European electrical standards, making them incompatible with U.S. power systems

    But even in Germany, balcony solar still faces hurdles, including fierce resistance from landlords worried about electrical fires or put off by the aesthetics of the panels. Last year, Weyland sued his building’s property management company for imposing what he deemed unreasonable requirements to install a system, including a formal inspection of the building’s electrical system. A court sided with him in October, 2023, but similar cases pop up regularly. 

    Weyland hopes that as more people adopt balcony solar, that will soon change. Already, people in his life regularly ask him about his panels, and two friends are buying systems of their own. 

    “So many people talk to me in our neighborhood and ask about the system when they see it,” Weyland said. “It’s kind of like a snowball that gets bigger and bigger.”

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline How Germany outfitted half a million balconies with solar panels on Sep 26, 2024.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • Averting a worst-case global warming scenario will require the world’s largest institutions to reduce their emissions of greenhouse gases, and do it fast. Over the last decade and a half, a standard form has emerged in which governments and corporations have made their promise to do so: the net-zero target. This is generally a voluntarily self-imposed deadline, usually decades away, by which the institution’s emissions will not necessarily actually reduce to zero, but rather by which they will at least be ostensibly canceled out by carbon offsets.

    As a strategy, the net-zero target has been criticized by climate advocates; at its worst, it can be a vague, unenforceable greenwashing program. But global efforts are underway to write standards for what makes a good one — and hold the target-setters to them. The net-zero targets that have actually been adopted display a surprisingly wide variety in terms of their substance: some refer to all greenhouse gas emissions, and others only to carbon dioxide; the strongest include sector-specific implementation plans and credible near-term targets, and cover all three emissions scopes up and down the value chain.

    On Monday, the Net Zero Tracker, a collaboration between four climate organizations, released its most recent “Net Zero Stocktake” — a survey of the world’s climate pledges, including evaluations of how serious the plans are to actually follow through on them. Since the group began publishing such reports annually since 2021, it has found that, at the national level, after years of more and more countries setting net-zero targets, the growth of such pledges has now leveled off, with 147 countries, as well as the European Union, having now set a target. They include most of the highest-emitting countries. China, the world’s largest emitter, committed to carbon neutrality by 2060 in 2020 at the UN General Assembly. A significant exception is Azerbaijan, the oil-rich, gas-leaking host of November’s COP29 UN climate change conference, which has no net-zero target.

    But net-zero targets continue to proliferate in subnational governments, especially at the state and regional levels, and in the private sector. In the 18 months since the 2023 report was published, the number of companies with net-zero targets has increased by 23 percent, and local regions by 28 percent. (Cities’ pledges only increased by 8 percent.)

    The growth of regional targets is important because local governments play an important role in helping countries actually achieve decarbonization. “Subnational regions have huge responsibility for realizing net zero on the global scale,” said Sybrig Smit, a coauthor of the report, in a press briefing, adding that, in countries that have adopted national targets, “the credibility of those net zero targets simply increases when also on lower levels of government this ambition level is shown.” In the U.S., 19 states have net-zero targets — and five of them aim for an earlier deadline than the federal goal of 2050.

    But the pledges vary widely in substance — and very few meet anything like a gold standard. “For all the subnational governments and companies, only a very small percentage of them actually meet all of the robustness or the integrity criteria” that were tracked in the report, said Takeshi Kuramochi, another of the report’s coauthors, in the briefing. For example, of the companies surveyed (the 2,000 largest in the world), only about half of those with net-zero targets covered all greenhouse gases, rather than just carbon dioxide. The metric that companies and governments alike scored worst on was clarity on the use of offsets: less than 10 percent of the net-zero targets set by companies, cities, and regions specify how much they will use offsets to achieve their goal.

    While the overall landscape of net-zero targets appears plagued by insincerity, the report’s authors gave credit to those whose pledges were more substantive — and highlighted their role in leading by example, particularly as standards are formalized for net-zero targets. The report spotlights Costa Rica’s 2030 net-zero target, which covers all greenhouse gas emissions and includes sector-specific and interim targets. In the private sector, Google and the Volvo Group received special commendation in the report for covering all three emissions scopes — which means they can’t simply pass their emissions onto suppliers or ignore the footprint of their electricity usage. 

    Giving credit where it’s due — in the hopes of incentivizing better performance through public scrutiny — is part of the theory of change according to which setting best practices for net-zero targets might actually be an effective mechanism for climate action. 

    “Ultimately, a lot of things will need to be regulated, and that’s a positive thing,” said Catherine McKenna, a former Canadian environment minister who chaired a United Nations expert group on nonstate net-zero targets, in the briefing. “It creates a level playing field. It means there are consequences if you don’t do the work, and if you are doing the work then you can demonstrate that you are doing the work. We need to distinguish between those who are and those who aren’t, and [ensure] that the people who are doing the work feel really good.”

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Net-zero targets are everywhere. But to be effective, they need accountability. on Sep 25, 2024.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • Last October, Georgia Power approached regulators with what it said was a crisis. Unless they did something soon, they discovered, the growing demand for electricity would outpace production sometime in the winter of 2025. Georgia’s Governor Brian Kemp and other state leaders had been courting data centers and new manufacturing plants for some time, and it was all catching up to the aging power grid.

    The Georgia Public Service Commission, the elected body tasked with regulating the utility company, had approved Georgia Power’s long-term grid plan, which the company makes every three years, in 2022. Since then, the company said, its projections for the growth of electricity demand through 2030 had increased by a factor of 17.

    Georgia Power proposed a mix of resources to meet this rising demand, including buying power from neighboring utilities, adding solar and battery storage, and building three new natural gas turbines that could generate 1,400 megawatts of electricity, enough to power more than half a million homes, per year. Experts, including some on the service commission’s own staff, have questioned those projections and the power company’s method of making its forecast. They testified that the growth in energy demand would take longer to materialize than the company projected, giving the utility more time to address the problem. The plan for gas-powered turbines also drew sharp criticism from experts and members of the public alike, who said the utility should rely on carbon-free solutions. 

    The proposals to buy electricity, meanwhile, drew less attention and criticism, but they raised suspicions from ratepayer advocates and environmentalists because they bypassed normal procedure. When Georgia Power needs to buy more energy from another power company, it is required by statute to issue a request for proposals, or RFP, and choose the best bid. But faced with the data center-driven spike in demand, the utility did not solicit competitive bids. Instead, it used a provision of Georgia law that allows for exceptions for “resources of extraordinary advantage that require immediate action” as long as the PSC approves, which the commission may do retroactively. And so, in October, before any public hearings over Georgia Power’s request for more energy took place, the power company orchestrated two deals, known as power purchase agreements, or PPAs, with Santa Rosa Energy, in Florida, and with Mississippi Power — the latter of which is owned by the same corporation that owns Georgia Power, the Southern Company. The exact pricing of the deal was filed as trade secret, meaning the service commission, its staff, and intervening parties like environmental and business groups could see how much Georgia Power is paying Mississippi Power but members of the public cannot; this is common practice for information that could be of economic value. 

    It wasn’t until April 2024 that Georgia’s Public Service Commission approved the utility company’s new plan, including both purchase agreements. Under the deal, the Georgia utility will buy 750 megawatts of electricity through 2028 from its Mississippi sibling company and up to 230 MW from the Florida plant. According to the final agreement approved by the PSC, Georgia Power will collect an additional $3 per kilowatt year on the power transferred from Mississippi beginning in 2026.

    Power purchase agreements like the ones Georgia Power has entered into are not uncommon, especially for the Southern Company and its affiliates, Ari Peskoe, director of Harvard University’s Electricity Law Initiative, told Grist. The company generally chooses, as a business strategy, “to build and rely on its own resources to meet demand in its territories,” he said. “That’s the standard utility business model, but the Southern Company pursues that model in a more aggressive way than any other utility company in America,” Peskoe added.

    But some critics are skeptical of the utility’s argument that this urgency precluded competitive bidding. “There’s still time to do RFP processes; the business world can respond on an expedited basis,” said Daniel Tait, an Alabama-based researcher at the Energy and Policy Institute, a utility watchdog nonprofit. The agreement between two Southern Company affiliates, conducted in haste and shrouded from public scrutiny, smacked of self-dealing. And because the prices were redacted from the public, “we don’t know whether or not that was a good deal,” Tait said.

    The deal came with an added concern: In order to provide electricity to Georgia, a Mississippi Power coal plant that had been slated for closure will need to keep running, reversing plans approved by Mississippi regulators and saddling residents of that state with the cost risks and pollution of coal to meet energy needs in Georgia. Georgia Power officials even cited that impending closure as a reason they entered into the deal last year. Asked by Georgia Power’s own lawyers why it was necessary to sign an agreement with a sister company, the utility’s director of resource planning Jeffrey Grubb replied, “Because those units would have been either retired or sold off-system and we needed certainty that they would be there to serve our customers.”

    The Victor J. Daniel Electric Generating Plant, or Plant Daniel for short, sits in a rural area of Jackson County in the southeastern corner of Mississippi. It has operated two coal units since the 1970s; in 2001, two new gas combined cycle turbines were built on the same site. Together, the four units comprise the state’s largest single power station.

    Coal is a notoriously polluting form of electricity generation, and Plant Daniel is no exception. In 2022, the power plant reported more than six million metric tons of greenhouse gas emissions to the EPA, more than any other facility in Mississippi. And a 2019 report found that the groundwater near Plant Daniel contained five times the safe amount of lithium, likely as a result of contamination from coal ash, a toxic byproduct of the coal-fired power process.

    In 2018, the Mississippi Public Service Commission commissioned a review of its power reserves. Its consultants found that Mississippi Power had more power plants than its customers needed — a “substantial and persistent capacity overhang that imposes excess costs on ratepayers.” To address this, they suggested retiring the two coal units at Plant Daniel. Nothing changed until 2020, when the commission ordered Mississippi Power to come up with a plan to deal with its 950 megawatts of excess capacity; the following year, the utility announced it would retire the coal units by 2027.

    At the time, environmentalists celebrated the decision. “Retiring Plant Daniel means folks living in the area can breathe easier knowing that there is an end date to burning coal,” David Rogers, deputy director of the Sierra Club’s Beyond Coal Campaign said in a statement. “But this is also a win for all of Mississippi Power’s customers, who won’t have to pay for the expensive electricity the coal plant produces.” The deal between Georgia and Mississippi changed that. While Mississippi customers won’t be paying for the plant anymore, they’ll still have to deal with its continued air and coal ash pollution — and pay for any further cleanup that’s required.

    According to a petition that Mississippi’s Sierra Club chapter filed in June with the Mississippi PSC, the regulatory body was not officially consulted on the deal with Georgia Power. In effect, critics of the deal charge, the arrangement allows Georgia Power to pay for the electrons but effectively offshore the externalities that make coal power unfeasibly expensive to Mississippi.

    In January 2024, when Georgia Power finally faced public questioning about the deal, Tim Echols, one of Georgia’s public service commissioners, explicitly acknowledged this aspect of the deal: “I guess the benefit to it being outside is the pollution’s not in Georgia, right?” he said. “It’s in Mississippi. It’s in other places.”

    To Mississippians, that comment was telling. It was cited in the Sierra Club petition, which asked the commission to weigh in on the purchasing agreement and require Mississippi Power to show how its plans to “continue operating several of its aging fossil plants and sell the power to Georgia Power” would impact Mississippi ratepayers. 

    “Continuing to operate these units past the previously established retirement dates poses potential economic risks to the [Mississippi Power] ratepayer, including potentially significant capital investments to comply with impending environmental regulations, maintenance costs, and risks associated with the storage of coal ash residuals at Plant Daniel,” Robert Wiygul, an attorney for the Sierra Club, wrote.

    Each of Southern’s affiliates in Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi has been granted a regional monopoly by statute in a large swath of its respective state. In lieu of the pressures to conduct business fairly and keep costs low for consumers that may in other regions come from market competition, the Southeast’s public service commissions theoretically serve as the forces to keep these companies in check. In everyday terms, this means that residents can’t choose what power company to pay their bills to, and electricity rates are set by the state’s service commission based on a formula by which the power company’s shareholders receive a fixed return on their investment in the company and ratepayers fund the utility’s capital investments, such as the construction of new power plants or other infrastructure, as long as it can justify the expenditure to the regulators. In bigger terms, the strength of their monopolies, the Southern Company’s overarching control, and the relative obscurity in which the commissions operate all amount to a situation in which private deals that have enormous, and sometimes negative, public implications are easily made.

    Critics contend the region’s commissions should be more closely scrutinizing utilities’ decisions. “The Public Service Commissions and Public Utilities Commissions are supposed to govern the monopoly utilities to make sure that they’re making the decisions that are in the best interest of the ratepayers and not necessarily in the best interest of shareholders,” said Bryan Jacob, the solar program director for the nonprofit Southern Alliance for Clean Energy. 

    With the Georgia-Mississippi deal, the Southern Company accomplished not only forestalling the closure of a coal plant by selling the energy to itself, but also squeezing a few more dollars out of Plant Daniel’s final years with the additional revenue Georgia’s public service commission allowed it to collect.

    When affiliate companies like Georgia Power and Mississippi Power enter into purchasing agreements, those deals are subject to an added layer of scrutiny from the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission, or FERC. 

    “The Company follows FERC protocols related to affiliate transactions and conducts regular employee training to ensure employees remain familiar with these protocols,” said Georgia Power spokesman John Kraft in a statement, adding that the Mississippi PPA complied with those protocols and was approved by the Georgia PSC. “More broadly, Georgia Power routinely selects resources through an RFP process that also assures appropriate relationships between affiliates.” 

    But this isn’t the first time Georgia Power’s deals with its fellow Southern Company affiliates have come under fire: in 2022, Jacob’s group and another Georgia sustainability nonprofit challenged five such agreements, arguing that the utility tailored its RFP to favor its sister companies. FERC ultimately disagreed and allowed the transactions, though one commissioner dissented.

    Barring increased state PSC scrutiny or intervention from FERC, advocates contend there’s another way to prevent back-room deals that risk favoring affiliates to the detriment of customers: opening up the power marketplace. Utilities in other regions participate in regional transmission organizations and organized wholesale markets that see utilities and other owners of large-scale power generation buying and selling energy more publicly.

    “Joining a regional wholesale market absolutely provides a transparency, governance, and platform to mitigate the risks of affiliate abuse in transactions across utilities,” said Katie Southworth, who leads policy efforts in the southeast for the Clean Energy Buyers Association, a group representing companies and governments looking to buy carbon-free energy to meet their own emissions goals. 

    The Southern Company, meanwhile, has lobbied hard against federal transmission reforms that would encourage greater interconnection between the nation’s fragmented electricity grids — and thereby potentially cut into its profits if cheaper energy from another producer is available in the region.

    The company also opposes organized wholesale markets. In a statement to Grist, Southern Company listed what it considers the benefits of the vertically-integrated, regulated monopolies it operates in the southeast, arguing that they are more affordable and reliable for customers and treat electricity as a necessity rather than a commodity.

    “The very nature of these [deregulated and regional transmission organization] markets — which are focused on short-term profits — encourages behavior that focuses on meeting short-term demand, rather than long-term planning,” the company’s statement read. “These companies are coordinated by unaccountable bureaucracies that place profits over people and often prioritize certain characteristics instead of working to achieve an optimal balance for all customers under any condition.”

    The Southeast’s model of electricity regulation does have its defenders among some climate advocates who note that, simply put, a monopoly is more practically capable of financing a capital-intensive clean energy buildout than the rest of the country’s liberalized energy markets. Recent scholarship has highlighted financing as one of the main hurdles to an energy transition away from fossil fuels worldwide: even as subsidies and innovation have made renewable energy increasingly cheap, markets have not sufficiently rewarded actual investments in building it.

    Proponents of deregulation and wholesale markets point to Texas, where a deregulated energy market has responded to rising demand and widespread grid failure during a winter storm with a solar-and-storage building bonanza. And they disagree with the notion that regulated-monopoly utilities provide more reliable energy. One benefit of regional transmission and sales, they contend, is that if a storm knocks out the power grid in one place, power can be brought in from an unaffected area. 

    “The weather is bigger than the grid,” said Southworth, “If you look at the rest of the country, [you’ll see] these wide swaths where regions are sharing reserves and working together to ensure reliable service.”

    What’s even bigger than the weather, though, are the changes happening to the global climate and the burden on the earth that humans have created by burning fossil fuels. The Southern Company has an official target of achieving net-zero emissions by 2050 — but its regional affiliates disclaim any responsibility toward achieving that goal, leaving open the question of how the company as a whole can decarbonize while its subsidiaries are building new fossil infrastructure and delaying the retirement of existing coal plants.

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Why Mississippi coal is powering Georgia’s data centers on Aug 27, 2024.


    This content originally appeared on Grist and was authored by Emily Jones.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • During its last session, the Supreme Court’s conservative majority dealt blow after blow to federal agencies’ authority to draft and enforce policies, including those aimed at mitigating climate change. Its decisions have already created upheaval for courts considering issues ranging from the approval of a solar project to vehicle emissions rules. This has upended the legal landscape for judges and for regulators, and could slow climate progress as a result.

    The uncertainty has alarmed, but not surprised, legal experts who earlier this summer predicted that four rulings limiting federal authority could curtail the ability of the Environmental Protection Agency and other agencies to limit pollution, govern toxic substances, and mitigate global warming. 

    “It’s going to throw climate policy into many years of litigating what these cases actually mean when applied to individual rulemakings,” said Deborah Sivas, an environmental law professor at Stanford University. “That’s not good for the energy transition that we actually need to go through.”

    In its most consequential ruling, the Supreme Court overturned the so-called Chevron doctrine, which has since 1984 granted federal regulators broad leeway to use their expertise to interpret ambiguities in the law. Another ruling effectively eliminated a six-year statute of limitations on lawsuits against federal regulations, opening the door to challenges against any policy regardless of how old it is. A lawsuit against the Securities and Exchange Commission invalidated the use of in-house administrative law judges, jeopardizing a key enforcement mechanism used by more than a dozen agencies. And the conservative majority, ruling in Ohio v. EPA, blocked a federal smog reduction plan, a victory for polluters and conservatives who have long argued that EPA regulations create undue burdens. 

    The flurry of litigation stemming from those decisions started with the Supreme Court. On July 2, shortly after discarding Chevron, the court, in a case challenging the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission’s approval of a solar energy project, sent the matter back to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit. Justices asked the lower court to reconsider it “in light of Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo,” the decision overturning Chevron deference.

    That could be an issue, because the D.C. Circuit cited Chevron when it ruled in favor of FERC in February. Utilities had challenged the agency’s decision to make a solar and battery storage facility in Montana eligible for benefits under a 1978 law that requires utilities to purchase power from small renewable energy projects. Utility groups argued that the project in question shouldn’t qualify because its combined power capacity exceeded the size allowed under that law. The D.C. Circuit, invoking Chevron, deferred to the agency in upholding its decision.

    Sivas said the judges most likely will stand by their decision, but will have to explain their reasoning without relying on Chevron. Although this case ultimately could demonstrate the limits of Chevron in turning back regulatory actions — jurists, after all, have other precedents they can cite, including the Skidmore deference that favors agencies when they provide persuasive reasoning for their actions — it is indicative of the litigation to come now that the Supreme Court has “watered down the influence of agencies,” she said. “We’re already in the thick of it.” 

    Appellate judges, taking cues from the Supreme Court, have started returning cases to lower courts for reconsideration in light of the high court’s latest rulings. Last month, the 5th Circuit asked a Texas district court to revisit its decision upholding a Department of Labor rule allowing retirement fund managers to consider climate risks when making investments. Republican state attorneys general and fossil fuel companies considered the rule “arbitrary and capricious,” but the Texas court cited Chevron when rejecting their challenge in September. A reversal could imperil the ability of investors to align financial decisions with climate action

    In other cases, courts are asking litigants to explain how recent Supreme Court decisions could impact their claims. On July 30, for example, the D.C. Circuit Court asked the plaintiffs in lawsuits challenging vehicle emissions standards established by the EPA and the National Highway Traffic Safety Administration to explain how the Chevron ruling and Ohio v. EPA change their arguments. The rules represented a broader push by the Biden administration to cut emissions from the transportation sector, and could serve as an early test of how such climate policies might fare in a post-Chevron world. 

    It would be difficult to overstate the impact the fall of Chevron could have. Although the Supreme Court hasn’t relied on the doctrine for the last dozen or so years, lower courts have leaned on it roughly 17,000 times since 1984 to consider the legality of regulations governing everything from food safety to air pollution. They no longer have that long-standing precedent to guide them.

    Jason Rylander, legal director of the Center for Biological Diversity, said the impact of the Supreme Court’s four recent decisions on these cases remains unclear, largely because the end of Chevron by design gives courts greater discretion to rule on agency interpretations of federal law. Until now, he said, Chevron deference “put a small thumb on the scale” in favor of agencies like the EPA. Now, courts must “come up with what they believe to be the best reading of the statute.” They might agree with an agency, they might not. Either way, courts hold more power to reach their own conclusions, sowing greater uncertainty — especially among courts that lean conservative, such as the 5th and 11th circuits.

    Sending cases back to lower courts for further review will almost certainly delay decisions, limiting the effectiveness of federal policies to address climate change and other issues. But an even greater impact may be felt by the agencies charged with taking those actions and already facing increasing scrutiny and lawsuits. 

    “Agencies will have to be even more careful than they already are to ground proposed regulations in the text of the statute and to explain why they believe that the regulation is consistent with Congressional intent,” Rylander said. 

    More concerning, that ongoing legal chaos could discourage agencies from pursuing the bold policies needed to address the climate crisis, Sivas said. 

    “If the agencies don’t think they can ever get these things past the judicial review,” she said, “they’re just not going to try to do it.” 

    The elimination of Chevron is already a point of contention in debates over FERC’s Order 1920, a rule released three months ago that requires regions to engage in long-term transmission planning to facilitate the deployment of renewable energy. The rule has already faced legal challenges by groups like the Louisiana and Mississippi public service commissions, and opponents have cited the demise of Chevron as one reason jurists should deem the rule invalid. In another jarring example, lawyers for the U.S. Air Force recently told the EPA that the end of Chevron means the Air Force should not be required to heed an order to clean up PFAS-contaminated drinking water at Tucson International Airport in Arizona.

    Meanwhile, the fossil fuel industry and other polluters, emboldened by the Supreme Court’s recent decisions, have ramped up challenges to environmental regulations. In late July, Republican state attorneys general, rural electric cooperatives, and fossil fuel trade organizations asked the Supreme Court to pause an EPA rule to reduce the greenhouse gas emissions of coal- and gas-fired power plants. As in Ohio v. EPA, the plaintiffs are once again asking the high court to block the rule even as it wends through the D.C. Circuit. (The Supreme Court previously paused another EPA power plant emissions rule in 2016, the Obama-era Clean Power Plan, which never went into effect.) Legal experts say the outcome of Ohio v. EPA proves the Supreme Court is willing to take such far-reaching actions — and that it has clearly encouraged this request for an emergency pause.

    “Industry lawyers believe it is open season to go after regulations,” Michael Gerrard, an environmental law professor at Columbia University, said. Corporate clients, egged on by Ohio v. EPA and other Supreme Court wins, have concluded that “the expense of the lawsuit is small compared to the benefit if they win,” he said.

    That attitude is clear from recent publications by major law firms encouraging clients to challenge federal regulations. “Now is a great time to reassess whether to challenge existing rules or prior statutory interpretations,” one major law firm recommended following recent Supreme Court decisions. Akin Gump, a global firm that from 2019 to 2023 earned $7.9 million in fossil-fuel related lobbying, highlighted how the decision in Corner Post, which effectively ended the statute of limitations on challenges to government regulations, creates new opportunities for clients and recommended companies file their lawsuits “in forums that are home to more conservative-leaning judges.”

    The expected rise in challenges to environmental regulations is exacerbated by continued gridlock in Congress, Rylander said. Lawmakers are unlikely to revise laws to include detailed language outlining how agencies can act on climate change. That means federal agencies will need to increasingly lean on laws like the Clean Air Act — but they can’t if they’re thwarted by turmoil in the courts. 

    “We are at a critical point for climate action, and in the absence of Congressional legislation, we’re going to be asking our federal agencies to do more and more with the statutory tools that they already have,” Rylander said. “If courts start standing in the way of that, then it’s going to be disastrous for meeting our climate goals and for humanity writ large.”

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Recent Supreme Court decisions are already slowing climate progress on Aug 19, 2024.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • This coverage is made possible through a partnership with Grist and Interlochen Public Radio in Northern Michigan.

    People who want to install solar panels on their roofs have to consider a lot: sunlight, cost, and coordinating with contractors and utilities. Tens of millions of people across the country also have to think about their homeowners association. 

    In Michigan, a new law aims to remove that barrier by telling homeowners associations, or HOAs, they have to allow rooftop solar. 

    The Homeowners’ Energy Policy Act was signed by Governor Gretchen Whitmer on Monday. 

    “We wanted to find a way to … empower homeowners to make those decisions themselves,” said Ranjeev Puri, a Democratic state representative from Canton Township in southeast Michigan and the bill’s main sponsor. “I think that this is an important step for a lot of people.”

    The law gives many HOA members the power to install rooftop solar and an array of other energy-saving measures, from clotheslines to heat pumps. HOAs also have to adopt a solar energy policy within a year, and they can’t enforce standards that increase the cost of installation by more than $1,000 or decrease energy output by more than 10 percent. 

    It doesn’t apply to shared roofs and common areas, so multifamily housing and some condominiums are not affected by the legislation. 

    HOAs are becoming increasingly common; over 75 million people belong to one, according to the Foundation for Community Association Research. 

    Supporters say Michigan’s new law is a step toward making rooftop solar more accessible to many of the 1.4 million HOA members in Michigan.

    “We thought that this was a very important bill, because there are thousands of homeowners associations across the state,” said John Freeman, the executive director of the Great Lakes Renewable Energy Association. “From our point of view, it was completely absurd that … by moving into a neighborhood which is governed by a homeowners association’s agreement, that homeowners would not be able to install solar on the roof in order to generate their own electricity and to help reduce carbon pollution.”

    Michigan is lagging in overall solar energy capacity, coming up 26th in the nation. With this legislation, it joins over two dozen other states that have some form of “solar access laws,” including neighbors like Illinois and Wisconsin, which aim to reign in an association’s say over solar in their community. 

    HOAs generally seek to maintain a neighborhood’s property value by enacting and enforcing rules, called codes, covenants and restrictions. Along with providing maintenance and other services, HOAs can use these rules to shape a neighborhood’s aesthetic, such as requiring houses to be a certain color or gardens to look a certain way. Violations could result in fines or even foreclosure

    And their rules can prevent people from pursuing climate friendly practices, like planting native species and switching to more sustainable energy systems, adding to the logistical and financial barriers to residential solar.

    Dan Kramer, a biology professor at Michigan State University, co-authored a 2022 study in the journal Landscape and Urban Planning on how homeowners associations hinder — and help — sustainable residential development in mid-Michigan. 

    “They could be bridges to more sustainable residential development rather than barriers, as they are now,” he said. “And it just takes a little change, I think, of perception and maybe a little bit more open thinking on the part of HOAs.”

    Kramer started researching HOAs because he had wanted to build a house in mid-Michigan, something small and energy efficient with renewable energy and no big, turfgrass-covered lawn.

    “I kept running into this problem that my house is too small, or my plan to use solar panels or my plan to do the landscaping that I wanted was unacceptable to the HOA, and so I would just have to keep looking,” he said. “This happened repeatedly in my own kind of personal search for land to build a home.”

    Some HOAs do support sustainability efforts. For instance, associations in Arizona have promoted desert-friendly landscaping and regulated water use. But Kramer said the cases they reviewed in mid-Michigan were rare. 

    “I don’t think that HOAs have any kind of anti-environmental or anti-sustainability agenda,” he said. “I think it really is more tied to the idea of a neat and tidy neighborhood. And that’s related to home value.”

    Opponents of the new law worry that it’s eroding the rights of an association to determine what happens in their community. That includes the Community Associations Institute, a national organization that advocates for HOA interests. 

    Attorney Matt Heron, a co-chair of the institute’s Michigan branch, said the law could also complicate maintenance and repair of roofs.

    “You’re going to have communities that may lose their insurance because they’re not going to have the ability to insure everything,” he said. He thinks it would have been better to encourage rather than mandate energy efficiency measures. 

    Under the law, HOAs do have some say in these projects, like limiting their height and appearance on the roof. And some associations were already accommodating solar, like the Ashland Park No. 1 Association in Traverse City, which has worked to get a system in place for residents that want solar panels. 

    “We just didn’t think it was a smart move to try to limit people right now, when the government’s … trying to push renewables,” said Ben Brower, the association’s president. Brower said they’re going to pay close attention to what they still have control over moving forward: “We don’t want it to blight or make the property look bad and hurt the values of the neighboring properties.”

    The landscape for solar in Michigan is changing; last November, the state passed a law requiring all of its electricity to come from “clean” sources by 2040, and it now allows more people to sell electricity from residential solar back to utilities. Federal incentives have also helped make it more affordable.

    Michigan is “playing a lot of catch up” in solar power, said Allan O’Shea, the CEO of CBS Solar, a solar installation company based in the northern Michigan village of Copemish. He has worked in the solar industry for decades, and while he’s had some good experiences with associations, there have also been problems.

    “We had an issue where they actually adopted a new law in the middle of [the process] to prevent solar from going in. And those are fighting words,” he said. “Not so much for us because we had to walk away from the project, but it really damaged the homeowner, the condo owner.”

    For O’Shea, this law is part of that change; some of the customers unable to install solar because of HOA restrictions are planning to take up their project again. 

    “It’s going to continue to normalize solar energy as another form, another power source that needs to be let into the mix,” he said. 

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Homeowners associations in Michigan now have to allow rooftop solar on Jul 11, 2024.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • Along with earthworms, rocks, and the occasional skeleton, there’s a massive battery right under your feet. Unlike a flammable lithium ion battery, though, this one is perfectly stable, free to use, and ripe for sustainable exploitation: the Earth itself. 

    While temperatures above-ground fluctuate throughout the year, the ground stays a stable temperature, meaning it’s humming with geothermal energy that engineers can exploit. “Every building sits on a thermal asset,” said Cameron Best, director of business development at Brightcore Energy in New York, which deploys geothermal systems. “I really don’t think there’s any more efficient or better way to heat and cool our homes.”

    At the start of June, Eversource Energy commissioned the United States’ first networked geothermal neighborhood operated by a utility, in Framingham, Massachusetts. Pipes run down boreholes 600 to 700 feet deep, where the temperature of the rock is consistently 55 degrees Fahrenheit. A mixture of water and propylene glycol (a food additive that works here as an antifreeze) pumps through the piping, absorbing that geothermal energy, then flows to 31 residential and five commercial buildings, where fully electric heat pumps use the liquid to either heat or cool a space. If deployed across the country, these geothermal systems could go a long way in helping decarbonize buildings, which are responsible for about a third of total greenhouse gas emissions in the U.S. 

    Once a system is in place, buildings can draw heat from water pumped from below their foundations, instead of burning natural gas piped in from afar. Utilities use the same equipment to deploy networked geothermal as they do for gas lines, and even the same kind of pipes — they’re just circulating fluid instead of gas. The networks don’t need special geology to operate, so they can be set up pretty much anywhere. The project in Framingham, then, could be the start of something big.

    In Massachusetts, commercial buildings tend to be more cooling-heavy, meaning that they cool more than heat over the course of a year, whereas residential homes tend to be more heating-heavy. Lots of different structures, with different heating and cooling needs, share one loop of piping in a geothermal network. “When you combine them onto the same loop, you keep the ground temperature stable,” said Eric Bosworth, manager of clean technologies at Eversource Energy. “You’re not putting energy in or out of the ground when you add all of the loads up.” 

    Shallow underground piping ferries water to the structures in the network. Eversource

    To scale up, a geothermal loop like Framingham’s might connect to an adjacent neighborhood, and that one to another. “In the end, what we would like is if the gas utilities become thermal utilities,” said Audrey Schulman, executive director of the nonprofit climate-solutions incubator HEETlabs. (A spinoff of the climate nonprofit HEET, which began pitching the idea to Eversource and other utilities in 2017.) “Each individual, shared loop can be interconnected, like Lego blocks, to grow bigger and bigger.”

    That goal may not be far off as utilities face increasing regulatory pressure to phase out gas. So Eversource Energy and two dozen other utilities, representing 47 percent of the country’s natural gas customers, have joined into an information-sharing coalition called the Utility Networked Geothermal Collaborative. “We’ve made a point to think about: Are we really a gas company, or are we a thermal energy delivery company?” said Holly Braun, business development and innovation manager at the Oregon utility NW Natural, which co-founded the coalition. 

    These geothermal systems hinge on the humble heat pump. For most homes, an “air source” heat pump is currently the best option: Using an outdoor unit, it extracts warmth from even chilly winter air and pumps it inside. It then reverses in the summer to act like an air conditioner. 

    The heat pumps in a geothermal system work the same way, only instead of extracting heat from air, the appliance extracts it from the water that’s been coursing underground. In the summer, the heat pump cools a space by injecting indoor heat into the water, which is then pumped back into the earth. That helps warm up the ground, recharging the subterranean battery so there’s plenty of energy to extract in the winter. 

    A networked geothermal system is extremely efficient. It scores a “coefficient of performance,” or COP, of 6, meaning for every one unit of energy going in, you get six units of heat out. By contrast, gas furnaces have a COP of less than 1.

    To add more capacity to the network, crews drill more boreholes. Eversource

    These heat pumps are exploiting water moving through rock that’s consistently 55 degrees. An air-source heat pump in the same neighborhood might have to run when it’s 10 degrees out, meaning it’ll have to work harder to provide the same amount of heat. Accordingly, its COP of 2 or 3 would still far outpace a gas furnace, but not approach geothermal’s COP of 6. “That means you have a higher efficiency with a ground-source system, which, of course, helps then with running costs,” said Jan Rosenow, who studies heat pumps at the Regulatory Assistance Project, a global energy NGO.

    That kind of efficiency will be critical if the U.S. is going to wean itself off fossil fuels. The more gas furnaces people replace with electric heat pumps, the more demand on the electrical grid. But the more efficient that engineers can make heating and cooling systems, the less capacity utilities will have to add to the grid. “Ground-source heat pumps, and particularly those community networked shallow geothermal, take the lowest electricity draw on that coldest day in winter,” said Tamsin Lishman, CEO of Kensa Group, which is pioneering networked geothermal in the United Kingdom. “It supports a substantial saving in the upgrade needed in the grid.”

    But if a utility has perfectly good infrastructure already in the ground to deliver gas, and it’s making good money doing so, why would it invest in a new kind of geothermal infrastructure? The reality is that a lot of that gas infrastructure isn’t particularly good, and is downright dangerous if it’s leaking an explosive gas. A utility might use networked geothermal to just swap in water for gas. “If you’re in a situation where you’re going to need to upgrade your pipe anyway, or replace it, you maybe think about: Do I replace it instead with a pipe that doesn’t require fuel, and it’s naturally replenishing energy from the ground?” Braun said.

    At the same time, utilities are under mounting pressure to phase out natural gas: Last year, New York became the first state to ban it in most new buildings. Utilities are also staring at mandates in states like California, Vermont, and Colorado to slash their overall carbon emissions, and they can’t do that if they keep delivering the same amount of natural gas. “If you’re in a jurisdiction that says ‘no new gas,’ well, you don’t put in new gas,” Braun said. “You got to have something else, or you just keep shrinking your business.”

    For new housing developments in particular — especially where recent ordinances have limited the amount of new buildings that can be connected to gas — they can drill the boreholes and lay the piping for buildings, and the homes will be ready to go fully electric. “We could lose those customers — we could just take ourselves out of the game — or we could present them with a new, decarbonized option that utilizes our existing strengths,” said Morgan Hood, manager of innovative products and services at Vermont Gas Systems, which co-founded the Utility Networked Geothermal Collaborative. “That’s what geothermal does.”

    Though networked geothermal is vastly more efficient than burning gas in a furnace, it’s still unclear how it would impact a customer’s energy bill. Because utilities are still experimenting with these systems, they haven’t settled on a rate structure. One option may be a flat monthly rate to tap into the geothermal network, depending on how much water a given structure needs to provide adequate heating and cooling. It’s a relatively new technology, so the costs to install are still high: Eversource says its budget for the Framingham project was around $18 million for those 36 residential and commercial buildings. But as with any technology, costs will come down as the technique matures.

    If the United States is going to properly decarbonize, the home of tomorrow could ditch natural gas and instead use a heat pump to tap into the air or the earth itself as a natural battery. The energy’s there — it’s always been there — now it’s just a matter of realizing its full potential.

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline The secret to decarbonizing buildings might be right under your feet on Jun 27, 2024.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • The Midwest’s largest potential reservoir to store carbon is buried deep under the farmland of Illinois, and the state’s lawmakers just hit the brakes on any plans for a carbon capture and storage boom there.

    A controversial technology where carbon dioxide is captured and then stored deep underground, carbon capture and storage, or CCS, is a big part of the Biden administration’s push for a greener planet. And a federal roll out of massive incentives for the nascent industry has spurred a carbon capture gold rush nationwide. In Illinois alone, three pipelines and 22 carbon sequestration wells have already been proposed. But local farmers, landowners, and environmental advocates are skeptical of the suddenly booming business and called on the state for stricter safety regulations. 

    That’s what happened at the end of May. 

    The state’s lawmakers passed the Safety CCS Act through both chambers at the tail end of the legislative session over the Memorial Day weekend. Illinois governor J.B. Pritzker, a Democrat, has yet to sign the legislation, but has signaled his intention to do so. 

    The package includes sweeping regulations for the state’s burgeoning carbon capture industry, including a moratorium of up to two years on pipelines transporting CO2 or until federal authorities pass new pipeline safety guidelines. It’s the first ban of its kind in the Midwest.

    “It does offer some really good protections for Illinois that are needed at a time when we are not just anticipating projects —- but those projects are moving forward rapidly,” said Pam Richart, the co-founder of the Coalition to Stop CO2 Pipelines, an environmental advocacy group that has been organizing across southern and central Illinois.

    The sweeping package of new rules breaks down into three categories: requirements for how carbon emissions must be captured, regulations around pipeline construction, and rules for what happens once the carbon is stored underground. 

    The legislation establishes a “do no harm standard,” which would prevent polluting facilities from pumping more emissions to take advantage of the beefed up federal tax credits, according to Jenny Cassel, a senior attorney with Earthjustice, a public interest environmental law organization. 

    The new rules do so by requiring that capture facilities store more carbon pollution than they produce. At the same time, power plants and other carbon-intensive industries must keep greenhouse gas emissions below what their permits allow.

    “We should not be creating more of a problem than we’re addressing with this,” said Cassel. “And that’s what this mandate will require.” 

    Richart’s organization has been calling for a CO2 pipeline moratorium since it was founded in 2022. The moratorium will last two years or until the federal Pipelines and Hazardous Materials Safety Administration finalizes its long-awaited safety rules. The law also empowers Illinois’ public utility commission to complement PHMSA’s incoming rules with expanded safety regulations. 

    Lastly, the law fills a giant liability-shaped hole left wide open by existing federal regulations. Companies looking to get into carbon storage need federal permits for Class-VI wells, which are used for the long term storage of carbon dioxide. But Cassel said those permits are lacking: They provide no guidance for who is on the hook if something goes wrong, nor do they settle the question of exactly who owns pore space, which is the geological formation used to store CO2.

    The law settles both questions: It requires companies to monitor injection sites for at least 30 years and produce publicly available safety modeling. It also requires companies to pay into a statewide emergency fund. Under the new rules, pore space belongs to its surface owner, and companies interested in utilizing it must pay surface owners a fee.

    Proponents of the controversial technology maintain if it pans out as intended, it won’t just be good for the climate — it could be a major economic windfall for Illinois

    “We can create about 14,000 jobs and about a $3 billion economic impact,” according to Mark Denzler, the president and CEO of the Illinois Manufacturers’ Association, citing a report by the University of Illinois’ Prairie Research Institute. 

    Denzler said the new regulations aren’t perfect. “We didn’t get everything we wanted. The environmental advocates didn’t get everything they wanted. But it’s a compromise,” he said. Denzler adds that at least now there’s regulatory certainty, and private interest knows what to expect and how to proceed. 

    Richart said the rules are a huge step forward for protecting major swaths of Illinois, but she has no plans to stop her advocacy. She points to crucial protections that were left out of the landmark legislation.

    “We did not get the protections in place for the Mahomet aquifer,” Richart said of the sole source aquifer that serves over 500,000 people in central Illinois and advocates worry is dangerously close to where companies want to stash CO2.

    Richart says her coalition has brought together unlikely allies, and that’s because as carbon capture begins to settle into the Midwest one thing is obvious: “We all recognize there’s a need to protect our land, our public health, and our water,” she said. “All of those things we can agree on.”

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Illinois legislature puts the brakes on a carbon capture boom on Jun 7, 2024.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • This coverage is made possible through a partnership with Grist and Interlochen Public Radio in Northern Michigan.

    Michigan Attorney General Dana Nessel announced Thursday that she plans to sue fossil fuel companies for knowingly contributing to climate change, harming the state’s economy and ways of life. 

    “It’s long past time that we step up and hold the fossil fuel companies that are responsible for all these damages accountable,” she said.

    With this litigation, Michigan would join dozens of local, tribal and state governments that have taken similar steps to try to make the industry pay for climate damage.

    Nessel said the case is an effort to recover some of what Michigan has lost due to climate change, pointing to severe weather events, risks to agriculture and last winter’s short ski season and canceled sled dog races. 

    The department is asking outside lawyers to submit proposals to help with the case, which Nessel said could potentially bring billions to the state to address damages from climate change. Attorneys and law firms can submit proposals through June 5th.

    “A case like this is exhaustive in nature,” she told Interlochen Public Radio. “You’re going after Big Oil, so you need to have some support in terms of additional attorneys and support staff.”

    Investigations in 2015 from Inside Climate News and the Los Angeles Times showed that companies like Exxon knew about the dangers of greenhouse gas emissions for decades, but minimized those threats.

    Last month, the House Committee on Oversight and Accountability referenced that reporting, saying that its own nearly three-year-long investigation gave a “rare glimpse into the extensive efforts undertaken by fossil fuel companies to deceive the public and investors about their knowledge of the effects of their products on climate change and to undermine efforts to curb greenhouse gas emissions.”

    For instance, ahead of a recent congressional hearing, newly revealed documents showed that BP executives knew natural gas was contributing significantly to climate change but promoted it as a “bridge” fuel to replace coal.

    Asked about Michigan’s plans to sue, Ryan Meyers, the American Petroleum Institute’s senior vice president and general counsel, said in an emailed statement that it is part of an “ongoing, coordinated campaign to wage meritless, politicized lawsuits against a foundational American industry and its workers.” Meyers added that climate policy should be handled in Congress, not the courts.

    The attorney general’s department is working with state agencies to assess the impacts of climate change in Michigan.

    Nessel said the state has successfully pursued similar legal efforts in the past, including against the opioid industry and chemical manufacturers that produce PFAS.

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Michigan wants fossil fuel companies to pay for climate change damages on May 13, 2024.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • Every email you send has a home. Every uploaded file, web search, and social media post does, too. In massive buildings erected from miles of concrete, stacked servers hum with the electricity required to process and store every byte of information that modern lives rely on.

    In recent years, these data centers have been rapidly expanding in the United States. But the gargantuan facilities do more than keep cloud servers running — they also guzzle absurd amounts of water to run cooling systems that protect their components from overheating. Now, as artificial intelligence applications become ubiquitous, they’re using more water than ever.

    Northern Virginia is the data center capital of the globe, where more than 300 facilities process nearly 70 percent of the world’s digital information, a job that requires ever more electricity. A utility that serves the area, Dominion Energy, announced during a May 2 earnings call that the industry’s demand for electricity had more than doubled in recent years. The week before that call, Google announced a billion-dollar expansion of three Virginia facilities, following a $35 billion investment by Amazon Web Services in the same area last year. State lawmakers and environmental groups have begun worrying about what this industry boom means for the area’s supply of water.

    “Some of these data centers will use resources equivalent to a small city for energy and water,” said Ann Bennett, chair of data center issues in the Sierra Club’s Virginia chapter. “They are being built on a scale that we just haven’t seen in the past.”

    Large data centers are resource hogs, using as much as 5 million gallons of water a day. Big companies, such as Google, Microsoft, and Meta, have faced public backlash for sucking up groundwater in regions plagued by droughts, such as in Arizona. But warming temperatures and more heat waves are driving increased water scarcity even in states that are not used to shortages. Last summer and fall, Virginia suffered a monthslong drought. The worst of the dry spell was in the same watershed as “data center alley,” part of Loudoun County where thousands of technology companies make use of the greatest concentration of data centers in the world, in area the size of 100,000 football fields. 

    “I think as we look towards climate change and drought, somebody has to start asking these questions about how that impacts water supply and future increasing need,” said Kyle Hart, a program manager of the National Parks Conservation Association in Alexandria, one of the groups involved in the recently formed Virginia Data Center Reform Coalition. Many environmental advocates say that because companies often don’t divulge details about their water use, calling attention to these issues is a challenge.

    Amazon data centers being built 50 feet from residential houses in the Loudoun County, Virginia.
    Amazon data centers being built 50 feet from residential houses in the Loudoun County, Virginia. Jahi Chikwendiu / The Washington Post via Getty Images

    Data centers rank among the top 10 water-consuming industries in the United States, according to a 2021 study from Virginia Tech that looked at their environmental cost. And the next generation of technology will only make these facilities thirstier, as servers that run AI algorithms generate more heat. Compared with traditional computing, the average neural network needs six times more kilowatts per rack. And AI scales exponentially: Large-scale algorithms, used by the likes of Google, Amazon, and Microsoft, consume at least 100 times more computing power and process millions of more data points than simpler kinds of machine learning.

    To crunch all those bytes, tech giants are seeking out more data centers. Information about how many servers are being used for AI applications is not publicly available, but according to polling by Forbes, more than half of businesses use AI in some capacity. Amazon Web Services, which has 85 data centers in northern Virginia alone, offers hundreds of AI applications to its clients. 

    In Virginia, the scramble to stake land for data centers has some residents concerned. In December, local officials in Prince William County approved a $40 billion land-development project that will turn the county into the world’s largest data center hub. The public debate took 27 hours and drew nearly 400 citizens who raised questions about water availability, effect on the grid, and noise pollution. 

    Dozens of climate advocacy and historical preservation organizations formed the Virginia Data Center Reform Coalition at the end of last year over concerns that data centers were being built without prior understanding of the consequences. Julie Bolthouse, director of land use at Piedmont Environmental Council, one of the members of the coalition, says without more information about the resources these facilities consume, it’s difficult to draw a line from data centers to water issues. “We just don’t know. And that’s the biggest problem: We need more transparency around this industry,” she said. “And yet we’re approving them because of the promise of increased revenue.”

    “Data centers are really secretive about their operational details,” said Md Abu Bakar Siddik, an engineering doctoral student who co-authored the Virginia Tech study. In 2022, Google became the first company to publicize its water use data in The Dalles, Oregon, following a lengthy legal battle. While a handful of other tech giants, like Microsoft, have followed suit, most companies remain tight-lipped.

    Ben Townsend, head of infrastructure and sustainability at Google, says the tech giant has some of the most sustainable data centers in the industry. And if a drought hit the area, Townsend said that Google would work with the local utilities “well in advance to understand what behaviors need to be taken to best support the watershed.”

    Last month, Bolthouse learned from a Freedom of Information Act request that data centers serviced by the Loudoun water utility had increased their use of drinking water by more than 250 percent between 2019 and 2023. The documents also showed that water usage peaked during the summer months when the risk of drought is the highest. 

    Recycled water is being used at some data centers, such as a Google facility in Colorado. But Siddik says fresh water is usually necessary to keep cooling systems running smoothly. 

    Members of the Virginia Data Center Reform Coalition during a press release last December. Hugh Kenny / Piedmont Environmental Council

    Shaolei Ren, an engineering professor at University of California, Riverside, said that instead of returning the water to a city wastewater system, like the one connected to your drains at home, many data centers use cooling methods that rely on evaporation. A study he co-authored last year found that just training Open AI’s flagship product, GPT-3, might have directly evaporated more than 700,000 liters of clean fresh water. “Whether the water is recycled, saline, or fresh water, afterwards the water is just gone,” Ren said.

    Some Virginia lawmakers have tried to hold companies accountable for their impact on the environment. In February, Josh Thomas, a Democrat in the Virginia House of Delegates, introduced several data center reform bills, including one that would require counties to conduct water studies before approving new developments. Although the legislation made it through the Virginia House in February, the Senate vote was eventually postponed until 2025, effectively killing it. According to Thomas, industry groups lobbied against the bill. By the time he reintroduces it during next year’s legislative session, lawmakers and the Data Center Reform Coalition expect an environmental impact study, commissioned by Virginia, will be complete.

    “I think it’s very fair to paint a picture of a very obstinate industry that is opposed to any type of check on its growth,” Thomas said. “If we don’t do something quickly, there may be a tipping point where anything we do might not have an impact.”

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline The surging demand for data is guzzling Virginia’s water. on May 8, 2024.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • This coverage is made possible through a partnership with WABE and Grist, a nonprofit, independent media organization dedicated to telling stories of climate solutions and a just future.

    In a case that could impact other lawsuits on voting rights, Black voters who sued over Georgia’s elections for key utility regulators are appealing their case to the U.S. Supreme Court. 

    Those elections for the Georgia Public Service Commission have been on hold for years and while last week a federal appeals court lifted an injunction blocking the elections from taking place, there is little chance the elections will happen this year. 

    Public Service Commissioners have enormous sway over greenhouse gas emissions because they approve how electric utilities get their power. They also set the rates consumers pay for electricity. 

    In Georgia, the commissioners have to live in specific districts. But unlike members of Congress who are only elected by residents of their district, the Georgia commissioners are elected by a statewide, at-large vote. A group of Black voters in Atlanta argued in a lawsuit that this violates Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act because it dilutes their votes, preventing them from sending the candidate of their choice to the commission.

    In one example the plaintiffs cited, the former commissioner for District 3, which covers Metro Atlanta, “was elected to three terms on the PSC without ever winning a single county in District 3.”

    That commissioner — along with four of the five current commissioners — is a white Republican. Georgia’s population is one-third Black, with a much higher proportion in District 3. Georgia voters elected Democrat Joe Biden and two Democratic U.S. Senators in 2020, and Atlanta voters tend to choose Democrats for seats ranging from mayor and city council to U.S. Congress.

    A federal judge agreed with the plaintiffs in 2022 and suspended PSC elections until the state legislature could devise a new system. However, in November 2023, the 11th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals reversed that decision.

    The appeals court ruling took issue with the proposed fix of single-member district elections, arguing a federal court can’t overrule the state’s choice to hold at-large elections because it would violate the “principles of federalism.”

    “It’s kind of an upside-down view,” said Bryan Sells, one of the lawyers for the plaintiffs. “What the 11th Circuit’s ruling says is that Georgia is allowed to discriminate against Black voters.”

    The plaintiffs are asking the U.S. Supreme Court to overturn the appeals court decision, though there’s no guarantee the Supreme Court will take up the case.

    In their petition for Supreme Court consideration, the plaintiffs argue that if it’s upheld, the appeals court decision “would upend decades of settled law and have a cascading effect far beyond the reach of this case.”

    “[The appeals court panel] simply decided that whatever rationales Georgia might tender for the at-large scheme…automatically trump any amount of racial vote dilution, no matter how severe,” the petition argues. “If a State’s interest can prevail in this case, there is no case in which it won’t.”

    The Georgia Secretary of State’s office declined to comment on the appeal.

    In the meantime, PSC elections have been on hold since 2022, when the federal judge who found for the plaintiffs imposed an injunction blocking the Secretary of State from holding or certifying those elections. The 11th Circuit issued an order last week lifting the injunction, though its effect was not immediately clear.

    Sells and a spokesman for the Secretary of State’s office both said they were reviewing the order. In a text message, Sells also expressed surprise at what he called “the court’s unilateral action that no one asked for.”

    Under the injunction, elections for two PSC seats that were scheduled for November 2022 were canceled. Despite not facing voters, those commissioners continue to serve and vote on PSC decisions, including rate increases and the three new fossil fuel-powered turbines the commission just approved. 

    PSC elections are also not on the 2024 ballot. A third commissioner’s term will expire at the end of the year.

    A bill that passed the Georgia General Assembly before the Supreme Court appeal was filed or the injunction was lifted lays out a schedule for elections to resume, still following the current model of statewide voting. Gov. Brian Kemp signed it into law last week.

    The law schedules those elections to begin in 2025.

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline How should Georgia elect key utility regulators? US Supreme Court asked to weigh in on Apr 24, 2024.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • If, in the 18 months since the Inflation Reduction Act passed, you’ve found yourself muttering Jerry Maguire’s timeless mantra “Show me the money!,” a handful of policy analysts has just done exactly that. Their analysis of the nation’s investment in clean energy found that for every dollar the government has contributed to advancing the transition, the private sector has kicked in $5.47, leading to nearly a quarter-trillion dollars flowing into the clean economy in just one year.

    Across nearly every segment tracked by Rhodium Group and its collaborators at Massachusetts Institute of Technology, investments have not only increased since President Joe Biden signed the legislation, the rate of growth has quickened, too. In the 12 months from October 2022 through September 2023, $220 billion poured into everything from battery factories to solar farms to emerging technologies like hydrogen, including $34 billion in federal spending, mostly in the form of tax credits.

    The report shows, among other things, the scale of investments that the government can spur with a clear commitment to a specific course of action. Both figures reveal a substantive increase in the financial pressure building behind the transition to a clean economy, and testify to the role progressive policies play in pushing that economic transformation forward. 

    “It’s proving the value of the federal government taking the lead, putting in place policy that says, ‘This is the direction that we’re headed: supporting decarbonization, supporting clean energy,’” Hannah Hess, an associate director of climate and energy at Rhodium Group who co-authored the report, said.

    By taking that lead, many billions more have flowed into the clean economy. In 2023, the sector as a whole logged new records for yet another year. Utility-scale solar and storage grew more than 50 percent compared to 2022 to a total of $53 billion. Investment in the entire EV supply chain hit $42 billion — up 115 percent over the previous year. Meanwhile, retail spending by businesses and households on things like EVs, heat pumps, and rooftop solar came in at $118 billion, all told.

    Nonetheless, several economists and analysts said that, while impressive, the rate of investment revealed in the Clean Investment Monitor still isn’t enough for the U.S. to achieve its climate goals. We can certainly cut emissions by 40 percent, as stated in the IRA, but we’re still far from the 50 percent reduction needed by 2030 to meet its commitments under the Paris Agreement.

    “We have more work to do,” said Catherine Wolfram, a professor of energy economics at MIT. While not involved with the Clean Investment Monitor, much of Wolfram’s work at MIT has studied the expected economic impacts of the IRA. Though she doesn’t see the level of investment as yet being sufficient to achieve that ambitious goal, she underscored that the IRA remains a big win, especially as a symbol of America’s commitment to climate action.

    By holding a torch to the path the nation’s economy can take toward a future in which excess emissions fade into myths and fables, the government has garnered investments in projects that won’t receive federal support for years to come. In particular, Hess pointed out that more than one-fifth of the $239 billion spent in the 2023 calendar year on clean investments went toward manufacturing, particularly in all things EV. In many cases, companies are spending tens, sometimes hundreds, of millions of dollars to build factories on the promise that they will receive tax credits once batteries, solar panels, and other products start coming off the assembly line.

    This reality has some investors keeping a keen eye on Congress.

    Bob Keefe, executive director of the nonpartisan advocacy group E2, said that the dozens of attempts by Republican members of Congress to repeal or otherwise roll back provisions and funding sources in the IRA is making some investors squeamish. 

    “Nobody’s going to want to invest in something if the policies that [are] driving it are under threat,” Keefe said. “I mean, just the mention of threat is enough to spook people.”

    Even with those policy scares and a looming election whose outcome may jeopardize the IRA’s various funding streams, E2 has nonetheless tracked announcements for hundreds of clean energy projects across 41 states since the legislation passed, with $4 billion worth of investments announced in February alone.

    As long as the government doesn’t “screw it up,” Keefe said, “We are quite literally on the cusp of the biggest economic revolution we’ve seen in this country in generations.”

    The trends for this have crystallized. Yes, the wind industry stumbled on land and at sea, according to the report, but it’s poised to find its footing again. But every other sector saw substantial, even startling, growth — particularly emerging technologies like hydrogen and sustainable aviation fuel. That broad category saw a tenfold increase in spending in 2023, hitting $9.1 billion.

    Federal investments are already exceeding the Biden administration’s own estimates, and this spending, as Hess pointed out, will only increase. Barring unexpected obstructions, the government is on track to inject, not the oft cited figure of $369 billion, but perhaps as much as $1 trillion or more into the clean economy through IRA-related spending alone according to estimates by Wolfram and her colleagues.

    Wherever the final dollar figure falls, the report from Rhodium Group emphasizes the energy and enthusiasm there is behind this economic transition. To those who aren’t forehead deep in economic forecasting, the outpouring has been so expansive as to be wholly unexpected.

    “Nobody could have ever predicted that we would see this type of investment, this type of job creation,” Keefe said. “It’s absolutely incredible.”

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline The IRA has injected $240 billion into clean energy. It might not be enough. on Mar 12, 2024.

    This post was originally published on Grist.