Category: community


  • Welcome back to our series on personal climate action, exploring new frameworks for the question: “How do I make a difference?” So far, we’ve covered stories of people making waves by raising their voices in court and expressing their climate values during some of the most meaningful moments in their lives. This week’s piece explores the idea that one of the most powerful individual actions you might take is joining or organizing a climate community — and we’re focusing on a particular space where people are already a part of a collective that can advocate for change: the workplace.

    Most of us spend a lot of time at our jobs. And even if you don’t work in an obvious climate field, just about every sector touches or is impacted by the climate crisis in some way. Grist’s climate solutions fellow Katie Myers explores how unions and other organized groups of workers are banding together over shared concerns, and using their collective power to advocate for greener, safer, and more just practices from their employers.

    Illustration of three raised fists

    The vision

    “Our job is to organize the people. Because if you don’t organize the people, you can shout all you want, you can write all you want about a policy issue and the climate and environmental problems, but it’s not gonna go anywhere.”

    Baldemar Velasquez, president of the Farm Labor Organizing Committee

    The spotlight

    Caitlyn McLaren is a nurse at Jackson Memorial Hospital in Miami. She was active in student environmental organizing while in college, but after starting full-time work in healthcare, long hours and a stressful work environment began to take their toll. Like so many, she found that she no longer could make time for climate justice organizing.

    But then, about four years ago, she discovered that she could continue to be a climate advocate — at work, rather than outside of it.

    “A member approached the president of our local [union chapter] and said, ‘You know, climate change is something that I’m really concerned about,’” McLaren recalls. And the SEIU 1991 Climate Committee was born.

    The committee gave hospital workers a chance to discuss some of their shared concerns about the climate impacts of their industry — everything from the chemicals in use at the hospital to the massive amount of waste generated by disposable dishware to the carcinogenic smoke from the gas used to cauterize tissue in the operating room. Since the committee was formed, McLaren and her colleagues have successfully diverted over 27,000 pounds of medical waste from the landfill and installed charging stations for electric cars, with several other campaigns still active.

    McLaren says being in a unionized workplace made it possible for her to get involved with environmental advocacy again. “Having a union can help with creating that space for people to actually be able to think about the big picture issues, because we’re so busy with the day-to-day grind of our job,” she says.

    Often, labor unions are associated with opposition to the environmental movement, particularly the green energy transition that would take away already imperiled jobs in coal, oil, and other fossil fuels. But workers — unionized and not — have also been at the forefront of many environmental movements.

    Even if we don’t think of our jobs as climate-related, most industries have climate impacts, and workers have used that fact to push their workplaces toward a more responsible relationship with the environment. Among that number are healthcare workers like McLaren, Amazon employees and Uber drivers working to reduce their companies’ emissions, steel workers pushing for a green transition, and many, many more who have seen their workplaces as sites of agitation for climate justice, and as opportunities to create a healthier world.

    . . .

    The phrase “environmental justice” actually has roots in the labor movement. Farm Labor Organizing Committee president Baldemar Velasquez says that the farmworkers’ movement, as well as members of a rural North Carolina Black community threatened by a proposed landfill, helped popularize the phrase at the The Michigan Conference on Race and the Incidence of Environmental Hazard in 1990. With it came a growing awareness of environmental racism, and of environmental struggle as extending beyond the prevailing middle-class white concerns about conservation. Conversations about environmental issues began to focus on the impacts of industry and extraction on predominantly Black and brown, low-income, and immigrant communities.

    “We were challenging the mainstream environmentalists,” Velasquez says.

    And the relationship between workers and environmental justice goes back well before the origins of the phrase. In the 1960s, groups like the Memphis sanitation workers’ strike of 1968 (where Martin Luther King Jr. gave his final speech) and the immigrant-led United Farmworkers’ Organizing Committee, whose first contracts included protection from certain pesticides, spearheaded the idea that workers could rally around environmental causes, and that many environmental issues were workers’ issues, too.

    Farmworkers are among the most vulnerable social groups in the United States, often migrants on visas with very few legal protections. For them, climate change is a matter of life and death, with small shifts in heat and the growing season directly impacting their ability to make a living and survive a day’s work. Today, farmworkers continue to push for climate-specific protections, including sun and heat protection, disaster insurance, and language-inclusive wildfire safety and evacuation information. Velasquez says that the Farm Labor Organizing Committee is also focused on battles with corrupt contractors and securing collective bargaining agreements for growers.

    “I think that organizing, grassroots membership organizations, is the vehicle to begin to address some of these individual problems,” Velasquez says. “If there’s a worker that’s got a problem,” he adds, “I love hearing those people, because then I challenge them to do something about it.”

    . . .

    Liz Ratzloff, the co-director of the Labor Network for Sustainability, first entered the labor movement as a graduate student worker at the University of Michigan, where she organized for divestment from fossil fuels and to expand affordable transportation and housing. Now, she coordinates with workers and unions to organize at the intersection of climate justice and workers’ rights. She has worked with educators, postal workers, auto workers, and railroad workers, just to name a few.

    “In order to build the power to be able to take on the fossil fuel industry, we need the labor movement, environmental and climate justice groups, [and] frontline and historically marginalized communities to unite around using climate action to address social inequities,” Ratzloff says. By organizing teachers, for instance, Ratzloff believes it’s possible to make ripple effects through entire communities — pushing for greener schools could include things like better indoor air quality and carbon-neutral facilities, but also climate education and pathways to union jobs in renewable energy for students.

    In particular, Ratzloff says it’s important for environmental and labor movements to organize with younger workers, many of whom have an interest in climate justice and are often left wondering where to plug in. Across the country, workers have formed climate committees and coalitions to talk through sustainability issues and strategize on how to hold their industries accountable.

    In Oakland, California, in early May, teachers went on strike for the climate, demanding more environmental justice curricula and cleaner air in schools. In previous years, Los Angeles teachers walked out for similar reasons, demanding in particular support for students traumatized by wildfires and other symptoms of the global climate crisis. Social workers, who witness the impacts of systemic environmental racism on their clients, are creating initiatives to better address housing-related environmental issues such as lead paint. And just earlier this month, Waffle House employees, under the banner of United Southern Service Workers, spoke out against their employer’s support of an environmentally destructive police-training facility in Atlanta, dubbed “Cop City.”

    In recent years, white-collar Amazon workers — computer engineers, coders, and others — have demanded the company take responsibility for its massive carbon emissions and work to reduce them. In 2019, hundreds of Amazon employees walked off the job after the floods in Pakistan, demanding reparations to the country for the company’s outsized carbon emissions. In the past, Amazon workers have also demanded parts of the company stop doing business with the oil and gas industry.

    Over 1,000 Amazon workers walked out again in May for a host of reasons, among them unfulfilled demands to reduce pollution from the company’s fleet of delivery vans.

    Their efforts highlight both the power and risks of standing up to an employer. Amazon now has a Climate Pledge, and has begun transitioning its vehicle fleet to EVs and donating to rainforest conservation efforts. But the company has also retaliated against workers, in one case illegally firing the two women who founded Amazon Employees for Climate Justice. Workers have also called out the company for using its climate promises as greenwashing, and they continue to agitate around environmental responsibility.

    . . .

    Ratzloff says the first step in bringing climate advocacy to any workplace is basic: Talk to your coworkers. “Identifying issues, creating solutions, and fighting for those within your workplace through collective action is incredibly important,” she says. “As individuals, we can’t make the changes that are necessary to drastically reduce carbon emissions.”

    Caitlyn McLaren agrees. Talking to her coworkers about climate concerns, she says, made her feel connected to them in deeper ways. And it wasn’t hard to get the ball rolling. “For us, we started just by sending out an email and saying, ‘Hey, is anyone else interested in this?’” McLaren says.

    Hospital workers jumped at the chance to make more meaning out of their work, and to have a broader impact on their community’s safety and health. After successfully organizing to reduce medical waste in the hospital system, the climate committee members are starting to strategize around getting their hospital to apply for Inflation Reduction Act funds, which McLaren says may support decarbonization and energy efficiency projects for nonprofit hospitals.

    As McLaren and her coworkers have found meaning in their environmental organizing, she says they’ve also renewed their passion for their paid work and their determination to make their workplace better for everyone in and around it.

    “I’m really interested in the leverage that workers have in institutions that we’re a part of,” McLaren says, “[and] being able to change practices or push our institutions to do more and to do better.”

    — Katie Myers

    More exposure

    See for yourself

    What overlaps do you see between climate change and your day job (or night job, or side hustle — or all of the above)? Have you considered talking with your coworkers about climate concerns in your industry? Reply to this email to share your thoughts.

    A parting shot

    Check out this short video from the Center for Cultural Power, an advocacy organization working at the intersection of art, culture, and social justice. (The vid was produced and directed by filmmaker Layel Camargo and voiced by singer and actress Antonique Smith, both of whom have been featured on our Grist 50 list of climate changemakers). With fun animations, it chronicles the overlap between the climate crisis, capitalism, and the exploitation of labor.

    A large white play button sits over a cartoonish image of a castle on a gray, smoky background, with the word "Capitalism" in jaunty lettering.

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Looking to join a climate community? Try your workplace. on Jun 21, 2023.

    This content originally appeared on Grist and was authored by Katie Myers.

  • Mikawestwolf lauriechildsphotography

    We speak with the parents of Mika Westwolf, a 22-year-old Indigenous woman struck and killed in March by a driver as she was walking home along the highway in the early morning hours. The parents and allies are on a “Justice to Be Seen” march to call for justice and an investigation. Westwolf was a member of the Blackfeet Tribe and was also Diné, Cree and Klamath. The driver has been identified as Sunny White, a suspected white nationalist whose children are reportedly named “Aryan” and “Nation” and were in the car at the time of the crash. White has not been charged in connection with Westwolf’s death, but it’s part of an apparent pattern in which many Indigenous people are killed or hit by vehicles along Highway 93. “They need to hear us and see us,” says Westwolf’s mother, Carissa Heavy Runner. “Listen to our stories and feel our pain and see our pain.” Erica Shelby, a tribal legal advocate for missing and murdered Indigenous women, discusses the details of the case and how she is in Washington, D.C., to demand action from lawmakers. “Everybody has the same story about the same players, the same agencies, the same police, the same attorneys,” says Shelby. “Enough is enough.”


    This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • “We should focus on solutions that are working instead of what helps us look tough…” Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-New York) recently tweeted these lines about a violence prevention program originating in her community. Her focus on “what works,” along with the surprising victory of Brandon Johnson in April’s mayoral race in Chicago, offer political candidates and leaders some important…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • RNZ Pacific

    Members of Fijian communities in Auckland and Wellington are eager to meet Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka next week when he arrives on his first official state visit to Aotearoa New Zealand.

    Rabuka and wife Sulueti are expected to arrive in Auckland on Monday before meeting with the local Fijian community in the afternoon.

    They and the delegation accompanying them will then make the trip down to Wellington where they are scheduled to meet with the Fijian community in the capital on Tuesday evening.

    Rabuka will also meet NZ Prime Minister Chris Hipkins on Wednesday before a bilateral lunch with Foreign Affairs Minister Nanaia Mahuta.

    But it is the meeting with the Fijian communities that is expected to be the highlight of the tour.

    Wellington’s Viti Community president Maciu Vucago said the group was excited to have the chance to meet Prime Minister Rabuka at the Wellington Indian Association centre.

    “This is the first time he is coming here as Prime Minister after the elections of 2022,” he said.

    “After 16 long years we have the opportunity to meet our own Prime Minister. Everyone is excited and we will use the opportunity to get updates on what is happening and hopefully ask some questions to help us understand what is happening,” he added.

    The Fijian community meeting in Wellington will feature Fiji’s major ethnic groups — the iTaukei, Indo-Fijian and Rotuman — who have come together to prepare for the event.

    “It will be a good day for all of us coming together to meet our Prime Minister,” Vucago said.

    Rabuka and his delegation will return to Fiji on Thursday.

    The Prime Minister is currently in Apia as part of the Pacific Leaders contingent there celebrating Samoa’s Independence Day.

    • According to the 2018 NZ Census, there are 36,000 Fiji islanders — including all ethnic groups — living in the country.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    The launch of Voqa ni Veisemati: Vola Italanoa ni Viti e Aotearoa in Wellington
    A Fijian community gathering . . . Image: RNZ Pacific

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • China is racing to complete a deep sea port project in western Myanmar’s Rakhine state, despite concerns from residents who rely on the area’s waterways and say it will destroy their livelihoods.

    The Kyaukphyu deep sea port and special economic zone is one of several China-backed megaprojects in Myanmar, along with the New Yangon City urban planning project, the Mee Lin Gyaing Energy Project in Ayeyarwady region and the Letpadaung Copper Mine in Sagaing region.

    On May 24, Chinese Ambassador Cheng Hai urged junta Legal Affairs Minister Thidar Oo to speed ahead with the US$1.3 billion special economic zone, which is expected to begin construction following the completion of an environmental and social impact assessment in July. 

    The zone’s US$7.3 billion-dollar port project will be built in three phases and encompass 370 acres of land on Maday Island and 237 acres on neighboring Ramree Island.

    Local fishermen’s houses and boats at the foreground of the Chinese oil pipeline project building on Maday island, Kyaukpyu township, Rakhine state, Myanmar Oct. 7, 2015. Credit: Soe Zeya Tun/Reuters
    Local fishermen’s houses and boats at the foreground of the Chinese oil pipeline project building on Maday island, Kyaukpyu township, Rakhine state, Myanmar Oct. 7, 2015. Credit: Soe Zeya Tun/Reuters

    But while Myanmar authorities promise that such projects will bring opportunities to the communities where they are located, residents are less sure. They say the projects will upset their livelihoods while generating cash the junta uses to maintain its grip on power and oppress the people.

    Activists have long campaigned for a halt to the deep sea port, saying that the project was started without the consensus of residents and has failed to address the concerns of local fishermen, who say it will impact area fish stocks and cut off access to key bodies of water.

    “If the projects proceed, Maday Island residents will not even be able to access the river because of the deep sea ports,” a resident of Kyauktan village on Maday Island told RFA Burmese, speaking on condition of anonymity. 

    “People who rely on the sea for their livelihoods like us are going to face a lot of trouble then. If they cannot create jobs for us, we are going to face a lot of difficulties.”

    Some 70% of Maday’s population of about 3,000 people fish to earn a living.

    ENG_BUR_ChinaRakhinePort_06012023.map.png

    A fisherman from Maday’s Ywar Ma village, who also declined to be named, echoed concerns about the local fishing industry, which he said “will face major difficulties” because of the project.

    “Fishermen like us will definitely go out of business because ships and vessels will be entering the port everyday,” he said. “It would be better if they can provide fishermen with suitable employment such as daily wage-based jobs or skill-based jobs.”

    In addition to the port’s potential impact on fishing, the Kyaukphyu special economic zone is expected to force as many as 20,000 people to relocate, according to a report by the International Commission of Jurists.

    Tun Kyi, a spokesperson for the Maday Island District Development Association, said that it is not yet known exactly what kind of compensation will be provided for residents adversely affected by the projects.

    “There have been discussions between residents and President Myint Thein of the Kyaukphyu special economic zone,” he said. “I asked how they would implement regional development, how they would create job opportunities for our region and how the local residents will fit in their projects, but no one has given specific answers for my questions.”

    Key corridor project

    The Kyaukphyu deep sea port and zone economic zone are key projects in the 1,700-kilometer (1,000-mile) China-Myanmar Economic Corridor, which will connect the Chinese city of Kunming in Yunnan province to Myanmar’s economic centers of Muse, Mandalay, Yangon and Kyaukphyu.

    According to ISP-Myanmar, an independent research group, there are 35 China-Myanmar economic corridor projects to be implemented by China in Myanmar, including railways, motor ways, special economic zones, ports and new city projects.

    Oil tanks at China's oil pipeline project on Maday island, Kyaukpyu township, Rakhine state Oct. 7, 2015. Credit: Soe Zeya Tun/Reuters
    Oil tanks at China’s oil pipeline project on Maday island, Kyaukpyu township, Rakhine state Oct. 7, 2015. Credit: Soe Zeya Tun/Reuters

    A local observer of Chinese projects, who did not want to be named for security reasons, said that the Kyaukphyu deep sea port project is critical for landlocked Yunnan province.

    “It is a key project … as it will open an outlet to the Indian Ocean,” he said. “But the deep sea port project will not do the work alone. The railways have to be built to connect mainland China to the trade route.”

    Than Soe Naing, a political analyst, noted that China has stepped up pressure on the junta to proceed with the project barely two weeks after Cyclone Mocha made landfall in Rakhine with sustained winds reaching over 220 kilometers per hour (137 mph), killing more than 400 people and decimating much of the state.

    “China’s communist government has no accountability for democracy and human rights,” he said. “Despite the devastation caused by Cyclone Mocha in Rakhine state, China is solely focusing on the successful implementation of the Kyaukphyu deep sea port project, risking the livelihoods of Myanmar’s people for its own interests.”

    Attempts by RFA to contact the Chinese Embassy in Yangon for more details about the project went unanswered Thursday.

    Translated by Myo Min Aung. Edited by Joshua Lipes and Malcolm Foster.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by By RFA Burmese.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Photo by Markus Spiske

    After three years of constant planning, strategising and pushing by coordinators of the project, Eric Huntley and Sukant Chandan with support from many others in the community saw the Jessica Huntley Community Garden (Huntley Garden) successfully launch on Monday May 1st 2023 in what attendees called a ‘beautiful and fitting tribute’ to the many grassroots legacies and works of Jessica and Eric Huntley and their wider political, social and cultural community. Well over 100 attendees of all generation from babes-in-arms, to young children, youth, parents, grandparents and great-grandparents all in attendance and everyone had a direct role to play in the event. The Huntley Garden project is a radical Black Power socialist grassroots project that is seeing a relative blooming of younger people getting involved with a series of events pertaining to Black grassroots histories, those that still carry on these traditions in their older years, and concrete ‘serve the people’ and educational initiatives from the Malcolm X Movement and allied organisations and networks that is proving to give leadership in Britain.

    At 2pm the skies opened up with a decent amount of rainfall, climate change is making our country drier and drier with growing water scarcity so the precipitation was welcome in a sense but it would also be nice to have some sunshine for the opening of the garden itself by St James’s Church on Leeland Terrace. At 3pm the clouds broke and the sun shone through with perfect timing. People gathered making a crowd of up to 70 attendees to conduct the first planting on the site in a collective-planting activity in which Eric Huntley concluded with a planting of two grape vines that will grow towards each other and form a united vine (a metaphor for Jessica & Eric Huntley). People of all ages planted: roses, nasturtiums, marigolds, daffodils & bluebells bulbs, sunflowers, beans, currants, and many other bulbs, cuttings and seeds were planted. The collective planting on the community garden was an important sight in the community, bringing veterans of the grassroots with the youth into the centre-ground taking responsibility of a public space to conduct our own International Day of the Working Classes on 1st of May, our own grassroots spring activity. This 1st May event will continue to happen annually as one of the leading May 1st events in Britain.

    Eric Huntley’s feet firmly pressed the compost into the ground connecting the soil closely with the roots of the two grape plants. We received a free ton bag of compost courtesy of Jan Anderson from Ealing Council, and head of resident engagement Kofi Nyamah was in –attendance from Ealing Council also. The site was kindly prepared by one of our community partners of the project, Paul our neighbour on Coldershaw Road and with support from his landscape company Stanton Landscapes.

    It was Eric’s idea that we should do a ribbon-cutting ceremony with the Pan-Africanist colours of red, green, and gold conducted by the youngest children in attendance. In a day of many metaphors Eric and I held the children’s hands with the somewhat dull scissors guiding the process until the ribbons were cut. It was a wonderful inter-generational moment of cooperation whereby the tools aren’t always the best and ideal but it’s the unity through working through the challenges that makes the result that much more connected and meaningful. The whole day saw children as young as toddler, and all age groups upwards have a concrete role to play in the launch event reflecting the manner in which we design events to ensure that all ages of participants feel positively involved and are contributing to the success of the initiative. As Professor Gus John walked towards our planting activity he was received with a ripple of applause .Prof Gus, like Jessica and Eric and others in attendance, is six decades deep in advocating for the Black grassroots communities in this country and globally on issues including racism in education and policing. Eric said a few words to formally inaugurate the community garden and at 330pm we went into the SET art project space a few metres away on the high street.

    The attendees at this section of the event were comprised of around 60-70% family and comrades of the Huntley’s, and the rest were attendees from across the country (a large contingent came from Oxford, many thanks to the MXM in Oxford and Oxford Community Action) and many local people of all ages.

    I hosted the event introducing the section for short speeches explaining to the packed hall that the launch of the Huntley Garden is a result of three years of planning. That having moved to West Ealing in my last years of primary school in 1991 (the year the Walter Rodney Bookshop closed on Chigwell Place), mine and subsequent generations in the area in West Ealing had no observable manifestation of the prolific and pioneering work of the Huntleys in W13, and no organisations and projects directly connected to the work of the Huntleys to get involved in.

    After we launched the Malcolm X Movement (MXM) in 2014/2015 with a big national tour and festival, we partly modelled our events on the Black & Radical Book fairs that started in 1982 until the early 1990s, just that the MXM often added a sound system culture/music section to that model. In 2011 I attended the Huntley’s event at the V&A with Keith Waithe performing and Valerie Bloom’s utterly delightful poetry reciting. In 2014 I attended the Huntley Archive event at the London Metropolitan Archives in Farringdon. In 2015 I meet close comrades of the Huntleys, Keith Waithe face-to-face at a café on Northfields Ave having followed his amazing music for decades and having a CD of his Macusi Players and having seen him live previously. In 2017 MXM delivered an event at the annual Anarchist Bookfair in Liverpool Street with Eric Huntley and founder of the pioneering Hansib publishers Arif Ali on the panel.

    By the time of the first lockdown around the covid pandemic in 2020 council estate residents and I were involved in grassroots community food-growing projects on council estates in Lambeth and wider radical Black-led grassroots organising on estates as the Black youth took the leadership in that restive summer of resistance around George Floyd’s horrific police killing; the Black resistance to tear down colonial symbols in England; the Black youth on council estates resisting a spike in police harassment and brutality often facing riot police incursions onto to their estates, and the self-defence clashes on ‘BLM’ protests with violent policing and the organised far-right in Whitehall, Parliament Square and Trafalgar Squares culminating in the historic victory against the far-right on June 13th.

    After discussing with Eric sometime in early 2021 or late 2020 we agreed that Leeland Terrace would be a good location for a community garden in honour of Jessica. Eric was also keen that the small concrete square on the pedestrianised section of St James’ Ave by 105 The Broadway should be used as a place to hold community events. In Feb 2021 I email our local MP Rupa Haq with the community garden idea. Her first response was to say it was ‘an inspired idea’, and she was positive and supportive from the get-go. Rupa contacted Ealing Council to facilitate access to the space, and after consistent pushing and gentle pressing: the idea bloomed and has come to its initial fruition on May 1st 2023.

    After my introduction, Eric Huntley was one of two special guest speakers. Eric made a wonderful contribution, very much his style of, one of the one hand ensuring the correct and full historical contexts were conveyed, along with his sensitive and poetic touches; to quote:

    “It is perhaps no accident that the space chosen for the garden is across the road from the Bookshop where much of her activities took place, including Sainsburys. Herself and friends would visit fill their shopping baskets with South African goods, go to the cashier and innocently declared they were boycotting goods because of its policy of Apartheid and deposited the basket on the counter. Holding up the queue in the process.

    “St James’ Church Hall was booked for social gatherings attended organized by her, including one of the first meetings which opened the nationwide campaign to expose the manner in which the police used the SUS law to criminalise Black youth.

    “Jessica organised a Karate club to the church hall, under the tutorship of Ferris and Hamzah which soon attracted both young and not so young and from far and wide.

    “Her particular concern was Education of our youth and the practice of dumping them in schools for the educationally ‘sub-normal’.

    “Leading her to become a founder of the Supplementary School Movement as well as teaching. The Peter Moses School was held at the Ealing Technical College in St Mary’s Road. She also taught at the Caribbean Parents Group organised by Edna and Willis Wilkie. She served on the Board of Inquilab Housing Association based in Southall. The youth were always on her mind leading her to organise a weekend Conference in Acton, entitled ‘Young People Talking to Young People’ with the older generation acting as facilitators.

    “The opening of the Bookshop in 1974 brought with it new Vistas. The Publishing could have been done in Timbuctu, how ever she was what I would call a Peoples Person. A DOER.

    “Ealing during the seventies was a ‘desert’ only waiting for a person like her to explore. Peoples came to the Bookshop and enquired about jobs, accommodation, to she the recent news about their various homelands, to complain about the behavior of the Police. She knew which lawyers to recommend. It was also virtually ‘an Advice Centre.’ This is a potted history of her life with us. LONG MAY SHE LIVE SPIRITUALLY WITH US.”

    So much to be inspired by and to give us determination to serve the grassroots going-forward.

    Rupa Haq MP spoke too at the launch event, and her support to the Huntley Garden project was warmly received by the attendees. Our friend and community partner Assiya from the Afghan Peace Library said a few words of support, she has also been part of projects with Eric Huntley locally in schools. Josh from the SET art project who kindly gave their space free to us for the event spoke in support at our event. Many thanks to Josh and Assiya for their hard work on the day of the launch and thanks also to Ellie from SET for the support and solidarity.

    Local councillor and local children’s project WAPPY founder Grace Akuba performed a wonderful poem inspired by the Huntleys. Local councillor from Seven Sisters Michelle Simmons-Safo spoke of the importance of the leadership of Black women in our grassroots movements, quoting Malcolm X: “if you educate the women you educate the nation”. Nigel Carter from Oxford Community Action and a veteran of Hansib publishers amongst other things made a brilliant speech bringing a strong Caribbean-based Pan-Africanist political-cultural analysis to the event.

    We have to thank Ken Fero who was in the room from United Friends & Family Campaign around deaths by police and Migrant Media. We also have to thank the formidable Arnie from London Black Revolutionaries who was in attendance, a courageous and strategic leader of the radical grassroots youth especially in the period 2013-2017. Many thanks to Brother Omowale who brought his Djembe and comrades from the Movement of the People which is Sean Kuti’s movement in Nigeria which re-established the original MOP of Fela Kuti. Coldershaw Road resident Amarjit Chandan, world renowned Punjabi poet, veteran political figure and researcher was also in attendance. Pioneering Black writer and publisher Margaret Busby was also in the room with us. The local migrant-led West Ealing Green Space (WEGS) community garden project on Seaford Road have been a local support and inspiration to us, many thanks for their support and attendance at our launch. Many thanks to all the volunteers especially the team of MXM volunteers on the day who ensured everything ran on-time and professionally.

    Professor Gus John was the last feature in the speeches section of the event giving a very warmly received short lecture on the histories of the struggles against racism in the immigration regime, education and policing. Comrade Jenniah from South London as the artist ‘Sense’ completed this section of the event with two combined acapellas which lyrically explored the themes of alienation, oppression and challenges borne out of the colonial and capitalist system.

    We served the curried chicken, aromatic basmati rice, daal and a raita-salad I prepared at home for everyone which was served and eaten while the wonderful True Steel Pan band played live from 530-6pm. people expressed thanks and appreciation for the delicious nourishment of the pans and food.

    From 6-9pm was the live music and sound-system section of the event. An ensemble comprising world-class tabla player Aref Dervesh (who also grew up locally), Guyanese heritage and former Guyana artist-in-state flautist Keith Waithe, Brother Tuup on percussion and Brother Omowale on djembe. What a jam it was! Waithe leading in his unmistakably Guyanese-inspired style, bringing the sonic sounds of the tropical rainforest with the rolling & slamming beats of the tabla, djembe, and other percussion. We have to give a great thanks to original Reggae sound-system brother-man Father Chalky brought his sound system (many thanks Stanton Landscapes in this regards) as original Junglist bad-man DJ Garvin Dan took to the turntables to smash-out an amazing Garage and then Jungle set with MC Rebel Base combining a ‘back-to-back’ dynamic of his Junglist emceeing with the Reggae chat-down style of Chalky. The Jamaican-originating grassroots sound-system culture of Reggae, Ragga, Jungle, Garage and Grime was in full representation at the event! Jah Shaka, Skibba D, MC Fats who have all passed away recently were given honour and respect. It was a fitting celebratory end to a wonderful and important historic day, the first step and as well an additional step in a long journey and inter-woven stories of those like Jessica Huntley who were committed heart and soul to bringing relief, resistance and a liberation-oriented growing representation to the grassroots.

    As we look forward, we are involving more and more local residents to the actual growing on the site of the Huntley Garden, and last night there was already talk of the next public event of the Huntley Garden project of an outdoors summer festival type event on St James’s Square. Our proverbial garden gates are always open.

    Furthermore, to this event the Malcolm X Movement is pivotal to the development of radical Black-led grassroots movements in communities in Oxford, seeing the MXM deliver four sessions with high school and college students. In addition, MXM delivered a ‘Black Power Teach-Out’ in a community garden. The teach-out involved 17 young participants between the ages of 16-20yrs old in collectively preparing and cooking pizza in an outside woodfire pizza oven, using herbs harvested from the community garden itself, and then two workshops on the anti-colonial histories of West Africa and Malcolm X.

    This has been followed by an event which saw some of these young people chair and deliver another MXM event on the historic community of the Black working class in Oxford on the Blackbyrd Leys council estate. At this event Prof Gus John again engaged a room of nearly 100 people in his leadership against racism in schools and policing over six decades, the event saw another 20 new participants into work at the grassroots in Oxford coordinated by the MXM. The capacity of the radical left in Britain has dwindled for decades, a process that seemed to quicken through the pandemic and related lockdowns. As the official ‘BLM’ has been inactive for years, there are new young generations of late teens and those in their 20s who have never seen what a Black Power socialist resistance looks like in their generation. MXM with its modest means but effective and efficient strategies and working styles is engaging these new generations with growing momentum leading to the blooming of a many ideas to address the direct needs of our communities and to organise for consciousness-raising which then again feeds into further capacity building of the class struggle in the most oppressed working-class council estates.


    This content originally appeared on CounterPunch.org and was authored by Sukant Chandan.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.


  • This content originally appeared on Amnesty International and was authored by Amnesty International.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • The city of Davis, California, was recently shaken up following a spate of stabbings — three over the course of five days, beginning on April 27 — which left two dead and one severely injured. Davis is a small, affluent, college town where no one expects “bad” things to happen, even though they sometimes do. Due to that illusion of safety, it’s not uncommon to see children freely roaming…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • I first heard the comparison when COVID-19 started to spread through my community: “It’s like a cold,” people would say. The comparison offered a familiar point of reference for a virus we are still in the process of understanding. But the more I heard it, the more it disturbed me. How can millions of people die from a virus that is just “like a cold”? When I myself caught COVID-19 in 2022…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • Two years after President Biden’s bold commitment to center under-resourced communities and racial justice in curbing the climate crisis, the funding capable of doing so is materializing — millions at a time — and on an almost daily basis. The record level of public money is intended for projects that address structural racism, such as the disproportionate concentration of high-emitting power…

    Source

  • “Guns, pick up your guns, pick up your guns, and put the pigs on the run, pick up your guns,” sang a group of Black youths, their voices ringing clearly through the pixelated footage of my pirated copy of The Black Power Mixtape. The youth in the documentary clip were students at an Oakland Black Panther Party School, where the only use for a gun was in community self-defense. From the video…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • A few days after a massive power outage in North Carolina in early December, Margaret Killjoy shared a thread on preparedness in response to the outages. Alongside the usual emergency supplies like extra water, batteries, medicine, heat sources, and food, Killjoy noted something not usually included in preparedness toolkits: “organize against the far right so that they are less capable of shooting up power stations.”

    Killjoy, an author and musician who lives in the mountains of West Virginia, hosts the anarchist prepping podcast Live Like The World Is Dying. Since its creation just before the pandemic began, it has grown into a valuable and widely-accessed resource for people wondering how to deal with any number of emergencies in their communities. 

    The recent sabotages of power stations across the United States, along with increasing rates of climate-related infrastructure devastation, have prompted people to wonder: what do we do if the lights go out in our community? Killjoy says the answer is simple. We need to embrace preparedness culture.

    Alleged Right-Wing Attacks On Infrastructure

    The reasons behind the North Carolina power outage are still officially unknown, but some locals believe that it was part of a far-right protest against a drag show in nearby Southern Pines. (LGBTQ+ people in the area reported feeling a heightened sense of fear after the blackouts.) The outages are part of an uptick in targeting of energy infrastructure across the United States, responsibility for some of which has been taken by neo-Nazi and far-right groups.

    Killjoy says that intentional attacks on utilities infrastructure from fascist groups can be understood as “an accelerationist technique” and part of a far-right strategy of pushing society to a breaking point to encourage social collapse. In the vacuum and chaos, she says, these groups believe they can seize power.

    This isn’t the first time the idea has emerged in the United States; it’s practically a national playbook. Charles Manson’s Helter Skelter theory promoted social breakdown leading to a race war. In the wake of Hurricane Katrina, author and activist scott crow documented how gangs of white vigilantes were perpetrating racist violence amid the chaos. (Multiracial communities quickly organized to defend against the attacks, and the white supremacists went back underground.) Back in December 2020, a neo-Nazi-led plot to wreck the power grid was foiled in Colorado, and last year, Canadian and American white supremacists planned a mass murder that they hoped would start a race war.

    While Killjoy says it’s unlikely these tactics would succeed given how extreme they are and modern America’s tactical preference for systemic disenfranchisement over racist violence, the tenor and visibility of fascism in America via culture war attacks on marginalized communities suggests a need for heightened vigilance. 

    The Prepper in Pop Culture

    For decades, the pop culture archetype of the prepper has been colorfully right-wing and individualist: a paranoid, libertarian recluse stockpiling weapons, ammunition, and canned beans while waiting for some cataclysmic event. Killjoy says we’ve built up a “mythos of the loner who builds and hides in a bunker and eats camp food until their appendix bursts and they die.” In this scenario, virtually all other people are viewed as a threat because of either malicious intent or desperation for access to resources.

    This association has prevented people on the political left from engaging with preparedness culture, says Killjoy. “I think people are way too quick to give up cultural terrain to the right-wing,” she says. “People are way too quick to be like, ‘Oh, a right-wing person is interested in the following thing so I cannot be,’ instead of saying, ‘How is our take on this different?’”

    Killjoy says the popular portrayal of prepping has also led people to neglect the real and worsening conditions of emergency around us. “We tend as a society to look at preppers as people who are waiting for nuclear winter or zombies, but by and large preparedness is about responding to disaster, and disaster is happening, even just in the United States, always,” says Killjoy. “More people are starting to realize that they are less insulated from disaster than they grew up thinking that they are.”

    Individual and Community Preparedness

    Killjoy says that even more than a bug-out bag packed with survival supplies, the single most important thing someone could consider doing is knowing who their neighbors are. That could mean being friends with them, or just being cordial, but it could also mean marking which ones aren’t safe and who to avoid.

    “During times of disaster, each other are the main things that we have,” she says. “Knowing that ahead of time is at least as important as knowing where your secondary source of potable water is.”

    Similarly, Killjoy notes that halting the advance of the far-right is a communal task, not an individual one. That’s why community defense is as critical as personal defense. Personal defense, says Killjoy, includes those things that an individual does to keep themself safe. For Killjoy, who has been doxxed and threatened by the far-right, that includes a handgun and concealed carry permit. 

    Community defense is a larger and more difficult project, but also a potentially more effective one. Fascist movements often move to shut down cultural and social infrastructure, so when far-right mobs crash Pride rallies, Black churches, or abortion clinics, community organization is the only viable protection. Killjoy points to recent community defenses of drag shows, including large crowds of supporters flanked by allies open-carrying long rifles, as an example of community preparedness.

    Killjoy says that while the rifles demonstrate to armed far-right crowds that “we can’t be fucked with,” they’re just a small piece of community preparedness. There’s also keeping track of each other and what issues we’re dealing with—for example, threats from bigots or police harassment—alongside monitoring and exposing white supremacist groups organizing in your area.

    “Possibly nothing has been more effective at pulling the rug out from underneath far-right organizing in this country than exposing people for not just being a regular right-wing person, but a bonafide Nazi,” says Killjoy. “All of that falls under community defense.”

    Most right-wing prepping culture tends to depict the ideal survival situation as rural and isolated from other people, and while Killjoy lives rurally, she says urban and suburban spaces are at least as good for preparedness due to proximity to community and infrastructure.

    Prepping For The Worst

    Killjoy says that while society encourages a division between these things—the right insisting on the importance of the individual, the left on the importance of the community—they strengthen one another when both are tended to in prepping culture. When the pandemic hit, a friend of Killjoy’s had to caretake for an elderly person but couldn’t find any suitable masks. Killjoy had a supply of P100 masks for her earthquake preparedness kit, and shared them. 

    “Having resources available to you means you’re in a better place to help other people,” she says. “By being able to take care of ourselves, we’re able to require less from the mutual aid networks that we might build. By requiring less from those networks, we’re better able to help them.”

    It’s these qualities of prepping culture that Killjoy says move people toward engaging more deeply with their own lives and their communities. Acknowledging the stakes and what could happen will, ideally, push people to fight to avoid worst-case scenarios.

    “We can all wish things were like they used to be, but they’re not,” says Killjoy. “I think people are used to avoiding taking responsibility for what happens in the world, and assuming that experts will handle whatever the problem is. We’re all waiting for the government to save us, and I don’t believe that’s a rational way to survive any crisis. Any look at history shows that very clearly.”

    Attacks on power infrastructure and anti-LGBTQ+ hate both spiked in 2022, and while it’s possible those facts are coincidental, it might pay off in the long run to treat them as correlated. Killjoy says that after decades of comparable stability, people have grown accustomed to things working as they should. Prepping is a long term investment in making sure that when the lights go out, we’re ready to take care of ourselves and each other.

    The post Should The Left Embrace Preparedness Culture? appeared first on Shadowproof.

    This post was originally published on Shadowproof.

  • By Finau Fonua, RNZ Pacific journalist

    Many Pasifika families affected by the flash floods and torrential rainfall that have lashed New Zealand’s North Island over the past few days were braced for more bad weather overnight.

    With four people dead and hundreds forced out of their homes over the weekend a state of emergency remained in force for Auckland and one has also now been issued for Northland.

    The predominately Pasifika neighbourhood of Māngere is among the worst affected areas in Auckland.

    Streets throughout the suburb were submerged after torrential rain last Friday caused rivers to overflow their banks.

    Māngere resident Louisa Opetaia said the water rose so suddenly that it rapidly flooded her entire home while she was still asleep.

    “When I got home from work, I took a nap at about 7.30pm. When I woke up an hour later and I got off my bed, I splashed into water,” said Opetaia.

    “It was already halfway up my calf and up to my knee, and the three rooms in my house were flooded,” she added.

    Emergency centres were quickly set up, providing supplies and temporary shelter over the weekend and even now to the dozens of families displaced by the floods.

    One of the busiest centres is the Māngere Memorial Hall in Manukau.

    Flooded Mangere home, Louisa Opetaia
    A flooded home in South Auckland’s Māngere. Image: Louisa Opetaia/RNZ

    Auckland city councillor Alf Filipaina, who has been helping to organise relief efforts, said many families continued to arrive at the hall on Tuesday, requiring basic goods and household items ruined by the floods.

    “Heaps of families have been affected and we’ve been working tirelessly,” said Filipaina.

    “We’ve had all the groups here from KaingaOra, the Fono, Ministry of Social Development and others. They’re all here helping people,” he said.

    “We’ll be open 24/7 for people who also want a roof over their heads.”

    Auckland councillor Alf Filipaina at the community hub at Māngere Tuesday 31 January 2023
    Auckland councillor Alf Filipaina at the Māngere Centre. Image: Felix Walton/RNZ Pacific

    Filipaina said that some families were in a desperate situation, being forced out of their homes and having lost most of their possessions, including even their vehicles.

    “There are people who need financial assistance,” said Filipaina.

    “Some of them have lost everything, and we can only give what donations and goods that we have,” he explained.

    The community response has been swift in Manukau with various agencies and good Samaritans donating goods and providing services, including from local heroes such as David Tua and All Black Ofa Tu’ungafasi.

    “People are always offering to help,” Louisa Opetaia said.

    “People have been taking our laundry to the laundromat for us, which is really helpful, and we’ve received a lot of food. That’s what I love about our Pasifika community in Māngere, everyone comes together when people need help.

    “We were able to talk to Ministry of Social Development at the Māngere Memorial Hall. I’m not on the benefit so I wasn’t sure if I would qualify for any help but I do.”

    Flood relief at the Mangere Memorial Hall.
    Flood relief at the Māngere Memorial Hall. Image: Angus Dreaver/RNZ Pacific

    Opetaia said she was now moving out of her house as it was too hazardous to live there.

    She said the biggest challenge for her at the moment was getting rid of damaged furniture drenched and ruined by the floods.

    “We are trying to get the council to help us get a skip bin so that we can throw anything that was affected by the flood waters, and we have a big pile of stuff at the moment,” Opetaia said.

    “I understand that there a lot of people who are more severely affected than us. We do need help but at the same time we are grateful because we are in a better situation than others.”

    Furniture damaged by flash flooding
    Furniture damaged by flash flooding in Māngere. Image: Louisa Opetaia/RNZ Pacific

    Meanwhile, according to the NZ Metservice many Aucklanders living south of Orewa may not see heavy rain last night — but localised downpours were still forecast for some.

    Meteorologist Georgina Griffiths told RNZ Checkpoint that the key danger was rain falling on saturated soil making the region flood quickly.

    But she predicted some parts of the city would escape a deluge.

    Georgina Griffiths said Auckland was nearly out of the woods, with a drier weekend forecast and a dry week from Tuesday.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Right now is a truly terrifying time for most trans people in the United States. And yet, as has always been the case, trans people continue to take care of each other, affirm each other and create loving communities.

    In southern states like Arkansas and Florida, state legislators are moving forward with a direct attack on the rights of trans youth. In more liberal areas of the country, like Massachusetts, a “false sense of security” seems to prevail, according to Tre’Andre Valentine of the Massachusetts Transgender Political Coalition. Valentine says that while there are no anti-trans policy moves at the statewide level, there have been plenty of anti-trans attacks at the local level, including parents using anti-LGBTQ rhetoric at school boards.

    Organizers in the trans community say this struggle is fundamentally a struggle for bodily autonomy.

    Tien Estell, the advocacy and resource coordinator for Intransitive, a community space for trans people in Little Rock, Arkansas, said that although it’s definitely very hard to be trans and queer right now in Arkansas, particularly when mixed with the city’s racism, “the way that we love each other, the way that we show love, and support and enjoy is really, really beautiful.”

    Trans People Are Under Attack

    An unprecedented wave of anti-trans legislation has been introduced across the United States targeting transgender people and trans youth in particular. These bills range from attacks directly limiting the ability for youth to receive gender-affirming medical care, to punitive measures against parents who support their children, to limits on discussions about gender and sexuality in the curriculum at state and local levels. These limits not only create a chilling environment for LGBTQ+ youth, but also severely limit the ability for youth to have their gender identities — including their correct names and pronouns — respected in an institutional environment.

    Estell says that the message of this focus on trans youth is clear: “They do not want trans youth to become trans adults.”

    All of the advocates that Truthout spoke with had a similar analysis. The current right-wing attacks are more than just transphobia, and they are more severe even than the earlier wave of anti-trans bathroom bills. They agreed that this is a wave of terror.

    Jae Kanella is a community organizer with Rad El Dub Community Land Trust in Lake Worth, Florida, a collective housing project that provides affordable housing for LGBTQ+ organizers and sanctuary for primarily queer migrants. Kanella believes that the wave of legislation at state and local levels is in part the result of groundwork that was laid by the Trump administration. They said that “a lot of the right extremism over the last four years has been allowed to fester, allowed to be granted and celebrated,” and that now these same extremists have been pushed out of positions of power with the change of presidential administration. As recent years have seen more covert right-wing hate groups come out into the open, these right-wing extremists have found a bigger audience for plans that might have once been marginal, Kanella said.

    In Arkansas, Estell said that right now “it’s dangerous to be visibly trans.” X Freelon, the executive director of Lucie’s Place, a direct services provider for trans people in Little Rock, Arkansas, pointed out that the anti-trans political project is so radical that the legislators spearheading it are suing the federal government for their right to discriminate. Freelon says, “That’s making an intentional stance saying, if people like this are permitted life and access to life supporting resources, then we will make sure that we stamp that out.”

    In other parts of the United States, things are different, but no one describes a safe environment. For example, in Detroit, Nazarina Mwakasege Minaya, senior development associate at the Ruth Ellis Center, which focuses on the needs of LGBTQ+ youth experiencing homelessness, described a sense of “dissonance.” She said this dissonance or whiplash could be especially damaging for young people. As some politicians are the very ones making the center’s work possible, others are the ones threatening to send parents to prison for life for providing their children with life-saving gender-affirming care.

    Trans People Are Supporting and Affirming Each Other

    Even now as the trans community is under attack, there are groups all over the country, in every state, that are focused on affirming transgender identity and caring for their communities. This community work in many cases includes a mix of direct services, social and psychological support, and mutual aid, as well as other forms of political activity.

    Many community groups are working on health care services, whether specifically gender-affirming health care or just general health care. Even prior to the most recent wave of legislation, it was already very hard for trans folks to access the care they need. This is because of the systemic issues that lock trans youth and adults into a cycle of poverty, difficulty securing employment, lack of insurance coverage, and a critical shortage of trans-friendly providers. As a result of the inability to access care and persistent discrimination, transgender people have overall much poorer health than cisgender people.

    Becca Moon is the co-founder of Shoals Diversity Center, an LGBTQ-focused center founded in 2017 that grew out of organizing pride events in Florence, Alabama. Moon explained that the center has organized a fundraiser for a pop-up clinic to bring a doctor from Atlanta, Georgia, 250 miles away. This doctor could then begin hormone replacement therapy (HRT) with patients in Florence and continue it via telehealth.

    Shoals Diversity Center also offers support groups for transgender people, gender nonconforming people and queer youth. Moon said the center first developed the groups in response to community requests. Support groups are a common and essential service offered by and for the community at many organizations.

    One important affirming service that many groups are providing to their communities is space for people to just be themselves. At the Ruth Ellis Center in Detroit, Mwakasege Minaya, described the organization’s drop-in space as a place where trans, gender nonconforming, and LGBTQ+ youth can come in, check their email, get a food box and some new clothes, and take care of any needs. Importantly, Mwakasege Minaya said, in this space, these youth can also “simply be, which is a thing that I think a lot of young people in and outside of the community aren’t really given space to do. Just sort of be.”

    At Intransitive in Little Rock, Estell echoed the importance of a space like this for trans adults as well. Going further, Estell highlighted how Intransitive’s space strives to be a welcoming and affirming space of trans joy, where people walk right in the door and exclaim “oh my god, I feel so comfortable here!”

    Illustration that says “Trans Love Heals Generations.” An intergenerational, embracing Black trans family emerges from a starry galaxy. 
    In this digital illustration with the words “Trans Love Heals Generations,” a Black trans family emerges from a dark starry galaxy. A young child is held by an elder with afro puffs and an adult with long pink hair and facial hair. They all wear jewelry and adornments. The background is a sky of clouds and flowers. Find more #TDOR2022 art and #TransLove at https://tdor.co.

    Above and beyond those services — which are critical to trans survival — there are other projects. Intransitive, for example, provides supplies and support for community workshops at its space. These workshops are organized around what people want to offer, and have ranged from soap making to beginner’s lessons on applying makeup. Estell said that creating spaces where “trans folks feel comfortable learning and sharing, that’s a big part of what we do.”

    Many organizations share referral lists to trans-owned or trans-friendly businesses and services. This helps community members have a resource list for who is a doctor or lawyer they can trust, wedding or real estate businesses that won’t discriminate, welcoming salons, and other necessary services in areas where trans people may have trouble finding affirming services. The referral lists act as a counterbalance to the chilling effect of anti-trans legislation; these lists work to make trans-affirming services as widely available as possible instead of only available via word of mouth.

    Massachusetts Transgender Political Coalition (MTPC) extends this idea. One of their newest programs creates a direct link between an employer training program and a leadership training institute for trans people, who will then be matched with businesses or employers who have been through MTPC’s program.

    Another ubiquitous and important form of direct service is support with identification documents. Most of the organizations that spoke to Truthout provide some support with getting ID documents to reflect changes to names and gender markers. Some, like MTPC, also offer financial support for this process, which can be costly.

    Housing is another major focus of these organizations’ work. According to the National Center for Transgender Equality, due to family rejection and violence, a hugely disproportionate share of the more than 1.6 million homeless youth are transgender or LGBQ-identified. The ultimate goal of Lucie’s Place in Little Rock is to have a shelter that will house 50 people, said Freelon.

    Lucie’s Place is currently undergoing a transition from a more traditional shelter with some policies that resulted in significant barriers for trans people, and plans for the new shelter to operate on a collectively run model. In this model, residents are not “considered temporary, transitional people” and make “commitments to be a part of a building or entity that is determined for one another’s safety and protection.” Freelon says that one overall project of Lucie’s Place, both with the shelter and in terms of political advocacy, is about “carving out and creating a space where the community, through intentional investments in itself, engineers housing that is not entitled to anyone, but that is belonging to everyone.”

    At the Ruth Ellis Center in Detroit, there are 43 studio and one-bedroom housing units for young adults. The housing also has an ongoing medical partnership so that residents do not need to leave home to go to the doctor, with care based in pediatric and family medicine. Mwakasege Minaya said that the decision-making about the space was initially guided by the advice of young trans women of color on “what would be needed for young people to be safe,” even down to the seemingly smallest details of the architecture. “Everything that the organization does is led by a sort of dialogue,” Mwakasege Minaya said.

    Rad El Dub Community Land Trust, in Lake Worth, primarily provides housing. The houses are run on a cooperative model, and one of Rad El Dub’s primary missions is to provide stable, affordable housing to activists and organizers who are then able to participate in a variety of projects, including explicitly trans-affirming groups like the local chapter of Black and Pink, an LGBTQ prison abolitionist organization. Rad El Dub’s vision is one that is broadly intersectional, and focuses on nurturing the social justice ecosystem as a whole.

    On the opposite end of the country in Tacoma, Washington, executive director of the Lavender Rights Project Jaelynn Scott said that her organization is trying to build a “place of refuge” focused on Black trans people who may want or need to come to the Seattle area from other parts of the country “for sanctuary.” But she worries that their efforts do “not feel like enough” given the coordinated, decades-long attack on bodily autonomy and the “sophisticated, well-funded strategy” leading these attacks.

    The main focus of Lavender Rights Project’s work is doing anti-violence work in the trans community through a Black feminist lens. Scott says that what is most affirming about the organization’s work is that “there’s no white saviorism happening, because there’s no people here to do that.” Since the people in need of the services are the same ones doing the work, Scott highlights that Lavender Rights Project is affirming people’s ability to do the work, creating opportunities for professional development, and also creating more effective service delivery because it is designed by community members.

    Anti-violence work is another key area of focus for many of the groups that Truthout spoke with.

    Irissa Baxter-Luper is working with the Tulsa Intersectional Care Network, which has mutual aid as its central focus. She said they do a monthly meal train focused on queer people in need and then either bring food to people’s doors or send them some form of grocery gift card. Baxter-Luper says she needed that resource when she moved to Tulsa this year, after a sudden departure from her last job related to her advocacy and mobilization of trans college students around school board issues and bathroom bills. Baxter-Luper says there are other similar small mutual aid hubs in Tulsa, including one just starting called Black Queer Tulsa.

    There are fun events too, like drag shows, talent shows, and other performances. But Freelon at Lucie’s Place is careful to distinguish these from a simple politics of visibility. They clarified that these events are about “being permitted to be pleasure seeking without being shamed or denied or punished for doing so” and that this “intentional celebration of transness” cannot be about “escaping political accountability for our community.” The point, for Freelon, is that “liberation is not just physically, it is so much more political than just the ability to be seen and celebrated,” and it will take deeper engagement to achieve that dream as well.

    Movement Leaders Are Calling for More Support From the Wider Community

    “As a cisgender person I think cisgender people need to think through this dichotomy of ally versus accomplice,” said Baxter-Luper, “and decide who they want to be and where they stand, and put their feet in the work.” She added that funding the work, and trans people directly, is also critical, since they face systemic economic disadvantages.

    Freelon, of Lucie’s Place, said the issue of trans rights “never is a single issue in the way that the state is attempting to convince people that it is,” and added that “nobody is in such a privileged position of comfort to ignore things.”

    The call for funding was echoed by other organizers. Since being trans, particularly for Black or BIPOC trans people, can result in such economic struggle, organizers say mutual aid funds always need money to provide for a variety of their communities’ needs. This need is compounded by additional costs that accrue to trans people for healthcare, for example, because insurance will not cover certain gender affirming care or because of the distance that needs to be traveled.

    Scott at the Lavender Rights Project called for “unrestricted multi-year funding, unrestricted multi-year general operating dollars, both for nonprofits, and also for fiscally sponsored community groups and grassroots funded community groups, so that they can do the work and respond as they need to,” highlighting the ways that many organizations are limited in their ability to respond to the current moment by either their current funding sources or their lack of funding.

    Scott also called for specific kinds of visibility for the trans community in this moment, which should be “less about centering on our traumas and our stories of trauma” and more “centered in Black trans joy, Black trans creativity, and Black trans art.”

    The message and work of many of these activists and community members is the one shared by Valentine of the Massachusetts Transgender Political Coalition: “Trans joy is out there. It’s within us. We are a beautiful array of identities and beings, and deserving of space, and time and love, and resources…. If you look at history, we were here from the beginning. And we are here now and we will continue to be here as long as there’s an Earth. You cannot erase us.”

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • “Our mutual investment in one another’s survival is our greatest resource, and our greatest hope,” says Kelly Hayes. In this episode of “Movement Memos,” Hayes talks with anthropologist and survivalist instructor Chris Begley about the lessons of his book The Next Apocalypse: The Art and Science of Survival, and why many of us might be preparing for the wrong apocalypse.

    Music by Son Monarcas and David Celeste

    TRANSCRIPT

    Note: This a rush transcript and has been lightly edited for clarity. Copy may not be in its final form.

    Kelly Hayes: Welcome to “Movement Memos,” a Truthout podcast about organizing, solidarity and the work of making change. I’m your host, writer and organizer Kelly Hayes. Today, we are talking about the apocalypse… again. We are also talking about the concept of collapse and what it means historically and within the scope of our own lives. I know that, in these uncertain times, a lot of people are feeling anxious and unprepared for looming catastrophes, but the truth is, our society’s prevailing fantasies and fiction about the apocalypse have left us pretty confused about what major catastrophes will actually demand of us. So what we are really going to talk about today is how we think about, understand and imagine the apocalypse, and what all of that means for the future we have yet to create. I am excited to be joined today by Chris Begley, author of The Next Apocalypse: The Art and Science of Survival, which has become one of my favorite books. Chris Begley is an underwater archaeologist, a wilderness survival instructor, and an anthropology professor. In his book, Chris examines some of the apocalyptic events humanity has already faced, drawing lessons from the past, while also troubling our understanding of disasters in the present. He looks at “what actually happens when things fall apart,” what our fantasies and fiction tend to get wrong, and what the consequences of that confusion might be.

    But before we get into the divide between fantasy and reality, we should name that, when we are talking about transformations that have occurred in the past, collapse might not always be the right word. Not every reconfiguration is a collapse, and not every collapse is necessarily a bad thing, because some things have to go.

    CB: One of the things I talk a lot about in the next apocalypse is this term “collapse” that we often use colloquially, but we also use it as archeologists sometimes. That’s in some ways sort of a complex and problematic word. There’s this implication with this term “collapse” that something has failed, think of a structure that collapses. What we’re often looking at in the case of a society is not necessarily that something that has failed, but something that’s transformed or something that people have rejected or something that for whatever reason has ceased to exist, but it wasn’t out of some failure. That’s one of the complexities.

    Another thing is that it implies this sort of totality of change in a way; everything has fallen apart. What we see archeologically, historically and even in contemporary times is that that’s not the way things fall apart. They fall apart piece by piece and over a long time. Often what we think about in collapse is the type of thing we see in these fictional narratives that we create based on imagination we’ve developed partly from the vocabulary we use and that reinforces these ideas.

    In many cases, the kinds of things we talk about as collapses were really these long-term transformations. In my book, I talk about two in particular that we often label collapses, and one is the decline of the Western Roman Empire and the other is the Classic Maya collapse. Now, the decline of the Roman Empire around the Mediterranean during the first centuries of the common era is something that every historian, every archeologist that really looks at it realizes was a long gradual process and was really different for different people.

    So the collapse could represent a really profound change for certain people and certain places based on their position in society, while in other places, the outskirts of the empire, for instance, day-to-day life may be relatively consistent with what it was before. In the case of the Classic Maya collapse in the 9th century of the common era, we see that, again, this is something that across the region, and this region would be parts of Central America and parts of what’s now Mexico, across the region, we see really varied impacts from whatever it was that was causing things to really change at this time.

    In some areas we see evidence of drought. In some areas we see evidence of warfare. In some areas, maybe it’s environmental issues like deforestation. It’s not consistent across the area and the decline happens at different times for different groups. Perhaps an even greater thing is that really the collapse is confined to part of this area and the other part, the northern part of this area actually seems to experience sort of a renaissance. All of this suggests that these simplistic ideas of collapse where everything has fallen apart are not realistic when we look at it at any scale beyond some localized event.

    KH: Overly simplistic ideas about the past can definitely contribute to a distorted view of the present, and any potential future, but our society’s apocalyptic fiction and storytelling also create plenty of distortions.

    Chris Begley: Humans are conditioned, it seems, to want to create stories and we know that we have this what’s sometimes called a “narrative bias” where we really learn and transmit things via stories. When we think about the future, that’s no different. We have these stories that we’ve created for a number of reasons about the way things might unfold. Now, some of these seem to reflect fears, fear of nuclear war or climate change or something of that sort. But also, part of what we see is clearly what I would label “fantasies.” These are things that are not necessarily negative even though they’re couched in this negative context.

    When we look at apocalyptic literature, we really see that there are a number of things embedded in these narratives that when we unpack it a little bit, we can see what desires are being represented. Some are probably not particularly problematic, but there are a number that are pretty nefarious, and these are couched often in this return to a traditional lifestyle or even a simpler lifestyle.

    For instance, we see embedded in a lot of these fantasies a type of traditional masculinity, which I think can also be read as pretty misogynistic. This involves not only doing things that we think in our popular imagination that were sort of the manly things to do in the past, using certain kind of tools, surviving in the wilderness, being self-sufficient, et cetera. But we see that the way in which it’s talked about is sort this at long last we can get back to the way things were supposed to be when I didn’t have to watch what I say or be so worried about the snowflakes that are going to be offended, this familiar kind of rhetoric that we hear. But we see these sort of really problematic ideas wrapped up in these fantasies.

    There’s a lot of racial elements to this, too. One of the things we often see in this apocalyptic literature is this rural-urban divide. I mean, it doesn’t take much imagination to know that in the United States, at least, this is also a racial divide. If I say the term inner city, I know what’s going to come to mind in the general population. Even terms like urban, you now see used as, not really code I guess, but shorthand for African American or for Latinx groups that are concentrated in some urban areas. So when we look at these fantasies and we see something that seems initially as innocuous as this privileging of rural over urban, a little bit closer reading reveals that there’s more to it than that and it often has these sorts of undertones.

    KH: In post-apocalyptic fiction, the idea of getting out of an urban environment, as a means of survival, is a familiar one. As a big fan of apocalyptic fiction, I have long noticed that men are usually the protagonists in such stories. The idea of a man, particularly a father figure, as the last best hope of those around him is very common. It’s also worth noting that most of those groups, which only have a hope in hell, thanks to a strong man, are predominantly white. These stories not only emphasize a man’s supposed role as protector, but also reinforce the idea that, in a disaster, you can only trust your family or the members of your in-group, if even those people, because anyone else might kill you and take what you have. Chris talks a lot about apocalyptic fiction in his book, and I really appreciated that discussion, because as much as I enjoy zombie movies, I think we really need to stop and think about the social messaging that’s embedded in these stories, and how it’s impacted us. The Netflix zombie series “Black Summer,” for example, depicts a post-apocalyptic world where no one can be trusted. In a country overrun by zombies, empathy is a weakness and acts of compassion are deadly mistakes. I have actually heard people praise “Black Summer” for tackling what a moment of collapse might really look like in the United States.

    “Black Summer” is not unique in this depiction of collapse, where disaster turns everyday people into hysterical rioters and dastardly killers, almost instantly, it’s just particularly extreme in its depictions. I thought a lot about this trope, of anyone outside of your in-group posing a deadly threat, as I read about George Lincoln Rockwell’s book White Power, which Tal Lavin described in his book Culture Warlords. The final chapter of White Power begins with an extended fantasy sequence that depicts a race war in which white people, simply going about their lives, are overrun by an apocalyptic uprising. The power goes out, phone lines are cut, and when the white male protagonist manages to get a transistor radio turned on, he hears the radio host being murdered. He then slips into hero mode, using the guns he quite fortunately owns to fight the mob, and leads some survivors to a basement where they can take shelter. One of his neighbors, a formerly liberal white woman, stabs a dying Black man, because, in Rockwell’s opinion, she finally gets it. But of course, it’s too late, because white people are doomed in that story. The Camp of the Saints, which is a French novel from the 1970’s that is very popular with white supremacists and the far right, including Stephen Miller, has similar themes. In that story, a fleet of ships carrying Indian migrants makes its way to France, and the French government’s decision to allow the fleet to arrive, rather than destroying it, is depicted as a mistake that leads to the collapse of western governments and a nightmarish, borderless Europe. So we can see how easily a paranoid, in-group/out-group approach to apocalyptic storytelling can lend itself to reactionary fantasies. Some of those fantasies suggest what actions ought to be taken in the present, to avoid such nightmares, and some, like The Turner Diaries, offer white supremacists fantasies as wish fulfillment, in the form of racialized violence that’s depicted as inarguably righteous, given the circumstances.

    Stories that suggest that everyone will be against us during some eventual, inevitable crisis, are also used to justify and inspire acts of violence in the real world. Stories about how pretty much everyone will pose a threat to us during emergency justify and inspire our cooperation with profound levels of violence dealt out by police, the government and the capitalist system. This cooperation helps to enable systemic violence against some of the same targets that white supremacists and fascists target in their fantasies, and in their real-world violence, such as migrants, Black people, Muslims, and trans people. This cooperation also helps ensure that the system that is marching us toward destruction is not disrupted in its work, because we have been conditioned to fear the disorder that authority and fiction have foretold more than neoliberalism, fascism or ecocide.

    I’m not getting down on people who like “Black Summer,” by the way. I enjoy a lot of problematic television. I think what’s important is that we are critical of how these trends in storytelling shape our intellectual lives and impact our relationships, and how failing to imagine something else might limit us.

    Some authors have given us more to consider. Octavia Butler, for example, is often cited for her prescient description of a social and political unraveling in the U.S., under a Trump-like leader. But what fewer people highlight, as Leah Lakshmi Piepzna-Samarasinha discusses in her book Care Work: Dreaming Disability Justice, is that the protagonist in the Parable of the Sower and The Parable of the Talents is a disabled woman who’s amplified sense of empathy became a guiding principle toward a new future. Another piece of post-apocalyptic fiction that I really appreciated was The Actual Star by Monica Byrne, which is an epic story, set across three historical timelines, including a narrative set in the year 3012, where people have embraced a nomadic form of anarchism, and the nuclear family has been abolished. That particular future may sound far-fetched to some people, but so are the all-at-once collapse stories where everyone is hysterical and against us, and we still consume those stories.

    Importantly, the “everyone’s hysterical and a threat to us” trope does not align with what we know about how people have responded to disasters. As Rebecca Solnit documented in A Paradise Built in Hell, catastrophes often bring out the best in people. But as Chris names in his book, many of those prosocial tendencies may not hold if reactionaries are allowed to take power. He writes:

    I am not sure if our better nature will always prevail over a longer period. We should be concerned about illiberal, reactionary thinking in times of stress, as we saw in the 1930s in Europe and more recently in the United States and elsewhere. People do not become progressive, informed, fair, and equitable after they go through a crisis. Often, they look for somebody to blame, and the blame will fall on the least powerful, the marginalized, and those unable to defend themselves.

    CB: One of the things we see when things get bad is that one of the ways out for the elites that are sort of holding onto their last bit of power or the group that senses it’s losing control is to scapegoat another group. That provides sort of a common enemy. It provides easily digested talking points. It energizes people. It creates this emotional reaction to the rhetoric that results in sort of the desired effect or the desired action.

    We see this, of course, perhaps the best example would be post World War I Europe, where you had in the face of not only the destruction that the first World War brought on the area, that’s followed, of course, by really the global economic collapse, the Great Depression. In those instances, of course, who comes to power? Well, Mussolini early on, but Franco and of course Hitler. So you have these sort of fascist, authoritarian, totalitarian responses to this, and the way in which they are accepted by the populations is a pretty glaring example of the way in which these things work.

    I think we can see this happening right now, attacks ramped up on Muslims, on immigrants, on trans folks. This scapegoating is completely consistent with what we see in these times of strife that ultimately, in some cases, led to these pretty radical transformations.

    KH: Chris believes climate change is the greatest apocalyptic threat we face, but notes that the threat of ecocide is not divorced from the threat of fascism.

    CB: When I think about the threats to the sort of complex systems that we depend on for whatever way of life we’re used to, there’s a couple of things that stand out as really plausible, and in fact, in some cases, immediate and worrisome threats. Climate change would be the big one. That, I think, before anything else, is the major threat that we see. Of course, this, I think, is a view that’s pretty widely shared. But, also, going along with that, and not unrelated to it, is this new rise of authoritarianism, and the acceptance of the type of fascist or near fascist types of ideologies and actions that really were, at least publicly, unacceptable, I would say as recently as 10 years ago. Of course, here in the states we think about Trump and the way in which his rhetoric emboldened people, but of course, that’s more of a symptom than the cause. I mean, the reason that was successful was because this sort of thing was already happening.

    There are a number of reasons why this is happening. It could be that there are sort of cycles that tend to happen that this is consistent with, but I think that there are a number of stressors on these systems that create these problems. If I were going to think about, what has caused whatever it is that’s happened that resulted in people supporting somebody like Donald Trump, people turning to far right governments in Italy, for instance? I would think that a lot of it has to do with the type of capitalism that we’ve been practicing for the last 40 years. I mean, over and over, I’ll go back to neoliberal capitalism and the rise of that in the Reagan, Thatcher era in the ’80s, as really setting the stage or setting in motion these things that are coming to fruition or that we’re paying for now. This is everything from deregulation and the type of things that that’s caused, from laissez-faire ideas, hands-off capitalism and what that’s done to wages, and what that’s done to unions and the type of power that workers used to have in a collective sense.

    The way in which we’ve seen privatization of essential things. Here where I am, in Kentucky, our local water system, maybe 15 years ago, was privatized. This went to a vote. People voted for this privatization. What’s happened is a massive increase in the price, and that’s mitigated by some tactics to make it look less bad, like splitting up things that used to be included in one bill, your water bill, and now you sort of have a separate bill for garbage and sewage, and things of that nature. So, this dramatically worse system. All of those things create stress. The response in some people is to look at neoliberal capitalism as part of the problem, or look at these other things. But other people’s response is more the type of scapegoating that we see when things get bad. So you have these people that are able to capitalize on the misery that people are living through, by fomenting and directing hatred, anger, attention at something that is presented as a cause, but ultimately, of course, is not.

    KH: Scapegoating itself can be a form of apocalyptic myth-making, as we have seen in an age of viral hoaxes, when anyone can add to the nebulous lore of a conspiracy movement like QAnon via social media. In Illinois, right-wing politicians seeking to hijack a bail reform law called the Pretrial Fairness Act, in order to change a law that would have kept a lot of people out of jail into one that would lead to more incarceration, have characterized the Pretrial Fairness Act as a “Purge Law.” The idea that white people are under siege, and that Democrats have surrendered them to the violence of Black people and others, is ubiquitous in right-wing media.

    In addition to fueling distortions about what’s actually happening to us, dominant apocalyptic narratives can lead us to focus on how we can survive as individuals rather than how we can help each other survive.

    CB: One of the results of this sort of popular apocalyptic narrative that we create is this idea that we ought to be doing the kinds of things that we see depicted in these narratives, in order to prepare for the kinds of things that might happen. This isn’t just fictional narratives, though. This is also narratives that are put forth by, for instance, the prepper community. The type of thing that I teach in my wilderness survival courses. Which, while it’s really valuable if you get lost out in the woods while you’re hiking and you’re going to be stuck out there for two or three days, or you’re trying to make your way home, it’s not really the way you deal with some sort of radical societal transformation with the collapse of some complex systems, like an agricultural system, or even something maybe slightly less essential, like an electrical system, an electrical grid.

    The sorts of things that we prepare for are just not the sorts of things that we’re going to need to do. For instance, there is a big component of this discussion that focuses on things like defense, arming yourself, preparing to protect what you have and all that. That’s just not a sustainable way to be, of course. Even if you’re really good at that sort of thing, ultimately, you can’t live in that sort of system where you’re fighting it out with people.

    We focus on these short-term things. “Here’s the type of equipment that I would use to survive out in the wilderness, if I’m stuck out there for a few days or a few weeks.” That’s not the kind of approach to rebuilding a society that’s having severe problems that we’re going to need. We see this historically, even in situations that have been very nearly apocalyptic in the way that we sometimes depict it. The one that comes to mind, of course, is the arrival of Europeans in the Americas, in the 15th, 16th century, well, 17th, depending on where you are, and the really severe impacts on the Native American groups that were here.

    Here in Kentucky, for instance, we have documentation of waves of disease for which these folks had little or no resistance. That would essentially wipe out 75 percent of a village over the course of a single winter. We know that over the course of a century, in almost every place that Europeans arrived, within a century, 90 to 95 percent of the population was gone. It was really this dramatic catastrophic thing that happened. We don’t see people running off to the mountains to live on their own. I’m sure some did and maybe more did for a short amount of time, but ultimately, people came back into communities. Reformed communities. Sometimes formed completely new types of communities. This, I think, is the focus that we’re missing. A lot of it is on individual survival, protecting you and your family, or your particular small group. When what we see and what we’re going to face is a community-level challenge.

    KH: During the conversations I had with Chris, as we put this episode together, I was very interested in his ideas about when our current apocalypse began. We have been told for some time that we are living through a mass extinction event, but for some reason, that didn’t seem to register as particularly apocalyptic to most people. Even now, with so many dire predictions out in the open, and with climate chaos outpacing all previous predictions, some people still scold me for using the word “apocalypse,” because, they argue, the apocalypse is an idea that evacuates all hope. As a Native person, I have never seen it that way. As Leanne Betasamosake Simpson wrote in her book with Robyn Maynard, Rehearsals for Living:

    Imperialism and ongoing colonialism have been ending worlds for as long as they have been in existence, and Indigenous and Black peoples have been building worlds and then rebuilding worlds for as long as we have been in existence. Relentlessly building worlds through unspeakable violence and loss.

    My own people undertook that challenge, when my ancestors were being killed by the contagions and violence of white settlers, and as they were corralled into shrinking subsections of the land they had known. A quarter of the Menominee population was lost to smallpox in 1834 alone. The theft and deprivation of resources, the disruption of centuries-old life ways that had sustained both our land and our people were devastating. But our people endured. As outlined by David R.M. Beck in the book Siege and Survival, “Menominee tribal survival into the reservation period was based on two principal factors: perceptive, stalwart, farseeing leadership and maintenance of core values.” These values included an expectation that leadership consult the larger community when making group decisions, and the importance of providing for everyone. As Beck wrote, the Menominee “rewarded generosity and sharing of resources and decried as non-Menominee the failure to do so.”

    Chris identifies the mass death and killing of Native people in North America as a major apocalyptic event. I am personally among those who believe that our current apocalypse began in the 16th century, and that the transatlantic slave trade and the mass killing of Indigenous people in the Americas entrenched global dynamics that launched the creation of death worlds and sacrifice zones. These dynamics would be supercharged through industrialization. When it comes to the kind of global destruction that climate scientists have long been warning us about, capitalism has always been the crisis.

    But it is undeniable that the age of neoliberalism has, as Chris suggests, been a period of mass acceleration toward apocalyptic outcomes. In fact, a recent study found that earth’s wildlife populations have plunged by 69 percent over the last 50 years. That figure marks an increase of nine percent across the past four years. As Patrick Greenfield recently wrote in The Guardian, “From the open ocean to tropical rainforests, the abundance of birds, fish, amphibians and reptiles is in freefall, declining on average by more than two-thirds between 1970 and 2018.”

    With numbers like these, I do not give much credence to people who disagree with my use of the word “apocalypse,” and I also think the word “collapse” remains very applicable to what we are presently experiencing, because when we are talking about ecocide, we are truly talking about the collapse of conditions that make most life possible. But the scale of what we are up against does not register psychologically for most people. Our collective normalcy bias is killing us, as are our conceptions of the apocalypse as a one-off event that happens suddenly, and that calls for reaction, rather than a long-term reassessment of the way we do almost everything.

    But some of us are all too aware of the ongoing destruction we face, and how little time we may have to mitigate the disasters to come or prepare for new ways of life. I have personally spent a lot of time thinking about all of the survival skills I lack, and whether I will have time to learn them. In a chapter of Chris’ book called, Who Survives and Why, Chris explains why the skills we often fixate on are not the skills we will actually need most.

    CB: In the course of writing this book, I talked to a number of people that had expertise in a variety of related areas, including a number of archeologists. I asked, “What skills would be most important for people facing this type of societal transformation?” The kinds of things we call “collapses,” sometimes. Every single one that I talked to said, “Critical thinking skills, the ability to evaluate information, the ability to evaluate whether or not you should be listening to somebody.” I mean, I’m a professor in a liberal arts college. This sounds like the kinds of stuff we put in our recruitment folders, focusing on things like critical thinking. But ultimately, that really is what can shape the fate of a group.

    We need look no further than what happened during the COVID pandemic. We had good advice, we had bad advice, and we saw the ways in which some people were able to discern this, accept what was the good advice that came from the experts that we ought to be listening to, the ones that had experience, the ones that had been sort of vetted by their peers. Versus the groups that were reacting out of political interest or fear or stubbornness or desire for a particular group membership, et cetera.

    We saw … I mean, recently there have been data released that show that one of these decisions, the decision not to be vaccinated, has resulted in significant numbers of extra deaths among the groups that chose that route. That was a bad choice. It’s demonstrable. I mean, it was pretty demonstrable before it was made, but certainly after the fact, we see confirmation of the fact that this did have this sort of result. These are statistics that are accounting for the age of different groups and a number of other things. So this is really robust data that the result of this bad decision making, from not being able or willing to evaluate information in an effective way, the result of not being willing or able to understand who might be the sort of people you want to listen to, resulted in people dying.

    KH: As a city Indian, I found this extremely comforting. I have long worried about my lack of survival skills, given how quickly the world is changing. Chris does share some valuable information in the book about how to start fires and purify water, and some other basics, and I really appreciate knowing those things, but I was heartened to learn that some of the skills I have been developing as an organizer would be of even greater importance than bush skills. Because, as Chris points out in his book, one person can easily teach a much larger group of people how to do something like start a fire. But discernment, and the ability to distinguish good information from bad information, is not something one person can easily impart to a larger group. The same can be said for the social skills we would need to build anything new in a transitional period. The ability to work with other people, to engage constructively in spite of difference, could be the difference between life and death in the wake of a major collapse or transformation. But this, too, is not something easily imparted from one person to a larger group of people. As I read The Next Apocalypse, I found the importance of discernment and social skills heartening, and also disconcerting, because, as I discussed in our last episode, I believe we are being deskilled socially, in a variety of ways.

    CB: Well, certainly these kinds of social skills, especially discernment and critical decision-making capability that we need, seems to be undermined by all sorts of really powerful forces, political forces, media forces, economic forces. And it’s frustrating. On the one hand, it is encouraging because there’s something about this emphasis on community rather than the individual that, I don’t know, seems hopeful or heartening, or it’s sort of the way I would like it to be. But it’s really hard. In any sort of realistic post-apocalyptic scenario, the work isn’t going to be creating makeshift armor and fighting off the other group. The work is going to be the exact type of thing that we’re doing now. How do you get resources to people? How do you satisfy the various desires and needs of different groups? How do you negotiate differences? How do you handle this rapidly changing dynamic system that could appear to threaten some sorts of ways of life or some sorts of ways of thinking?

    Leaving people out is an incredibly dangerous thing. It’s just not sustainable. You can’t build a wall around your compound high enough. You can’t build institutions that are strong enough to withstand the disenchantment, the disenfranchisement of groups of people. So when we talk about things like diversity and inclusivity, I mean, this isn’t some favor you’re doing for a marginalized group, if you’re part of the non-marginalized majority or minority sometimes. It, rather, is absolutely essential. I think we need to understand how critical this kind of inclusiveness is to any group of people.

    KH: The Menominee practice of attending to everyone’s needs, and making sure that no one was left out, was key to our survival of an apocalypse. It was not because everyone thought everyone else was great. Obviously, some people hated each other, and some people probably sucked. But long before colonization, my people understood that the best way to prevent theft and violence was to ensure that people’s needs were met. To simply punish someone for stealing food, for example, meant the theft and the punishment would likely reoccur, because the conditions that led the person to steal were unchanged. To my people, this was nonsensical.

    As I discussed in our last Movement Memos episode with Olúfẹ́mi O. Táíwò, we desperately need to learn to do the work of collective survival with people who we would otherwise never engage with. Our refusal to build with people we don’t like, or who are not of our own choosing, is a product of individualism and of the sub-siloing of our communities. This process of separation has made us weak — as has the tendency to look for individual heroes or charismatic leaders who will guide us to safety.

    CB: In a lot of these apocalyptic narratives, the fantasy revolves around the protagonist, a hero, that’s protecting the family or small group. In some cases, in many cases, the world seems largely depopulated. There, in fact, is a term for this type of apocalyptic narrative called the cozy catastrophe, where yes, everything’s fallen apart, but essentially, it’s you in a wide open world where you have access to all these resources. Now, if you have sort of an endless access to all of this stuff, and there are very few people left, that suggests that you might pursue one certain course, but it’s just not the way it’s going to be. I mean, there are more than seven billion people in the world, even if we had some catastrophe that resulted in the death of 80 percent of all people, we’re still looking at over a billion people left.

    In contrast, the last time that people existed as hunter gatherers or foragers making a living off the land without farming, there was less than about a hundred million people on the planet. Even in these worst scenarios that we can imagine, or the worst of the plausible scenarios we can imagine, we’re still going to be dealing with global populations that are 10, 20, 30, 40 times that number. Suggesting that the kinds of things that we did back then would not be feasible. Most people moved from hunting and gathering to agriculture when they had no choice. When population density had grown to a certain degree that they needed to produce more food because it really is quite labor intensive.

    The way that we live depends on these complex systems, whether it’s agricultural systems, social systems, systems of trade, and that is something that is always based in a group. So we are really going to need to be part of a group in order to participate in the kinds of systems that we’re used to. I mean, to have any semblance of life as we know it, it’s going to be a community-based effort.

    KH: Those community-based efforts that Chris is describing will be complex, and will no doubt draw on the underappreciated wisdom of Indigenous people, who have managed to preserve some of our old lifeways. But in the early days of a catastrophe, and in other emergency situations we might encounter, the decision-making paradigm that Chris teaches in his survivalist courses could prove quite useful.

    CB: In many places in my book, I talk about the wilderness or bushcraft skills that I teach and how those are really not the skills that we’re going to need. I should put a caveat on that, that first of all, in the immediate aftermath of things, they might be exactly the skills you need, but it’s a short-term thing. But one of the ways that I’ve tried to mitigate that is to teach these skills as a decision-making paradigm rather than a set of discrete skills that you might bring into play in different places. The reason that I started to do that was because so much of what you might do is contingent on the particular details of your situation. So rather than have a set of skills you can fall back on and sort of muscle memory type skills. You have this set of questions in mind and in going through that you can make the right sorts of decisions. In the survival situations that I teach or that I have in mind when I’m teaching my classes, one of the first questions might be, “Do I stay put or do I move?” Well rather than, I don’t know, come up with sort of a set of criteria that are applicable in limited cases that could help you decide that, we really talk about what these decisions should be based on.

    Does anybody know where you are? Is there a search and rescue apparatus? What’s the details of the weather, or your health or medicine that you might need? Or people that depend on you in certain ways? All of these things could come into play in terms of your decision to stay or go. Evaluating your immediate needs, for instance. We have a lot of shorthand sayings sort of in the survival literature like you can survive three minutes without air, three days without water, three weeks without food, three hours without shelter. Those sorts of things are helpful potentially, but I think it’s more powerful if you have this set of things that you look at.

    Okay, what are the immediate needs? Let’s take shelter and exposure. Where am I and what’s the weather like? Does that change? The degree to which that becomes a priority. I worked a lot of my archeological career in the rainforest. That’s a place where you need really minimal shelter and in a lot of cases you don’t need any for some amount of time. So this decision-making paradigm really for me was a way to deal with the wide variety of situations that you might find yourself in and that you can’t reasonably have the answers to all of these questions in terms of what should I do right now, what should I eat?

    But rather with a set of questions that you can start asking yourself, you can figure out the best path no matter where you are. In some ways thinking about some future catastrophic event at a societal level, those same sort of things are applicable. It’s much more useful to be able to ask the right questions than to think you already have the right answers.

    KH: Asking the right questions is crucial, and it’s something I would like to see more of. One question a lot of people have struggled with in recent years is whether to stay where they are or to try to flee to someplace that might be less impacted by the rise of fascism, environmental collapse or other threats. As someone who has received my share of threats over the years, I know the internal struggle around fight or flight all too well. This book helped me make peace with some of those nagging impulses, and with my own situation. Because, while there will be times when flood waters are rising, or violence is so rampant, that a person has no choice but to flee, as a matter of survival, or to avoid forced birth, or to remain uncaged, it’s also true that for some people, staying put can be its own survival strategy. After all, our mutual investment in one another’s survival is our greatest resource, and our greatest hope, and for me, the greatest amount of that resource exists right here, where I am, even as the threats we face mount.

    CB: I teach wilderness survival courses, and I remember a student from one of those courses who was a friend of mine, but also, I guess, had taken one of these courses, came over to dinner, and it became clear that she was worried about things that were going on. One of the questions she asked was, “What are you going to do? Where are you going to go when things get bad?” I think, in her mind, maybe I had, from my knowledge as an anthropologist or an archeologist, some idea of where on the Earth you might be least affected by some of this stuff, or what kinds of governments or groups or histories would be the best or have created the best scenario in which to survive this stuff. My answer to her was that I don’t have any sort of exit plan.

    Part of what is clear, looking historically and archaeologically, is that these sorts of things aren’t something you can outrun, first of all. There are going to be global impacts anywhere we go. If we were to go somewhere else, there are people there already doing their thing, and that creates a whole other set of issues. But more important than that for me is that I would like to try to be part of the solution and stay where the problems are and figure out how to make it through these. Now, there are some cases, of course, even now we have climate refugees that really have little choice but to leave and come somewhere else. But outside of those rare situations, staying and facing the problem and figuring out how to do the hard work of community building that it’s going to take to get through it, is a role I would rather have, rather than somebody that has run away from that and is attempting to escape that hard work.

    KH: Obviously, Chris and I are talking about staying put from a place of comfort, compared to many people in the world. In November of 2021, a UN report found that, “As more people flee violence, insecurity and the effects of climate change, the number [of people] forcibly displaced now exceeds 84 million globally.” We are living in an era of mass displacement, and many of us may eventually be forced to flee the homes we know. But there was something I found very comforting about Chris’s story about not having an exit strategy, and wanting to stay and help, because he was giving words to what I have been feeling in recent years. Even as alarms go off in my mind, warning me to relocate or move differently in the world, to avoid being harmed or worse, there’s a larger part of me that will not easily be uprooted. Because I am invested in my community, in my city, and in the well-being of the people here, and thankfully, a bunch of people here are also invested in my well-being. So rather than focusing on where I might flee in various scenarios — and to be clear, I don’t think having those plans is a bad thing, by any means — I am determined to stay and to help for as long as I can, and hopefully, for as long as I’m alive. Like my ancestors, I will try to survive whatever nightmares befall us by respecting leadership that is accountable to the people, and by aspiring to ensure that everyone has enough. Those ideas might sound almost utopian, in these times, but I don’t think that’s a bad thing. After all, our ideas about the apocalypse are mired in individualism, bad -isms and falsehoods about the ways that human beings actually navigate crises. To me, that makes the work of reimagining our path through and beyond the apocalypse an essential effort for anyone who has not given up on humanity or themselves.

    CB: One of the themes that you see throughout the book is that not only is it important how we do things, it’s important how we think about and how we talk about things. Words have power, concepts shape the way we see things. Our language, our categories, of course, shape the reality in which we live. And when we think about the future, it’s the same way. When we see these popular narratives and they give us these parameters for the future, ultimately, those become the limits in which we’re working. When we’re imagining a future, it’s limited by the way we talk about it, it’s limited by our choice of language, it’s limited by our worldview. And that’s why it is really important when we think about something like a future, especially a future where you’re either dealing with or recovering from some kind of a catastrophe, that it not be put just in terms of surviving the emergency, being efficient, being, I don’t know, even cutthroat or brutal in your actions because they’re necessary for survival.

    One of the things we don’t want to do for the future is to create a vision where we are stripped down to what we often think of as the bare necessities. And that other things that are actually also necessary are discarded or ignored because you’re trying to deal with this crisis. And so when I think about our vision of the future, if we include these elements at this point, as necessary, if we include things like compassion and equity and generosity as being fundamental to a working, livable society, then we have a chance of creating something like that. So when we think about the future, it really is important that we actively engage our vision of the future because it really is going to set the parameters and the direction that we take.

    KH: Our ideas about the future shape the future, so this is a time for transformative ideas. I will still be watching zombie shows, for the record. I enjoy that kind of fiction, even though I know it’s fucked up. But I also enjoy shows like the horror sitcom “Santa Clarita Diet,” which takes a different approach to the zombie apocalypse — positioning it as a slow-motion catastrophe, where one well meaning suburbanite, who now craves human flesh, tries to navigate the crisis with responsible consumption, like only eating Nazis and men’s rights activists. I appreciate the way that show satirizes our responses to potentially world-ending conditions and pushes us to think bigger. The show also directly addresses climate change, in a storyline where two teenagers decide to blow up a fracking site — a decision that is depicted as reckless and poorly thought out, but morally righteous, and even admirable. That kind of storytelling is rare in Hollywood. In fact, a recent study found that only 2.8 percent of about 37,000 scripts that were analyzed used any “climate change keywords,” while only 0.6 percent featured the words “climate change.”

    I was recently watching Bill Nye’s new show, The End is Nye, which is streaming on Peacock. It’s a bit cheesy, as one would expect for a family show from Bill Nye the Science Guy, but I was also impressed by the show’s dramatizations of people experiencing climate catastrophes, and its realism about what would happen to many of those people. But most importantly, I appreciated the way Nye walked viewers through these catastrophes, and then circled back to our present reality to talk about what we can do differently to make the disasters ahead less awful, and to better prepare ourselves for the work of saving ourselves and each other. I think we need a whole lot more storytelling about apocalyptic events that walks people through the realities of what we are up against, while also reminding us of what we can do to reduce the harm that people are experiencing, to lessen the severity of catastrophes, and to move forward in a different way. Maybe some of you are writing those stories right now. If so, I hope to see and read them sooner than later, because the world needs those visions and those dreams, just as we all need each other.

    I want to thank Chris Begley for joining me today to talk about the lessons of his book The Next Apocalypse. I absolutely love this book and I could not recommend it more highly. I know we didn’t get to talk about any fun survivalist skills during this episode, but you can find a few of those tips in the book, so be sure to check it out.

    I also want to thank our listeners for joining us today, and remember, our best defense against cynicism is to do good, and to remember that the good we do matters. Until next time, I’ll see you in the streets.

    Show Notes

    Referenced:

  • SPECIAL REPORT: By Tony Fala

    Community organisers representing multiple Aotearoa struggles gathered at the Ponsonby Community Centre in Tāmaki Makaurau last Sunday to celebrate the 50th anniversary of the founding of the Ponsonby People’s Union (1972-1979).

    Organised by former PPU activists, representatives of many Aotearoa social justice movements and struggles from around the country came together to honour the PPU’s work.

    The gathering was simultaneously a birthday celebration; a communal remembering of activist history, and a hui to launch the important PPU commemorative book project.

    Taura Eruera
    Taura Eruera was a founding member of Nga Tamatoa and the PPU . . . he opened the hui with a mihi whakatau. Image: Tony Fala/Asia Pacific Report

    Taura Eruera was a founding member of Nga Tamatoa and the PPU, doing important food co-op work for the union. He opened the hui with a mihi whakatau.

    PPU activist Farrell Cleary chaired the meeting and provided excellent introductions for all speakers.

    The speakers
    Roger Fowler
    co-founded the PPU and coordinated the group between 1972-1979. He spoke of how the PPU emerged from the Aotearoa countercultural movement; growing public opposition to the Vietnam War; Progressive Youth Movement activism, and Resistance Bookshop labours in Auckland.

    Fowler paid tribute to his friend and PPU co-founder Cliff Kelsell. He acknowledged the writings of the Black Panther Party as formative to thinking concerning community activism — in particular, the writings of Huey P. Newton, Bobby Seale, and George Jackson.

    Fowler explained why Huey P. Newton’s concept of “intercommunalism” was vital for developing the PPU’s community resilience and network building praxis in Ponsonby from 1972.

    Roger Fowler
    Roger Fowler . . . co-founder of the PPU and coordinator of the group between 1972-1979. Image: Tony Fala/Asia Pacific Report

    He said the issues the Ponsonby community confronted were:

    • people needing food;
    • people needing protection from police harassment and racism; and
    • local tenants needing assistance against unjust treatment from property owners.

    Fowler spoke about the PPU’s food co-op, prison visitors bus service, and free community newspaper and leaflet work. He said the PPU used the food co-op as an organising tool to mobilise people for multiple community interventions.

    He expressed concern that knowledge of activism in the seventies may be disappearing — but he acknowledged Nick Bollinger’s recent history Jumping Sundays as an important addition to keeping public memory of activist history alive.

    Fowler paid tribute to the Polynesian Panther Party (PPP) — the PPU’s sister organisation — and acknowledged the Polynesian Panther Party Legacy Trust’s (PPPLT) contemporary community organising in schools.

    Ponsonby People's Union 50 years tee shirt
    The striking 50th anniversary Ponsonby People’s Union tee shirt. Image: Tony Fala/Asia Pacific Report

    Pam Hughes was an activist in the PPU. She spoke about the impact of the anti-Vietnam War Movement and the writings of Karl Marx upon her early life. She said she felt she possessed theoretical but not practical knowledge of struggle until she moved to Auckland and joined the PPU in the middle 1970s.

    She spoke about the lives of working-class women who lived in Grey Lynn, Herne Bay, and Ponsonby at the time.

    Hughes spoke of the terrible hardship these women endured: these women had to make the weekly choice of either paying their rents or buying food for families — they did not have the money to do both.

    She spoke of the impact of the 1973 oil crisis; the racism Māori and Pacific people faced during the period, and the emergence of the Dawn Raids strategy as an approach to Pacific “overstayers” initiated by Norm Kirk’s Labour government — before the strategy was intensified under Muldoon’s National government.

    Hughes said the PPU had stood up for collective rights and improved living standards in inner city Auckland. She acknowledged the PPU as an early forerunner to contemporary community development programme initiatives in Aotearoa today.

    Fuimaono Norman Tuiasau
    Fuimaono Norman Tuiasau . . . chairperson of the PPPLT and a former PPP member who worked closely with the PPU from the early 1970s. Image: Tony Fala/Asia Pacific Report

    Fuimaono Norman Tuiasau is chairperson of the PPPLT and a former PPP member. He worked closely with the PPU from the early 1970s.

    Fuimaono said he felt honoured to attend the 50th celebration for the PPU. He acknowledged all the brothers and sisters from different movements in attendance.

    Fuimaono talked about the long, 50-year struggle of the PPU (and others) to uphold the mana of the poor, homeless, and lost in inner city Auckland. He talked about his deep alofa and gratitude for the PPU.

    He told rich stories about the work the PPP did in partnership with the PPU. He told the story of how the PPP and the PPU worked together concerning the PPP’s Dawn Raids activist campaign.

    Fuimaono talked about how the PPU, and PPP worked together to organise the PIG Patrol to monitor team policing in Auckland. He also shared the narrative of how the PPP assisted the PPU concerning tenancy eviction direct action activism in Ponsonby.

    He acknowledged the PPU and his great friends, Roger Fowler and Lyn Doherty. He thanked the PPU for supporting the PPP.

    At the conclusion of Fuimaono’s talk, PPP and PPPLT members Melani Anae, Tigilau Ness, Alec Toleafoa, and Fuimaono Norman Tuiasau stood together and sang the beautiful Samoan song “Ua Fa’afetai” to thank members of the PPU for their long years of community service.

    Tigilau Ness
    Tigilau Ness, a community activist, musician, PPPLT trustee and former PPP member … he worked closely with the PPU from the early 1970s. Image: Tony Fala/Asia Pacific Report

    Tigilau Ness is a distinguished community activist, musician, PPPLT trustee, and former PPP member. He worked closely with the PPU from the early 1970s.

    He offered warm salutations to the PPU at the 50th birthday celebration event. He spoke of how the loss of Panther sister Ama Rauhihi’s brother Peter in Vietnam galvanised the PPP’s anti-Vietnam War activism.

    He articulated the bonds of fellowship between the PPP and the PPU via song. He performed songs such as “Teach Your Children”, and “American Pie” for the audience. These songs were sung by PPU and PPP members travelling on buses together to visit prisoners in Auckland.

    Ness spoke about the importance of sharing histories of struggle with the youth of today. He spoke humbly about the community organising work the PPPLT do today speaking to youth in schools about PPP history. He warned that if activists did not tell their historical narratives, then outsiders might come and potentially misrepresent those stories.

    Nick Bollinger is an eminent broadcaster and creative writer. He has written the important 2022 Aotearoa Counterculture Movement history Jumping Sundays: The Rise and Fall of the Counterculture in Aotearoa New Zealand.

    The Jumping Sundays cover
    The Jumping Sundays cover. Image: Auckland University Press

    Bollinger evoked the 1960s as a period where communes formed, music festivals abounded, and younger Kiwis challenged social norms from hairstyles and dress codes to social assumptions concerning racism and sexism.

    He talked about his book’s title and where the term “Jumping Sundays” came from. He said he wanted to explore ideas important to this emerging counterculture in his book. He wanted to explore whether ideas from this historical conjuncture had survived, been diluted, or had been hijacked.

    Bollinger said he felt PPU’s ideas of community service still existed today in the lives and service of former PPU members. He talked about writing about the PPU in his book. He said that if we do not tell these stories, the stories will not survive. He quoted lines from Bob Marley’s renowned community struggle anthem, “No Woman, No Cry” to emphasise his point: “In this great future, you can’t forget your past.”

    Alec Hawke is a Ngati Whatua activist and kaumatua. He collaborated closely with Roger Fowler and PPU members at the Takaparawhau Occupation in Tāmaki Makaurau in 1977-1978.

    He talked about his early engagement in the anti-Vietnam War Movement as a high school student at Selwyn College in Tāmaki, and his involvement in anti-Vietnam War protests alongside the Progressive Youth Movement (PYM). Hawke spoke about the Takaparawhau struggle and said that Roger Fowler had asked protestors to remain peaceful as police arrested them at the Point in 1978.

    Hawke said that Roger had supported Ngati Whatua kuia and kaumatua’s request that arrested protesters remain non-violent. He said Roger Fowler was the last person arrested at Takaparawhau because he refused to move off the wharenui roof!

    Hawke thanked the PPP for always helping Takaparawhau protesters when his people called for assistance. He spoke about the death of his daughter Joannie at Takaparawhau: and how Tigilau Ness had written a beautiful song in tribute of Joannie. Alec said that Tāmaki Makaurau would not be the same place but for the work of Roger Fowler and Lyn Doherty.

    Musicians Sam Ford and Trudi Green performed for the PPU in the 1970s
    Musicians Sam Ford and Trudi Green performed for the PPU in the 1970s . . . they played several fine songs after Alec Hawke spoke. Image: Tony Fala/Asia Pacific Report
    The Polynesian Panthers cover
    The Polynesian Panthers cover. Image: Huia Press

    Musicians Sam Ford and Trudi Green performed for the PPU in the 1970s. They played several fine songs after Alec Hawke spoke. As Sam and Trudi performed their music, guests gathered to converse, share food, and mix and mingle.

    Huey P. Newton once said, “I think what motivates people is not great hate, but great love for other people.”

    Alongside other organisations and movements, the PPU embodied this great alofa/aroha for others in their tireless community labours. Their work offers living inspiration for new generations today.

    The author, Tony Fala, wishes to pay respects to the work of all former PPU members living and deceased. People can send photographs and stories by October 31, 2022, to Roger Fowler for the PPU book project at: roger.fowler@icloud.com People can learn more about the PPU by reading Roger Fowler’s contribution in the important PPP history edited by Melani Anae, Lautofa (TA) Iuli, and Leilani Tamu in 2015 titled, Polynesian Panthers: Pacific Protest and Affirmative Action in Aotearoa New Zealand 1971-1981. Nga mihi nui to Roger Fowler for providing insightful editing comments concerning this article.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • By Jonty Dine, RNZ News reporter

    The race for the Auckland mayoralty ends this weekend in the Aotearoa New Zealand local elections and polls indicate that either Pacific contender Fa’anānā Efeso Collins or Wayne Brown will claim the chains.

    RNZ News spoke to some prominent Aucklanders about who they believe should get the city’s top job.

    Former world heavyweight boxing title contender David Tua said he was firmly in the corner of Efeso Collins.

    Tua believed Collins would be a mayor for all, in particular the youth.

    “At the end of the day they are our future and I believe he is a man the youth can relate to.”

    Tua said Collins had a humanitarian nature.

    David Tua
    Former world heavyweight boxing title contender David Tua … Efeso Collins has a humanitarian nature. Image: Photosport/RNZ

    “What he’s standing for is for the people, all the people. It’s always about the people and I believe that’s what he’s about.”

    The ‘man for the job’
    Advocate Shaneel Lal believes Collins is the man for the job due to the past support he has shown to the LGBTQI+ community.

    Shaneel Lal says the current bill to ban conversion therapy has glaringly obvious loopholes and doesn't go far enough.
    Advocate Shaneel Lal … Efeso Collins is calm, collected and open to ideas and change. Image: Pacific Cooperation Foundation/RNZ

    Lal said Collins had progressed in his views and proved he had a backbone when he offered help during their campaign to ban conversion therapy.

    “We need to give people room for growth, he advocated against same-sex marriage in 2012, the bill passed in 2013, in those 10 years he has come on a long journey of learning, that was 10 years ago and to me he clearly has changed.”

    Lal said Collins had the temperament for the job.

    “I also think Efeso is calm and collected and open to ideas and change, he has always been respectful to me and spoken with kindness even when he has disagreed with me.”

    Former North Shore mayor George Wood is backing Wayne Brown.

    George Wood at a Council meeting about the Unitary Plan. 10 August 2016.
    Former North Shore mayor George Wood … backs Wayne Brown. Image: Cole Eastham-Farrelly/RNZ

    “Wayne has already run a district council I think that will give him good knowledge of what it is like to run a local government organisation.”

    Wood said Brown did have some room for improvement, however.

    “He does have a tendency to say things off the cuff without realising the significance of what he is saying and it is an area he will have to improve that communication.”

    Getting the balance right
    Prominent activist Lisa Prager said Brown would get her tick.

    “Wayne has the experience in both the corporate environment and also understands small local businesses so he understands what this city needs and how to get that balance right.”

    Prager said council needed restructuring which Brown could deliver.

    “I think it is excessive in its spending and failing to deliver the essential services that we all need.”

    Actor Oscar Kightley said as a fellow Samoan man, Collins was the clear choice.

    Oscar Kightly won the Senior Pacific Artist Award at the Creative NZ Arts Pasifika awards
    Actor Oscar Kightley … it was time for change with Collins. Image: Daniela Maoate-Cox/RNZ Pacific

    “When you are Samoan you experience different aspects of life Aotearoa including prejudice and discrimination and when you’ve fought through that and succeeded it just gives you skills to see the bigger picture.”

    Kightley said it was time for change.

    “I love how he’s changed his approach from when he first entered council, I think he’s really listened to all the diverse voices out there.”

    Making a difference
    Well-known celebrant Ronny Franks is voting Brown.

    “I think he would make a huge difference, I think there could be good changes, particularly with Auckland Transport and other areas that are sort of lagging behind at the moment.”

    Franks believed Brown’s personality would serve him well in office, despite the occasional gaffe.

    “He’s a no nonsense man, he probably does rattle a lot of feathers but when you have to get something done you have to get it done and there is a right way of doing it and he does things the right way.”

    Monday was the last day to get votes in the post but there are vote boxes at supermarkets, transport hubs and council buildings around Tāmaki Makaurau.

    Auckland has a population of 1.7 million.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

  • By Sri Krishnamurthi

    Rachael Mario isn’t just any woman, she is special in that she hails from the idyllic South Pacific island of Rotuma.

    And it is her love for social work which she hopes will propel her and her Roskill Community Voice and City Vision team onto the Mt Roskill board.

    It is also the first time a Pasifika person has decided to stand for the Puketapapa Local Board in Mt Roskill, in the current Auckland local government elections that began today.

    Having lived in Tāmaki Makaurau Auckland for 33 years has given her a perspective on social justice and diversity for Auckland.

    Much of that comes from time spent at the Whānau Community Hub in the Auckland suburb of Mt Roskill where her and her team do a sterling job in running different programmes for the good folk of Roskill.

    For instance, every first Wednesday of the month they host a free seniors lunch, and it not just for Rotumans but for the diverse group of seniors who reside in Mt Roskill and who yearn for company and agood old talanoa”.

    Quite apart from that, Mario and her team would be out delivering groceries to the needy, or holding health and well-being, financial literacy and language classes for children.

    Community doubles
    That the community doubles as the Rotuman-Fijian Centre is a testament to her 30+ plus years of marriage to Auckland Fiji human rights advocate Nik Naidu and former journalist, who she met in Fiji when he was a budding radio personality at FM96 in Suva.

    When you first meet Rachael Mario she greets you with big smile and utters charming Noa’ia (the Rotuman language greeting) and then she inquires about you with an inquisitive mind just to see how things are going for you.

    As Mario explains, the Hub isn’t just for Rotumans but is used by a plethora of other groups, including the Moana-Pasifika Seniors. It is also home to the recently formed Asia-Pacific Media Network (APMN), which publishes the Pacific Journalism Review at the behest of founder Professor David Robie.

    With such a diverse bunch using the Whānau Community Hub it is small wonder that Mario would branch out and try to incorporate more diversity in her already busy lifestyle.

    That is why the chair of the Auckland Rotuman Fellowship Inc. is now standing for her local Puketapapa Local Board in Mt Roskill.

    But that has not been without social injustice challenges that her community has faced for many years.

    Lack of language funding
    Included in those is the housing crisis in Auckland but much closer to her heart was the lack of funding provided to Rotuman language programmes which was given a cold shoulder by local boards.

    “The biggest challenge, which isn’t fair, is the discrimination against the Rotuman Community. The Ministry of Pacific Peoples choose to run a different language week against our community-led Rotuman language week programme,” she says.

    Other issues she lists are climate change and the environment which she says are huge for Auckland and wider New Zealand.

    Vincent Naidu
    Vincent Naidu … candidate for the Waitakere Licensing Trust – Ward 4 (Henderson). Image: APR

    What also occupies her mind is the city centre, economic and cultural development, better outcomes for Māori, wastewater and storm water, transport and parks and communities.

    In a nutshell, Rachael Mario is all things to all communities.

    Voting ends on October 8.

    • Three fellow candidates from the Fiji Collective contesting the local body elections are: Anne DEGIA-PALA (C&R – Communities and Residents) –  Whau Local Board candidate
    • Ilango KRISHNAMOORTHY (Labour) – Manurewa-Papakura Ward councillor & Manurewa Local Board candidate
      Vincent NAIDU (Labour) – Waitakere Licensing Trust – Ward 4 (Henderson) candidate

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Voice of Salam is looking for interfaith and intercultural couples, of all backgrounds (cultures / faiths and none) to participate in a research project focussed on:

    Managing conflict and diversity in interfaith and intercultural relationships through dialogue

    We’re working on a digital (video and social media) campaign. Can you help us?

    About the project

    Interfaith and intercultural relationships can bring individuals and different families and communities together.

    However, there is sometimes the potential for conflict within such relationships when navigating difference. There is also the risk of potential social isolation from either or both of the couple’s communities, and of wider conflict within families, often brought about by fear of difference, notions of “dishonour” and anxieties around loss of cultural or religious heritage.

    This initiative looks to document the experiences of dialogue between various interfaith/intercultural couples to:

    • Highlight and address the stigma faced by interfaith/intercultural couples
    • Provide an insight into how couples have been able to navigate conflict and manage difference based on their different religious/cultural affiliations in their relationship, family and wider community
    • Share what the experience has taught them re. the importance of dialogue and diversity

    This project will enable other couples, families, faith/cultural communities and the wider public learn about how to respect and navigate difference, to share diverse traditions together and to create harmonious hybrid spaces.

    The campaign will be promoted within the UK, online and within participants’ own countries/communities and will hopefully help to reduce stigma and silence around interfaith/intercultural couples.

    What we’re looking for

    We’re looking for couples across a wide range of faith (and non-faith) traditions and cultural backgrounds. We welcome diversity in age, sexuality, gender and lived experiences.

    Participating couples will feature:

    • In a couple specific short video – shared on Voice of Salam’s (VoS) social media channels
    • In a larger video featuring all participants – shared on VoS’ social media channels
    • In a blog on the Voice of Salam website
    • In related social media and outreach materials (photos/posters)
    • In any related national, international or local press

    Videos will be filmed in person (in the UK) or remotely (online) by either Voice of Salam or the couple themselves. Full guidance and prompts will be provided.  

    Materials will be shared with relevant networks, cultural and faith communities – including participants’ member organisations and leaders, plus wider interfaith organisations/networks and academic institutions.

    Video and text submitted by/featuring participating couples will be verified and approved by participants prior to publication.

    Participating couples will receive a £50 Amazon voucher as a thank you for their time.

    How to get involved

    To take part, of if you have any questions, please contact Elizabeth Arif-Fear (Founder and Director, Voice of Salam).

    Thank you!

    DOWNLOAD THE CALL FOR PARTICIPANTS (PDF)

    DOWNLOAD THE SUBMISSION GUIDELINES (PDF)

    Support for this video and article series has been supported as a part of the KAICIID Fellows Programme, which aims to provide opportunities for individuals to initiate new projects in interreligious dialogue and other related areas for their professional development and learning. The work undertaken has been conducted by external actors. The views, opinions, findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed in the film are strictly those of the creator(s) and/or the persons appearing in the video and article series and do not necessarily reflect the views of the International Dialogue Centre (KAICIID) or its Member States. The International Dialogue Centre (KAICIID) does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this video and article series and neither the International Dialogue Centre (KAICIID) nor its Member States will accept any liability in connection with these data.

    This post was originally published on Voice of Salam.

  • More than two years after ad-hoc networks of collective care sprouted from the cracks of state neglect during the pandemic, mutual aid organizers across the U.S. are convening in Indiana this July to prepare these networks to face crisis, disasters and survival for the long haul.

    “To the extent that we engage in this work only as an emergency response, it’s doomed to stay a Band-Aid,” said Shannon Malloy, who is helping plan a “Dual Power 2022” gathering from July 29-31 at Indiana Dunes State and National Parks. “It’s our long-term, larger-scale interconnectedness that makes it more of a long-term viable solution, as opposed to just a way to stop the bleeding.”

    Malloy described building mutual aid networks as a tactic in the strategy of constructing “dual power,” defined by the Black Socialists of America as “[a] situation where there are two powers — a democratic one developed by poor and working-class people (defined by direct democracy), and the other one capitalist (defined by domination) — coexisting and competing for legitimacy during a transition away from Capitalism.”

    To this end, Woodbine, an experimental hub in Ridgewood, Queens, hopes to promote dialogue and cooperation between mutual aid groups for building dual power. In May, Woodbine hosted a regional gathering on “Autonomy and Survival” alongside Symbiosis, a network of grassroots organizations building a democratic and ecological society. Participants agreed to wear masks and take COVID-19 tests prior to attending to eliminate the risk of transmitting the coronavirus. The gathering provided organizers with space for reflecting, sharing and strategizing together to strengthen their projects locally and regionally.

    “I think there was a real need for people to finally be able to gather in person to meet new people that they didn’t know or weren’t working with for the last few years to hear about different people’s experiences doing mutual aid work,” said Matt Peterson, a cofounder of Woodbine. “Political organizing, or transformation, is going to occur with real people in a real space. People that know each other have trust. They can talk to each other. They can learn.”

    More than 200 people from across the country shuffled in and out of the gathering for a weekend of panels, discussions and parties. A mutual aid panel featured organizers from groups born out of the pandemic or uprisings, including the Atlanta Survival Program and Bushwick Ayuda Mutua (BAM), Washington Square Park Mutual Aid, and others that had already been established, like Woodbine, Mutual Aid Disaster Relief and Distribute Aid, a grassroots organization specializing in providing logistical support for aid shipments around the world. Attendees learned about groups’ varying organizational styles, historical contexts, and about how the pandemic altered the trajectory of their work.

    “Just in terms of New York City, it was interesting because we had BAM from Bushwick, which is just right next door to Ridgewood, and then we had Washington Square Park, which is in Manhattan, and then Woodbine,” said Peterson. “We’re all in New York City, but we have three very different organizational forms, very different approaches in terms of what we’re doing, very different ways of relating to each other internally.”

    For its part, Woodbine underwent major organizational changes during the pandemic. Their physical hub transitioned from an events and meeting space into a full-time aid hub. In collaboration with Hungry Monk, a homeless outreach organization with some Woodbine-affiliated volunteers, neighbors began distributing hundreds of bags of fresh food — mostly obtained for free through partnerships with farms and businesses — on Wednesdays and Fridays.

    “After two years of COVID, we’ve built trust and we maintained it,” Peterson said. “We didn’t do it for a few Instagram photos. So that builds more trust and new trust and that enables us to meet more people and meet different people and hopefully, expand the types of work we want to do or can do in Ridgewood, or throughout the city.” Peterson noted their ability to respond to the pandemic depended on infrastructure that members of the collective had built during previous disaster relief efforts, including 9/11, the financial crisis of 2008 and Hurricane Sandy.

    In December 2020, Woodbine used funds it raised throughout the year to move into a space three times the size of its original location. Its pantry runs on Mondays and Wednesdays, with people lined up around the block well-before doors open. The new space is large enough to accommodate donation-based yoga twice a week, film screenings, an open gym with certified trainers, reading groups, Sunday night dinners and large-scale events.

    A variety of other models of mutual aid organizing have emerged across the country. In Manhattan, Washington Square Park Mutual Aid formed out of rowdy battles against police evictions of the park. The collective sets up a free market with food, clothes and toiletries each Friday and distributes food and water to protesters during political demonstrations. On June 24, the group distributed free water, pizza and tacos during protests against the overturning of Roe v. Wade. BAM has operated a volunteer-run hotline for neighbors in need of food, masks, diapers, and other items for more than two years.

    In Richmond, Virginia, Mutual Aid Disaster Relief Richmond (MAD RVA), a group that allocates micro-grants and ran a free supply drive in the state during the pandemic, raised thousands of dollars to transition toward opening a physical space for a free store. People will be able to come in and take whatever they want for free, a mutual aid model collective members say provides people with autonomy over their choices.

    The Atlanta Survival Program, a free food delivery initiative that launched in Georgia’s state capital during the pandemic, is supporting the Defend the Atlanta Forest movement, an abolitionist struggle against the construction of a new police training facility in the South River Forest, by dropping off resources to people occupying the forest. Nimble forest defenders rely on donated goods to live communally while helicopters and police drones buzz overhead, and riot cops stumble through the woods to destroy their camps. Resources are distributed freely amongst one another according to need, without bosses or hierarchies of any sort.

    Woodbine and Symbiosis’s “Autonomy and Survival” gathering facilitated connections between disparate mutual aid organizers for building power regionally.

    Taylor Fairbank, Distribute Aid’s operations director who recently moved to Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, after coordinating aid shipments across Europe for years, said the gathering helped him feel more attuned to the mutual aid landscape in the U.S.

    “Oh, my gosh, that was exactly what I needed at a personal and organizing level, it was so exciting and refreshing,” he told Truthout. “I got to meet so many people for the first time there and have an actual conversation — not just the occasional call or message in the group chat — and get caught up with what they had been doing in the states for the past few years, and just build those connections.”

    Distribute Aid sent aid shipments to the Atlanta Survival Network months ago, and Fairbank said meeting some of its organizers in person helped build trust between them. Fairbank also met organizers with Mutual Aid Disaster Relief (MADR) for the first time, and the two groups are already coordinating sending a truck-worth of water bottles to Florida to help with summer heat waves and to prepare stockpiles for hurricane season.

    “I met them for the first time at Symbiosis. Boom, now we’re talking,” he said, of MADR organizers. “This wouldn’t have been possible without regional coordination that clearly exists in the U.S.,” said Fairbank, “and without these meetups and these events, you know, that heartbeat that keeps us connected and that place where we can tell each other stories and kind of dream of a shared future.”

    Yet, many mutual aid projects that formed during the pandemic or uprisings have withered. Some suffocated under the weight of their own contradictions by replicating charity models, creating rigid leadership structures, or aligning themselves with local politicians. In the U.K., data suggests roughly 4 in 10 mutual aid groups that formed during the pandemic are still active.

    Intentional spaces like regional gatherings push organizers to reflect on why some mutual aid projects wind up replicating the very systems many organizers hope to abolish. Durable and effective mutual aid networks tend to prioritize slowly building relationships around anti-authoritarian, anti-capitalist values, says Payton, an organizer with MADR who attended the gathering and is making a documentary about mutual aid. (Payton preferred to only give his first name.)

    “Mutual aid is contingent on relationships. It’s really difficult to just call a bunch of people in the room who have vaguely relevant values, or even conflicting values, and call it mutual aid,” he said. “I think we need to be a lot more scrutinizing. What do we want? What world are we building towards? How are we actually materially supporting each other and showing up for each other? Do I know you? Do I have your back? Am I in a long-term committed struggle with you? And this is where we start to develop real mutual aid.”

    Mutual aid predates colonialism, Payton noted, but it didn’t need to be named as a concept. “It was just how people functioned,” he said. “We have to really think and be committed, and listen to the people who have been doing this longer than us, particularly the matriarchs and the people of color, or the people in our communities who are just doing the damn thing and not calling it ‘mutual aid.’”

    For many organizers, mutual aid and abolition of the nation-state are intertwined because without police and politicians, or any type of carceral state apparatus to control resources, people could meet their own survival needs in an autonomous and communal manner on their own accord.

    “White people who are interested in mutual aid really need to sit with what it means to come from a culture that has deprived the world of its ability to participate in cooperation and mutual aid and think critically then about what it means to live on the stolen land with infrastructure that’s been built by stolen bodies,” says Payton.

    Once organizers establish democratic decision making structures and relationships around abolitionist values, they have a better chance of building robust federations, the organizational structure whereby autonomous groups build power locally, and then connect and support each other regionally according to set principles without a central authority.

    Building federations and dual power is, of course, a tedious process. It won’t miraculously emerge out of a gathering — a difficult pill to swallow in the context of urgent, looming existential threats like the climate crisis.

    “In the future, we may need to set up water purification infrastructure for whole communities, decommission nuclear power plants, or be an accomplice to the trees and help them reverse climate chaos, as only they, not us, have the wisdom and ability to do,” writes Jimmy Dunson in a forthcoming anthology Building Power While the Lights Are Out: Disasters, Mutual Aid, and Dual Power. “The skills, connections, education, experience, and experiments we learn and do now matter. Our exodus from the state and capital is not inevitable but rather hinges on our individual and collective choices. And there is no road map to where we are going. We make these paths by walking them.”

    For Payton’s part, he warns against any attempts to replicate large-scale projects that organizers in the U.S. admire, including Rojava in North and East Syria or the Zapatista movement in Chiapas, which were built across generations of revolutionary struggle.

    “A friend at the Symbiosis gathering at Woodbine shared the metaphor of an arch bridge,” he explained. “We can’t start with the keystone which is in the middle, and it’s suspended by gravity. It’s held together by the friction of stones that came before it. Those stones that come before are the on-the-ground long-term relationships and infrastructure that needs to necessitate the finality of the bridge, which is the federation.”

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • A man whose uncle died in the Grenfell Tower fire has described the lack of justice in the five years since the tragedy as “torture” and said it has prevented him being able to grieve.

    Karim Mussilhy said he has not been able to sit down and come to terms with what happened to his uncle, Hesham Rahman, on the night of June 14 2017.

    The 36-year-old said he never would have imagined being in this situation, five years on from the tower-block blaze, and said he feels the fight “gets harder and harder the longer it goes on”.

    Another Grenfell could happen tomorrow

    In an interview with the PA news agency to mark the fifth anniversary of the tragedy in west London, he said:

    This is torture, we are being tortured. We can’t move on. We can’t grieve.

    We can’t rebuild, as much as we’re trying to.

    Mussilhy, a father-of-two who is part of the Grenfell United campaign group, warned that “Grenfell Two” will happen if things stay the same.

    He continued:

    It’s been incredibly frustrating that we’re still having to do the things that we’re doing today in order to get some changes.

    And if you really look at it, if you look at sort of the big picture and the grand scheme of things, what has actually changed in five years

    He said:

    Can another Grenfell happen tomorrow? Yes, it can.

    And if it does, are people safe? No, they’re not.

    Do our firefighters have the right equipment and training to save people? No, they don’t.

    What have we done? What have we learned since Grenfell?

    Despite the frustration, Mussilhy said survivors, the bereaved, and members of the community are determined not to allow their campaign to “just be kicked into the long grass”.

    He added:

    We’re quite resilient and we’re quite relentless, so we will keep going, we will keep pushing, we will keep fighting until some element of positivity comes out of this and there’s some accountability.

    “We don’t have justice”

    Other members of the community said they feel dehumanised and cannot fully heal until there is justice.

    Samia Badani, 47, who lives in Bramley House near the tower, said:

    Five years on, we don’t want to wish what happened in this community to any community in any part of this country or the world.

    That was sheer devastation and how do you grow out of devastation? We don’t have closure, we don’t have justice and we don’t have change.

    And we are not asking for much – we’re just asking to be treated as human beings.

    Badani said the community needs to “make sense of what happened” to be able to heal and recover.

    But she added:

    It is hard to make sense of something so horrible unless you hold people accountable.

    Government grovelling

    Speaking in the House of Commons on Thursday, Communities Secretary Michael Gove apologised for the Government’s response over the last five years.

    He said:

    Again, I want to apologise to the bereaved, to relatives and survivors for the fact that the Government over the last five years has sometimes been too slow in acting… sometimes we have behaved in a way which has been insensitive.

    A spokesman for the Department for Levelling Up, Housing and Communities said the tragedy must “never be allowed to happen again” and its thoughts are with the bereaved, survivors and the community.

    He said:

    So far 45 of the UK’s biggest housebuilders have signed our developer pledge and will contribute £5 billion to fix their unsafe buildings.

    We expect them to work swiftly so people feel safe in their homes, and we will be carefully scrutinising their progress.

    The Building Safety Act brings forward the biggest improvements in building safety for a generation, giving more rights and protections for residents than ever before.

    “It is shameful”

    London Fire Commissioner Andy Roe said:

    Five years on, it is shameful that we are still seeing designs for buildings that we do not think are safe.

    We have repeatedly called for urgent culture change in the building and construction industry when it comes to fire safety in residential buildings and the lack of change so far is unacceptable.

    We all owe it to the bereaved families, the survivors and the residents – whose lives have been torn apart by what happened that night – to continue to learn, change and improve.

    By The Canary

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • Transition Berkeley has cultivated a community of practice that hits close to ground zero – a “culture of repair,” that demonstrates a way to live with more humility, making do with what we have by sharing knowledge and skills, one repair at a time.  Repair Cafes harness a library-system supported methodology that touches a diversity of people and interests. The bells that ring on the repair grounds throughout an event celebrates the completion of each repair – and total up to 100 in any four-hour event. Repair Cafes and fix-it clinics produce an excitement not unlike a dopamine-pumped day at the derby with your besties.

    This elegantly simple community-based solution draws support from people across all cultural, gender, age and socioeconomic lines and provides a unique opportunity for them to gather, connect, and build relationships.

    The post Repair Cafes Build Community Across All Social Divides appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • “I have lived in a cohousing community in California since 1999. A friend told me she’d read somewhere that you write about an inevitable moment in a community’s life when the early people (founders, or some such term) and later people collide over change and changes in what earlier folks hold/held as the “vision” for the community… I’m looking for some guidance on our community as it confronts some of the conflicts embedded in this older/newer member conflict.”

    The post The Challenge Of Integrating New Members appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • RNZ News

    Many central Wellington shops face a crisis, university buildings have been closed for eight weeks and many report major disruptions from the illegal anti-vaccination mandates protest at New Zealand’s Parliament, with people’s patience wearing thin and calls for more decisive action.

    Retail NZ said the road blocks and disruption were a disaster for local stores. Some retailers had had to close while others were reducing their operating hours.

    Chief executive Greg Harford said very few customers were visiting the central city area of the capital near Parliament, which includes some of Wellington’s prime shopping.

    “Things were bad before the protests, with the move to the red traffic light setting, but protests and the disruption associated with them are really just keeping customers away from town. Foot traffic is down and sales and down,” he said.

    Harford said the government needed to reintroduce the wage subsidy for all businesses affected by omicron — and that the need was particularly acute in Wellington.

    Yesterday about 30 Wellington community leaders, including regional mayors, MPs, business leaders and principals signed a letter urging an immediate end to the illegal camp.

    Last night Victoria University of Wellington announced its Pipitea campus, which is occupied by the protesters, would remain closed until April 11 to protect staff and students’ health and safety.

    Students, disappointed, harassed
    Student president Ralph Zambrano said he understood the decision, but students were disappointed more was not done to stop the protest before it disrupted the education they are paying thousands of dollars for.

    He said students supported peaceful protest, but they had been subject to harassment and intimidation for 11 days.

    The association is running a petition calling for the protesters to be peacefully relocated so the buildings can reopen before April, and now has more than 8000 signatures.

    “We want there to be further efforts now to avoid the disruption lasting as long as they’ve set it out to be… which is why we’re going to continue to put pressure for peaceful action,” Zambrano said.

    A Wellington City Missioner called on the protesters to go home because of the negative impact on the city’s most vulnerable.

    Murray Edridge said it was harder to get around the city and more difficult to access services.

    Some streets can’t be used as they’re clogged with protesters’ vehicles, public transport in the capital has had to be re-routed and the mission’s food delivery to people who are isolating with covid-19 and people in need had been disrupted.

    Noise, disruption cause extreme anxiety
    Edridge said the noise and disruption from protesters was causing extreme anxiety for some, and the mission was also worried about the health risk the large gathering presented.

    “The people that come to help us have all been impacted by this. It’s getting very trying on people, and just enhancing the stress on both those who we’re here to serve, and those who are here to serve.”

    Edridge said he had no issue with a gathering on the lawns of Parliament, but the blocking of streets was unacceptable.

    Meanwhile, an RNZ reporter at the protest site said it was already busy at 10am, the busiest they had seen at that time.

    Police Commissioner Andrew Coster yesterday said at last count there were about 800 protesters but police expected a “significant number” of people to join the protest over the weekend.

    Canadian police clash with anti-vaccine protesters
    In Ottawa, the Canadian police have clashed with protesters in the capital as they moved to end an anti-vaccine mandate demonstration.

    The operation started early on Friday morning in downtown Ottawa with 70 arrests made.

    Police have accused protesters of using children as a shield between lines of officers and the protest site.

    The police action came after the government invoked the Emergencies Act to crack down on the three-week protest.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    The protest at Parliament at about 10am on Saturday 19 February 2022.
    The Parliament protest in Wellington about 10am today … patience wearing thin with calls for more decisive action. Image: RNZ

     

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • February 4 followed on the insurrectional footsteps of February 27 [1989, the Caracazo], a massive social explosion triggered by the absolute failure of the existing societal model. Three years later came Chávez’s military insurrection.

    Now, the element that was missing on the 27th was there on the 4th. Conversely, what was absent on the 4th was there on the 27th. The Caracazo mobilized the masses: tens of thousands of people went to the streets and expressed their dissent with the existing order. On the other hand, February 4th had a vanguard and a strategic objective, but the masses didn’t participate. The Bolivarian Revolution is the synthesis of those two moments: it brings vanguard and masses together.

    The post Seducing People With The Communal Model appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • We are now entering a period when antifascism has to remain ever present, not just to force back the encroaching far-right, but also to protect the left-wing social movements that are under constant threat of state violence, redirection and infiltration. At the same time, there is always the risk of revolutionary content being channeled into upholding electoralism or other reformist aspirations. The question, then, is what will it take to build an antifascist movement that can actually meet this challenge rather than collapse with the ebb and flow of the opposition?

    The post Building Communities For A Fascist-Free Future appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • We know that unions promote economic equality and build worker power, helping workers to win increases in pay, better benefits, and safer working conditions.

    But that’s not all unions do. Unions also have powerful effects on workers’ lives outside of work.

    In this report, we document the correlation between higher levels of unionization in states and a range of economic, personal, and democratic well-being measures. In the same way unions give workers a voice at work, with a direct impact on wages and working conditions, the data suggest that unions also give workers a voice in shaping their communities. Where workers have this power, states have more equitable economic structures, social structures, and democracies.

    The post Unions Are Not Only Good For Workers appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • Microsoft started in a garage. The Homebrew Computing Club was not exactly what you call… activists… then. They were visionaries. They started with an idea.

    This post was originally published on Real Progressives.

  • Alone as individuals we are vulnerable and only human. Those human limitations put a ceiling on our freedom and our power to shape a better world. But collectively as a community we are so very much more.

    This post was originally published on Real Progressives.

  • Today’s world is complex and messed up. All the suffering among the great majorities for many people is just one more number while an increasing number of human beings are or feel isolated, depressed and alone, burdened down by the social consequences of decadent capitalism. However, in this hostile context Nicaragua, physically small but morally gigantic, is making real efforts to rebuild the country’s neighborhoods as social and political units, a mutual support network based on solidarity.

    The post Falling In Love With Your Community appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.