Category: Culture

  • ANALYSIS: By Dennis Doyle, University of Dayton

    Cardinal Robert Prevost of the United States has been picked to be the new leader of the Roman Catholic Church; he will be known as Pope Leo XIV.

    Now, as greetings resound across the Pacific and globally, attention turns to what vision the first US pope will bring.

    Change is hard to bring about in the Catholic Church. During his pontificate, Francis often gestured toward change without actually changing church doctrines. He permitted discussion of ordaining married men in remote regions where populations were greatly underserved due to a lack of priests, but he did not actually allow it.

    On his own initiative, he set up a commission to study the possibility of ordaining women as deacons, but he did not follow it through.

    However, he did allow priests to offer the Eucharist, the most important Catholic sacrament of the body and blood of Christ, to Catholics who had divorced and remarried without being granted an annulment.

    Likewise, Francis did not change the official teaching that a sacramental marriage is between a man and a woman, but he did allow for the blessing of gay couples, in a manner that did appear to be a sanctioning of gay marriage.

    To what degree will the new pope stand or not stand in continuity with Francis? As a scholar who has studied the writings and actions of the popes since the time of the Second Vatican Council, a series of meetings held to modernize the church from 1962 to 1965, I am aware that every pope comes with his own vision and his own agenda for leading the church.

    Still, the popes who immediately preceded them set practical limits on what changes could be made. There were limitations on Francis as well; however, the new pope, I argue, will have more leeway because of the signals Francis sent.

    The process of synodality
    Francis initiated a process called “synodality,” a term that combines the Greek words for “journey” and “together.” Synodality involves gathering Catholics of various ranks and points of view to share their faith and pray with each other as they address challenges faced by the church today.

    One of Francis’ favourite themes was inclusion. He carried forward the teaching of the Second Vatican Council that the Holy Spirit — that is, the Spirit of God who inspired the prophets and is believed to be sent by Christ among Christians in a special way — is at work throughout the whole church; it includes not only the hierarchy but all of the church members.

    This belief constituted the core principle underlying synodality.

    A man in a white priestly robe and a crucifix around his neck stands with several others, dressed mostly in black.
    Pope Francis with the participants of the Synod of Bishops’ 16th General Assembly in the Paul VI Hall at the Vatican in October 2023. Image: The Conversation/AP/Gregorio Borgia

    Francis launched a two-year global consultation process in October 2022, culminating in a synod in Rome in October 2024. Catholics all over the world offered their insights and opinions during this process.

    The synod discussed many issues, some of which were controversial, such as clerical sexual abuse, the need for oversight of bishops, the role of women in general and the ordination of women as deacons.

    The final synod document did not offer conclusions concerning these topics but rather aimed more at promoting the transformation of the entire Catholic Church into a synodal church in which Catholics tackle together the many challenges of the modern world.

    Francis refrained from issuing his own document in response, in order that the synod’s statement could stand on its own.

    The process of synodality in one sense places limits on bishops and the pope by emphasising their need to listen closely to all church members before making decisions. In another sense, though, in the long run the process opens up the possibility for needed developments to take place when and if lay Catholics overwhelmingly testify that they believe the church should move in a certain direction.

    Change is hard in the church
    A pope, however, cannot simply reverse official positions that his immediate predecessors had been emphasising. Practically speaking, there needs to be a papacy, or two, during which a pope will either remain silent on matters that call for change or at least limit himself to hints and signals on such issues.

    In 1864, Pius IX condemned the proposition that “the Church ought to be separated from the State, and the State from the Church.”

    It wasn’t until 1965 – some 100 years later – that the Second Vatican Council, in The Declaration on Religious Freedom, would affirm that “a wrong is done when government imposes upon its people, by force or fear or other means, the profession or repudiation of any religion. …”

    A second major reason why popes may refrain from making top-down changes is that they may not want to operate like a dictator issuing executive orders in an authoritarian manner.

    Francis was accused by his critics of acting in this way with his positions on Eucharist for those remarried without a prior annulment and on blessings for gay couples. The major thrust of his papacy, however, with his emphasis on synodality, was actually in the opposite direction.

    Notably, when the Amazon Synod — held in Rome in October 2019 — voted 128-41 to allow for married priests in the Brazilian Amazon region, Francis rejected it as not being the appropriate time for such a significant change.

    Past doctrines
    The belief that the pope should express the faith of the people and not simply his own personal opinions is not a new insight from Francis.

    The doctrine of papal infallibility, declared at the First Vatican Council in 1870, held that the pope, under certain conditions, could express the faith of the church without error.

    The limitations and qualifications of this power include that the pope:

    • be speaking not personally but in his official capacity as the head of the church;
    • he must not be in heresy;
    • he must be free of coercion and of sound mind;
    • he must be addressing a matter of faith and morals; and
    • he must consult relevant documents and other Catholics so that what he teaches represents not simply his own opinions but the faith of the church.

    The Marian doctrines of the Immaculate Conception and the Assumption offer examples of the importance of consultation. The Immaculate Conception, proclaimed by Pope Pius IX in 1854, is the teaching that Mary, the mother of Jesus, was herself preserved from original sin, a stain inherited from Adam that Catholics believe all other human beings are born with, from the moment of her conception.

    The Assumption, proclaimed by Pius XII in 1950, is the doctrine that Mary was taken body and soul into heaven at the end of her earthly life.

    The documents in which these doctrines were proclaimed stressed that the bishops of the church had been consulted and that the faith of the lay people was being affirmed.

    Unity, above all
    One of the main duties of the pope is to protect the unity of the Catholic Church. On one hand, making many changes quickly can lead to schism, an actual split in the community.

    In 2022, for example, the Global Methodist Church split from the United Methodist Church over same-sex marriage and the ordination of noncelibate gay bishops. There have also been various schisms within the Anglican communion in recent years.

    The Catholic Church faces similar challenges but so far has been able to avoid schisms by limiting the actual changes being made.

    On the other hand, not making reasonable changes that acknowledge positive developments in the culture regarding issues such as the full inclusion of women or the dignity of gays and lesbians can result in the large-scale exit of members.

    Pope Leo XIV, I argue, needs to be a spiritual leader, a person of vision, who can build upon the legacy of his immediate predecessors in such a way as to meet the challenges of the present moment.

    He already stated that he wants a synodal church that is “close to the people who suffer,” signaling a great deal about the direction he will take.

    If the new pope is able to update church teachings on some hot-button issues, it will be precisely because Francis set the stage for him.The Conversation

    Dr Dennis Doyle, is professor emeritus of religious studies, University of Dayton. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons licence. Read the original article.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • We are cultural sector employees, in solidarity with the Palestinian people. On March 8, 2025, we sent an open letter to the president of the National Library of France (BnF) and to the Minister of Culture regarding their silence in the face of both the destruction of heritage and the massacre of human lives in Gaza, thus raising questions about culturicide.

    The BnF’s colonial bias was denounced, particularly in its cultural programming and in its collaborations with Israeli institutions.

    To this day, as the genocide perpetrated by the colonial State of Israel continues, neither the BnF nor the ministry has responded.

    Source: ParisLuttes, April 27, 2025

    Translation and notes between brackets: Alain Marshal

    The National Library of France (BnF), a leading institution, plays a major role in preserving and transmitting global cultural heritage, not only within France but also abroad, and has stood out for its remarkable actions in defense of humanity’s shared legacy.

    However, its silence regarding the systematic destruction of Palestinian cultural heritage — especially since October 7, 2023, and in particular the destruction of libraries, schools, and universities in Gaza — raises serious questions. The Israeli army, in the context of a war that international bodies have deemed genocidal, has systematically targeted Palestinian cultural infrastructure, reducing to rubble treasures of knowledge and memory. Among the most shocking examples is the destruction of Gaza’s public and university library, in front of which an Israeli soldier was photographed posing amid the flames — a widely shared image that sparked global outrage.

    Post image

    This methodical destruction of Gaza’s heritage is a culturicide happening before our very eyes: an attempt to erase the identity and history of a people by annihilating its remnants, archives, and cultural legacy.

    A methodical process since 1948

    Since the founding of the State of Israel and the forced exodus of the Palestinian population, Israel has systematically worked to erase both the material and immaterial traces of Palestinian identity: demolishing homes and entire villages; wiping out places of memory and cultural heritage such as mosques, churches, libraries, and archives; restricting access to historical sites [notably the Al-Aqsa Mosque, the third holiest site in Islam], etc. — a strategy aimed at depersonalizing and marginalizing Palestinians, both geographically and culturally.

    Following the Nakba of 1948, tens of thousands of books and manuscripts were looted from Palestinian homes by soldiers, closely followed by teams of librarians who catalogued them as the property of the National Library of Israel. [After the occupation of East Jerusalem in 1967, Israel intensified its cultural repression: imposing systematic censorship, banning books and keywords such as “Palestine” or “return,” and isolating Palestinian artists in a cultural ghetto designed to stifle their creativity and identity.

    In 1982, during the Israeli invasion of Lebanon, Israel looted and confiscated the library and archives of the Palestine Liberation Organization, including the collections of the Palestine Research Center and the Palestinian Film Archive. During the Second Intifada, which began in 2000, libraries and archives were targeted, and numerous Palestinian cultural institutions were destroyed or severely damaged. In 2001, Israel seized the collections of the Orient House, a leading Palestinian cultural and political center, and shut it down. On February 9, 2025, Israeli police raided the international Palestinian bookstore Educational Bookshop, a cornerstone of cultural life in occupied East Jerusalem, seizing books and arresting its owners. [1] These examples are but a few grains in an endless string, bearing witness to decades of relentless efforts to methodically erase all traces of Palestinian identity.]

    Since October 7, 2023, this destruction project has escalated into a campaign of total annihilation. Israeli bombings — which are the most intense in modern history relative to the size and population density of Gaza — have led to the destruction of countless monuments, museums, libraries, and educational and cultural institutions in Gaza. These acts have been documented in reports such as that by LAP (Librarians and Archivists with Palestine) and the mapping project Gaza, Bombed Heritage and Virtual Museum. UNESCO has recorded Israel’s destruction of around 100 heritage, historical, archaeological, and cultural sites [along with the deaths of many individuals working to preserve and transmit heritage], who — like doctors and hospitals — have been deliberately targeted by the Israeli army.

    This indiscriminate targeting of Palestinian educational and cultural infrastructure — despite Israel being a signatory to the 1954 Hague Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict — is part of a strategy of uprooting, denying, and appropriating the Indigenous Palestinian identity. It is all the more urgent, therefore, that French and international cultural institutions take a clear stand against these acts of systematic destruction.

    Double Standards

    Despite the extreme urgency of the situation, the BnF has adopted a posture of withdrawal with regard to Palestine, invoking a supposed “obligation of neutrality.”

    In a message dated April 29, 2024, BnF management stated: “Management has been made aware of the presence on TAD’s platforms of stickers whose form and content are explicitly violent and have shocked several of our colleagues, referring to the ongoing conflict in the Middle East. The institution would like to remind everyone that, under Article L121–2 of the French Civil Service Code, all civil servants are bound by an obligation of neutrality in the exercise of their duties. Any breach of this rule is subject to disciplinary action. We thank all staff for respecting this binding rule, which ensures the neutrality and serenity of our collective working environment.”

    In a message dated April 29, 2024, BnF management stated: “Management has been made aware of the presence on TAD’s platforms of stickers whose form and content are explicitly violent and have shocked several of our colleagues, referring to the ongoing conflict in the Middle East. The institution would like to remind everyone that, under Article L121–2 of the French Civil Service Code, all civil servants are bound by an obligation of neutrality in the exercise of their duties. Any breach of this rule is subject to disciplinary action. We thank all staff for respecting this binding rule, which ensures the neutrality and serenity of our collective working environment.”

    This injunction to silence stands in stark contrast to the explicit and substantial commitment it has shown to Ukraine, where the BnF not only took a public stance but also mobilized its resources, network, and collections. Following the Russian invasion in February 2022, the BnF expressed its solidarity with the Ukrainian people through numerous actions, including aid to Ukrainian libraries and their staff. [2] These initiatives reflect the BnF’s active engagement in support of Ukraine, in sharp contrast to its deafening silence on the situation in Gaza. The BnF’s “obligation of neutrality” thus appears to be selectively applied.

    This disparity raises serious questions about the consistency of the BnF’s commitment to the protection of global cultural heritage, exposing it to accusations of blatant double standards. All the more so as, despite Israel’s repeated violations of international conventions and UN resolutions, documented over decades, the BnF has not hesitated to showcase this state [through numerous collaborative, promotional, and partnership initiatives] [3].

    [Even after October 7, this bias persisted — promoting the Israeli perspective while erasing the destruction of Palestinian heritage. Whereas an entry for the “October 7 Massacre” was created in the BnF’s general catalog, no such entry exists for the genocide or culturicide committed in Gaza. And on November 26, 2024, the BnF hosted a program on the history and present-day destruction of books and libraries, mentioning recent examples (Ukraine, Timbuktu, Iraq) without a single word about the methodical destruction of libraries in Gaza, despite the extensive documentation available.

    All this is especially troubling coming from the BnF, which suspended all institutional collaboration with Russian state institutions following the invasion of Ukraine. One can only wonder whether, behind its proclaimed “neutrality,” there is in fact an alignment with the geopolitical choices of France and the West more broadly — unwavering allies of Israel — and the regrettable remnants of a colonial legacy that relegates Indigenous cultures and/or Europe’s responsibility for their destruction to the background.]

    The Bias of a Colonial Legacy

    “Palestine,” wrote Palestinian artist Larissa Sansour, “poses a problem of conscience for the West. With the former British and French empires responsible for the division of the territory, finding a solution to the Palestinian question would require a complete revision of European colonial history.”

    In its exhibition Le monde pour horizon (“The World as Horizon”), the BnF announced in a press release its intent to address the issue of destruction linked to French colonial conquests, promising a presentation of its collections illustrating the colonization of Africa, particularly Algeria. Some media outlets even hailed it as “an effort to distance itself from France’s heavy colonial history.” Yet this announcement has led to nothing: no such presentation has materialized — an absence all the more regrettable given that the Ministry of Culture has made cultural rapprochement between France and Algeria one of the priorities of the 2022–2027 presidential term. And yet the immeasurable devastation caused by French colonization, especially in Algeria, is well documented. From the earliest days of the conquest, Algerian libraries — both private and public — were devastated; their books and manuscripts either destroyed or looted. A significant portion of this looted heritage was donated to the National Library of France.

    This dissonance was once again evident during the study day Détruire le livre? (“Destroy the Book?”), held on November 26, 2024, which claimed to explore the history and contemporary reality of book and library destruction in times of war. Yet again, the devastation wrought by Western imperialism — whether through French colonial conquests or, more recently, the destruction carried out by Israel — was completely ignored.

    1_EOeoCWRLXZMpojpFAtIiTg.pngAs the Brooklyn Museum Workers in Support of Palestine recently declared, “We also recognize the dissonance between the way cultural institutions historicize past justice movements and their failure to fully engage with movements of the present.”

    Conclusion

    As an institution entrusted with the preservation of universal heritage, the BnF cannot afford to ignore such a crime against culture and history. Its silence stands in flagrant contradiction to the values it claims to embody, calls into question the universality of its commitment, and contributes to erasing this genocide from the historical record. We condemn the passivity — if not complicity— of the Bibliothèque nationale de France in the face of this campaign of plunder and destruction, which undermines the very principles of preservation and transmission of knowledge and memory, which constitute its core mission.

    Given the gravity of the situation and what has been set forth, we call upon the BnF to:

    – publicly denounce this grave assault on world heritage, of which the destruction of the Edward Said Public Library is but one of the war crimes committed against Gaza and its inhabitants over the past fifteen months;
    — suspend its 2010 framework agreement with the National Library of Israel (BNI) and cease all cooperation with Israeli state institutions, particularly regarding the development of joint research and development programs in information processing, computerization, and digitization; the organization of conferences and seminars; and the mounting of exhibitions;
    — [take action, within its means, to safeguard and restore Palestinian historical and cultural memory.]

    Endnotes [not part of the original letter]

    [1] The titles included works by Noam Chomsky, Ilan Pappé, and Banksy, as well as other books on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, student revolts, and art, including a children’s coloring book entitled From the River to the Sea by South African illustrator Nathi Ngubane. Source: https://www.972mag.com/educational-bookshop-east-jerusalem-raid-arrests/

    [2] Notably:

    1. Participation, in March 2022, in an initiative to send 15 tons of packaging and preservation materials to Ukrainian museums to protect their collections from conflict-related risks;
    2. A public statement by Laurence Engel, president of the BnF, on May 4, 2022, expressing solidarity and support for the Ukrainian people, strongly condemning Russian aggression, announcing the suspension of all cooperation with Russian institutions, and urging Russian national libraries that are members of the CENL (Conference of European National Libraries) to withdraw from it;
    3. The creation of a dedicated section on the BnF’s official website gathering information on cultural events in support of Ukraine, as well as a selection of online and reading-room resources related to Ukraine and the ongoing conflict;
    4. Screenings of Ukrainian films and the organization of conferences and roundtables;
    5. Solidarity initiatives such as a special concert in support of Ukraine, with proceeds used to purchase and ship conservation materials to safeguard Ukrainian heritage;
    6. Active participation in the European Commission’s expert subgroup on safeguarding cultural heritage in Ukraine;
    7. Collection by the BnF’s “Recueils” team of all ephemeral printed material — brochures, flyers, posters, leaflets — related to the war in Ukraine, to preserve fragile and important records of the conflict;
    8. Compilation of a collective bibliography entitled Ukraine in the Collections of the BnF, a collaborative effort by all departments aimed at showcasing Ukrainian heritage;
    9. Enrichment of the collections of the National Center for Children’s Literature (CNLJ) with new titles to provide an overview of Ukrainian children’s literature;
    10. Hosting Ukrainian librarians in the framework of the “Courants du Monde” program in 2024 and supporting the creation and development of a Ukrainian digital library. Etc., etc.

    [3] Notably:

    1. Since 2010, the BnF has participated in the Rachel network, launched in 2008 by the National Library of Israel, to disseminate Hebrew manuscripts worldwide;
    2. Since 2016, the BnF and the National Library of Israel (BNI) have collaborated to digitize 1,400 Hebrew manuscripts (totaling 560,000 pages), now available on Gallica;
    3. In 2021, a few months after “Operation Guardian of the Walls,” which left hundreds dead and thousands wounded in Gaza, the exhibition Living in Israel showcased the country’s architecture, urban planning, and lifestyles, while another exhibition was devoted to the film The Last Day of Yitzhak Rabin by Israeli director Amos Gitai;
    4. In 2022, the conference French Studies in Israel focused on the development of knowledge about France as an academic field within Israeli universities, highlighting the cultural and educational ties between the two countries;
    5. In 2010, during a BnF exhibition entitled Qumran: The Secret of the Dead Sea Scrolls, the site of Qumran was identified as being in Israel, whereas it is in fact located in the West Bank, a Palestinian territory under occupation. See the Letter from Elizabeth Picard to Mr. Laurent Héricher, scientific director of the Qumran exhibition at the National Library of France. Etc., etc.
    The post Culturicide in Gaza first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • For much of the 20th century, winter brought an annual ritual to Princeton, New Jersey. Lake Carnegie froze solid, and skaters flocked to its glossy surface. These days, the ice is rarely thick enough to support anybody wearing skates, since Princeton’s winters have warmed about 4 degrees Fahrenheit since 1970. It’s a lost tradition that Grace Liu linked to the warming climate as an undergrad at Princeton University in 2020, interviewing longtime residents and digging through newspaper archives to create a record of the lake’s ice conditions.

    “People definitely noticed that they were able to get out onto the lake less,” said Liu, who’s now a PhD student at Carnegie Mellon. “However, they didn’t necessarily connect this trend to climate change.”

    When the university’s alumni magazine featured her research in the winter of 2021, the comment section was filled with wistful memories of skating under the moonlight, pushing past the crowds to play hockey, and drinking hot chocolate by the frozen lakeside. Liu began to wonder: Could this kind of direct, visceral loss make climate change feel more vivid to people?

    That question sparked her study, recently published in the journal Nature Human Behavior, that came to a striking conclusion: Boiling down data into a binary — a stark this or that — can help break through apathy about climate change

    Liu worked with professors at Princeton to test how people responded to two different graphs. One showed winter temperatures of a fictional town gradually rising over time, while the other presented the same warming trend in a black-or-white manner: the lake either froze in any given year, or it didn’t. People who saw the second chart perceived climate change as causing more abrupt changes. 

    Both charts represent the same amount of winter warming, just presented differently. “We are not hoodwinking people,” said Rachit Dubey, a co-author of the study who’s now a professor of communications at the University of California, Los Angeles. “We are literally showing them the same trend, just in different formats.”

    The climate binary

    Both charts demonstrate the same warming trend, but the gradual temperature data is less striking than the binary lake data.

    Winter temperature (°F)

    Lake freeze status

    The strong reaction to the black-or-white presentation held true over a series of experiments, even one where a trend line was placed over the scatter plot of temperatures to make the warming super clear. To ensure the results translated to the wider world, researchers also looked at how people reacted to actual data of lake freezing and temperature increases from towns in the U.S. and Europe and got the same results. “Psychology effects are sometimes fickle,” said Dubey, who’s researched cognitive science for a decade. “This is one of the cleanest effects we’ve ever seen.”

    The findings suggest that if scientists want to increase public urgency around climate change, they should highlight clear, concrete shifts instead of slow-moving trends. That could include the loss of white Christmases or outdoor summer activities canceled because of wildfire smoke.

    The metaphor of the “boiling frog” is sometimes used to describe how people fail to react to gradual changes in the climate. The idea is that if you put a frog in boiling water, it’ll immediately jump out. But if you put it in room-temperature water and slowly turn up the heat, the frog won’t realize the danger and will be boiled alive. Although real frogs are actually smart enough to hop out when water gets dangerously hot, the metaphor fits humans when it comes to climate change: People mentally adjust to temperature increases “disturbingly fast,” according to the study. Previous research has found that as the climate warms, people adjust their sense of what seems normal based on weather from the past two to eight years, a phenomenon known as “shifting baselines.”

    Many scientists have held out hope that governments would finally act to cut fossil fuel emissions when a particularly devastating hurricane, heat wave, or flood made the effects of climate change undeniable. Last year, weather-related disasters caused more than $180 billion in damages in the United States, according to the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration. Yet climate change still hasn’t cracked into the ranks of what Americans say they’re most concerned about. Ahead of the 2024 election, a Gallup poll found that climate change ranked near the bottom of the list of 22 issues, well below the economy, terrorism, or health care.

    “Tragedies will keep on escalating in the background, but it’s not happening fast enough for us to think, ‘OK, this is it. We need to just decisively stop everything we’re doing,’” Dubey said. “I think that’s an even bigger danger that we’re facing with climate change — that it never becomes the problem.” 

    One graph about lake-freezing data isn’t going to lead people to rank climate change as their top issue, of course. But Dubey thinks if people see compelling visuals more often, it could help keep the problem of climate change from fading out of their minds. Dubey’s study shows that there’s a cognitive reason why binary data resonates with people: It creates a mental illusion that the situation has changed suddenly, when it has actually changed gradually. 

    The importance of using data visualizations to get an idea across is often overlooked, according to Jennifer Marlon, a senior research scientist at the Yale Program on Climate Change Communication. “We know that [data visuals] can be powerful tools for communication, but they often miss their mark, partly because most scientists aren’t trained, despite the availability of many excellent resources,” Marlon said in an email. She said that binary visuals could be used to convey the urgency of addressing climate change, though using them tends to mean losing complexity and richness from the data.

    Visual of vertical stripes gradually shifting from dark blue on the left to dark red on the right
    The climate stripes visual was recently updated to reflect that 2024 was the hottest year on record. Professor Ed Hawkins / University of Reading

    The study’s findings don’t just apply to freezing lakes — global temperatures can be communicated in more stark ways. The popular “climate stripes” visual developed by Ed Hawkins, a professor at the University of Reading in the U.K., illustrates temperature changes with vertical bands of lines, where blue indicates cold years and red indicates warm ones. As the chart switches from deep blue to deep red, it communicates the warming trend on a more visceral level. The stripes simplify a gradual trend into a binary-style image that makes it easier to grasp. “Our study explains why the climate stripes is actually so popular and resonates with people,” Dubey said.

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Scientists just found a way to break through climate apathy on May 5, 2025.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • Technology will soon be able to do everything we do – only better. How should we respond?

    Right now, most big AI labs have a team figuring out ways that rogue AIs might escape supervision, or secretly collude with each other against humans. But there’s a more mundane way we could lose control of civilisation: we might simply become obsolete. This wouldn’t require any hidden plots – if AI and robotics keep improving, it’s what happens by default.

    How so? Well, AI developers are firmly on track to build better replacements for humans in almost every role we play: not just economically as workers and decision-makers, but culturally as artists and creators, and even socially as friends and romantic companions. What place will humans have when AI can do everything we do, only better?

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Original cover art for the Great Gatsby by Francis Cugat, 1927.

    “The idea that we’re the greatest people in the world because we have the most money in the world is ridiculous. Wait until this wave of prosperity is over! Wait ten or fifteen years! Wait until the next war in the Pacific, or against some European combination!”

    – F. Scott Fitzgerald, 1927

    Surely Donald Trump wasn’t thinking of The Great Gatsby when he said he wanted to Make America Great again, though Gatsby is a great novel and its major character is as fake as anything about Fox news and the president himself. No major 20th century American writer, not Theodore Dreiser, nor John Dos Passos was more conscious of the friction between social classes than F. Scott Fitzgerald. No novel of the 1920s is more class conscious than The Great Gatsby, and no writer was more aware of the loss of American greatness than Fitzgerald. Had the novel been published with the title that the author preferred, Under the Red, White and Blue, readers might have sensed that America is the main character in the novel.

    Two years after the novel was published, Fitzgerald told a reporter, “The idea that we’re the greatest people in the world because we have the most money in the world is ridiculous. Wait until this wave of prosperity is over! Wait ten or fifteen years! Wait until the next war in the Pacific, or against some European combination!”

    The Great Gatsby might have provided a kind of morality tale for a society that was cracking up. The once spectacular continent is decimated, trees cut down to make way for houses, rivers polluted, and innocence corrupted— all that and more is spelled out in the pages of the novel. But when the stock market crashed in ’29 and the Depression of the 1930s hit families hard, F. Scott Fitzgerald, the great Jazz Age novelist, fell out of favor with the literati and the populi.

    After all, he wrote about members of the bourgeoisie, not the proletariat and not about the exploited and oppressed, either. “I can’t stand being poor,” one of his characters says and speaks for the author himself who was more intellectual than his image would have it, influenced by Rousseau, Marx and Thorstein Veblen, author of The Theory of the Leisure Class. Fitzgerald’s characters consume conspicuously.

    In The Great Gatsby, which celebrates this year the 100th anniversary of its initial publication, no one toils in a factory or on a farm. For decades, critics such as Alfred Kazin, Lionel Trilling and others have raked the novel over red hot coals, but they haven’t killed it or even synged it. The main character, Gatsby, is the quintessential self-made man, an exemplar of the rags-to-riches meme, a bootlegger who fictionalizes his life. Indeed, he claims to have made his money in drugs and oil; how contemporary is that! Gatsby isn’t his real name. It’s Gatz. He’s also the archetypal boy in the novel’s boy-meets-girl story who falls in love with the girl and loses the girl to a man with old money.

    Nick Carraway, the narrator and the only real friend Gatsby has, lives on suburban Long Island and commutes to a job in Manhattan, though Fitzgerald doesn’t describe his working life. Fitzgerald glamorizes Manhattan. “The city seen from the Queensboro Bridge is always the city seen for the first time, in its first wild promise of all the mystery and the beauty in the world,” he writes. The other main characters include Jordan Baker, a female golfer who cheats at the game, and Tom and Daisy Buchanan, a wealthy couple so wrapped up in their own selves that they’re indifferent to the pain and suffering of others. Daisy gets away with murder, or at least with homicide.

    Her husband is a blatant white supremacist who worries that colored people will steal the world out from under from men like himself. Were he alive today he’d have voted for Trump and Vance and he’d support tariffs on goods imported from Asia and Europe.

    On the other side of Fitzgerald’s economic spectrum, there’s George Wilson, a mechanic who operates a garage in a polluted landscape with toxic water and unhealthy air. Fitzgerald doesn’t describe Wilson working on cars or pumping gas, though its clear he gets his hands dirty. He’s the only character with a gun, and one of the villains of the piece, a jealous husband and a sharp-shooter. A snazzy car also figures as a murder weapon. Meyer Wolfsheim, a gambler and a criminal, has made his reputation because he has fixed the World Series. In Fitzgerald’s fictional world as in Donald Trump’s everything can be fixed with money.

    One might say of the wealthy characters in The Great Gatsby, as Balzac once observed, “Behind every great fortune lies a great crime.” Still, Fitzgerald doesn’t describe the crimes behind the fortunes; what he’s after is satirizing the wealthy after they’ve made big money.

    The satire is out in full force in chapter four in which the narrator describes the guests at Gatsby’s parties who belong to a whole social class. You can practically hear Fitzgerald seething just below the surface. “From West Egg came the Poles and the Mulreadys and Cecil Roebuck and Cecil Schoen and Gulick the state senator and Newton Orchid, who controlled Films Par Excellence, and Eckhaust and Clyde Cohen…all connected with the movies in one way or another. And G. Earl Muldoon, brother to that Muldoon who afterward strangled his wife. Da Fontano the promoter came there, and Ed Legros and James B. (“Rot-Gut.”) Ferret and the De Jongs and Ernest Lilly — they came to gamble, and when Ferret wandered into the garden it meant he was cleaned out and Associated Traction would have to fluctuate profitably next day.”

    To execute satire properly it helps to have some affection for the individuals who are satirized. Fitzgerald certainly felt some affection (along with envy and resentment) for the wealthy, especially wealthy white women like Daisy Buchanan.

    In the company of the fast crowd with its luxury cars and flashy clothes, Fitzgerald was aware of his own shabby attire and “poverty.” Indeed, the author himself was a sucker for beautiful women who had money to burn. His wife, Zelda, was one of them. Before Zelda there was a teenage debutante named Ginevera King who stole Scott’s heart. He never entirely recovered.

    Fitzgerald’s great theme in The Great Gatsby and elsewhere is loss: the loss of illusions, the loss of love and innocence. Two antithetical feelings feed into one another in the novel: grief and nostalgia. Fitzgerald wanted to return to the past, to turn away from the horror of World War I and the glamour of the Jazz Age. At the same time he knew that it was impossible to go back in time.

    Gatsby dreams of a happy life with Daisy. What he doesn’t know, Fitzgerald writes, is that “it was already behind him, somewhere back in that vast obscurity beyond the city, where the dark fields of the republic rolled on under the night.” Fitzgerald admires Gatsby because he’s an eternal optimist who believes in “the orgiastic future that year by year recedes before us.” The last sentence in the novel reads, “so we beat on, boats against the current, borne back ceaselessly into the past.” Gatsby’s illusions are shared by his fellow citizens.

    To Trump and his cronies, Fitzgerald would say, “forget about making America great again. That’s a lost cause.” He certainly doesn’t long for a return to the untrammeled west that is defined in a seminal passage in the novel by “the savage violence of the frontier brothel and saloon.”

    You may have read The Great Gatsby in high school or in college. Since its initial publication few novels have been on as many required reading lists for students as Fitzgerald’s class conscious saga. But you might have missed the poetry, the reflections on power and corruption and the contemporary relevance of an American classic.

    The post The Great Gatsby at 100: F. Scott Fitzgerald’s Class Consciousness Masterpiece  appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • By Te Aniwaniwa Paterson in New York

    Claire Charters, an expert in indigenous rights in international and constitutional law, has told the United Nations the New Zealand government is pushing the most “regressive” policies she has ever seen.

    “New Zealand’s policy on the Declaration (on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples) sits alongside its legislative strategy to dismantle Māori rights in Aotearoa New Zealand, which has received global attention for its regressiveness,” said Charters.

    Charters (Ngāti Whakaue, Ngāti Tūwharetoa, Ngāpuhi and Tainui) made the comment during an address last week to the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues (UNPFII).

    While in New York, Charters organised meetings between senior UN officials, New Zealand diplomats, and Māori attending UNPFII.

    The officials included the UN Special Rapporteur on Indigenous Rights, Dr Albert Barume, Sheryl Lightfoot, the Vice-Chair of the Expert Mechanism on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (EMRIP), and EMRIP Chair Valmaine Toki (Ngāti Rehua, Ngātiwai, Ngāpuhi).

    Charters said the New Zealand government should be of exceptional concern to the UN, given that the country’s Minister of Foreign Affairs, Winston Peters, had publicly expressed his rejection of the declaration.

    In 2023, Peters’ party NZ First announced it would withdraw New Zealand from UNDRIP, citing concerns over race-based preferences.

    In the same year, Peters claimed Māori were not indigenous peoples.

    “New Zealand’s current government, and the Minister of Foreign Affairs specifically, has expressly rejected the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. It has committed to not implementing the declaration,” said Charters.


    Indigenous people’s forum at the United Nations.    Video: UN News

    Charters invited the special rapporteur to visit New Zealand but also noted that the government ignored EMRIP’s request for a follow-up visit to support New Zealand’s implementation of UNDRIP.

    She also called on the Permanent Forum to take all measures to require New Zealand to implement the declaration.

    Republished from Te Ao Māori News with permission.

    Claire Charters presenting her intervention on the implementation of UNDRIP
    Claire Charters presenting her intervention on the implementation of UNDRIP – this year’s theme for the United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigneous Issues. Image: Te Ao Māori News

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • By Patrick Decloitre, RNZ Pacific correspondent French Pacific desk

    French Minister for Overseas Manuel Valls, who is visiting New Caledonia this week for the third time in two months, has once again called on all parties to live up to their responsibilities in order to make a new political agreement possible.

    Failing that, he said a potential civil war was looming.

    “We’ll take our responsibilities, on our part, and we will put on the table a project that touches New Caledonia’s society, economic recovery, including nickel, and the future of the younger generation,” he told a panel of French journalists on Sunday.

    He said that he hoped a revised version on a draft document — resulting from his previous visits in the French Pacific territory and new proposals from the French government — there existed a “difficult path” to possibly reconcile radically opposing views expressed so far from the pro-independence parties in New Caledonia and those who want the territory to remain part of France.

    The target remains an agreement that would accommodate both “the right and aspiration to self-determination” and “the link with France”.

    “If there is no agreement, then economic and political uncertainty can lead to a new disaster, to confrontation and to civil war,” he told reporters.

    “That is why I have appealed several times to all political stakeholders, those for and against independence,” he warned.

    “Everyone must take a step towards each other. An agreement is indispensable.”

    Valls said this week he hoped everyone would “enter a real negotiations phase”.

    He said one of the ways to achieve this will be to find “innovative” solutions and “a new way of looking at the future”.

    This also included relevant amendments to the French Constitution.

    Local parties will not sign any agreement ‘at all costs’
    Local parties are not so enthusiastic.

    In fact, each camp remains on their guard, in an atmosphere of defiance.

    And on both sides, they agree at least on one thing — they will not sign any agreement “at all costs”.

    Just like has been the case since talks between Valls and local parties began earlier this year, the two main opposing camps remain adamant on their respective pre-conditions and sometimes demands.

    The pro-independence Kanak and Socialist National Liberation Front (FLNKS), largely dominated by the Union Calédonienne, held a convention at the weekend to decide on whether they would attend this week’s new round of talks with Valls.

    They eventually resolved that they would attend, but have not yet decided to call this “negotiations”, only “discussions”.

    They said another decision would be made this Thursday, May 1, after they had examined Valls’s new proposals and documents which the French minister is expected to circulate as soon as he hosts the first meeting tomorrow.

    FLNKS reaffirms ‘Kanaky Agreement’ demand
    During their weekend convention, the FLNKS reaffirmed their demands for a “Kanaky Agreement” to be signed not later than 24 September 2025, to be followed by a five-year transition period.

    The official line was to “maintain the trajectory” to full sovereignty, including in terms of schedule.

    On the pro-France side, the main pillar of their stance is the fact that three self-determination referendums have been held between 2018 and 2021, even though the third and last consultation was largely boycotted by the pro-independence camp.

    All three referendums resulted in votes rejecting full sovereignty.

    One of their most outspoken leaders, Les Loyalistes party and Southern Province President Sonia Backès, told a public rally last week that they had refused another date for yet another referendum.

    “A new referendum would mean civil war. And we don’t want to fix the date for civil war. So we don’t want to fix the date for a new referendum,” she said.

    However, Backès said they “still want to believe in an agreement”.

    “We’re part of all discussions on seeking solutions in a constructive and creative spirit.”

    Granting more provincial powers
    One of their other proposals was to grant more powers to each of the three provinces of New Caledonia, including on tax collection matters.

    “We don’t want differences along ethnic lines. We want the provinces to have more powers so that each of them is responsible for their respective society models.”

    Under a draft text leaked last week, any new referendum could only be called by at least three-fifths of the Congress and would no longer pose a “binary” question on yes or no to independence, but would consider endorsing a “project” for New Caledonia’s future society.

    Another prominent pro-France leader, MP Nicolas Metzdorf, repeated this weekend he and his supporters “remain mobilised to defend New Caledonia within France”.

    “We will not budge,” Metzdorf said.

    Despite Valls’s warnings, another scenario could be that New Caledonia’s political stakeholders find it more appealing or convenient to agree on no agreement at all, especially as New Caledonia’s crucial provincial elections are in the pipeline and scheduled for no later than November 30.

    Concerns about security
    But during the same interview, Valls repeated that he remained concerned that the situation on the ground remained “serious”.

    “We are walking on a tightrope above embers”.

    He said top of his concerns were New Caledonia’s economic and financial situation, the tense atmosphere, a resurgence in “racism, hatred” as well as a fast-deteriorating public health services situation or the rise in poverty caused by an increasing number of jobless.

    “So yes, all these risks are there, and that is why it is everyone’s responsibility to find an agreement. And I will stay as long as needed and I will put all my energy so that an agreement takes place.

    “Not for me, for them.”

    Valls also recalled that since the riots broke out in May 2024, almost one year ago, French security and law enforcement agencies are still maintaining about 20 squads of French gendarmes (1500 personnel) in the territory.

    This is on top of the normal deployment of 550 gendarmes and 680 police officers.

    Valls said this was necessary because “any time, it could flare up again”.

    Outgoing French High Commissioner Louis Le Franc said in an interview recently that in case of a “new May 13” situation, the pre-positioned forces could ensure law enforcement “for three or four days . . . until reinforcements arrive”.

    If fresh violence erupts again, reinforcements could be sent again from mainland France and bring the total number to up to 6000 law enforcement personnel, a number similar to the level deployed in 2024 in the weeks following the riots that killed 14 and caused some 2.2 billion euros (NZ$4.2 billion) in damage.

    Carefully chosen words
    Valls said earlier in April the main pillars of future negotiations were articulated around the themes of:

    • “democracy and the rule of law”;
    • a “decolonisation process”;
    • the right to self-determination;
    • a “fundamental law” that would seal New Caledonia’s future status;
    • the powers of New Caledonia’s three provinces; and a future New Caledonia citizenship with the associated definition of who meets the requirements to vote at local elections.

    Valls has already travelled to Nouméa twice this year — in February and March.

    Since his last visit that ended on April 1, discussions have been maintained in conference mode between local political stakeholders and Valls, and his cabinet, as well as French Prime Minister François Bayrou’s special advisor on New Caledonia, constitutionalist Eric Thiers.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

  • By Susana Suisuiki, RNZ Pacific presenter

    The doors of St Peter’s Basilica in the Vatican have now been closed and the coffin sealed, ahead of preparations for tonight’s funeral of Pope Francis.

    The Vatican says a quarter of a million people have paid respects to Pope Francis in the last three days.

    Sister Susana Vaifale of the Missionaries of Faith has lived in Rome for more than 10 years and worked at the Vatican’s St Peter’s parish office.

    She told RNZ Pacific Waves that when she met the Pope in 2022 for an “ad limina” (obligatory visit) with the bishops from Papua New Guinea and Solomon Islands, she was lost for words.

    “When I was there in front of him, it’s like a blur, I couldn’t say anything,” she said.

    Sister Vaifale said although she was speechless, she thought of her community back home in Samoa.

    “In my heart, I brought everyone, I mean my country, my people and myself. So, in that time . . .  I was just looking at him and I said, ‘my goodness’ I’m here, I’m in front of the Pope, Francis . . .  the leader of the Catholic Church.”

    At Easter celebration
    Sister Vaifale said she was at the Easter celebration in St Peter’s Square where Pope Francis made his last public appearance.

    However, the next day it was announced that Pope Francis died.

    The news shattered Sister Vaifale who was on a train when she heard what had happened.

    “Oh, I cried, yeah I cried . . . until now I am very emotional, very sad.”

    “He passed at 7:30 . . .  I am very sad but like we say in Samoa: ‘maliu se toa ae toe tula’i mai se toa’.. so, it’s all in God’s hands.”

    Pope Francis with Fatima Leung Wai in Krakow, Poland in 2016
    Pope Francis with Fatima Leung Wai in Krakow, Poland in 2016. Image: Fatima Leung Wai/RNZ Pacific

    Siblings pay final respects
    The Leung-Wai family from South Auckland are in Rome and joined the long queue to pay their final respects to Pope Francis lying in state at St Peter’s Basilica.

    Fatima Leung-Wai along with her siblings Martin and Ann-Margaret are proud of their Catholic faith and are active parishioners at St Peter Chanel church in Clover Park.

    The family’s Easter trip to Rome was initially for the canonisation of Blessed Carlo Acutis — a young Italian boy who died at the age of 15 from leukemia and is touted to be the first millennial saint.

    Leung Wai siblings in St Peter's Basilica were among the thousands paying their final respects to Pope Francis
    Leung Wai siblings in St Peter’s Basilica were among the thousands paying their final respects to Pope Francis. Image: Leung Wai family/RNZ Pacific

    Plans changed as soon as they heard the news of the Pope’s death.

    Leung-Wai said it took an hour and a half for her and her siblings to see the Pope in the basilica and the crowd numbers at St Peter’s Square got bigger each day.

    Despite only seeing Pope Francis’ body for a moment, Leung-Wai said she was blessed to have met him in 2016 for World Youth Day in Krakow, Poland.

    She said Pope Francis was well-engaged with the youth.

    “I was blessed to have lunch with him nine years ago,” Leung-Wai said.

    “Meeting him at that time he was like a grandpa, he was like very open and warm and very much interested in what the young people and what we had to say.”

    Leung Wai siblings with their parents, mum Lesina, and dad Aniseko
    Leung Wai siblings with their parents, mum Lesina, and dad Aniseko. Image: Leung Wai family/RNZ Pacific

     


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Richard (Luckey) Perri portrait of Sterling Bunnell. Photo: Jonah Raskin.

    Think of San Francisco artists and you’re likely to think of Ruth Asawa, whose work is currently on exhibit at SFMOMA, and Wayne Thieibaud, who had his first show in SF in 1960 and whose work is now at the Legion of Honor. To those artists add the name Richard (“Luckey”) Perry, whose colorful paintings are on the walls of the Italo Americano Museo in a show curated by Bianca Friundi, who recently told a crowd,“We’re proud to have Perri’s work here and to have him in person.”

    The exhibit opened February 8, 2025 and runs until June 7, 2025. Wearing black trousers, a black jacket and a pork pie hat, Perri stood in front of his painting of Coit Tower on Telegraph Hill and talked for an hour about art and The City where he has lived and worked for decades.

    Perri loves Italy; his father came from Sicily and his mother from Calabria. He holds dual citizenship: Italian and American. He might one day be forced to leave the US and go to Italy. It’s no secret that Perri also loves San Francisco. So no one was shocked when he told the audience at the Italo Americano Museo in Fort Mason, “I love this city.”

    Perri doesn’t love all of the city’s 46.9 square miles.

    He loves a particular slice of San Francisco that is vanishing but that hasn’t entirely disappeared. Perri loves the old San Francisco that once had a thriving waterfront, ships in the harbor, longshoremen and cafes like “Red’s Java House” at 38 Bryant that was founded during the Depression of the 1930s and that is still serving its signature sausage sandwiches on Mondays and the ever popular corn beef and hash on Saturdays and Sundays. “I express my attachment to this place through my paintings,” Perri says. “There’s a lot of freedom here.”

    No one has captured in color the urban face of old San Francisco more faithfully than Perri and that’s no accident. For years he owned and operated a bar at Mission and 29th Street where the regulars were, he says, characters out of the pages of Damon Runyan and had names like “Gorilla Dog,” “Indian Dave” and “Baldy Ray.” In their company, Perri acquired the nickname “Luckey.”

    The Italo Americano Museo in Fort Mason’s Building C is exhibiting more than two dozen of his iconic canvases of landmark places like Red’s Java House and City Lights Bookstore on Columbus Avenue, plus San Francisco personalities like Gavin Newsom, and the poet, publisher, and painter Lawrence Ferlinghetti, as well as Sterling Bunnell, the Bay Area psychiatrist whose patients included a great many artists and writers.

    Perri isn’t as well known as many of the places, such as Coit Tower, he has captured on canvases, and not as famous as some of the people, including ex mayor and now Governor Newsom, whose portraits he has painted. But neither is he a complete unknown. Over the decades he’s acquired a small devoted following.

    Call him the peoples’ painter. Granted, he doesn’t paint workers or working class neighborhoods but he paints the places where workers have eaten and the streetcars that they’ve taken to and from employment. Perri’s studio on the second floor of the Odd Fellows Building on Seventh Street near Market, isn’t located in a neighborhood that’s a destination for tourists and foodies. Call it an outdoor living room for members of the lumpenproletariat.

    Perri doesn’t have an agent and he’s not connected to a gallery, which enables him, he says, “to paint whatever I want to paint.” Not a single canvas exhibited at the Italo-Americano Museum has a price tag. “I’m not trying to sell my work,”Perri says. “And I’m not thinking about living a long life. I’m thinking about painting.” He adds, “But if you want to buy one of my canvases we can talk.” A quotation from Perri on a wall painted white reads, “I have more ideas and images in my mind than I have seconds in my life.”         At the age of 81, he’s still painting, still tapping into his creative energy. Years ago, during a bout with depression, Sterling Bunnell provided a dose of much needed talk therapy, but mostly Perri’s art has kept him feeling good about himself and the world. He’s been a lucky man.

    Perri was born to a blue collar Catholic family; his father came from Sicily, his mother from Calabria. His father worked for the railroad and was injured on the job, an experience that his son has long remembered. Working class life could be precarious. Perri grew up in Rockville Center on Long Island, before the coming of Levittown, the suburban housing development.

    He got out of Long Island as fast as he could, left the church and went west, attended college in Santa Fe, New Mexico and in Tempe, Arizona before enrolling at the San Francisco Art Institute. “I arrived with flowers in my hair,” he says. He joined the underground comic scene, met and worked with Art Spiegelman long before Spiegelman mined his father’s concentration experience and created the Maus comic books with Jews as mice and Nazis as cats. Spiegelman made art from the darkest of material.

    Perri’s paintings might, on a first take, look realistic, but they’re not, especially not the colors. “They all express a certain mood,” Perri says. A journalist named Julie Zigoris noted that his paintings express both loneliness and a sense of nostalgia. That sounds about right, though one might also say that working class people are an invisible, palpable presence. The immense skies in Perri’s work have no matching colors that one might see and recognize in the skies above Russian Hill or Golden Gate Park, and his street cars look far more psychedelic than any streetcars that operate on Market Street.

    The Dutch artist, Vincent van Gogh, famous for his sun flowers, blue skies and wheat fields with crows, has inspired some of Perri’s best work. “The application of the paint is the important thing,” he says. What he’s after is called “luminosity,” which he defines as the “spirituality of something that is gone.” Indeed, his art captures the luminosity of San Francisco. The word, luminosity, also provides the title of his book for sale at the Italo Americano Museo.

    The post San Francisco’s Inimitable Artist, Richard “Luckey” Perri  appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • Muhammad Abed El Rahman (left) and Saleh Bakri in ‘The Teacher’ COCOON FILMS.

    Set in the hills of the West Bank, The Teacher, written and directed by British-Palestinian filmmaker Farah Nabulsi, tells the riveting story of Bassem (Saleh Bakri), a Palestinian high school English teacher struggling to inspire his students under the pall of Israel’s occupation. What’s it all for–the studying, the scholarship–if only to see armed settlers burn down your village olive trees and an Israeli government demolish your family home to make way for another illegal settlement. To the Palestinian teen who speaks in despair, as though old and tired with little for which to live, the middle-aged Bassem tells his student to return to his books to “regain control” in pursuit of an education that holds hope for a better life.

    Although the film is Bassem’s journey of self-blame, new found love and quiet yet determined resistance, we also see events through the eyes of his prized student Adam (Muhammed Abed Elrahman), who becomes Bassem’s surrogate son replacing the one Bassem lost, the one we meet only through scenes that take us back in time.

    Blessed with looks and smarts, the surrogate son Adam pours over his books at a desk in the dirt outside overlooking the village destined for erasure. His home is gone. The tractor left only slabs of cement under which Adam recovers a desk, a couch and a pair of binoculars that afford him advance notice of a looming threat or gut punch.

    One measure of a good movie is whether you care about the characters or feel compelled to watch them, regardless of whether you agree with their choices or roles in the film, regardless of whether the character is a teacher invested in his students or a cunning Israeli intelligence officer who knows exactly which emotional button to push. For character development–raw, textured–The Teacher scores 10 out of 10, not only because Bassem is heroic, protective and ultimately selfless but because both he and Adam are tested in ways most of us never will be challenged, leaving us wondering what we would choose if we lived under occupation–the scorched land of nighttime raids and vigilante violence, where our futures are not our own, where the fork in the road between self-defense and vengeance sometimes merges and where the greater good beckons us to hush creeping doubts. Would we remember The Teacher’s words, “Revenge eats away at you and destroys from the inside.”

    Reviewers from legacy media– New York Times, LA Times–criticize the movie for having too many subplots. “But a teacher-student bonding narrative, a legal procedure, a family tragedy, a romance and a kidnapping thriller are a lot to hang on one character,” writes NYT reviewer Ben Kenigsberg. “Nabulsi, unfortunately, muddles the story with multiple subplots, some inelegant acting and contrived English-language dialogue,” writes the LAT’s Carlos Aguilar.

    Did these movie critics see the same film this reviewer saw?

    Such undeserved criticism suggests the writers are imposing their detached notion of reality on a drama that is all too real. The critics’ desire for a less complicated storyline with more refined dialogue suggests colonization of the art form rather than criticism, for strands of multifaceted characters must not be removed to suit cinematic preferences for a formulaic Hollywood blockbuster.

    Conversations in The Teacher resonate as familiar even in the most unfamiliar surroundings, where rough-around-the edges Palestinian teens stereotype Lisa (Imogen Poots), the blonde British school counselor as a mere do-gooder. “Miss United Nations has arrived,” joke the teens who call their teacher a “player” when between cigarette puffs he locks eyes with the British import. As for the subplots–the gun behind the bookcase, the woman who emerges in only a towel, the judge who delivers injustice – these are not disconnected B or C stories but deftly interwoven branches of the A story about survival and subterfuge under the boot of a brutal occupier. Life is not simple nor a singular line, certainly not when the path to decolonization can be uncertain and torturous, both for the colonized and the colonizer, though never in equal measure.

    Nabulsi –who wrote the script in Britain during the Covid lockdown and met with checkpoint delays during three months of filming in the West Bank–adds depth to her story when she introduces the subplot based on the abduction of Gilad Shalit, a former Israeli soldier held captive for over five years in Palestine before released in a hostage deal that freed 1,027 Palestinian prisoners. In one of the most compelling scenes in The Teacher, a US American father, an Israeli resident whose son is held hostage by Palestinians, sympathizes with Bassem having lost a son, for in a metaphorical sense the American father also lost his son after the young man insisted the family emigrate to Israel following a Birthright Israel trip. Now the father, whose wife berates him – much as Basem’s wife berated her husband for failing to protect their son–finds himself a stranger in a strange land called Israel. No, he assures Bassem, he is not one of them, one of the heartless occupiers.

    Nabulsi, the daughter of a Palestinian mother and a Palestinian-Egypian father, was born and raised in London, where she pursued a career in finance and worked for J.P. Morgan before becoming a filmmaker. She switched careers, from stocks to scripts, after visiting Palestine to trace her family history–a mother who fled to Kuwait following the ‘67 war, a father who emigrated to London to study civil engineering.

    Nabulsi’s short film The Present–also set in occupied Palestine and also starring Palestinian actor Bakri– was nominated for an Oscar and won a BAFTA (British Academy Film Television Award). The Teacher–a suspenseful one hour and 55 minute drama– premiered at the Toronto International Film Festival in September of 2023, just weeks before October 7th. During shooting Nabulsi set up large black screens to cover actors playing IDF soldiers because she feared that if villagers thought the soldiers were real a hurricane of heartache would ensue.

    Now–during the US-armed Israeli genocide in Gaza and emboldened settler movement ripping through the West Bank–it is hard to imagine Nabulsi entering the Israeli-controlled West Bank to film The Teacher. Fortunately, for us–the movie audience, for Palestine, the resistance, and for the solidarity movement, marchers across the globe, The Teacher can be livestreamed on several platforms or watched in theaters from coast to coast.

    The post From the West Bank with Love and Rage appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • Image: Courtesy of ACID.

    “Put Your Soul on Your Hand and Walk” is the title of a soon-to-be-released film featuring photojournalist Fatima Hassouna the most recent of more than 208 assassinated Gazan journalists.

    With no prior knowledge of that film’s content, I knew it emanated from Palestine. These eight words embodied reiterations of a portrait that for many months incessantly haunts me, a photo that had become too routine, and to most of the world, a fleeting image. Even the few who catch glimpses of those slowing moving tributaries of walkers with no destination turn silent.

    The Gazans walk on, steadily, seemingly willingly. Away from everything they loved and what each of them is – a soul, a sentient being, a history. They walk on obediently, now perhaps less by fear than from habit and dissolution. They walk without a terminus.

    Most refugees worldwide have some geographic objective, however murky, unrealistic and adaptable. Not Gaza’s Palestinians. They are simply vacating a place that they have been warned is unsafe. Their objective is simply to get out of the paths of cordons of ‘predators’ stalking them from all directions, including the sky. If not to save themselves, they are compelled to help their elders, their sick and their children.

    The number of displaced people and refugees today is of a staggering magnitude never recorded in any era of world history. Most often war and military occupation is the motive for their uprooting. Or famine, or economic sanctions stemming from conflict. From all across Europe to the Americas; from Tibet to India; from Uganda to the U.K.; from Vietnam in all directions; from Africa northwards through destroyed Libya; from Afghanistan east into Pakistan or westwards anywhere; from Myanmar to Bangladesh; from Iraq and Syria to the Gulf States, Iran and Turkey; from Rwanda to Congo or Congo to Uganda and Tanzania; from Hong Kong and Taiwan to Australia; from Bhutan to Nepal; from Cuba and Venezuela, mostly forced into penury by U.S. sanctions.

    They sleep on the road and huddle with strangers in camps. They thrash around capsized boats, hide in city or forest, then set off to reach a temporary safe haven where they might file papers to secure asylum somewhere along a route through several nations. Resourcefully, they gather fragments about the safest crossing point, the most trustworthy smugglers, where temporary succor might be found. They wade across rivers, ducking predators – human and animal. They make their way towards what they believe beats where they once had a home and a job and a schoolteacher. They move determinedly. Even when turned back, they resolve to try again. Forget those who perished along the way; hold onto stories of those happily settled, somewhere, even temporarily.

    Harrowing accounts fill novels and U.N. reports. Yet nothing quite equals the experience of Gaza’s people on the move today. Occasionally a photo emerges of their aimless marches. Children drag bundles of belongings. A crippled youth is pushed along in his wheelchair; an elderly man hangs onto the back of his son, grandson or a paid helper; a heavily shrouded woman is secured to a bicycle maneuvered by a boy. A donkey cart with heavy wheels is invisible under a tower of mattrasses. Pots and yellow plastic cans are roped to a teetering load. No other furniture. Walling in these irregular columns of walkers and carts are looming heaps of ghostly, gray collapsed buildings. In the few photos that somehow reach us, I see no stations along the route offering water, no health posts to treat the wounded and exhausted. I wonder: did Israeli bulldozers widen these corridors to nowhere in order to accommodate the exodus?

    Isn’t this a death march? Isn’t it a mud plank to the rim of a pit, to be disposed of, in one way or another? Edicts arrive from Israel by drone, by barking soldiers, or by flyers fluttering across bombed homes and hospitals. They direct the newly homeless and wounded to join those earlier displaced: head south, or north, or sideways… to ‘safe zones’. The walkers settle in tents, empty schools, the bombed university – any structure where they can drape a sheet and make a campfire. Bombs shred them there too. Another order arrives: move yet again. To where hardly matters. ‘There’– a closed military zone. ‘Here’– tanks approach, churning furrows behind the walkers, plowing through cemeteries not distinguishing between newly buried and early generations of Palestinians.

    At one point– maybe it was following the broken ceasefire agreement– those displaced from North Gaza learned they could go back to neighborhoods transformed into heaps of rubble. Still, they stood, and reloaded what they could manage. They set out to locate a familiar corner and if lucky, retrieve the bones of lost ones under those blocks of cement.

    A few of us, those able to follow some of Israel’s duplicity and crimes, witnessed that endless, quiet line of families trudging northwards – the placid Mediterranean coast to the west, miles of barren bleakness on their eastern flank. Some walkers may have felt hopeful even under those spare conditions. Their goal was reclaiming their minute piece of Palestine, whatever its condition. But that expectation was shattered and they set out walking once again. Their faces are a void, as is their condition. No use complaining; no use crying out for help.

    Some tell of being displaced eight times. Each time they carry less. Their numbers dwindle as more perish. Some simply refuse to abandon the rubble they have reoccupied, leaving no record of their fate.

    To witness this is not only upsetting. It evokes an uneasy, nagging shame in anyone who dares to watch. Small wonder the international media fails to follow these walks.

    Thus the haunting film title, Put Your Soul on Your Hand and Walk. I hear a woman declaring the words to her weary father, her sullen brother, her forlorn teenage daughter — stripped of emotion, devoid of human hope, without a goal, hardly a prayer.

    The post Walking, Waiting, Wondering, Walking Again…On Orders in Gaza appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.


  • This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Radio Free Asia.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Efficiency standards for home appliances were once the conversational equivalent of beige — neutral, but aggressively uninteresting. But as political polarization has deepened, dishwashers, laundry machines, showerheads, and other household staples have begun to take on a new charge. With Republicans now in control of the White House and both houses of Congress, rules that quietly save Americans money on utility bills while conserving energy and water are suddenly at risk.

    Earlier this month, President Donald Trump doubled down on his long-standing complaint about low-flow showerheads taking too long to clean his “beautiful hair.” He ordered his administration to repeal a rule, revived by the Biden administration, that aimed to save water by restricting flow from the fixtures. A White House fact sheet promised the order would undo “the left’s war on water pressure” and “make America’s showers great again.”

    It’s part of a growing movement targeting efficiency standards — last year, House Republicans passed bills including the “Refrigerator Freedom Act” and “Liberty in Laundry Act,” though neither succeeded in the Democratic-led Senate. Now in charge of both houses of Congress, Republicans have already passed a resolution to repeal a recent energy-efficiency standard for gas-powered tankless water heaters, which awaits Trump’s signature. 

    Efficiency standards used to have bipartisan support. But today, many Republican politicians see restrictions on gas stoves, refrigerators, and laundry machines as symbols of Democratic interference with people’s self-determination. That’s the idea Trump advanced when he signed an executive order targeting efficiency standards for home goods and appliances “to safeguard the American people’s freedom to choose.” The message echoes talking points from industry groups that have an interest in keeping homes hooked up to natural gas for stoves and water heaters.

    “This isn’t the first time that we’ve seen efficiency standards thrust into the culture wars,” said Andrew deLaski, the executive director of the Appliance Standards Awareness Project, which advocates for stricter energy-efficiency legislation. “But President Trump has put that into overdrive.”

    The push for more efficient appliances began in response to the fuel shortages sparked by the 1973 oil crisis. Republican president Gerald Ford signed the bipartisan Energy Policy and Conservation Act in 1975, laying the groundwork for the government to set standards on household appliances. But state laws for more efficient appliances came first, forcing manufacturers to navigate a patchwork of rules. So Congress set nationwide efficiency standards for water heaters, air conditioners, dishwashers, and many other household appliances with the National Appliance Energy Conservation Act in 1987, signed by another Republican president — Ronald Reagan. 

    Congress continued to expand those standards with bipartisan support in 1992, 2005, and 2007. In total, the Department of Energy now oversees standards for about 60 categories of appliances and other equipment in homes and businesses, spanning from toilets to commercial refrigerators.

    In January, the pre-Trump Department of Energy estimated that these rules, taken together, saved the average U.S. household about $576 a year on their bills. They also cut national energy use by 6.5 percent and water consumption by 12 percent, making them a key tool for addressing climate change and drought. Voters are broadly supportive of energy-saving policies, with 87 percent of Americans polled by Consumer Reports in March agreeing that new home appliances should be required to meet a minimum level of efficiency — including 82 percent of Republicans. “People aren’t clamoring for products that needlessly waste energy and money,” deLaski said.

    Despite efficiency’s broad popularity, there have been flare-ups of pushback and public outrage against efficient appliances dating back to the 1980s. Reagan actually vetoed the National Appliance Energy Conservation Act, saying it restricted “the freedom of choice available to consumers who would be denied the opportunity to purchase low-cost appliances,” the year before he signed it. In a 1996 episode of Seinfeld, Jerry, Kramer, and Newman were so fed up with the new low-flow showerheads in their building, they resorted to buying black-market Yugoslavian models from the back of a truck. Another culture war brewed over energy-efficient LED light bulbs in the 2010s as older, incandescent models began to be phased out, with Tea Party Republicans declaring that light bulb choice was a matter of personal liberty.

    Photo of President Trump giving a speech in front of boxes labeled "washer"
    President Trump speaks to workers at a Whirlpool manufacturing facility in Clyde, Ohio, in 2020. Scott Olson / Getty Images

    Matthew Burgess, an environmental economist at the University of Wyoming, said that efficiency rules are most likely to become a cultural flashpoint when people see them directly affecting their lives. “People do notice the flow of their showerheads,” he said. “People do notice whether their stove is gas or electric.” Some of the political tension over appliances resulted from ambitious changes, he said, such as when Berkeley, California, tried to ban gas connections in new buildings in 2019.

    “I think that there’s an impression on parts of the right, that’s not totally wrong, that elements in the climate community, and on the left, and in certain segments of the Democratic Party want to tell them what to do and what not to do in their households,” Burgess said.

    Yet the fossil fuel industry has also influenced the conversation: There’s been a coordinated campaign to highlight the narrative of “consumer choice” for gas appliances in particular, according to Emilia Piziak, a senior analyst at InfluenceMap, a climate think tank. Last year, for instance, the American Gas Association filed a court brief challenging Biden-era Department of Energy efficiency rules on furnaces and water heaters, arguing that Congress “wanted consumers to have the freedom to choose the energy type they prefer.”

    “These industry groups and gas utilities, they are working together,” Piziak said. “They’re very effective at showing up and driving that messaging home.” The “freedom to choose” narrative has also been echoed by Trump officials. One of the top priorities of Trump’s energy secretary, Chris Wright, is to “promote affordability and consumer choice in home appliances.”

    The Association of Home Appliance Manufacturers told Grist that while it supports the efficiency standards process, it wants changes. “The rulemaking process and analysis should focus more on consumer impact, specifically regarding affordability and product choice,” the association said in a statement. “Any standard that is developed should have real, measurable benefits for the consumer.” 

    Though high-efficiency appliances tend to be more expensive up-front, they can save households thousands of dollars on bills over the long term. And deLaski argued that efficiency standards also deliver other benefits to consumers. “Today’s high-efficiency products, whether we’re talking about light bulbs or clothes washers or showerheads, perform as well and in many cases better than the inefficient products that they’ve replaced,” he said.

    While the Energy Policy and Conservation Act prevents the government from weakening efficiency standards for appliances that have already been set, deLaski said he’s concerned that the Trump administration is looking for a way around that. “I think all the standards are at risk of being undercut, circumvented, not enforced,” he said. 

    Recently, Republicans have been targeting the efficiency rules set in place at the end of the Biden administration. Because of the Congressional Review Act, Congress can review and repeal a regulation issued in the last 60 legislative days — a period that extends back into last summer — with a simple majority vote. So far, Republicans have not only voted to repeal efficiency standards for gas water heaters under this rule, but also commercial refrigeration equipment and walk-in coolers for restaurants, convenience stores, and grocery stores. The efficiency rules passed under the Biden administration alone would save households $107 each year over the next two decades, according to an estimate from the Appliance Standards Awareness Project, and collectively save business owners $2 billion each year.

    These recent moves by Republicans show that what started as a battle over “consumer choice” has expanded into a larger attack on efficiency as an objective. “I don’t think walk-in coolers are in the culture war,” deLaski said. “The attempt to push to eliminate these commonsense standards is really broad, not just about showerheads or refrigerators or dishwashers.”

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline How your showerhead and fridge got roped into the culture wars on Apr 23, 2025.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • “… [W]e should not be fooled: Much of the organized opposition to Francis has nothing to do with how we care for the divorced and remarried. It is this, his trenchant critique of modern capitalism that keeps money flowing to conservative outlets intent on marginalizing what the pope says.’

    — Michael Sean Winters, The National Catholic Reporter, 10/29/17.

    So far, we have the still unsubstantiated allegations by Archbishop Carlo Maria Viganò that Pope Francis covered up sex abuses by the now disgraced Theodore McCarrick, the Cardinal who oversaw Washington, D.C. churches from 2001-2006. Vigano named 32 other senior clerics, all allies of Pope Francis, and called for the pontiff’s resignation.

    Although I remain highly skeptical of Vigano’s charges, I’m reluctant to draw any hard conclusions at this juncture. And being neither a Catholic nor a believer, I don’t have an ecclesiastical dog collar in this fight. However, my sense is that this matter is far more serious than a civil war within the Church, and that larger context warrants our attention.

    Pope Francis has provoked powerful opponents who are outright bigots regarding what the pope terms “below-the-belt issues,” issues that he believes receive far too much attention by the Church. However, according to biographer Paul Vallely, it was Francis’s shift in emphasis to issues of economic justice that was so “deeply disconcerting to those who sat comfortably atop the hierarchy of the distribution of the world’s wealth.” (P. 405) In response to my written query, Villanova University Professor Massimo Faggioli, an expert on Vatican and global politics, responded, “This is a key issue to understanding the present moment.”

    Here, it’s important to note that the pope’s radical political metamorphosis preceded his ascension to the papacy. According to Vallely, it was not until Jorge Mario Bergoglio (the future Pope Francis) was nearing 50 years old that he fully grasped that capitalism was to blame for making and keeping people poor. And it wasn’t a Saul-to-Paul on the road to Damascus moment.

    Bergoglio had been elected Procurate of Argentina’s Jesuits in 1987, but it was a rocky tenure, and he later acknowledged making “hundreds of errors,” including a rigid and authoritarian leadership style that was off-putting to his fellow Jesuits. His own journey to a profound personal change began when his superiors in Rome sent him to the Argentine city of Córdoba, a forced exile during which time the Church hierarchy virtually ignored him.

    During this period of intense soul-searching and close interaction with ordinary people on the street, he gradually underwent an inner transformation and a radically altered political vision. He returned as an auxiliary bishop and was named Archbishop of Buenos Aires in 1998. Bergoglio’s actions soon earned him the informal title “Bishop of the Slums,” while his strong social advocacy, which employed the language of Liberation Theology, earned him the intense enmity of Argentina’s most influential economic actors.

    Bergoglio became Pope Francis in 2013, the first Jesuit and first non-European to be elected in over 1,200 years. From his first day in office, those who believed he’d follow in the conservative tradition of John Paul II and Benedict were quickly disabused of that notion. From washing the feet of a young female Muslim prisoner to his first visit outside Rome to the “boat people” island of Lampedusa, where he expressed solidarity with illegal African economic refugees, Francis sided with the wretched of the earth. But it was his excoriating, systematic critique of global capitalism and free market fundamentalists when he linked symptoms and cause that alarmed global economic elites:

    +In his papal exhortation “Joy of the Gospels,” he wrote “We have to say ‘Thou shalt not kill’ to an economy of exclusion and inequality. Such an economy kills.”

    + He wrote that some people defend “trickle down theories which have never been confirmed by facts…and express crude and naive faith in the goodness of those wielding power.” In his home country, Francis had observed the cruel consequences of IMF policies on the most vulnerable.

    + He described an amoral, throwaway culture where the elderly are deemed “no longer useful” and the poor are “leftovers.”

    + Offshore banking, credit default swaps and derivatives were described as “proximate immorality.”

    + His encyclical, Laudatory si’: On Caring for our Common Home,” named capitalism as a primary cause of climate change and in preparing the document Francis consulted with Brazilian theologian Leonardo Boff, the leading theorist of Liberation Theology.

    + Echoing Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., the pope proclaimed that “Working for a just distribution of the fruits of the earth and human labor is not mere philanthropy. It is a moral obligation. For Christians, the responsibility is even greater. It is a commandment.”

    + Francis directly challenged Washington’s rationale for its war on terrorism by saying that because “the socioeconomic system is unjust at its root, violence and conflict are inevitable.” Further, wars in the Middle East are not about Islam but a consequence of political and economic interests where disenfranchised people turn to desperate measures. He concluded that “Capitalism is terror against all humanity.”

    Given the intellectual heft of his argument, the fact that he represents some 1.3 billion Catholics and arguably possesses the world’s foremost moral credentials, the pope’s political enemies were at a disadvantage in fighting ideological battles on his turf. While biding their time, as John Gehring noted in The American Prospect, major Catholic businesspersons threatened to withhold sizable financial donations to the Church. Influential Catholics and publishing outlets set out to discredit the revolutionary pope. For example, the Heritage Foundation’s Stephen Moore, a Catholic, wrote in Forbes Magazine that Francis had “aligned himself with the far left and has embraced a philosophy that would make people poor and less free.”

    To achieve a more decisive impact, the pope’s enemies needed to conjure up an issue or wait for one. Vagano’s allegations about a Vatican cover-up either fell on their laps or were deposited there. If Francis could be smeared over this matter, his moral authority on matters closer to their hearts would be tarnished. And barring a definitive resolution, doubts could be sown as a default strategy.

    Emblematic of these efforts is the friendship between Vagano and Timothy Busch, an OPUS DEI member and a right-wing, Catholic lawyer and businessperson from California. The August 27, 2018, issue of The New York Times reported that Busch advised Vagano on the letter prior to its publication. Busch also sits on the Board of Governors that owns the National Catholic Register, one of the first outlets to publish Vagano’s 8,000-word, 11-page letter, entitled “Testimony.” Conservative Catholic journalists acknowledged helping to prepare, edit, and distribute the letter. In the meantime, digital Catholic media hostile to Francis worked overtime to undermine him.

    The contrast between Francis and Busch couldn’t be more stark. On the one hand, Francis asserts that the manner in which those who run the financial system are trained favors the “advancement of business leaders who are capable, but greedy and unscrupulous.” On the other hand, the Catholic University of America (CUA) in Washington, D.C, recently renamed its business school the Tim and Steph Busch School of Business after receiving a gift of $15 million from the Busch Family Foundation. Five other donors brought the total to $47 million. Among them was the Koch Family Foundation, which chipped in an additional $10 million even though Koch readily admits he’s not religious, is pro-choice, and approves of same sex marriage. Busch also persuaded Art Ciocca, CEO emeritus of The Wine Group to ante up another $10 million.

    In announcing his gift, Busch said it was to help “show how capitalism and Catholicism can work hand in hand,” and he wrote a complementary op-ed in The Wall Street Journal entitled “Teaching Capitalism to Catholics,” in which he claimed that free markets are buttressed by moral principles taught by the Catholic Church. In a speech to CUA students, as reported in the Catholic Standard, Busch noted that as the only pontifical university in the United States, “We’re the pope’s business school” and later added, “We realized that a professor in a business school can impact 100,000 students in his or his lifetime.” To the influential, conservative Catholic organization, Legatus: Ambassadors for Christ in the Marketplace, Busch told 160 well-heeled members that the business school’s mission is to “impact how students think.” Note: Lest anyone question his motives, Busch said, “The focus of my life is getting myself into heaven and to help others get there.”

    Busch, along with Fr. Robert J. Spritzer, S.J., also co-founded the Napa Institute, which promotes a mix of free-market economics and theology. Among its goals is to “continue the work of the Apostles and their successors.” Napa hosts hundreds of wealthy Catholic philanthropists at its annual gathering, where they hear lectures from conservative bishops, philosophers, and theologians. In a September 5, 2018, letter to Napa’s “constituents,” Busch denied any involvement in Vagano’s letter but otherwise has not responded to further requests for comment. He also encouraged “constituents” to attend Napa’s upcoming conference on how to exert layperson influence on the Vatican.

    In closing, Antonio Gramsci, the twentieth-century Marxist, explained that culture, class, and politics are inextricably intertwined. Powerful groups seek to influence culture, targeting the human mind as their primary focus. From the outset of his papacy, Francis sought to alter this landscape by vocalizing how capitalism is the primary cause of social injustice. In doing so, he became a marked man. We’re witnessing one site in the larger struggle for cultural terrain —a battle occurring on many levels, including within the Catholic Church.

    (This originally appeared in Counterpunch, September 14, 2018.)

    The post Pope Francis and the Battle Over Cultural Terrain first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • Israel and the Palestinian Authority are each convinced that the long reach of history is on their side; the Israelis believe that future generations throughout the world will be detached from the illegal and oppressive acts committed against the Palestinians and only be aware of their present situations; the Palestinians believe that a Jewish Israel has no place in an Arab world, will constantly face enemies and hostility from Arab and Muslim nations, and these nations will one day achieve sufficient power to force their dictates on the Zionist regime.

    With its historical view, Israel proceeds to ignore Palestinian and international pleas to halt its oppression and continues with plans to fulfill the mission proposed by the Zionist Organization at the 1919 Paris Peace Conference — gain control of the land, obtain the aquifers, and create a greater Israel from the Mediterranean Sea to the Jordan River, and maybe further.

    The Palestinian Authority proceeds with continuous compromises, with hope that an Israeli government will recognize the Authority’s efforts to achieve an arrangement that satisfies Israel’s wants and preserves the Palestinian community within the former British Mandate. The stoic nature of the Palestinian people, after decades of violent aggression against them, is remarkable. Observing the Palestinians enduring the daily criminal, scheming, vicious, brutal, and violent attacks and still maintaining their presence is a tribute to human resourcefulness, a remarkable achievement that deserves praise from the entire world.

    Stoicism and commendable behavior do not move oppressive regimes that have the tools and forces to control the agenda. Israel remains recalcitrant. Nothing left for the Palestinians but to prove that Israel’s recalcitrance will work against its goals; with several millions of Palestinians within its borders, Israel will be a de facto binational state. Why not make it official and in accord with an agreeable plan?

    With that in mind, Jonathan Kuttab, co-founder of Nonviolence International, offers a thoughtful, provocative, and commendable proposal, outlined in a book, Beyond The Two-State Solution. A brief summary of Jonathan Kuttab’s propositions:

    Essential Elements of the New Order

    1. Right of Return
    The availability of this right is a serious requirement for Zionists, which Palestinians must accept. On the other hand, Palestinians, who have been forcibly denied access to their homeland, also must have a recognized right of return.

    2. Equality and Non-discrimination
    Public institutions, lands, funds, and resources must be utilized in the interest of all citizens, and discrimination must not be tolerated. Arabic, which is currently formally recognized as an official language in Israel, will need to be deliberately incorporated into public life, on a par with Hebrew.

    3. Freedom of Movement
    Restrictions of travel between the West Bank, Gaza, the settlements, Jerusalem and pre ’67 Israel must be removed, as well as the Wall and the checkpoints

    4. Relations with the Arab world
    Palestinians need to reevaluate their pan-Arab identity, and adjust it to reflect the reality that their state now is both Jewish and Arab to its very core.

    5. Defense
    The new State may require that the Minister of Defense, as well as a majority of the top brass in the army be Jewish as a matter of permanent constitutional law. Palestinians, however, must be free to join the army on the basis of equality, while all citizens who wish, must be free to demand exemption from military service for reasons of conscience.

    6. Legal Protections
    In addition to a constitution that embodies strict guarantees that safeguard the interest of either group, the “Protection Clauses” must be safeguarded from alteration by requiring that they can only be altered by high majorities “Protection Clauses” will remove the ‘demographic threat’ and ensure that a group which has numerical majority will not be able to oppress a numerical minority, or that a future change in the numerical balance between the two communities will not make the minority vulnerable to oppression by the majority.

    7. Ministry of Cooperation and Coexistence.
    This ministry will promote understanding of the history, culture, and language of each community by the other. It will also promote joint activities and programs intended to heal the hurts of the past and build understanding and tolerance between the two communities.

    8. Civil Law
    New civil laws must be promulgated that will ensure the rights of secular individuals, mixed couples, and religious communities that are not currently recognized. These include Reform and Conservative Jews, as well as Evangelicals. Without derogation from the existing rights of religious courts, individuals who choose not to be so governed should be allowed to follow their conscience and not be forced to submit to religious courts of their particular religious community.

    9. Name, Character, Public Holidays, Symbols and Flags
    Careful thought and creativity with input from both sides are required to have these elements of national identity reflect the desires of both communities without exclusivity or discrimination against the others.

    Aware that the One-state is a contentious issue and no plan will satisfy a majority of contenders, Jonathan Kuttab solicited comments to his book’s proposals. Here they are:

    Only an Israel government that believes in political, economic and social equality for all persons, regardless of religion or ethnicity, that is guided by principles of peaceful coexistence, human rights, inclusion, and social awareness can implement Jonathan Kuttab’s design. That Israel does not exist, has never existed, and is unlikely to come into existence in the future.

    Jonathan Kuttab has been idealistic and careless in expecting that this Israel will give attention to his well-formulated plan. Idealism is excusable. He has been careless by agreeing with nonsensical, spurious, and ahistorical statements consistently made by Israel’s promoters as a deceptive and supportive mechanism for the Zionist incursion. Jonathan Kuttab may not believe these deceptive narratives and felt it wise to appease those who could react angrily and scuttle the entire plan if the narratives were contradicted. Big mistake. It is dangerous to agree to anything with Israel, when agreement is not warranted. Affirm a narrative and Zionist supporters cite the acceptance as a valid appraisal of their mission. It is important to highlight these disagreements in detail, and have my responses serve as thoughtful retorts to others who express similar beliefs. Jonathan Kuttab writes:

    The whole purpose of creating the Zionist movement and the state of Israel was the perceived need to create a country that can act as a safe haven where any Jew, anywhere and at any time, can feel free to go and live there, as of right in a state of his/her own.

    During Herzl’s time, Jews were being emancipated, becoming integrated citizens of western nations, acquiring educational benefits, and achieving economic success in many countries. The principal reason for Zionism was not as Jonathan Kuttab suggests – just the opposite – due to their rapid advancements, Zionists felt that Jews would lose their attachment to Judaism and the Jewish community would wither. Few Jews at that time expressed sympathy with Zionism and most viewed Zionism as convincing their native nations that Jews had divided loyalties .

    No questions asked. Israel currently has such an ironclad law (Right of Return), which it considers to be a Basic Law of constitutional stature. It also has a publicly supported network of institutions supporting this right. This seems to be one irreducible requirement for Zionists and Israeli Jews.

    Nations that have a Right of Return give that right to previous nationals and usually their children. The Israeli Right of Return permits Jews from any nation to immigrate freely to a state that has no borders and from which neither they nor ancestors had any previous citizenship. Arabs who were previous Israeli nationals in the last decades, and whose children can claim direct descendant from an Israeli, have no right of return.

    Immigration quotas that favor entry from certain nations and restrict entry from other nations are considered discriminatory. Israel goes full length, not allowing anyone from any country to immigrate, except a Jewish person. Israel’s self-absorbed and patronizing attitude of being the official protector of world Jewry imposes problems for Jews in other nations and violates the sovereignty of their home countries.

    Given the experience of the Holocaust as well as millennia of antisemitic behavior in Christian Europe, including periodic pogroms and the Inquisition, security is an overriding consideration.

    This is an exaggeration used by the Israeli government to convince the world that its oppressive attitude has a defensive reason. The inquisition, which affected other non-Catholics more grievously than it affected Jews, occurred 600 years ago in a primitive Europe. Why relate those ancient happenings to today? Anti-Semitic Christianity and pogroms were also happenings of the past. These specially originated words could apply to hundreds of other minorities, many of who have been treated magnitudes more viciously. I never met or ever knew any Jewish person who felt insecure because of the Holocaust or other occurrences. Do African-Americans fear being returned to slavery? Do British Catholics fear the United Kingdom and American South will return to persecute Catholics again? Security is Israel’s excuse for rationalizing every oppressive and offensive action.

    Even secular Jews who resent restrictions imposed by the ultra-Orthodox, nonetheless have expressed a desire to live in a country where Saturday is the official Shabbat, life comes to a standstill on Yom Kippur, and where religious holidays are recognized and respected. They want a place where their tribal identity is recognized and where they can experience and develop Jewish communal life. To them, Zionism means a Jewish state, and a Jewish state reflects in some fashion a Jewish calendar, Jewish culture and a Jewish rhythm to public life.

    Jonathan Kuttab is talking about a small segment of the Jewish community. Half of world Jewry lives in nations that do not have an official Shabbat, and more than half of Israeli Jews do not need or want to have their weekend activities restricted.

    In addition to culture, tribe, and rhythm of life, the Hebrew language is of vital importance. This has taken on much more importance than a hundred years ago when Hebrew was more of a liturgical language, and very few spoke it as a first language.

    Linguists debate if Israeli Hebrew is a continuation of an ancient language or is a new language called Modern Hebrew that contains some Hebrew syntax. Because there was not extensive literature, poetry, philosophy, and history in a Hebrew language, the necessity for mass knowledge of the Hebrew language did not exist. English, which had become the international language, sufficed and was preferable. Creating a new language, Modern Hebrew, suits nationalist, chauvinist, and propaganda mechanisms.

    Many Israelis have publicly expressed willingness, within the framework of a genuine peace along the lines of a two-state solution, to abandon some or all of the Jewish settlements in areas occupied in 1967. At the same time, the reality on the ground, with over 700,000 settlers living in those areas, as well as the historic and religious connection to such places as Hebron and Jerusalem indicate that no major displacement of settlers can take place. An unspoken requirement therefore is to permit Jews to have the same right to live in all parts of Eretz Yisrael as Palestinian Arabs.

    Although Jews lived in the Levant and controlled a portion of the area during the short reigns of the Hasmonean kings, ancient Hebrew contributions to civilization and verifiable history are sparse and biblically contrived. For contemporary Jews, a proven relation to an Eretz Israel is “zero.” Some remains of Jewish dwellings, burial grounds and ritual baths can be found, but few, if any, major Jewish monuments, buildings or institutions from the Biblical era exist within the “Old City” of today’s Jerusalem. The oft-cited Western Wall is the supporting wall for Herod’s platform and is not directly related to the Second Temple. No remains of that Temple have been located. Archaeologist William G Dever, in his book, What Did the Biblical Writers Know, and when Did They Know It?: What Archaeology Can Tell Us about the Reality of Ancient Israel, writes, “By the beginning of the 21st century, archaeologists had given up hope of recovering any context that would make Abraham, Isaac or Jacob credible historical figures.” Jewish connection to Hebron remains a mythical story.

    The Zionist movement and the State of Israel was formulated as a response to worldwide antisemitism. It was promoted as a refuge and potential champion and rescuer for Jews worldwide. It also fully depended on support of all forms from this diaspora. Jews insist that they are full and loyal citizens of whatever country they reside in, and correctly reject as antisemitic charges of dual loyalty.

    Despite extensive recitations , no evidence exists of world wide anti-Semitism in the late 19th century, during the era of incipient Zionism. A few isolated groups in France and Germany accused Jews of attempting to dominate the economy and culture. Some attacks, organized to halt Jewish emancipation and combat Jewish competition, occurred early in the century in Germany (Hep-Hep riots) and others, related to exaggeration of acts by Jews and the assassination of Czar Alexander II in 1881, happened later in Russia. The YIVO Encyclopedia of Jews in Eastern Europe, an English-language reference work on the history and culture of Eastern Europe Jewry, prepared by the YIVO Institute for Jewish Research and published by Yale University Press in 2008, is an objective and authoritative source. Excerpts from their work, which can be found at https://yivoencyclopedia.org/article.aspx/Pogroms, show that “anti-Jewish violence in the Russian Empire before 1881 was a rare event, confined largely to the rapidly expanding Black Sea entrepot of Odessa,” and were “linked to the outbreak of the Greek War for Independence, during which the Jews were accused of sympathizing with the Ottoman authorities.” A later 1871 attack on the Jewish community was due “in part by a rumor that Jews had vandalized the Greek community’s church.”

    The pogroms of 1881 and 1882, which occurred in waves throughout the southwestern provinces of the Russian Empire, were the first to assume the nature of a mass movement. Violence was largely directed against the property of Jews rather than their persons The total number of fatalities is disputed but may have been as few as 50, half of them pogromshchiki who were killed when troops opened fire on rioting mobs.

    In all of Europe, from what I have been able to confirm, less than 100 Jews were killed and possibly a few thousand were injured in anti-Jewish riots during the 100 years of the 19th century that witnessed the establishment of political Zionism. For context, compare those figures to other atrocities during that time, all of which are rarely mentioned.

    California, United States: During 1846-1873, 9,492 – 120,000 perished or deported.
    Amerindian population in California declined by 80% during the period.

    Queensland, Australia: During 1840-1897, 10,000-65,180 perished.
    3.3% to over 50% of the aboriginal population was killed.

    Circassia, Caucasus: During 1864-1867, 400,000-1,500,000 perished or deported.
    90% to 97% of total Circassian population perished or deported by Russian forces.

    Ottoman Empire: During 1894 –1896, 100,000 killed.
    Massacre of Armenians in Ottoman Empire.

    Statistics on casualties to Israeli Jews in the Zionist/Palestinian conflict from 1920 to 2022, compared to casualties to 19th European Jews at the time of the Zionist movement, demonstrate that the gathering of the Jews has not made them more secure or safe in Israel.

    From the start of the British mandate in 1919 until the year 2022, 74 years after the founding of Israel, 24,060 Jews have been killed and 36,260 have been wounded in the Levant. Due to identification of the Jews with Israel, attacks on Jews in the western world are increasing. Sheltered by high walls and a strong military, Israeli Jews have been able to defend themselves against embittered enemies.

    Safety from persecution.
    Extensive reports demonstrate prejudices by Israeli authorities and citizens against the Middle East and North African Jews, Yemenite Jews, and Ethiopian Jews.

    In the year 2013, 60 years after the Middle East and North African Jews came to Israel, government studies conducted in conjunction with The Hebrew University of Jerusalem found that “a job applicant with an Ashkenazi-sounding name has a 34 percent higher chance of being hired by an employer than a person with a Sephardi-sounding name applying for the same position, [and also that] over 22% of employers openly stated that they actively discriminate against applicants with Arab-sounding names.”

    The Middle East and North African Jews who came to Israel were Arabs; the Ashkenazi were European; the Beta Israel were Ethiopians; and the Yemenites were from the Arabian Peninsula. Israel replaced the differing languages, dialects, music, cultures, and heritage of these ethnicities with unique and uniform characteristics, and created a new people, the Israeli Jews. Destruction of centuries old Jewish history and life in Tunisia, Iraq, Libya, and Egypt. accompanied the creation of a new people. The Zionists, who complained about persecution of Jews, wiped out Jewish history, determined who was Jewish, and required all Jews to shed much of their ancestral characteristics before they could integrate into the Israel community.

    A variety of Jewish groups, considered religious terrorist organizations in Israel, have committed disturbing and violent acts against Jews, more in Israel than the rest of the world combined, including the murder of Prime Minister, Yitzhak Rabin,

    Brit HaKanaim was a radical religious Jewish underground organization, which operated in Israel between 1950 and 1953.The movement’s ultimate goal – establish a state run by Jewish religious law.
    The Kingdom of Israel group was active in Israel in the 1950s. Members of the group were caught trying to bomb the Israeli Ministry of Education in May 1953, because they saw the secularization of Jewish North African immigrants as a direct assault on the religious Jews way of life and a threat to the ultra-Orthodox community.
    Keshet (1981-1989), an anti-Zionist Haredi group, focused on bombing property without loss of life.
    Sicarii, an Israeli terrorist group founded in 1989, plotted arson and graffiti attacks on leftist Jewish politicians who proposed rapprochement with the Palestine Liberation Organization.
    Lehava, an extreme religious minority, used terror to implement their views of how the society should look. Former Justice Minister Tzipi Livni stated, “This organization works from hatred, racism, and nationalism, and its goal is to bring an escalation of violence within us.”
    Sikrikim, an anti-Zionist group of ultra-Orthodox Jews, committed acts of violence against Orthodox Jewish institutions and individuals who would not comply with their demands.
    The Revolt terror group claimed the secular State of Israel has no right to existence; they hope to create a Jewish Kingdom in Israel. Arabs will be killed if they refuse to leave.

    Today, Israel has its orthodox settlers daily committing crimes against the Palestinian population, continuous pogroms that the Israeli government and media treat as happenings that are part of daily life.

    Conclusion
    One-state for all is a correct concept, but not a strategy. Until there is an effective strategy, the proposition is dubious. Transferring the dubious two-states to a dubious one-state occupies time and energy in futility, of which the Israeli government heartily approves, especially because its own strategy is to have a “no-state” – an assemblage of people in a land without borders, without a constitution, without a fixed set of laws, and without a nationality that is described by the state. Easy to expand and incorporate Jews from other nations when the land of Israel is a “no-state.”

    Having one-state returns the area to the British Mandate and to what would have been the eventual outcome of the Partition Plan. To achieve that arrangement, either the Israeli legal and administrative systems will have to be changed, or the characteristics that defined the Zionist mission will have to be deposed. The one-state is a proper goal; overcoming the reality of the Zionist vision of a “no-state” is the principal priority.

    The post The One State first appeared on Dissident Voice.

  • ANALYSIS: By Joel Hodge, Australian Catholic University and Antonia Pizzey, Australian Catholic University

    Pope Francis has died on Easter Monday, aged 88, the Vatican announced. The head of the Catholic Church had recently survived being hospitalised with double pneumonia.

    Cardinal Kevin Farrell’s announcement began:

    “Dear brothers and sisters, with deep sorrow I must announce the death of our Holy Father Francis. At 7:35 this morning, the Bishop of Rome, Francis, returned to the house of the Father.”

    There were many unusual aspects of Pope Francis’ papacy. He was the first Jesuit pope, the first from the Americas (and the southern hemisphere), the first to choose the name “Francis” and the first to give a TED talk.

    He was also the first pope in more than 600 years to be elected following the resignation, rather than death, of his predecessor.

    From the very start of his papacy, Francis seemed determined to do things differently and present the papacy in a new light. Even in thinking about his burial, he chose the unexpected: to be placed to rest not in the Vatican, but in the Basilica of St Mary Major in Rome – the first pope to be buried there in hundreds of years.

    Vatican News reported the late Pope Francis had requested his funeral rites be simplified.

    “The renewed rite,” said Archbishop Diego Ravelli, “seeks to emphasise even more that the funeral of the Roman Pontiff is that of a pastor and disciple of Christ and not of a powerful person of this world.”

    Straddling a line between “progressive” and “conservative”, Francis experienced tension with both sides. In doing so, his papacy shone a spotlight on what it means to be Catholic today.


    The Pope’s Easter Blessing    Video: AP

    The day before his death, Pope Francis made a brief appearance on Easter Sunday to bless the crowds at St Peter’s Square.

    Between a rock and a hard place
    Francis was deemed not progressive enough by some, yet far too progressive by others.

    His apostolic exhortation (an official papal teaching on a particular issue or action) Amoris Laetitia, ignited great controversy for seemingly being (more) open to the question of whether people who have divorced and remarried may receive Eucharist.

    He also disappointed progressive Catholics, many of whom hoped he would make stronger changes on issues such as the roles of women, married clergy, and the broader inclusion of LGBTQIA+ Catholics.

    The reception of his exhortation Querida Amazonia was one such example. In this document, Francis did not endorse marriage for priests, despite bishops’ requests for this. He also did not allow the possibility of women being ordained as deacons to address a shortage of ordained ministers. His discerning spirit saw there was too much division and no clear consensus for change.

    Francis was also openly critical of Germany’s controversial “Synodal Way” – a series of conferences with bishops and lay people — that advocated for positions contrary to Church teachings. Francis expressed concern on multiple occasions that this project was a threat to the unity of the Church.

    At the same time, Francis was no stranger to controversy from the conservative side of the Church, receiving “dubia” or “theological doubts” over his teaching from some of his Cardinals. In 2023, he took the unusual step of responding to some of these doubts.

    Impact on the Catholic Church
    In many ways, the most striking thing about Francis was not his words or theology, but his style. He was a modest man, even foregoing the Apostolic Palace’s grand papal apartments to live in the Vatican’s simpler guest house.

    He may well be remembered most for his simplicity of dress and habits, his welcoming and pastoral style and his wise spirit of discernment.

    He is recognised as giving a clear witness to the life, love and joy of Jesus in the spirit of the Second Vatican Council – a point of major reform in modern Church history. This witness has translated into two major developments in Church teachings and life.

    Pope Francis on respecting and protecting the environment
    Pope Francis on respecting and protecting the environment. Image: Tandag Diocese

    Love for our common home
    The first of these relates to environmental teachings. In 2015, Francis released his ground-breaking encyclical, Laudato si’: On Care for Our Common Home. It expanded Catholic social teaching by giving a comprehensive account of how the environment reflects our God-given “common home”.

    Consistent with recent popes such as Benedict XVI and John Paul II, Francis acknowledged climate change and its destructive impacts and causes. He summarised key scientific research to forcefully argue for an evidence-based approach to addressing humans’ impact on the environment.

    He also made a pivotal and innovative contribution to the climate change debate by identifying the ethical and spiritual causes of environmental destruction.

    Francis argued combating climate change relied on the “ecological conversion” of the human heart, so that people may recognise the God-given nature of our planet and the fundamental call to care for it. Without this conversion, pragmatic and political measures wouldn’t be able to counter the forces of consumerism, exploitation and selfishness.

    Francis argued a new ethic and spirituality was needed. Specifically, he said Jesus’ way of love – for other people and all creation – is the transformative force that could bring sustainable change for the environment and cultivate fraternity among people (and especially with the poor).

    Synodality: moving towards a Church that listens
    Francis’s second major contribution, and one of the most significant aspects of his papacy, was his commitment to “synodality”. While there’s still confusion over what synodality actually means, and its potential for political distortion, it is above all a way of listening and discerning through openness to the guidance of the Holy Spirit.

    It involves hierarchy and lay people transparently and honestly discerning together, in service of the mission of the church. Synodality is as much about the process as the goal. This makes sense as Pope Francis was a Jesuit, an order focused on spreading Catholicism through spiritual formation and discernment.

    Drawing on his rich Jesuit spirituality, Francis introduced a way of conversation centred on listening to the Holy Spirit and others, while seeking to cultivate friendship and wisdom.

    With the conclusion of the second session of the Synod on Synodality in October 2024, it is too soon to assess its results. However, those who have been involved in synodal processes have reported back on their transformative potential.

    Archbishop of Brisbane, Mark Coleridge, explained how participating in the 2015 Synod “was an extraordinary experience [and] in some ways an awakening”.

    Catholicism in the modern age
    Francis’ papacy inspired both great joy and aspirations, as well as boiling anger and rejection. He laid bare the agonising fault lines within the Catholic community and struck at key issues of Catholic identity, triggering debate over what it means to be Catholic in the world today.

    He leaves behind a Church that seems more divided than ever, with arguments, uncertainty and many questions rolling in his wake. But he has also provided a way for the Church to become more converted to Jesus’ way of love, through synodality and dialogue.

    Francis showed us that holding labels such as “progressive” or “conservative” won’t enable the Church to live out Jesus’ mission of love – a mission he emphasised from the very beginning of his papacy.The Conversation

    Dr Joel Hodge is senior lecturer, Faculty of Theology and Philosophy, Australian Catholic University and Dr Antonia Pizzey is postdoctoral researcher, Research Centre for Studies of the Second Vatican Council, Australian Catholic University. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons licence. Read the original article.

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    This is the sixteenth part in a series about riding night trains across Europe and the Near East to Armenia—to spend time in worlds beyond the pathological obsessions of Donald Trump. (This week, Trump continued his shakedown of the Ivy League—notably Harvard and Columbia—claiming that receipt of federal grants gives Trump the right to oversee university curricula and hiring practices, even though the only major offered at the now-defunct Trump University was Bankruptcy Science.)

    Image

    A rampart outside the strategic city of Erzurum in eastern Turkey, where John Buchan set the conclusion to his Great Game thriller Greenmantle, which I can recommend to anyone needing a break from Trump’s onanism. Photo: Matthew Stevenson.

    The next morning, which was clear, cool, and sunny, I was out of my hotel at 7:45 a.m. and, when it opened at 8:00 a.m., in the lobby of the museum dedicated to the Erzurum Congress in July-August 1919. It was there that Atatürk resigned his army commission and stated the goals of an independent Turkish republic, which would reshape the politics of the Middle East, if not the world, for the next 100 years.

    I realize Erzurum must sound like the end of the earth, and in many senses it is (an overnight train ride east from Ankara), except it can argued that battles fought here in these mountains decided not just the 1853-56 Crimean war and 1877 was between Turkey and Russia, but also determined the outcome in the East during World War I.

    The hall looks like a high school classroom, with rows of desks for the delegates, and the surrounding storyboards describe the conclusions reached during the Congress.

    Off to the side of the Congress hall are the conference rooms where Atatürk met with other delegates, and on the walls around the museum are pictures of Atatürk in a topcoat and tails, carrying a walking stick and white gloves. (He was certainly the best-dressed nationalist revolutionary in history.)

    From the Erzurum Congress came the organized Turkish opposition both to the failing Ottoman government and the leadership of Atatürk at the head the independence movement. It followed the Greek invasion in western Anatolia and the postwar western partition of the Ottoman Empire (drafted at Mudros in 1918 and ratified in the Treaty of Sèvres, although that wasn’t signed until August 1920).

    +++

    From the Congress hall, I biked across Erzurum, which by now was familiar, and went to the house where Atatürk stayed during the 1919 meetings.

    Under the Ottomans, the house had been the governor’s mansion, but as Atatürk’s lodging during the Congress it has since become the Turkish equivalent of a “George Washington Slept Here” revolutionary war house.

    On the walls were maps of the Turkish insurrection against the foreign occupation, and in a few rooms were wax figures of Atatürk conferring with his delegates and military staff, all of whom had come to swear their allegiance to Mustafa Kemal.

    One of the framed exhibits includes the words spoken to Atatürk by the local military commander in the region, Kâzim Karabekir Paşa, who said:

    I came here to express the respect and honor of all the officers and of the enlisted men under my command. You, from now on as was before, are our respectable commander. I brought the car of the corps commander and a cavalry troop to escort you. Paşa, we are all at your service.

    It was the only mandate that Atatürk needed to take command in the war of independence, and since 1919 Turkey hasn’t shown much concern for democracy.

    +++

    At Erzurum Castle, two men in the ticket kiosk happily agreed to keep an eye on my bicycle while I walked the ramparts and climbed to the top of the watchtower from which there were panoramic views in all directions of the hills surrounding Erzurum.

    From that perch it was easy to see why Erzurum was the strategic chokepoint in eastern Turkey, and the key to any military campaign in the region.

    Before 1877, there were numerous battles for Erzurum between the Ottomans and either the Russians or Persians. After 1877 (which ended with the Russians withdrawing to Kars), there was a climactic battle at Erzurum between the Russians and the Ottomans in winter 1916, when the landscape and surrounding mountains were buried in snow.

    The Russians captured Erzurum (it’s a forgotten battle in World War I), which had the effect of stopping the Turkish offensive in Sinai against the Suez Canal. Had Erzurum not fallen, the Turks might well have driven Russia from the war in 1916.

    +++

    Standing on the parapet and looking around at the surrounding snow-capped mountains, I remembered that the John Buchan novel, Greenmantle, ended with the Russian capture of Erzurum, in part thanks to the heroics of British spies Richard Hannay and Sandy Arbuthnot, who managed to steal from the Germans the defensive plans for the fortress city.

    Buchan writes:

    But my eyes were on the north. From Erzerum [as Buchan spells it] city tall tongues of flame leaped from a dozen quarters. Beyond, towards the opening of the Euphrates glen, there was the sharp crack of field-guns. I strained eyes and ears, mad with impatience, and I read the riddle.

    “Sandy,” I yelled, “Peter has got through. The Russians are round the flank. The town is burning. Glory to God, we’ve won, we’ve won!”

    Hannay and Arbuthnot went undercover into the Ottoman Empire to thwart German plans (the Ottomans were allied to the Central Powers) to foment rebellion in Muslim lands against their British colonial overlords. (In raising the alarm Buchan writes: “There is a dry wind blowing through the East, and the parched grasses wait the spark. And that wind is blowing towards the Indian border.”) The victory at Erzurum put out the flames, at least for the balance of 1916.

    The Buchan novel ends with Arbuthnot disguised as the German agent “Greenmantle” (who was himself killed earlier in the battle) entering Erzurum, as if on a Trojan horse. Buchan writes:

    But as we drew out from the skirts of the hills and began the long slope to the city, I woke to clear consciousness. I felt the smell of sheepskin and lathered horses, and above all the bitter smell of fire. Down in the trough lay Erzerum, now burning in many places, and from the east, past the silent forts, horsemen were closing in on it. I yelled to my comrades that we were nearest, that we would be first in the city, and they nodded happily and shouted their strange war-cries. As we topped the last ridge I saw below me the van of our charge—a dark mass on the snow—while the broken enemy on both sides were flinging away their arms and scattering in the fields.

    In the very front, now nearing the city ramparts, was one man. He was like the point of the steel spear soon to be driven home. In the clear morning air I could see that he did not wear the uniform of the invaders. He was turbaned and rode like one possessed, and against the snow I caught the dark sheen of emerald. As he rode it seemed that the fleeing Turks were stricken still, and sank by the roadside with eyes strained after his unheeding figure …

    Then I knew that the prophecy had been true, and that their prophet had not failed them. The long-looked for revelation had come. Greenmantle had appeared at last to an awaiting people.

    But this “Greenmantle” was a member of his majesty’s secret service, who was doing his best to make the eastern world safe for colonialism. I know it will sound far-fetched to say, but there’s a direct line in those mountains and then in the sand from Erzurum in 1916 to Gaza today.

    The post Greenmantle Saves the British Empire appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

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    The organist and organ pumper. Dom Bedos de Celles, L’art du facteur d’orgues (1766-1778).

    If the organ is the King of Instruments, its monarchy is built on deception. The largest, most technologically complicated, most tonally diverse, and most visually stunning of musical objects, the organ was often held to be an earthly symbol of perfection. It stands motionless in its balcony and from its glittering array of pipes produces awe-inspiring music without the slightest intimation of effort as seen and heard from below.

    But behind the gleaming façade, relentless work is required if music is to be made. Without breath the King cannot speak, not to mention sing. In the European millennium before the advent of electricity, the seemingly effortless majesty of the organ’s voice relied on real work by real people. From the seemingly luxurious position of industrial modernity, few have bothered to consider those who labored behind the scenes.

    We should thank the late Walter Salmen, the assiduous and imaginative social historian of music, for dedicating one of his last books to the subject: Calcanten und Orgelzieherinnen: Geschichte eines “niederen” Dienstes (Organ pumpers [both men and women]: History of a lowly service). He was one of the first to look out for those who raised the wind by pulling ropes, pushing bars, or treading beams that lifted the bellows, sometimes, but not always, aided by the mechanical advantage provided by pulleys. These people were paid next to nothing during their lives and were duly forgotten by history. Constructed from dozens of telling examples extracted from archives and from musicological studies often only tangentially related to the organ, this slender book makes us reconsider the terms and conditions of labor on which the instrument’s sonic identity was founded.

    These workers were the lowliest figures in any musical establishment in town, court or church. They often worked in dark, vermin-infested chambers, bitterly cold in winter and brutally hot in summer. Surviving payrolls show just how little money they made: usually a small fraction of the organist’s salary, often less than a tenth. Organ pumpers—called “blowers” in British English (even though they didn’t do any blowing themselves)had little chance of improving their social standing or that of their families. Although some were, or became, instrument makers, they were, for the most part, stuck in a dead-end job, essential but replaceable.

    The continuous of hours of tuning and voicing the pipes necessary when organs were being installed or renovated required vast amounts of pumping during long hours each day and extending across weeks. Accurately calibrating the pitch demanded a wind supply as reliably steady as possible.

    According to surviving accounts, J. S. Bach tested the lungs of a new organ by first pulling out all the stops and playing massive chords on the manuals and pedal. The organist’s feet operated the largest pipes that sucked huge quantities of wind. Whenever Bach attempted this trademark stunt, someone had to be working hard behind the scenes.

    Given the expense of hiring a pumper, pre-industrial organists practiced at home on stringed keyboard instruments— harpsichords, clavichords, and by the 19th-century pianos—kitted out with pedalboards. Even for the organist, hearing the instrument come to life under his fingers and feet was a rare privilege. Before organ wind systems were electrified, the Kings of Instruments remained silent for far longer stretches, resounding only during religious services, concerts, job trials, or special demonstrations for visiting colleagues, patrons and princes.

    The unseen and poorly remunerated work that made these events possible was often part-time employment for gravediggers, sextons, and bellringers. Organ pumpers were typically gathered from society’s margins: drunks, cripples, homeless, the aged, the infirm—and women. Women have long been, and often still are, the most invisible of laborers, even when fulfilling myriad tasks in plain sight in the home. It is therefore hardly surprising to discover that the female labor pool was crucial for organ pumping. Otherwise forbidden to take part in the divine service, women were frequently allowed to tread or pull the bellows, unseen and therefore unoffending. When those male pumpers with permanent, life-long positions died, their widows were typically pressed into the same poorly paid service to support themselves even unto their own deaths. The downtrodden did the treading.

    In the Fall of 1831 in Walenstadt, encircled by the sublime Swiss scenery of mountain and lake, Felix Mendelssohn treated himself to what he called, in a letter home to Berlin, as “a private three-hour organ session.” The famed musical tourist described how the bellows had been operated by “an old, lame man; otherwise, not a single person was in the church.” Even if do the wind work, few music lovers would turn down the chance to eavesdrop on one of the greatest musical geniuses. Still, three hours is a very long time for a disabled senior citizen to do a job that can be quite taxing even for the fit. When I played on that same Swiss organ a few years ago, I simply flipped a switch and had at it.

    Mendelssohn’s Walenstadt vignette teaches us anew that, uniquely among musical instruments, the organ could not be played alone. Someone else had to be at work.

    Though not needing massive training, raising the bellows did require some skill. Archives record many complaints of incompetent or, in the case of schoolboys forced into service, rowdy bellows pumpers, who, through their missteps or mischief, blasted big holes in the music or even damaged the bellows themselves.

    A cartoon of a person in a doorway AI-generated content may be incorrect.

    Dale Beronius, “Organ pumper,” Saturday Evening Post (1927).

    An avid organ tourist, Mendelssohn’s recounted to his diary a visit to St. Paul’s Cathedral in London in September of 1837. At the end of the Sunday service he sat down on the bench and launched into Bach’s Prelude and Fugue in A Minor (BWV 543). In anticipation of this performance, all the important musicians of London had joined the huge congregation to hear the German virtuoso dazzle, especially with his feet.

    Unaware that it was a huge European musical celebrity who was draining the wind from the bellows past the usual midday quitting time, the on-the-clock pumper left his post. As the wind gauge fell, the church’s aghast organist, Henry Smart, who was standing beside Mendelssohn, pulled frantically on the notification bell signaling the pumper to get busy again. Just as Mendelssohn came to the fugue’s daunting final pedal solo, the wind gave out. Smart dashed after the errant pumper, but out of sympathy for the poor man, Mendelssohn refused to play on. As he left the cathedral, Mendelssohn watched a furious mob of congregants shouting “Shame! Shame!” at the pumper for his dereliction of duty, committed within a few bars of the end of one of Bach’s thrilling fugue. The person on whose labor Mendelssohn’s performance relied had been the only one who could not enjoy the music directly. Shut off in his chamber, only able to hear muted strains of Bach over the respiration of the bellows and the clacking of the organ’s action, the pumper simply believed that he had fulfilled the terms of his employment and worked long enough on that day of rest.

    In the decades after this dramatic unveiling of hidden organ labor in the world’s most populous city, various technological development tried to replace the human pumper. Motors powered by water or petroleum were tried but did not take hold. It was only across the first third of the 20th century that pumping was electrified, eventually reaching rural churches.

    Salmen’s purview doesn’t extend across the Atlantic but if it had, he would have found nostalgic accounts of youthful organ pumping by various captains of American industry, as well as a Secretary of the Treasury (George Courtelyou), and Chief Justice of the Supreme Court—Edward Douglass White, likely a Klan member who hailed from Louisiana and who, as an associate, had signed on to the majority opining in Plessy v. Ferguson of 1896. The history of enslaved organ pumpers has yet to be written.

    Recent decades have witnessed (as in, actually seen) a return to human organ pumping. This movement (literally) seeks to replace the iron lung of the electric blower by returning to more flexible, feeling, if also fallible, people-powered winding. It is no longer a rare occurrence for pumpers working at antique or antique-inspired instruments to be acknowledged by audiences. At the dedicatory recital in Rochester, New York, a copy of a European organ from 1776, the two bellows operators, both students at the Eastman School of Music, were called to the gallery rail after the music had concluded to take their bows. They were not paid for their services.

    The post Wind Work appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • EDITORIAL: By Giff Johnson, editor of the Marshall Islands Journal

    US President Donald Trump and his team is pursuing a white man’s racist agenda that is corrupt at its core. Trump’s advisor Elon Musk, who often seems to be the actual president, is handing his companies multiple contracts as his team takes over or takes down multiple government departments and agencies.

    Trump wants to be the “king” of America and is already floating the idea of a third term, an action that would be an obvious violation of the US Constitution he swore to uphold but is doing his best to violate and destroy.

    Every time we hear the Trump team spouting a “return to America’s golden age,” they are talking about 60-80 years ago, when white people ruled and schools, hospitals, restrooms and entire neighborhoods were segregated and African Americans and other minority groups had little opportunity.

    Every photo of leaders from that time features large numbers of white American men. Trump’s cabinet, in contrast to recent cabinets of Democratic presidents, is mainly white and male.

    This is where the US going. And lest any white women feel they are included in the Trump train, think again. Anything to do with women’s empowerment — including whites — is being scrubbed off the agenda by Trump minions in multiple government departments and agencies.

    “Women” along with things like “climate change,” “diversity,” “equality,” “gender equity,” “justice,” etc are being removed from US government websites, policies and grant funding.

    The white racist campaign against people of colour has seen iconic Americans removed from government websites. For example, a photo and story about Jackie Robinson, a military veteran, was recently removed from the Defense Department website as part of the Trump team’s war on diversity, equity and inclusion.

    Broke whites-only colour barrier
    Robinson was not only a military veteran, he was the first African American to break the whites-only colour barrier in Major League Baseball and went on to be elected to the Baseball Hall of Fame for his stellar performance with the Brooklyn Dodgers.

    How about the removal of reference to the Army’s 442nd infantry regiment from World War II that is the most decorated unit in US military history? The 442nd was a fighting unit comprised of nearly all second-generation American soldiers of Japanese ancestry who more than proved their courage and loyalty to the United States during World War II.

    The Defense Department removing references to these iconic Americans is an outrage. But showing the moronic level of the Trump team, they also deleted a photo of the plane that dropped the atomic bomb on Hiroshima, Japan at the end of World War II because the pilot named it after his mother, “Enola Gay.”

    Despite the significance of the Enola Gay airplane in American military history, that latter word couldn’t get past the Pentagon’s scrubbing team, who were determined to wash away anything that hinted at, well, anything other than white, heterosexual male. And there is plenty more that was wiped off the history record of the Defense Department.

    Meanwhile, Trump, his team and the Republican Party in general while claiming to be focused on eliminating corruption is authorising it on a grand scale.

    Elon Musk’s redirection of contracts to Starlink, SpaceX and other companies he owns is one example among many. What is happening in the American government today is like a bank robbery in broad daylight.

    The Trump team fired a score of inspectors general — the very officials who actively work to prevent fraud and theft in the US government. They are eliminating or effectively neutering every enforcement agency, from EPA (which ensures clean air and other anti-pollution programmes) and consumer protection to the National Labor Relations Board, where the mega companies like Musk’s, Facebook, Google and others have pending complaints from employees seeking a fair review of their work issues.

    Huge cuts to social security
    Trump with the aid of the Republican-controlled Congress is going to make huge cuts to Medicaid and Social Security — which will affect Marshallese living in America as much as Americans — all in order to fund tax cuts for the richest Americans and big corporations.

    Then there is Trump’s targeting of judges who rule against his illegal and unconstitutional initiatives — Trump criticism that is parroted by Fox News and other Trump minions, and is leading to things like efforts in the Congress to possibly impeach judges or restrict their legal jurisdiction.

    These are all anti-democracy, anti-US constitution actions that are already undermining the rule of law in the US. And we haven’t yet mentioned Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and its sweeping deportations without due process that is having calamitous collateral damage for people swept up in these deportation raids.

    ICE is deporting people legally in the US studying at US universities for writing articles or speaking about justice for Palestinians. Whether we like what the writer or speaker says, a fundamental principle of democracy in the US is that freedom of expression is protected by the US constitution under the First Amendment.

    That is no longer the case for Trump and his Republican team, which is happily abandoning the rule of law, due process and everything else that makes America what it is.

    The irony is that multiple countries, normally American allies, have in recent weeks issued travel advisories to their citizens about traveling to the United States in the present environment where anyone who isn’t white and doesn’t fit into a male or female designation is subject to potential detention and deportation.

    The immigration chill from the US will no doubt reduce visitor flow resulting in big losses in revenue, possibly in the billions of dollars, for tourism-related businesses.

    Marshallese must pay attention
    Marshallese need to pay attention to what’s happening and have valid passports at the ready. Sadly, if Marshallese have any sort of conviction no matter how ancient or minor it is likely they will be targets for deportation.

    Further, even the visa-free access privilege for Marshallese and other Micronesians is apparently now under scrutiny by US authorities based on a statement by US Ambassador Laura Stone published recently by the Journal

    It is a difficult time being one of the closest allies of the US because the RMI must engage at many levels with a US government that is presently in turmoil.

    Giff Johnson is the editor of the Marshall Islands Journal and one of the Pacific’s leading journalists and authors. He is the author of several books, including Don’t Ever Whisper, Idyllic No More, and Nuclear Past, Unclear Future. This editorial was first published on 11 April 2025 and is reprinted with permission of the Marshall Islands Journal. marshallislandsjournal.com

    Freedom of speech at the Marshall Islands High School

    Messages of "inclusiveness" painted by Marshall Islands High School students in the capital Majuro
    Messages of “inclusiveness” painted by Marshall Islands High School students in the capital Majuro. Image: Giff Johnson/Marshall Islands Journal

    The above is one section of the outer wall at Marshall Islands High School. Surely, if this was a public school in America today, these messages would already have been whitewashed away by the Trump team censors who don’t like any reference to “inclusiveness,” “women,” and especially “gender equality.”

    However, these messages painted by MIHS students are very much in keeping with Marshallese society and customary practices of welcoming visitors, inclusiveness and good treatment of women in this matriarchal society.

    But don’t let President Trump know Marshallese think like this. — Giff Johnson

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • ANALYSIS: By Jane McAdam, UNSW Sydney

    The details of a new visa enabling Tuvaluan citizens to permanently migrate to Australia were released this week.

    The visa was created as part of a bilateral treaty Australia and Tuvalu signed in late 2023, which aims to protect the two countries’ shared interests in security, prosperity and stability, especially given the “existential threat posed by climate change”.

    The Australia–Tuvalu Falepili Union, as it is known, is the world’s first bilateral agreement to create a special visa like this in the context of climate change.

    Here’s what we know so far about why this special visa exists and how it will work.

    Why is this migration avenue important?
    The impacts of climate change are already contributing to displacement and migration around the world.

    As a low-lying atoll nation, Tuvalu is particularly exposed to rising sea levels, storm surges and coastal erosion.

    As Pacific leaders declared in a world-first regional framework on climate mobility in 2023, rights-based migration can “help people to move safely and on their own terms in the context of climate change.”

    And enhanced migration opportunities have clearly made a huge difference to development challenges in the Pacific, allowing people to access education and work and send money back home.

    As international development expert Professor Stephen Howes put it,

    Countries with greater migration opportunities in the Pacific generally do better.

    While Australia has a history of labour mobility schemes for Pacific peoples, this will not provide opportunities for everyone.

    Despite perennial calls for migration or relocation opportunities in the face of climate change, this is the first Australian visa to respond.

    How does the new visa work?
    The visa will enable up to 280 people from Tuvalu to move to Australia each year.

    On arrival in Australia, visa holders will receive, among other things, immediate access to:

    • education (at the same subsidisation as Australian citizens)
    • Medicare
    • the National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS)
    • family tax benefit
    • childcare subsidy
    • youth allowance.

    They will also have “freedom for unlimited travel” to and from Australia.

    This is rare. Normally, unlimited travel is capped at five years.

    According to some experts, these arrangements now mean Tuvalu has the “second closest migration relationship with Australia after New Zealand”.

    Reading the fine print
    The technical name of the visa is Subclass 192 (Pacific Engagement).

    The details of the visa, released this week, reveal some curiosities.

    First, it has been incorporated into the existing Pacific Engagement Visa category (subclass 192) rather than designed as a standalone visa.

    Presumably, this was a pragmatic decision to expedite its creation and overcome the significant costs of establishing a wholly new visa category.

    But unlike the Pacific Engagement Visa — a different, earlier visa, which is contingent on applicants having a job offer in Australia — this new visa is not employment-dependent.

    Secondly, the new visa does not specifically mention Tuvalu.

    This would make it simpler to extend it to other Pacific countries in the future.

    Who can apply, and how?

    To apply, eligible people must first register their interest for the visa online. Then, they must be selected through a random computer ballot to apply.

    The primary applicant must:

    • be at least 18 years of age
    • hold a Tuvaluan passport, and
    • have been born in Tuvalu — or had a parent or a grandparent born there.

    People with New Zealand citizenship cannot apply. Nor can anyone whose Tuvaluan citizenship was obtained through investment in the country.

    This indicates the underlying humanitarian nature of the visa; people with comparable opportunities in New Zealand or elsewhere are ineligible to apply for it.

    Applicants must also satisfy certain health and character requirements.

    Strikingly, the visa is open to those “with disabilities, special needs and chronic health conditions”. This is often a bar to acquiring an Australian visa.

    And the new visa isn’t contingent on people showing they face risks from the adverse impacts of climate change and disasters, even though climate change formed the backdrop to the scheme’s creation.

    Settlement support is crucial
    With the first visa holders expected to arrive later this year, questions remain about how well supported they will be.

    The Explanatory Memorandum to the treaty says:

    Australia would provide support for applicants to find work and to the growing Tuvaluan diaspora in Australia to maintain connection to culture and improve settlement outcomes.

    That’s promising, but it’s not yet clear how this will be done.

    A heavy burden often falls on diaspora communities to assist newcomers.

    For this scheme to work, there must be government investment over the immediate and longer-term to give people the best prospects of thriving.

    Drawing on experiences from refugee settlement, and from comparative experiences in New Zealand with respect to Pacific communities, will be instructive.

    Extensive and ongoing community consultation is also needed with Tuvalu and with the Tuvalu diaspora in Australia. This includes involving these communities in reviewing the scheme over time.The Conversation

    Dr Jane McAdam is Scientia professor and ARC laureate fellow, Kaldor Centre for International Refugee Law, UNSW Sydney. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons licence. Read the original article.

  • The Gaza-born, UK-based journalist, who has lost more than 20 family members in Israeli airstrikes, has taken pieces from an online platform he co-created for young Palestinians and collated them in a new book

    On 22 October 2023, an Israeli airstrike hit Ahmed Alnaouq’s home in Deir al-Balah, central Gaza, killing 21 members of his family, including his 75-year-old father, two brothers, three sisters and all of their children.

    At the time, Alnaouq was living in London, where he works as a journalist and human rights activist. “It crushed me,” he says of the attack. Unable to return home, he could only watch helplessly from afar and grieve alone. Later, he tells me that it’s not anger or hate that consumes him now, but survivor’s guilt. “All the time I think: ‘Why? Why am I alive? Why wasn’t I killed with my family?’”

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • By Layla Bailey-McDowell, RNZ Māori news journalist

    Legal experts and Māori advocates say the fight to protect Te Tiriti is only just beginning — as the controversial Treaty Principles Bill is officially killed in Parliament.

    The bill — which seeks to redefine the principles of Te Tiriti o Waitangi — sparked a nationwide hīkoi and received more than 300,000 written submissions — with 90 percent of submitters opposing it.

    Parliament confirmed the voting down of the bill yesterday, with only ACT supporting it proceeding further.

    The ayes were 11, and the noes 112.

    Riana Te Ngahue (Ngāti Porou), a young Māori lawyer, has gone viral on social media breaking down complex kaupapa and educating people on Treaty Principles Bill.
    Social media posts by lawyer Riana Te Ngahue (Ngāti Porou), explaining some of the complexities involved in issues such as the Treaty Principles Bill, have been popular. Image: RNZ/Layla Bailey-McDowell

    Riana Te Ngahue, a young Māori lawyer whose bite-sized breakdowns of complex issues — like the Treaty Principles Bill — went viral on social media, said she was glad the bill was finally gone.

    “It’s just frustrating that we’ve had to put so much time and energy into something that’s such a huge waste of time and money. I’m glad it’s over, but also disappointed because there are so many other harmful bills coming through — in the environment space, Oranga Tamariki, and others.”

    Most New Zealanders not divided
    Te Ngahue said the Justice Committee’s report — which showed 90 percent of submitters opposed the bill, 8 percent supported it, and 2 percent were unstated in their position — proved that most New Zealanders did not feel divided about Te Tiriti.

    “If David Seymour was right in saying that New Zealanders feel divided about this issue, then we would’ve seen significantly more submissions supporting his bill.

    “He seemed pretty delusional to keep pushing the idea that New Zealanders were behind him, because if that was true, he would’ve got a lot more support.”

    However, Te Ngahue said it was “wicked” to see such overwhelming opposition.

    “Especially because I know for a lot of people, this was their first time ever submitting on a bill. That’s what I think is really exciting.”

    She said it was humbling to know her content helped people feel confident enough to participate in the process.

    “I really didn’t expect that many people to watch my video, let alone actually find it helpful. I’m still blown away by people who say they only submitted because of it — that it showed them how.”

    Te Ngahue said while the bill was made to be divisive there had been “a huge silver lining”.

    “Because a lot of people have actually made the effort to get clued up on the Treaty of Waitangi, whereas before they might not have bothered because, you know, nothing was really that in your face about it.”

    “There’s a big wave of people going ‘I actually wanna get clued up on [Te Tiriti],’ which is really cool.”

    ‘Fight isn’t over’
    Māori lawyer Tania Waikato, whose own journey into social media advocacy empowered many first-time submitters, said she was in an “excited and celebratory” mood.

    “We all had a bit of a crappy summer holiday because of the Treaty Principles Bill and the Regulatory Standards Bill both being released for consultation at the same time. A lot of us were trying to fit advocacy around summer holidays and looking after our tamariki, so this feels like a nice payoff for all the hard mahi that went in.”

    Tania Waikato, who has more than 20 years of legal experience, launched the petition calling for the government to cancel Compass Group’s school lunch contract and reinstate its contract with local providers.
    Tania Waikato, who has more than 20 years of legal experience, launched a petition calling for the government to cancel Compass Group’s school lunch contract and reinstate its contract with local providers. Image: Tania Waikato/RNZ

    She said the “overwhelming opposition” sent a powerful message.

    “I think it’s a clear message that Aotearoa as a whole sees Te Tiriti as part of this country’s constitutional foundation. You can’t just come in and change that on a whim, like David Seymour and the ACT Party have tried to do.

    “Ninety percent of people who got off their butt and made a submission have clearly rejected the divisive and racist rhetoric that party has pushed.”

    Despite the win, she said the fight was far from over.

    “If anything, this is really just beginning. We’ve got the Regulatory Standards Bill that’s going to be introduced at some point before June. That particular bill will do what the Treaty Principle’s Bill was aiming to do, but in a different and just more sneaky way.

    ‘The next fight’
    “So for me, that’s definitely the next fight that we all gotta get up for again.”

    Waikato, who also launched a petition in March calling for the free school lunch programme contract to be overhauled, said allowing the Treaty Principles Bill to get this far in the first place was a “waste of time and money.”

    “Its an absolutely atrocious waste of taxpayers dollars, especially when we’ve got issues like the school lunches that I am advocating for on the other side.”

    “So for me, the fight’s far from over. It’s really just getting started.”

    ACT leader David Seymour.
    ACT leader David Seymour on Thursday after his bill was voted down in Parliament. Image: RNZ/Russell Palmer

    ACT Party leader David Seymour continued to defend the Treaty Principles Bill during its second reading on Thursday, and said the debate over the treaty’s principles was far from over.

    After being the only party to vote in favour of the bill, Seymour said not a single statement had grappled with the content of the bill — despite all the debate.

    Asked if his party had lost in this nationwide conversation, he said they still had not heard a good argument against it.

    ‘We’ll never give up on equal rights.”

    He said there were lots of options for continuing, and the party’s approach would be made clear before the next election

    Te Tiriti Action Group Pōneke spokesperson Kassie Hartendorp said Te Tiriti offers a "blueprint for a peaceful and just Aotearoa."
    Kassie Hartendorp said Te Tiriti Action Group Pōneke operates under the korowai – the cloak – of mana whenua and their tikanga in this area, which is called Te Kahu o Te Raukura, a cloak of aroha and peace. Image: RNZ

    Eyes on local elections – ActionStation says the mahi continues
    Community advocacy group ActionStation’s director Kassie Hartendorp, who helped spearhead campaigns like “Together for Te Tiriti”, said her team was feeling really positive.

    “It’s been a lot of work to get to this point, but we feel like this is a very good day for our country.”

    At the end of the hīkoi mō Te Tiriti, ActionStation co-delivered a Ngāti Whakaue rangatahi led petition opposing the Treaty Principles Bill, with more than 290,000 signatures — the second largest petition in Aotearoa’s history.

    They also hosted a live watch party for the bill’s second reading on Facebook, joined by Te Tiriti experts Dr Carwyn Jones and Tania Waikato.

    Hartendorp said it was amazing to see people from all over Aotearoa coming together to reject the bill.

    “It’s no longer a minority view that we should respect, but more and more and more people realise that it’s a fundamental part of our national identity that should be respected and not trampled every time a government wants to win power,” she said.

    Looking to the future, Hartendorp said Thursday’s victory was only one milestone in a longer campaign.

    Why people fought back
    “There was a future where this bill hadn’t gone down — this could’ve ended very differently. The reason we’re here now is because people fought back.

    “People from all backgrounds and ages said: ‘We respect Te Tiriti o Waitangi.’

    “We know it’s essential, it’s a part of our history, our past, our present, and our future. And we want to respect that together.”

    Hartendorp said they were now gearing up to fight against essentially another version of the Treaty Principles Bill — but on a local level.

    “In October, people in 42 councils around the country will vote on whether or not to keep their Māori ward councillors, and we think this is going to be a really big deal.”

    The Regulatory Standards Bill is also being closely watched, Hartendorp said, and she believed it could mirror the “divisive tactics” seen with the Treaty Principles Bill.

    “Part of the strategy for David Seymour and the ACT Party was to win over the public mandate by saying the public stands against Te Tiriti o Waitangi. That debate is still on,” she said.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • A political prisoner lifts the lid on the hardships and fantasies of life in Iran’s most notorious jail

    The Iranian political prisoner Sepideh Gholian’s account of life on the women’s wards in Bushehr and Evin prisons is a blindsiding blend of horrifying concrete detail, dizzying surrealism and wild optimism. In every line and in every moment it attempts to recreate, it is entirely and unconditionally defiant. For the reader, discombobulation comes from (at least) two directions. At one moment, you are presented with, for example, the story of a woman attempting to abort her foetus under permanent camera and human surveillance, because the consequences for her unborn child, herself and other family members if the pregnancy continues are unimaginably violent. At another you are instructed how to make elephant ears pastries, designed for large gatherings of visitors, in the cheery tones of the encouraging expert (“It’s not at all messy and impossible to get wrong. You don’t even need an oven. The sweetness is up to you.”)

    Gholian was detained and tortured in 2018 after helping to organise a strike by sugarcane workers. Released on bail at the beginning of 2019, she was quickly rearrested after Iranian state television broadcasted her “confession”, evidently obtained under duress, and returned to prison. On her release four years later, she recorded a video message in which she removed her hijab, denounced the regime and called for the downfall of supreme leader Ali Khamenei. Unsurprisingly, the video went viral, and even less surprisingly she was immediately returned to Evin prison, where she remains (the introduction by journalist Maziar Bahari tells us that, for “security reasons”, he can’t tell us exactly how her writing has been smuggled out).

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Blooming from the tumult of the Civil Rights era, Black bookstores emerged during the Black Arts Movement as cultural hubs where some of the first seeds of slam poetry, spoken word and hip-hop were planted. In 1968, FBI director J. Edgar Hoover hoped to curb ​“the establishment of Black extremist bookstores which represent propaganda outlets for revolutionary and hate publications,” ordering his agents to pursue a targeted, nationwide surveillance.

    Today, a new generation of Black bookstores is blossoming amid the upheaval of the Movement for Black Lives.

    The post These Black Bookstores Are Committed To The Fight For Freedom appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • By Susana Suisuiki, RNZ Pacific journalist

    Pasifika comedy troupe Naked Samoans is facing a backlash from some members of the Pacific community over its promotional poster.

    In the image, which has now been taken down, the Naked Samoans depicted themselves as the 12 disciples surrounding Jesus, a parody of The Last Supper.

    Several Pasifika influencers condemned the image online, with one person labelling it “disrespectful”.

    However, Naked Samoan group member Oscar Kightley told RNZ Pacific Waves he did not anticipate the uproar.

    Oscar Kightley talking to RNZ Pacific Waves.

    The Samoan-New Zealand actor said it was never their intention to hurt people.

    “This month, 27 years ago, was our first-ever show, and we’ve been offending and upsetting people ever since, really. But we didn’t expect [the backlash].

    Checks, balances ‘let us down’
    “We saw the reaction [to the poster], and we saw how it was being taken, it was never our intention to mock Jesus or God or the Last Supper. But when we saw that that’s how it was being taken by some in our community, we made the decision to take it down.”

    “We took it down as soon as we knew that it was causing upset.”

    Responding to the online criticism that “they should have known better”, Kightley said “we should have known that some people would take it that way”.

    “Our robust system of checks and balances badly let us down in this sense,” he said.

    “We could understand how some people would have looked at this and went, ‘you guys have gone too far’, and even though we didn’t mean it, we all went to Sunday school, understand the reverence that that image and that scripture has.

    “But we weren’t trying to comment on the scripture.”

    He said even though they took the image down, due to the nature of the internet it would remain online “forever now”.

    “I think as long as people spread it, people will be raged and raised by it.

    “But my message [to those who are offended by it] is, forgive us our trespasses as we forgive those who trespass against us.

    “And maybe think about Jesus’s teaching in John 8:7.”

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Pacific Media Watch

    One of the many casualties of the Trump administration’s crackdown on “soft power” that enabled many democratic media and truth to power global editorial initiatives has been BenarNews, a welcome contribution to the Asia-Pacific region.

    BenarNews had been producing a growing range of insightful on powerful articles on the region’s issues, articles that were amplified by other media such as Asia Pacific Report.

    Managing editor Kate Beddall and her deputy, Imran Vittachi, announced the suspension of the decade-old BenarNews editorial operation this week, stating in their “Letter from the editors”:

    “After 10 years of reporting from across the Asia-Pacific, BenarNews is pausing operations due to matters beyond its control.

    “The US administration has withheld the funding that we rely on to bring our readers and viewers the news from Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, Bangladesh, the Philippines and island-states and territories in the Pacific.

    “We have always strived to offer clear and accurate news on security, politics and human rights, to shed light on news that others neglect or suppress, and to cover issues that will shape the future of Asia and the Pacific.

    “Only last month, we marked our 10th anniversary with a video showcasing some of the tremendous but risky work done by our journalists.

    “Amid uncertainty about the future, we’d like to take this opportunity to thank our readers and viewers for their loyalty and trust in BenarNews.

    “And to Benar journalists, cartoonists and commentary writers in Washington, Asia, Australia and the Pacific, thank you for your hard work and passion in serving the public and helping make a difference.

    “We hope that our funding is restored and that we will be back online soon.”


    BenarNews: A decade of truth in democracies at risk.    Video: BenarNews

    One of the BenarNews who has contributed much to the expansion of Pacific coverage is Brisbane-based former SBS Pacific television journalist Stefan Ambruster.

    He has also been praising his team in a series of social media postings, such as Papua New Guinea correspondent Harlyne Joku — “from the old school with knowledge of the old ways”. Ambruster writes:

    “Way back in December 2022, Harlyne Joku joined Radio Free Asia/BenarNews and the first Pacific correspondent Stephen Wright as the PNG reporter to help kick this Pacific platform off.

    “Her first report was Prime Minister James Marape accusing the media of creating a bad perception of the country.

    “Almost 90 stories in just over two years carry Harlyne’s byline, covering politics, geopolitics, human and women’s rights, media freedom, police and tribal violence, corruption, Bougainville, and also PNG’s sheep.

    “Her contacts allowed BenarNews Pacific to break stories consistently. She travelled to be on-ground to cover massacre aftermaths, natural disasters and the Pope in Vanimo (where she broke another story).

    “Particularly, Harlyne — along with colleagues Victor Mambor in Jayapura and Ahmad Panthoni and Dandy Koswaraputra in Jakarta — allowed BenarNews, to cover West Papua like no other news service. From both sides of the border.

    “And it was noticed in Indonesia, PNG and the Pacific region.

    “Last year, she was barred from covering President Probowo Subianto’s visit to Moresby, a move condemned by the Media Council of Papua New Guinea.

    “At press conferences she questioned Marape about the failure to secure a UN human rights mission to West Papua, as a Melanesian Spearhead Group special envoy, which led to an eventual apology by fellow envoy, Fiji’s Prime Minister Rabuka, to Pacific leaders.”

    PNG correspondent Harlyne Joku (right) with Stefan Armbruster and Rado Free Asia president Bay Fang in Port Moresby in February 2025
    PNG correspondent Harlyne Joku (right) with Stefan Armbruster and Rado Free Asia president Bay Fang in Port Moresby in February 2025. Image: Stefan Armbruster/BN

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • “Our movements are pretty much just made of our relationships — whether we can move together, coordinate, collaborate, figure out disagreements [and] stay loyal to each other when the repression comes down,” says Dean Spade. In this episode of “Movement Memos,” Spade and host Kelly Hayes discuss the lessons of Spade’s new book, Love in a F*cked-Up World: How to Build Relationships, Hook Up…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • Sometimes, Josh Tetrick will quiz strangers in the dairy aisle. He’ll strike up a conversation with a fellow grocery store patron and ask if they’ve heard about “this egg that’s made from plants?” He might point out the golden-yellow boxes shaped like milk cartons sitting on refrigerated shelves, not too far from the egg cartons. Generally, he finds that people don’t know what he’s talking about. “Most people will be like, ‘What?’”

    The product Tetrick is referring to — which, not coincidentally, he manufactures — is called Just Egg. It’s a liquid vegan egg substitute made from mung beans, a member of the legume family, and it’s designed to scramble just like a real chicken egg when cooked over heat. (The company also sells frozen omelette-style patties that can be heated up in a toaster oven and frozen breakfast burritos.) Along with his best friend Josh Balk, Tetrick cofounded the company Eat Just, formerly known as Hampton Creek, which developed Just Egg over years of testing. On a recent call with Grist, Tetrick described the products — which are meant to look, taste, and cook like real eggs — as “definitely, definitely weird.”

    But lately, Tetrick says the team at Eat Just has been hearing from restaurant owners and chefs overcoming the weirdness to inquire about becoming new customers — in part because avian influenza has sent egg prices soaring in January and February in the United States. Nationally, the average cost of a dozen large eggs rose to about $5.90 last month, up almost 100 percent from a year before, according to data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics. In expensive cities like New York and San Francisco, a dozen eggs could cost $10 or more. The pressure has raised prices at some bakeries, brunch spots, and bodegas slinging bacon-egg-and-cheese sandwiches — and has made some buyers and consumers more open to alternatives. 

    Tetrick has said that Just Egg’s sales are now five times higher than at this time last year, and that a majority of its customers are omnivores. The latest outbreak of avian flu has apparently done what environmentalists and animal rights activists have long dreamed of: made Americans curious about vegan eggs. It’s a development that could indicate how consumers may learn to gradually embrace more environmentally sustainable options.

    The environmental benefits of not eating meat or dairy have long been documented. A quarter of global greenhouse gas emissions come from the way we grow and produce food; within that, livestock — which includes raising animals for eggs and dairy — is responsible for about a third. 

    But brands that have tried to capitalize on the climate case for eating plant-based protein have failed to win over customers. Beyond Meat has struggled to reach profitability, while the CEO of Impossible Foods says the industry has done a “lousy job” of appealing to consumers. 

    Producing eggs has a lower environmental impact than raising beef and other forms of animal protein — but growing feed for laying hens still requires a significant amount of land and resources. Eat Just claims that making its mung bean-based alt-egg uses significantly less land and water than the conventional chicken egg. But Tetrick said its most effective marketing strategy is highlighting the benefits of eating a “healthier protein” for breakfast. For instance, Just Egg contains zero milligrams of cholesterol per serving, while one large chicken egg contains about 180 milligrams

    a photo of a carton of a vegan egg substitute next to a plate of scrambled (vegan) eggs on a piece of toast
    Josh Tetrick, CEO of the food tech company Eat Just, said sales of its vegan egg substitute are five times higher than last year.
    Eat Just

    Over the years, Tetrick’s company, which also houses the cultivated meat subsidiary Good Meat, has received criticism for allegedly exaggerating its environmental claims and sales figures. In 2016, Bloomberg Businessweek reported that the company — then called Hampton Creek — removed the climate benefits of its vegan mayonnaise product, Just Mayo, from its website after an external audit found they were inaccurate. Previously, Bloomberg reported that Hampton Creek had instructed contractors to buy back its vegan mayo from stores. Tetrick said that the buybacks were for quality assurance purposes only, but in 2016 both the Department of Justice and the Securities and Exchange Commission launched inquiries into the company for potentially inflating its sales numbers. The following year, both investigations were dropped.    

    Those in the plant-based industry say that once vegan alternatives taste as good as real meat and cost the same or less, then sales will go up. Entrepreneurs and advocates have focused on developing the technology, supply chains, and economies of scale needed to lower the price of animal-free protein products. But the current situation with vegan eggs suggests that change can also happen when the animal-based option becomes much more expensive. Prices vary from store to store and region to region, but on the online store for the Manhattan West location of Whole Foods, one 16-ounce carton of Just Egg, the equivalent of about 10 small eggs, costs $7.89. Meanwhile, a dozen eggs, depending on the brand, run from about $7 to up to $13. 

    Tetrick said that the newly interested potential customers currently talking to Eat Just aren’t motivated by climate change or animal welfare. Their point of view, in his words, is that they’re tired of the unpredictability of egg prices going up and down. That exasperation, he added, “is probably the most effective lens for change.” Earlier this month, Eat Just launched a campaign in New York City advertising its vegan breakfast sandwiches, sold at bodegas, as a “Bird Flu Bailout.” The company’s website cheekily boasts, “We’re in stock.”

    Founders of vegan egg companies argue that the root cause of price volatility for meat, eggs, and dairy is not any one disease or policy, but the way the United States raises animals. “When you cram animals together in really tight spaces, they’re gonna get sick,” said Tetrick. “It’s not Trump’s fault. It’s not MAGA’s fault. It’s just biology.” 

    A 2023 report by the United Nations Environmental Programme cited alternative proteins — meaning plant-based foods, as well as cultivated meat and fermentation-derived products — as a way to reduce the risk of zoonotic disease outbreaks. Raising animals for human consumption requires a lot of antibiotics, which raises the risk of creating antibiotic-resistant pathogens. It also creates ideal conditions for viruses to spread, evolve, and cross over to new species. Lowering the global demand for animal protein could greatly reduce those risks. Or as Tetrick put it, “You can pack mung beans into tiny little spaces all you want. They’re not getting the flu.”

    Hema Reddy, who developed the vegan hard-boiled egg brand WunderEggs during the COVID-19 pandemic, offered a similar critique of industrial animal agriculture. “If the chickens are crowded together, then disease will follow,” she said. “The only solution,” she posited, “is to change the way we farm. And that’s a big step. It’s like moving the Titanic.”

    WunderEggs are made from almonds, cashews, and coconut milk and are currently sold in stores and online. Like Tetrick, Reddy says she has heard from plenty of newly interested restaurants in the last few months. But she is reluctant to draw long-term conclusions from it, arguing that consumer behavior doesn’t change that quickly. Many people, she argued, “probably want to eat eggs, they’re missing eggs,” and “they’re going to wait for things to get better.”

    signs saying "SOLD OUT EGGS" in front of the egg section at CostCo
    Nationally, the average cost of a dozen large eggs rose to about $5.90 in February, up almost 100 percent from a year before.
    Zeng Hui / Xinhua via Getty Images

    But for some adoptees of vegan egg substitutes, the upsides of ditching chicken eggs is obvious. Chef Jason Hull, director of food services at Marin Country Day School in the Bay Area, has been using Just Egg for years. “They have nailed the delicious flavor of egg,” said Hull. He swaps out regular eggs for the plant-based version in baked goods like cookies, muffins, and quick breads, as well as in dishes like fried rice. There’s virtually no difference, he said. While he’s a longtime fan of the brand, the uptick in egg prices has validated his decision. “Especially with egg prices right now, I’m not going to use chicken eggs for baking or fried rice or things like that any time soon,” he said.

    Hull said some of his peers, especially those in other parts of the country, are potentially less open-minded about vegan egg substitutes. But rising costs may have them reconsidering. Other chefs are “warming up to it, absolutely,” he said. “And the high egg prices are kind of forcing that warm-up.”

    Wholesale egg prices are trending downward as of March, according to U.S. Department of Agriculture data, so this momentum could be short-lived. But it may only be a matter of time before the next price hike happens. “Because the virus is so ubiquitous in so many different environments … it’s hard to imagine the virus ever completely going away at this point,” said Maurice Pitesky, an associate professor in cooperative extension at University of California, Davis School of Veterinary Medicine. 
    Reddy insisted that taking advantage of a cost-of-living crisis to promote her product does not sit right with her, and she prefers to let consumers come to their own conclusions about what’s right for them. But if avian influenza continues to upend egg production in the U.S., that might mean the economic case for going dairy-free could become more and more evident with time. Regardless of what happens in the future, Reddy said, “I really think that now is the time for egg alternatives to shine.”

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Egg prices hit record highs. Are you ready to try a vegan egg? on Mar 31, 2025.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • The second of a two-part series on the historic Rongelap evacuation of 300 Marshall islanders from their irradiated atoll with the help of the Greenpeace flagship Rainbow Warrior crew and the return of Rainbow Warrior III 40 years later on a nuclear justice research mission. Journalist and author David Robie, who was on board, recalls the 1985 voyage.

    SPECIAL REPORT: By David Robie

    Mejatto, previously uninhabited and handed over to the people of Rongelap by their close relatives on nearby Ebadon Island, was a lot different to their own island. It was beautiful, but it was only three kilometres long and a kilometre wide, with a dry side and a dense tropical side.

    A sandspit joined it to another small, uninhabited island. Although lush, Mejatto was uncultivated and already it was apparent there could be a food problem.Out on the shallow reef, fish were plentiful.

    Shortly after the Rainbow Warrior arrived on 21 May 1985, several of the men were out wading knee-deep on the coral spearing fish for lunch.

    Rongelap Islanders crowded into a small boat approach the Rainbow Warrior.
    Islanders with their belongings on a bum bum approach the Rainbow Warrior. © David Robie/Eyes of Fire

    But even the shallowness of the reef caused a problem. It made it dangerous to bring the Warrior any closer than about three kilometres offshore — as two shipwrecks on the reef reminded us.

    The cargo of building materials and belongings had to be laboriously unloaded onto a bum bum (small boat), which had also travelled overnight with no navigational aids apart from a Marshallese “wave map’, and the Zodiacs. It took two days to unload the ship with a swell making things difficult at times.

    An 18-year-old islander fell into the sea between the bum bum and the Warrior, almost being crushed but escaping with a jammed foot.

    Fishing success on the reef
    The delayed return to Rongelap for the next load didn’t trouble Davey Edward. In fact, he was celebrating his first fishing success on the reef after almost three months of catching nothing. He finally landed not only a red snapper, but a dozen fish, including a half-metre shark!

    Edward was also a good cook and he rustled up dinner — shark montfort, snapper fillets, tuna steaks and salmon pie (made from cans of dumped American aid food salmon the islanders didn’t want).

    Returning to Rongelap, the Rainbow Warrior was confronted with a load which seemed double that taken on the first trip. Altogether, about 100 tonnes of building materials and other supplies were shipped to Mejatto. The crew packed as much as they could on deck and left for Mejatto, this time with 114 people on board. It was a rough voyage with almost everybody being seasick.

    The journalists were roped in to clean up the ship before returning to Rongelap on the third journey.

    ‘Our people see no light, only darkness’
    Researcher Dr Glenn Alcalay (now an adjunct professor of anthropology at William Paterson University), who spoke Marshallese, was a great help to me interviewing some of the islanders.

    “It’s a hard time for us now because we don’t have a lot of food here on Mejatto — like breadfruit, taro and pandanus,” said Rose Keju, who wasn’t actually at Rongelap during the fallout.

    “Our people feel extremely depressed. They see no light, only darkness. They’ve been crying a lot.

    “We’ve moved because of the poison and the health problems we face. If we have honest scientists to check Rongelap we’ll know whether we can ever return, or we’ll have to stay on Mejatto.”

    Kiosang Kios, 46, was 15 years old at the time of Castle Bravo when she was evacuated to “Kwaj”.

    “My hair fell out — about half the people’s hair fell out,” she said. “My feet ached and burned. I lost my appetite, had diarrhoea and vomited.”

    In 1957, she had her first baby and it was born without bones – “Like this paper, it was flimsy.” A so-called ‘jellyfish baby’, it lived half a day. After that, Kios had several more miscarriages and stillbirths. In 1959, she had a daughter who had problems with her legs and feet and thyroid trouble.

    Out on the reef with the bum bums, the islanders had a welcome addition — an unusual hardwood dugout canoe being used for fishing and transport. It travelled 13,000 kilometres on board the Rainbow Warrior and bore the Sandinista legend FSLN on its black-and-red hull. A gift from Bunny McDiarmid and Henk Haazen, it had been bought for $30 from a Nicaraguan fisherman while they were crewing on the Fri. (Bunny and Henk are on board Rainbow Warrior III for the research mission).

    “It has come from a small people struggling for their sovereignty against the United States and it has gone to another small people doing the same,” said Haazen.

    Animals left behind
    Before the 10-day evacuation ended, Haazen was given an outrigger canoe by the islanders. Winched on to the deck of the Warrior, it didn’t quite make a sail-in protest at Moruroa, as Haazen planned, but it has since become a familiar sight on Auckland Harbour.

    With the third load of 87 people shipped to Mejatto and one more to go, another problem emerged. What should be done about the scores of pigs and chickens on Rongelap? Pens could be built on the main deck to transport them to Mejatto but was there any fodder left for them?

    The islanders decided they weren’t going to run a risk, no matter how slight, of having contaminated animals with them. They were abandoned on Rongelap — along with three of the five outriggers.

    Building materials from Rongelap Island dumped on the beach at Mejatto Island.
    Building materials from the demolished homes on Rongelap dumped on the beach at arrival on Mejatto. Image: © David Robie/Eyes of Fire

    “When you get to New Zealand you’ll be asked have you been on a farm,” warned French journalist Phillipe Chatenay, who had gone there a few weeks before to prepare a Le Point article about the “Land of the Long White Cloud and Nuclear-Free Nuts”.

    “Yes, and you’ll be asked to remove your shoes. And if you don’t have shoes, you’ll be asked to remove your feet,” added first mate Martini Gotjé, who was usually barefooted.

    The last voyage on May 28 was the most fun. A smaller group of about 40 islanders was transported and there was plenty of time to get to know each other.

    Four young men questioned cook Nathalie Mestre: where did she live? Where was Switzerland? Out came an atlas. Then Mestre produced a scrapbook of Fernando Pereira’s photographs of the voyage. The questions were endless.

    They asked for a scrap of paper and a pen and wrote in English:

    “We, the people of Rongelap, love our homeland. But how can our people live in a place which is dangerous and poisonous. I mean, why didn’t those American people test Bravo in a state capital? Why? Rainbow Warrior, thank you for being so nice to us. Keep up your good work.”

    Each one wrote down their name: Balleain Anjain, Ralet Anitak, Kiash Tima and Issac Edmond. They handed the paper to Mestre and she added her name. Anitak grabbed it and wrote as well: “Nathalie Anitak”. They laughed.

    Greenpeace photographer Fernando Pereira and Rongelap islander Bonemej Namwe on board a bum bum boat in May 1985
    Greenpeace photographer Fernando Pereira and Rongelap islander Bonemej Namwe on board a bum bum boat in May 1985. Fernando was killed by French secret agents in the Rainbow Warrior bombing on 10 July 1985. Image: © David Robie/Eyes of Fire

    Fernando Pereira’s birthday
    Thursday, May 30, was Fernando Pereira’s 35th birthday. The evacuation was over and a one-day holiday was declared as we lay anchored off Mejato.

    Pereira was on the Pacific voyage almost by chance. Project coordinator Steve Sawyer had been seeking a wire machine for transmitting pictures of the campaign. He phoned Fiona Davies, then heading the Greenpeace photo office in Paris. But he wanted a machine and photographer separately.

    “No, no … I’ll get you a wire machine,” replied Davies. ‘But you’ll have to take my photographer with it.” Agreed. The deal would make a saving for the campaign budget.

    Sawyer wondered who this guy was, although Gotjé and some of the others knew him. Pereira had fled Portugal about 15 years before while he was serving as a pilot in the armed forces at a time when the country was fighting to retain colonies in Angola and Mozambique. He settled in The Netherlands, the only country which would grant him citizenship.

    After first working as a photographer for Anefo press agency, he became concerned with environmental and social issues. Eventually he joined the Amsterdam communist daily De Waarheid and was assigned to cover the activities of Greenpeace. Later he joined Greenpeace.

    Although he adopted Dutch ways, his charming Latin temperament and looks betrayed his Portuguese origins. He liked tight Italian-style clothes and fast sports cars. Pereira was always wide-eyed, happy and smiling.

    In Hawai`i, he and Sawyer hiked up to the crater at the top of Diamond Head one day. Sawyer took a snapshot of Pereira laughing — a photo later used on the front page of the New Zealand Times after his death with the bombing of the Rainbow Warrior by French secret agents.

    While most of the crew were taking things quietly and the “press gang” caught up on stories, Sawyer led a mini-expedition in a Zodiac to one of the shipwrecks, the Palauan Trader. With him were Davey Edward, Henk Haazen, Paul Brown and Bunny McDiarmid.

    Clambering on board the hulk, Sawyer grabbed hold of a rust-caked railing which collapsed. He plunged 10 metres into a hold. While he lay in pain with a dislocated shoulder and severely lacerated abdomen, his crewmates smashed a hole through the side of the ship. They dragged him through pounding surf into the Zodiac and headed back to the Warrior, three kilometres away.

    “Doc” Andy Biedermann, assisted by “nurse” Chatenay, who had received basic medical training during national service in France, treated Sawyer. He took almost two weeks to recover.

    But the accident failed to completely dampen celebrations for Pereira, who was presented with a hand-painted t-shirt labelled “Rainbow Warrior Removals Inc”.

    Pereira’s birthday was the first of three which strangely coincided with events casting a tragic shadow over the Rainbow Warrior’s last voyage.

    Dr David Robie is an environmental and political journalist and author, and editor of Asia Pacific Report. He travelled on board the Rainbow Warrior for almost 11 weeks. This article is adapted from his 1986 book, Eyes of Fire: The Last Voyage of the Rainbow Warrior. A new edition is being published in July to mark the 40th anniversary of the bombing. 

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • The first of a two-part series on the historic Rongelap evacuation of 300 Marshall islanders from their irradiated atoll with the help of the Greenpeace flagship Rainbow Warrior crew and the return of Rainbow Warrior III 40 years later on a nuclear justice research mission.

    SPECIAL REPORT: By Shiva Gounden in Majuro

    Family isn’t just about blood—it’s about standing together through the toughest of times.

    This is the relationship between Greenpeace and the Marshall Islands — a vast ocean nation, stretching across nearly two million square kilometers of the Pacific. Beneath the waves, coral reefs are bustling with life, while coconut trees stand tall.

    For centuries, the Marshallese people have thrived here, mastering the waves, reading the winds, and navigating the open sea with their canoe-building knowledge passed down through generations. Life here is shaped by the rhythm of the tides, the taste of fresh coconut and roasted breadfruit, and an unbreakable bond between people and the sea.

    From the bustling heart of its capital, Majuro to the quiet, far-reaching atolls, their islands are not just land; they are home, history, and identity.

    Still, Marshallese communities were forced into one of the most devastating chapters of modern history — turned into a nuclear testing ground by the United States without consent, and their lives and lands poisoned by radiation.

    Operation Exodus: A legacy of solidarity
    Between 1946 and 1958, the US conducted 67 nuclear tests in the Marshall Islands — its total yield roughly equal to one Hiroshima-sized bomb every day for 12 years.

    During this Cold War period, the US government planned to conduct its largest nuclear test ever. On the island of Bikini, United States Commodore Ben H. Wyatt manipulated the 167 Marshallese people who called Bikini home asking them to leave so that the US could carry out atomic bomb testing, stating that it was for “the good of mankind and to end all world wars”.

    Exploiting their deep faith, he misled Bikinians into believing they were acting in God’s will, and trusting this, they agreed to move—never knowing the true cost of their decision

    Bikini Islanders board a landing craft vehicle personnel (LCVP) as they depart from Bikini Atoll in March 1946.
    Bikini Islanders board a landing craft vehicle personnel (LCVP) as they depart from Bikini Atoll in March 1946. Image: © United States Navy

    On March 1, 1954, the Castle Bravo test was launched — its yield 1000 times stronger than Hiroshima. Radioactive fallout spread across Rongelap Island about 150 kilometers away, due to what the US government claimed was a “shift in wind direction”.

    In reality, the US ignored weather reports that indicated the wind would carry the fallout eastward towards Rongelap and Utirik Atolls, exposing the islands to radioactive contamination. Children played in what they thought was snow, and almost immediately the impacts of radiation began — skin burning, hair fallout, vomiting.

    The Rongelap people were immediately relocated, and just three years later were told by the US government their island was deemed safe and asked to return.

    For the next 28 years, the Rongelap people lived through a period of intense “gaslighting” by the US government. *

    Image of the nuclear weapon test, Castle Bravo (yield 15 Mt) on Bikini Atoll, Marshall Islands, 1 March 1954.
    Nuclear weapon test Castle Bravo (yield 15 Mt) on Bikini Atoll, 1 March 1954. © United States Department of Energy

    Forced to live on contaminated land, with women enduring miscarriages and cancer rates increasing, in 1985, the people of Rongelap made the difficult decision to leave their homeland. Despite repeated requests to the US government to help evacuate, an SOS was sent, and Greenpeace responded: the Rainbow Warrior arrived in Rongelap, helping to move communities to Mejatto Island.

    This was the last journey of the first Rainbow Warrior. The powerful images of their evacuation were captured by photographer Fernando Pereira, who, just months later, was killed in the bombing of the Rainbow Warrior as it sailed to protest nuclear testing in the Pacific.

    Evacuation of Rongelap Islanders to Mejato
    Evacuation of Rongelap Islanders to Mejatto by the Rainbow Warrior crew in the Pacific 1985. Rongelap suffered nuclear fallout from US nuclear tests done from 1946-1958, making it a hazardous place to live. Image: © Greenpeace/Fernando Pereira

    From nuclear to climate: The injustice repeats
    The fight for justice did not end with the nuclear tests—the same forces that perpetuated nuclear colonialism continue to endanger the Marshall Islands today with new threats: climate change and deep-sea mining.

    The Marshall Islands, a nation of over 1,000 islands, is particularly vulnerable to climate impacts. Entire communities could disappear within a generation due to rising sea levels. Additionally, greedy international corporations are pushing to mine the deep sea of the Pacific Ocean for profit. Deep sea mining threatens fragile marine ecosystems and could destroy Pacific ways of life, livelihoods and fish populations. The ocean connects us all, and a threat anywhere in the Pacific is a threat to the world.

    Action ahead of the Climate Vulnerable Forum in the Marshall Islands.
    Marshallese activists with traditional outriggers on the coast of the nation’s capital Majuro to demand that leaders of developed nations dramatically upscale their plans to limit global warming during the online meeting of the Climate Vulnerable Forum in 2018. Image: © Martin Romain/Greenpeace

    But if there could be one symbol to encapsulate past nuclear injustices and current climate harms it would be the Runit Dome. This concrete structure was built by the US to contain radioactive waste from years of nuclear tests, but climate change now poses a direct threat.

    Rising sea levels and increasing storm surges are eroding the dome’s integrity, raising fears of radioactive material leaking into the ocean, potentially causing a nuclear disaster.

    Aerial view of Runit Dome, Runit Island, Enewetak Atoll, Marshall Islands
    Aerial view of Runit Dome, Runit Island, Enewetak Atoll, Marshall Islands . . . symbolic of past nuclear injustices and current climate harms in the Pacific. Image: © US Defense Special Weapons Agency

    Science, storytelling, and resistance: The Rainbow Warrior’s epic mission and 40 year celebration

    At the invitation of the Marshallese community and government, the Rainbow Warrior is in the Pacific nation to celebrate 40 years since 1985’s Operation Exodus, and stand in support of their ongoing fight for nuclear justice, climate action, and self-determination.

    This journey brings together science, storytelling, and activism to support the Marshallese movement for justice and recognition. Independent radiation experts and Greenpeace scientists will conduct crucial research across the atolls, providing much-needed data on remaining nuclear contamination.

    For decades, research on radiation levels has been controlled by the same government that conducted the nuclear tests, leaving many unanswered questions. This independent study will help support the Marshallese people in their ongoing legal battles for recognition, reparations, and justice.

    Ariana Tibon Kilma from the National Nuclear Commission, greets the Rainbow Warrior into the Marshall Islands. © Bianca Vitale / Greenpeace
    Marshallese women greet the Rainbow Warrior as it arrives in the capital Majuro earlier this month. Image: © Bianca Vitale/Greenpeace

    The path of the ship tour: A journey led by the Marshallese
    From March to April, the Rainbow Warrior is sailing across the Marshall Islands, stopping in Majuro, Mejatto, Enewetak, Bikini, Rongelap, and Wotje. Like visiting old family, each of these locations carries a story — of nuclear fallout, forced displacement, resistance, and hope for a just future.

    But just like old family, there’s something new to learn. At every stop, local leaders, activists, and a younger generation are shaping the narrative.

    Their testimonies are the foundation of this journey, ensuring the world cannot turn away. Their stories of displacement, resilience, and hope will be shared far beyond the Pacific, calling for justice on a global scale.

    Bunny McDiarmid and Henk Haazen reunited with the local Marshallese community at Majuro Welcome Ceremony. © Bianca Vitale / Greenpeace
    Bunny McDiarmid and Henk Haazen greet locals at the welcoming ceremony in Majuro, Marshall Islands, earlier this month. Bunny and Henk were part of the Greenpeace crew in 1985 to help evacuate the people of Rongelap. Image: © Bianca Vitale/Greenpeace

    A defining moment for climate justice
    The Marshallese are not just survivors of past injustices; they are champions of a just future. Their leadership reminds us that those most affected by climate change are not only calling for action — they are showing the way forward. They are leaders of finding solutions to avert these crises.

    Local Marshallese Women's group dance and perform cultural songs at the Rainbow Warrior welcome ceremony in Majuro. © Bianca Vitale / Greenpeace
    Local Marshallese women’s group dance and perform cultural songs at the Rainbow Warrior welcome ceremony in Majuro, Marshall islands, earlier this month. Image: © Bianca Vitale/Greenpeace

    Since they have joined the global fight for climate justice, their leadership in the climate battle has been evident.

    In 2011, they established a shark sanctuary to protect vital marine life.

    In 2024, they created their first ocean sanctuary, expanding efforts to conserve critical ecosystems. The Marshall Islands is also on the verge of signing the High Seas Treaty, showing their commitment to global marine conservation, and has taken a firm stance against deep-sea mining.

    They are not only protecting their lands but are also at the forefront of the global fight for climate justice, pushing for reparations, recognition, and climate action.

    This voyage is a message: the world must listen, and it must act. The Marshallese people are standing their ground, and we stand in solidarity with them — just like family.

    Learn their story. Support their call for justice. Amplify their voices. Because when those on the frontlines lead, justice is within reach.

    Shiva Gounden is the head of Pacific at Greenpeace Australia Pacific. This article series is republished with the permission of Greenpeace.

    * This refers to the period from 1957 — when the US Atomic Energy Commission declared Rongelap Atoll safe for habitation despite known contamination — to 1985, when Greenpeace assisted the Rongelap community in relocating due to ongoing radiation concerns. The Compact of Free Association, signed in 1986, finally started acknowledging damages caused by nuclear testing to the populations of Rongelap.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.