I’ve been wading through more than 500 pages of FBI transcripts and memoranda, showing that Timothy Leary was volunteering to snitch, then snitching to the feds about his knowledge of the Weather Underground and almost anyone else Leary thought the feds might be interested in, including his former wife Rosemary, his attorneys and the wife […]
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A dashcam in Belgorod, on the Russian side of the Ukraine-Russia border purportedly shows a large, new column of Russian forces ready to enter Ukraine. Another escalation is taking shape.
Chaotic scenes at the Dnipro train station as young families and elderly women alike jump off the platform and cross the tracks by foot, desperate to escape the approaching onslaught. Another city emptied of its people.
A blinding flash of fiery lightning illuminates the night sky outside Kyiv, the shockwave following a few seconds later like wake lines from a ravenous shark. Another pound of Ukrainian flesh.
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Too many historians have a tendency to write in unadorned, dry prose which, no matter how impressive their research, can have a soporific effect. Such writing can make reading a book cover to cover a laborious chore, even if, as Noam Chomsky says of the equally dull New York Times, it contains many facts. Scott Borchert’s recently published Republic of Detours: How the New Deal Paid Broke Writers to Rediscover America is definitely not such a book. Borchert, a former assistant editor at Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, writes with passion and pizazz, while never allowing his enthusiasm for 1930s ink-stained wretches and the Federal Writers’ Project publications they produced to overwhelm his subject matter. His impeccable research makes this essential entry into the history of the 1930s a fascinating read, with buried or forgotten facts jumping off every page.
The Federal Writers’ Project was a division of the first Franklin Delano Roosevelt administration’s New Deal-era Works Project Administration. The WPA was put in place to provide useful paid work for millions of destitute people. The FWP, launched in 1935, operated alongside WPA projects for theater, visual art, and music. It provided a lifeline for thousands of professional and amateur writers (typically employing in the neighborhood of 5,000 people) and produced hefty guides for the then forty-eight states, in addition to the District of Columbia, the Alaska Territory, and Puerto Rico. Guidebooks were also produced on cities and towns, various highways, and locales such as Death Valley.
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Noting that there is always money to be thrown at the finance industry but little for social needs is by now about as startling as noting the Sun rose in the east this morning. But what is eye-opening is the truly gargantuan amounts of money handed out to benefit the wealthy.
We’re not talking billions here. We are talking trillions.
For example, the amount of money created by the central banks of five of the world’s biggest economies for the purpose of artificially propping up financial markets since the beginning of the Covid-19 pandemic totals US$9.94 trillion (or, if you prefer, €8.76 trillion). And that total represents only one program of the many used by the U.S. Federal Reserve, the European Central Bank, Bank of Japan, Bank of England and Bank of Canada.
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We live in a dangerous time when a far-right more powerful than at any time since 1945 is doing all it can to accelerate the capitalist project to turn our planet into a giant Greenhouse Gas chamber. The last United States president, the “instinctive fascist” Donald Trump, believed that anthropogenic (really capitalogenic) global warming was a hoax and did everything he could to end limits on fossil fuel production. Brazil’s current president, the demented pandemo-fascist Jar Bosonaro, has sadistically opened up the Amazon – the lungs of the planet – to enrich agro-industrial profiteers. Climate-denialist far-right parties have marched into key energy and climate-related offices in Europe, from Sweden and Norway to Spain, Poland, and Hungary. As the world tips into climate catastrophe, anti-immigrant parties who promote the unchecked extraction and burning of fossil fuels are surging in the name of white supremacy and national regeneration. Even while climate crisis begins to collapse civilization before our very eyes, right-wing forces have surfaced absurdly and dangerously claiming to possess the purported real solutions to the supposed real problems: closing European and US borders to “save the nation(s)” from nonwhite immigrants and clearing out Indigenous tribes from rural Brazil.
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Last week I got a call asking me to speak at a rally in Portland to protest the police shooting of Amir Locke, the 22-year-old black man shot on a couch by Minneapolis Police during a no-knock raid. Minneapolis and Portland are similar cities: outwardly progressive, but violently policed. I’d written a story about the […]
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As its title indicates, Titans, The Rise of Wall Street is a docuseries that focuses on the financial sector headquartered at Lower Manhattan and the financiers who built this leviathan of wealth, speculation, equity, inequity, iniquity, bubbles, booms, busts, bull markets and more. In Season 1, the first four previously released episodes spanned the early years of Wall Street, starting circa 1857 when J.P. Morgan arrived in New York from London, proceeding through the Gilded Age and World War I. Using a semblance of the “great man theory of history” attributed to 19th century Scottish philosopher Thomas Carlyle, these chapters zoom in on magnates such as J.P. Morgan and his father Junius, Jay Cooke, Henry Goldman and Samuel Sachs and chronicle how these titular “titans” turned Wall Street into the Mecca of American capitalism.
The four ensuing chapters for Season 2 of Titans, released starting Feb. 17 on Curiosity Stream, cover the Roaring Twenties, the infamous Oct. 29, 1929 crash on Black Tuesday, the Great Depression, the Roosevelt administration’s efforts to reform and restrain the juggernaut of the financial system and then jump forward to The Go-Go 80s in Episode 7, depicting the onslaught of deregulated capitalism during the Reagan era.
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There is a lot of hot air blowing around the West these days, blustery claims that geothermal, wind, massive solar installations, nuclear power, along with a smattering of hydroelectric dams, will help the world achieve a much-needed reduction in climate-altering emissions. Certainly, there is money to be made off of this massive energy transition, and More
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“If the language of power – medicalese, legalese, bureaucratese, corporatese – drains the blood from words,” poet, essayist, and translator, Martín Espada, said when I interviewed him, “Poets can put the blood back in the words.” Our conversation took place merely weeks after Espada won the National Book Award for his latest collection of poetry, Floaters.
There are few living artists who can better execute the magic of simultaneously dissecting and enlarging language than Espada. A former tenant lawyer and committed activist, the “left wing, Puerto Rican poet,” to quote his self-identification, manages to hover between two planes, with one foot always in the territory of the imagination, and another firmly dug into the mud of politics, oppression and defiance, and history. The imagination, especially with an orientation toward hope, as Espada would have it, performs the essential service that his late friend, Howard Zinn, described with characteristic eloquence on the closing page of his memoir, “If we see only the worst, it destroys our capacity to do something. If we remember those times and places – and there are so many – where people have behaved magnificently, this gives us the energy to act, and at least the possibility of sending this spinning top of a world in a different direction.”
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When speaking of postmodernist philosophy and neoliberal capitalism, the best opening question might be which came first, the philosophy or the economic system. Both are based on an assumption that human life is essentially meaningless, mutable and, in the case of neoliberalism, a means to make a profit from every possible human action. Like Jim Morrison sang in his 1970 release “Roadhouse Blues,” “the future’s uncertain and the end is always near.” Therefore, change who you are to whatever you want to be even if it’s only for a year or two, privatize anything you can get away with, put a price on it and tell everyone that this is the future ordained.
One can oppose this, but doing so can easily being assimilated into the neoliberal equivalent of the borg on Star Trek—a phenomenon described in Wikipedia like this: “The Borg co-opt the technology and knowledge of other alien species to the Collective through the process of “assimilation”: forcibly transforming individual beings into “drones….” Whether one is cross-dressing a la David Bowie, Lou Reed and other so-called glam rockers in the 1970s, becoming an alien as Bowie did at least twice in his career (Ziggy Stardust and The Man Who Fell to Earth) or playing video games where one assumes a character intent on murder, the rejection of the powers that be is ultimately atomized and meaningless. In other words, resistance is futile.
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Among the things that whiteness is, it’s a set of practices that pretends the possibility of disentanglement. We’re entangled, and to pretend that we’re not requires us to do the most horrific things. — Ross Gay, The VS Podcast Whiteness is: a world-making project that organizes bodies; the two poles of this arrangement are exposure More
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Although the United States had only a short-lived involvement of the slave trade in Uruguay from 1797-1809, they took advantage of the hideous enterprise and served as a flagship for many clandestine voyages, including the sale of hides to Rhode Island as noted by historian Alex Borucki. Every coastal city, for that matter, in the Atlantic world was touched by slavery and every distinct place had a microhistory that translated into a larger national and global story. While the topics of the transatlantic slave trade, slavery, civil war, and questions related to various reconstruction efforts across the Americas predominantly cover the United States and Brazil, the issue of Uruguay offers an interesting case study and history. This essay provides the historiography of slave histories in the Americas and attempts to figure in Uruguay, to reimagine the transatlantic slave trade along coastal cities and regions like the Rio de la Plata and the city of Montevideo, from the sixteenth through nineteenth centuries.
Leonardo Marques has pointed out “the role of wind ocean currents and the demand of rum that made possible a strong network connecting Rhode Island” to the coasts of the South Atlantic, Africa and the Americas. In what is perhaps another overlooked region of the slave trade concerning Rhode Island’s involvement is 1782-1807 Southeast Africa with “evidence of at least nine voyages organized by U.S. slave traders to Mozambique.” Marques’ revisions are also helpful when analyzing Uruguay, where he states that the U.S. purchased “548 enslaved people from Montevideo, Uruguay” and that overall “about 11% of all transatlantic slaves disembarked in Montevideo” in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. “This unusual connection” writes Marques, spanning the North and South Atlantic world was the consequence of the hostile participation of the enslavers of Rhode Island. James DeWolf’s vessel disembarked 95 slaves in Montevideo in 1805.
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The raid was to take place in the dark. That’s what the warrant said. While the people in the apartment were sleeping. So as to take them by surprise. It would be safer this way. Safer for whom was left unsaid, though we know who they mean. The lock would be picked. The door opened […]
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The extraordinary statement “we cannot truly die” is found on page 133 of Joseph Selbie’s book, The Physics of God (New Page Books, 2021). Indeed, it’s a book for people who want to understand and believe that there is more to life’s course than earthly corporeal existence.
Based upon reams of fascinating scientific and metaphysical research, Selbie connects the dots in a masterful blend of science and religion taken to the edge of multi-universes and beyond to the heart of the astral plane.
Our existence is much more than a boring standardized physical life on Earth. Selbie offers an uplifting view of so much more with considerable science-based evidence as well as personal experiences by people of intellectual stature. Life on our planet is but one small leg of a much bigger journey, a phenomenal journey unlike anything ever experienced or ever dreamed, in as much as, we truly cannot die.
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If you’re the Russian president, Vladimir Putin—with oligarch billions tucked away in off-shore trusts, a few mistresses, ice time at the local rink, and dachas on the Black Sea—what’s left for your Soviet-era trophy room except the mounted head of the corrupt Ukrainian government, that which believes that Ukraine ought to remain independent from Russia?
When Putin says “Atakovat” to his military command, Russian tanks, bombers, cyber warriors, fighter jets, and missiles will wash over Ukraine as if it were Saddam’s Baghdad, and in short order a Russian puppet collaborationist government will be installed in Kyiv (the Soviet name was Kiev) to hoist the white flag and declare “an end to hostilities” with Russia—as if somehow Ukraine were to blame for its own invasion.
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“Fortress Europe” has been and still is a nasty term. In the Second World War, Francesco Tava notes, it was used by British and Germans alike but for very different propaganda purposes. For the British, it was an RAF boast (“Fortress Europe has no roof”), referring especially to the bombing of Dortmund on the night of 23-24 May 1943 when 2,000 tons of bombs were dropped, killing about 15,000 people. That fortress was a military target. For the Nazis, Festung Europa was used to reassure the German population after the failed campaign in Russia with a promise that any invasion of Nazi-held Europe would be thwarted by an impenetrable shield of defences, especially the “Atlantic Wall”, a gigantic system of fortifications, barriers, and warning systems. This time, the fortress was protection.
The insider-outsider idea of Festung is alive and well, hailed by members of Germany’s far-right AfD party and supported by Hungary’s Viktor Orbán and Austria’s Sebastian Kurz. But the Festung isn’t just a project of ranting extremists. Europe’s liberal states are busy building a fortress to make Hitler’s Atlantic Wall look like a kiddies’ play park and, instead of warding off armed attacks, it’s “protecting” Europe from the world’s most vulnerable people. Last November, the Polish government approved a €350m wall with advanced cameras and motion sensors and, around the continent, migrant- and refugee-deterring technology includes air surveillance, sensors, cameras (radars, thermal cameras, and “heartbeat detectors”), walls, deadly fences, surveillance centres, drones (made by Israeli arms companies and well tested in the Gaza Strip), AI lie detectors, a sound cannon (Greece) blasting 162 decibels at the “barbarians” at the gate. The EU’s border force, Frontex, and member states with EU grants (including from Horizon 2020, which encourages “innovation”) are paying for it all. It’s a bonanza for arms companies, to the tune of some €128 billion.
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On a spring night in 1967, the manager of the Savoy Theatre told the young guitar phenom Jimi Hendrix that Paul McCartney and George Harrison would be in the audience for the band’s final show in London. About an hour before going on stage Hendrix, Noel Redding and Mitch Mitchell hastily rehearsed “Sgt. Pepper’s Lonely Heart’s Club Band.” They opened their set with a blistering version of the song, which had only been released by The Beatles three days earlier. By his own account, McCartney was so blown away by the performance that he began incessantly talking up Hendrix to other musicians and producers, including the organizers of the Monterey Pop Festival, who soon invited the new band to perform at the big concert on the California coast three weeks later. Hendrix closed the Monterey performance, vividly recorded by DA Pennebaker’s cameras, with a vicious cover of Chip Taylor’s rave-up “Wild Thing,” where 90,000 heads were blown, when he lit his crackling Stratocaster on fire and tossed the shrieking guitar into the crowd. Music was never the same.
Three completed studio albums: Are You Experienced? (1967), Axis: Bold as Love(1968), Electric Ladyland (1969). That’s all we have from Jimi Hendrix. Each distinctive. Each meticulously crafted. Each musically innovative and thematically coherent. There’s nothing else like them in the canon of rock music. And then he was gone. Dead in a London flat at the age of 27 and, as a consequence, forever linked to the ghosts of two infinitely lesser talents: the Texas screecher Janis Joplin and the messianic drug-fiend Jim Morrison.
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The eruption of the undersea volcano, off the twin islands of Hunga Tonga and Hunga Ha’apai within the Tongan system, drew the world’s attention, if only for a few days, to the island kingdom of Tonga. The death toll so far has been low, and so, for the global viewing audience, more spectacle than tragedy. The satellite images of Nuku’alofa, the capital, covered with grey ash, looked somber and spooky. But such volcanic fall-out is part of Polynesia, isn’t it? Won’t it surely wash away in the tropical rain?
One heard the little discussion, at least among the talking heads on cable news, of what volcanic ashfall does to a vulnerable ecosystem involving freshwater wells, fishponds, and crops such as coconuts. Coconut palms like volcanic soil, of lava and lava ash, beneath them; they do not, however, like the ash raining down on top of them, defoliating them, breaking their branches. This is especially important as Tonga’s main exports have long been copra and coconut oil. Ash is not good either for the vanilla plants, either, which produce their (sometimes) lucrative beans for the world marketplace.
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It is common to hear and read “experts” say that US politics is too “polarized” between “the left,” meaning the Democrats, and the right, meaning the Republicans. According to those who worry and complain about “polarization,” US-Americans need to “come together” and “meet in the middle,” in order to “heal the divisions in the country.”
This is nonsense. There’s next-to-nothing “left” about the dismal, dollar-drenched Democratic Party of the two Joes (Biden and Manchin), Nancy “We’re Capitalist and Just the Way it Is” Pelosi and Chuck Schumer but there’s quite a bit far right about the Amerikaner Party of Trump (APoT) and January 6 – the Republifascist Party. Helping drive the whole two-party system far to the right, the lying neoliberal warmonger Democrats are in much the same corporate and imperial space that “moderate Republicans” used to occupy. With nowhere left go since the Demublican Citigroup presidencies of Clinton and Obama, the GOP crossed over into radical white nationalist and neofascist territory. It went there in a big way with Trump.
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Christopher Hitchens reading his book Hitch-22 (2010)
At the outset, I admit that this review of a 160 page book is excessively long. Why exert this much time on a book that doesn’t even contain footnotes and outright admits its major mode of engagement was watching old YouTube video debates featuring the subject?
Answer: Despite the utter failure of the volume to make a viable argument for Hitchens’ utility in radical politics, what caused his neocon turn, or even shed light on his contributions, the late polemicist remains a useful tool for liberal imperialists and outright reactionaries. On the anniversary of his death, former Vanity Fair editor Graydon Carter wrote a fawning tribute that in many ways is indistinguishable from the purple prose of this current volume. Matthew Continetti of the American Enterprise Institute likewise wrote a reverential tribute. Hitchens remains a useful propaganda tool via his seemingly-endless Hitch-Slap videos on YouTube. Also, obvious from the testimonials page at the front of the book, apparently there are people in DSA who have fondness for him. Why?
There are many ways to parse this book, just as there are many ways to parse its subject. Adulatory reviews of this title have previously granted Ben Burgis, a philosophy professor and leading advocate of the Jacobin magazine tendency within the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA), the tacit acknowledgement of legitimacy to both his interrogative stance, predicated upon philosophy, and the intellectual validity of the inquiry, that Hitchens had a deep level of thought and political grounding.
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The last thing any of us need is a war with Russia over the Ukraine. You don’t need to know much about foreign policy to know that. Let the pundits and talking heads argue about the nuances of NATO and war maneuvers at the border of Russia. For most Americans, there are at least four More
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Recently the Biden administration announced it will spend billions of dollars on logging forests to preclude or slow the spread of large wildfires. One of the arguments alleged by proponents of thinning or logging forests is that it would preclude wildfires and reduce carbon emissions from wildfire. Proponents argue that more trees survive a fire More
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New high-speed cellphone services have raised concerns of interference with aircraft operations, particularly as aircraft are landing at airports. The Federal Aviation Administration has assured Americans that most commercial aircraft are safe, and AT&T and Verizon have agreed to hold off on installing their new cellphone antennas near airports for six months. But the problem More
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Last week, a few days after I returned to my native Chile from a prolonged, pandemic-induced absence, my face suffered an unfortunate accident. During an early morning walk, I stumbled on an uneven pavement and, staggering to regain my balance, ended up bashing my nose violently against the window of a parked car. Nothing broken, More
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“Hi Mort,” began my calls to Morton Mintz who would invariably answer his phone promptly at the Washington Post. “I’ve got a story,” to which Mintz would respond warily: “Tell me about it.” And so it went for nearly twenty years with me and lots of other citizen advocates, whistleblowers, and congressional committee staff. More than More
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“The concern is misplaced, because if you look at the statistics, African American voters are voting in just as high a percentage as Americans.” Even if Mitch McConnell’s viral gaffe last week is as innocent as he claims it to be, the stench of something deep — the unexamined racist fear and shame at the core of More
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If 2020 was the year that broke America’s brain with QAnon, “Big Lie” election propaganda, and Covid-19 misinformation, 2021 to 2022 have shown little signs of a return to sanity. On Covid-19, anti-vaxxer misinformation permeates political discourse. Twenty-seven percent of Americans had yet to be “fully” vaccinated by receiving at least two shots by January 2022, and the vast majority of these holdouts – more than 80 percent – said they didn’t plan on getting vaccinated. The pandemic continues, despite many Americans talking about it as if it’s in the past. Approximately three-in-ten Americans in mid-2021 falsely believed the pandemic was over. Forty-five percent acted as if the pandemic was over, saying in late 2021 that they felt “safe enough to carry out everyday life largely the way it was before the pandemic.” This was up from 36 percent in late August to early September.
Anti-vaxxer disinformation activists are intensifying their attacks on medical efforts to combat the pandemic, utilizing pseudoscience to manipulate public opinion. One example is the perversion of the VAERS database, which is used to drum up opposition to vaccination against Covid-19. VAERS – the Vaccine Adverse Event Reporting System – is a data tool run by both the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and the Food and Drug Administration. It was created in 1990 to provide citizens with one central location to report their experiences with potential side effects of vaccines. This database has become a key piece of “evidence” used by anti-vaxxers to cultivate public distrust of vaccines.
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“The crisis of democracy,” wrote German émigré and philosopher Erich Fromm near the height of Nazi atrocities, “is…one confronting every modern state”. Today, one year after the January 6 insurrection, as reports emerge of continuing far-right mobilization in the US, it’s apparent that he was right. Authoritarianism’s global rise – and its creeping advance here at home, underscored by the January 6 attempted putsch – has spawned a slew of “thought” pieces filled with handwringing; ahistorical analyses; and vigorous, ill-considered bandying about of words like “populism.”<
Articles that judiciously compare the world’s experience of twentieth-century authoritarianism to our contemporary situation to see what lessons we can apply are few and far between (although one appeared recently in CounterPunch+). Given the dangers of allowing festering authoritarianism to go unchecked, this is a void that must be filled. Fromm’s Escape from Freedom (1941) and Hannah Arendt’s Origins of Totalitarianism (1951) are accessible studies of authoritarianism written by refugees directly affected by the crises they examined. They make the perfect lens to ask ourselves to what extent our current trajectory resembles that of the pre-WWII West, where our current moment differs, and what we should do to stave off calamity and eliminate authoritarianism permanently.
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“The Raft of the Medusa” by Théodore Géricault.
Every once in a while a book is published that not only tells a different story about the world we live in, but does so in a manner that is inimitable and unique to the point of being without peer. Peter Weiss’s fiction trilogy The Aesthetics of Resistance may very well be just such a book. Originally published in German during the years 1975 to 1981, the second volume was recently published in an English translation in 2020 by Duke University Press (Volume One was published in English in 2005). It has been worth the wait.
Weiss, who is perhaps best known in the English-speaking world for his dramatic masterpiece The Assassination and Persecution of Jean Paul Marat as Performed by the Inmates of the Asylum of Charenton Under the Direction of the Marquis de Sade (Marat/Sade), places his story in The Aesthetics of Resistance in Europe during the years 1937-1945, give or take. The narrator, the sole fictional character, shares some life history with Weiss himself. He is a young man whose leftist politics inform his resistance to fascism in Germany, Spain and elsewhere. Those politics are also what compel his travels from Berlin to Spain where he fights for the Republicans against the fascist Falange until he is exiled to France after the Republican defeat by the fascist forces.
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