Category: Culture

  • The first of a two-part series on the historic Rongelap evacuation of 300 Marshall islanders from their irradiated atoll with the help of the Greenpeace flagship Rainbow Warrior crew and the return of Rainbow Warrior III 40 years later on a nuclear justice research mission.

    SPECIAL REPORT: By Shiva Gounden in Majuro

    Family isn’t just about blood—it’s about standing together through the toughest of times.

    This is the relationship between Greenpeace and the Marshall Islands — a vast ocean nation, stretching across nearly two million square kilometers of the Pacific. Beneath the waves, coral reefs are bustling with life, while coconut trees stand tall.

    For centuries, the Marshallese people have thrived here, mastering the waves, reading the winds, and navigating the open sea with their canoe-building knowledge passed down through generations. Life here is shaped by the rhythm of the tides, the taste of fresh coconut and roasted breadfruit, and an unbreakable bond between people and the sea.

    From the bustling heart of its capital, Majuro to the quiet, far-reaching atolls, their islands are not just land; they are home, history, and identity.

    Still, Marshallese communities were forced into one of the most devastating chapters of modern history — turned into a nuclear testing ground by the United States without consent, and their lives and lands poisoned by radiation.

    Operation Exodus: A legacy of solidarity
    Between 1946 and 1958, the US conducted 67 nuclear tests in the Marshall Islands — its total yield roughly equal to one Hiroshima-sized bomb every day for 12 years.

    During this Cold War period, the US government planned to conduct its largest nuclear test ever. On the island of Bikini, United States Commodore Ben H. Wyatt manipulated the 167 Marshallese people who called Bikini home asking them to leave so that the US could carry out atomic bomb testing, stating that it was for “the good of mankind and to end all world wars”.

    Exploiting their deep faith, he misled Bikinians into believing they were acting in God’s will, and trusting this, they agreed to move—never knowing the true cost of their decision

    Bikini Islanders board a landing craft vehicle personnel (LCVP) as they depart from Bikini Atoll in March 1946.
    Bikini Islanders board a landing craft vehicle personnel (LCVP) as they depart from Bikini Atoll in March 1946. Image: © United States Navy

    On March 1, 1954, the Castle Bravo test was launched — its yield 1000 times stronger than Hiroshima. Radioactive fallout spread across Rongelap Island about 150 kilometers away, due to what the US government claimed was a “shift in wind direction”.

    In reality, the US ignored weather reports that indicated the wind would carry the fallout eastward towards Rongelap and Utirik Atolls, exposing the islands to radioactive contamination. Children played in what they thought was snow, and almost immediately the impacts of radiation began — skin burning, hair fallout, vomiting.

    The Rongelap people were immediately relocated, and just three years later were told by the US government their island was deemed safe and asked to return.

    For the next 28 years, the Rongelap people lived through a period of intense “gaslighting” by the US government. *

    Image of the nuclear weapon test, Castle Bravo (yield 15 Mt) on Bikini Atoll, Marshall Islands, 1 March 1954.
    Nuclear weapon test Castle Bravo (yield 15 Mt) on Bikini Atoll, 1 March 1954. © United States Department of Energy

    Forced to live on contaminated land, with women enduring miscarriages and cancer rates increasing, in 1985, the people of Rongelap made the difficult decision to leave their homeland. Despite repeated requests to the US government to help evacuate, an SOS was sent, and Greenpeace responded: the Rainbow Warrior arrived in Rongelap, helping to move communities to Mejatto Island.

    This was the last journey of the first Rainbow Warrior. The powerful images of their evacuation were captured by photographer Fernando Pereira, who, just months later, was killed in the bombing of the Rainbow Warrior as it sailed to protest nuclear testing in the Pacific.

    Evacuation of Rongelap Islanders to Mejato
    Evacuation of Rongelap Islanders to Mejatto by the Rainbow Warrior crew in the Pacific 1985. Rongelap suffered nuclear fallout from US nuclear tests done from 1946-1958, making it a hazardous place to live. Image: © Greenpeace/Fernando Pereira

    From nuclear to climate: The injustice repeats
    The fight for justice did not end with the nuclear tests—the same forces that perpetuated nuclear colonialism continue to endanger the Marshall Islands today with new threats: climate change and deep-sea mining.

    The Marshall Islands, a nation of over 1,000 islands, is particularly vulnerable to climate impacts. Entire communities could disappear within a generation due to rising sea levels. Additionally, greedy international corporations are pushing to mine the deep sea of the Pacific Ocean for profit. Deep sea mining threatens fragile marine ecosystems and could destroy Pacific ways of life, livelihoods and fish populations. The ocean connects us all, and a threat anywhere in the Pacific is a threat to the world.

    Action ahead of the Climate Vulnerable Forum in the Marshall Islands.
    Marshallese activists with traditional outriggers on the coast of the nation’s capital Majuro to demand that leaders of developed nations dramatically upscale their plans to limit global warming during the online meeting of the Climate Vulnerable Forum in 2018. Image: © Martin Romain/Greenpeace

    But if there could be one symbol to encapsulate past nuclear injustices and current climate harms it would be the Runit Dome. This concrete structure was built by the US to contain radioactive waste from years of nuclear tests, but climate change now poses a direct threat.

    Rising sea levels and increasing storm surges are eroding the dome’s integrity, raising fears of radioactive material leaking into the ocean, potentially causing a nuclear disaster.

    Aerial view of Runit Dome, Runit Island, Enewetak Atoll, Marshall Islands
    Aerial view of Runit Dome, Runit Island, Enewetak Atoll, Marshall Islands . . . symbolic of past nuclear injustices and current climate harms in the Pacific. Image: © US Defense Special Weapons Agency

    Science, storytelling, and resistance: The Rainbow Warrior’s epic mission and 40 year celebration

    At the invitation of the Marshallese community and government, the Rainbow Warrior is in the Pacific nation to celebrate 40 years since 1985’s Operation Exodus, and stand in support of their ongoing fight for nuclear justice, climate action, and self-determination.

    This journey brings together science, storytelling, and activism to support the Marshallese movement for justice and recognition. Independent radiation experts and Greenpeace scientists will conduct crucial research across the atolls, providing much-needed data on remaining nuclear contamination.

    For decades, research on radiation levels has been controlled by the same government that conducted the nuclear tests, leaving many unanswered questions. This independent study will help support the Marshallese people in their ongoing legal battles for recognition, reparations, and justice.

    Ariana Tibon Kilma from the National Nuclear Commission, greets the Rainbow Warrior into the Marshall Islands. © Bianca Vitale / Greenpeace
    Marshallese women greet the Rainbow Warrior as it arrives in the capital Majuro earlier this month. Image: © Bianca Vitale/Greenpeace

    The path of the ship tour: A journey led by the Marshallese
    From March to April, the Rainbow Warrior is sailing across the Marshall Islands, stopping in Majuro, Mejatto, Enewetak, Bikini, Rongelap, and Wotje. Like visiting old family, each of these locations carries a story — of nuclear fallout, forced displacement, resistance, and hope for a just future.

    But just like old family, there’s something new to learn. At every stop, local leaders, activists, and a younger generation are shaping the narrative.

    Their testimonies are the foundation of this journey, ensuring the world cannot turn away. Their stories of displacement, resilience, and hope will be shared far beyond the Pacific, calling for justice on a global scale.

    Bunny McDiarmid and Henk Haazen reunited with the local Marshallese community at Majuro Welcome Ceremony. © Bianca Vitale / Greenpeace
    Bunny McDiarmid and Henk Haazen greet locals at the welcoming ceremony in Majuro, Marshall Islands, earlier this month. Bunny and Henk were part of the Greenpeace crew in 1985 to help evacuate the people of Rongelap. Image: © Bianca Vitale/Greenpeace

    A defining moment for climate justice
    The Marshallese are not just survivors of past injustices; they are champions of a just future. Their leadership reminds us that those most affected by climate change are not only calling for action — they are showing the way forward. They are leaders of finding solutions to avert these crises.

    Local Marshallese Women's group dance and perform cultural songs at the Rainbow Warrior welcome ceremony in Majuro. © Bianca Vitale / Greenpeace
    Local Marshallese women’s group dance and perform cultural songs at the Rainbow Warrior welcome ceremony in Majuro, Marshall islands, earlier this month. Image: © Bianca Vitale/Greenpeace

    Since they have joined the global fight for climate justice, their leadership in the climate battle has been evident.

    In 2011, they established a shark sanctuary to protect vital marine life.

    In 2024, they created their first ocean sanctuary, expanding efforts to conserve critical ecosystems. The Marshall Islands is also on the verge of signing the High Seas Treaty, showing their commitment to global marine conservation, and has taken a firm stance against deep-sea mining.

    They are not only protecting their lands but are also at the forefront of the global fight for climate justice, pushing for reparations, recognition, and climate action.

    This voyage is a message: the world must listen, and it must act. The Marshallese people are standing their ground, and we stand in solidarity with them — just like family.

    Learn their story. Support their call for justice. Amplify their voices. Because when those on the frontlines lead, justice is within reach.

    Shiva Gounden is the head of Pacific at Greenpeace Australia Pacific. This article series is republished with the permission of Greenpeace.

    * This refers to the period from 1957 — when the US Atomic Energy Commission declared Rongelap Atoll safe for habitation despite known contamination — to 1985, when Greenpeace assisted the Rongelap community in relocating due to ongoing radiation concerns. The Compact of Free Association, signed in 1986, finally started acknowledging damages caused by nuclear testing to the populations of Rongelap.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

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    This is the fourteenth part in a series about riding night trains across Europe and the Near East to Armenia—to spend time in worlds beyond the pathological obsessions of Donald Trump. (This week, Trump’s diplomatic dream team, armed to the teeth with iPhones, readied an illegal attack on Yemen’s Houthi rebels by assembling a Signal chat room and sharing both attack plans and emojis, as if on Facebook pulling together a bachelor party.)

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    Erzurum is a fortress city in eastern Turkey surrounded by tall mountains and many redoubts, and it has been the scene of endless battles between Russia and the Ottoman Empire. Photo by Matthew Stevenson.

    At the main Ankara railway station, I was early for the Dogu Express and killed time by inspecting Atatürk’s sleeping car, which is on permanent display along a platform. He used the car for “his domestic travels”. In one of the windows of the car, there’s a photograph of Atatürk looking out a train window, no doubt taking the pulse of his nation.

    Unlike the current Turkish president, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Atatürk wanted Turkey to be a secular nation. He favored equal rights for women and minorities, and he saw no reason that women should wear headscarves or that men should pray five times a day, unless they so desired. He wanted to integrate Turkey into western alliances and economic systems, and he personally enjoyed many western products as he moved around the growing nation in the 1920s and 30s. He died of liver disease in 1938. Some say it was from consuming half a liter daily of Turkish raki (it’s about 50% proof). Others say he died from chain smoking cigarettes all his adult life.

    At the time of his death, Atatürk was the “father of the Turks.” In his personal life he was unmarried, although he adopted eight children. He was married briefly, between 1923 – 25, but divorced his wife for unknown reasons and lived alone (although surrounded by his presidential staff, the army, and his adopted children). There has been some speculation that Mustafa Kemal might well have been bisexual, but no proof exists, just innuendo in conversations and speculation in various biographies.

    In official publications Atatürk was a devout Muslim, but there’s ample indication that he might well have been agnostic (although he denied having said: “I have no religion, and at times I wish all religions at the bottom of the sea…”). Certainly in his political lifetime he (unlike Erdoğan) made little effort to fuse church and state. Nor did he arrest journalists and opposition party leaders (at least not more than was necessary).

    Personally and politically, Atatürk preferred to see Turkey and Turks as apart from the Arab and fundamentalist Islamic worlds, and he took it in stride that Mecca and Medina were no longer part of his empire, outposts on the Hejaz Railway, built to connect the Sublime Porte to the holy cities. (As well, to be closer to the West, he changed the Turkish alphabet from Arabic to Latin.) He preferred business suits and, on weekends, dressed casually in sweaters and messed around in boats. And, as we know all too well, on formal occasions he preferred top hats and tails.

    +++

    My night train to Erzurum left at 17:55. After boarding and stowing my bicycle under my berth, I confirmed what I had feared, which is that I was in a full compartment of four passengers. At least I had a lower berth and my assigned seat was next to the window.

    For fellow travelers I was lucky to have been allotted two cheerful Erasmus (exchange) students, one from Italy and one from Spain, who were studying architecture in Istanbul. They were on their spring break and had decided to ride the train to Kars, and fly home from Tbilisi, Georgia. The fourth passenger was a Turkish worker, perhaps for the railways, who was asleep for long stretches, and then vanished in the night, like a character in a Russian novel.

    The sleeping car was adjacent to the dining car, where I found it easy to work on my computer and look out the window. The meals were “ready to eat” frozen foods—not the chef’s special—but acceptable provided they were washed down with a cold Turkish beer. I might not have gotten my dream of a single compartment and a traditional dining car, but I was happy to be heading east on the Dogu Express, having spent so much time in the previous years plotting a course to Erzurum and Kars.

    I don’t think I had heard of either city, except in some vague general sense, until November 2016, when I embarked on a round-the-world journey using nothing but discount airlines for my travels. I wanted to see if I could make it around for less than $1500, and still make stops that interested me, which in one case included some battlefields in Bulgaria from the 1877 Russo-TurkishWar.

    I began the trip flying on Wizz Airlines from Geneva to Sofia for about $38, and the next morning early I took the train to Pleven (sometimes called Plevna), where, at the start of the 1877 war, attacking Russian troops (who said Russia only gets invaded by the West?) besieged Plevna for almost six months until they finally broke through the Turkish lines.

    Much remains of the siege lines in the modern Bulgarian city, and I spent a morning inspecting towers, trenches, and a diorama of the siege. On my Kindle, I had a memoir by an English doctor, Charles Snodgrass Ryan, Under The Red Crescent: Adventures Of An English Surgeon With The Turkish Army At Plevna And Erzeroum, 1877-1878, which describes the war’s end in the deep snow around Erzurum.

    I remember looking up Erzurum on maps in the Pleven war museums, wondering how I might someday get there. Then, in a World War I museum in Istanbul on the same trip, I discovered that the Russians had again attacked Erzurum in 1916, during their Caucasus offensives in World War I. In those battles the Russians had taken the fortress city and held it until they withdrew from the war in 1918. Why did I know so little about it?

    +++

    Nor had I heard of Kars until 1985, when my friend Geoffrey Moorhouse published a book (To the Frontier) about the Northwest Frontier Territory in Pakistan, and the New York Times assigned its review to another travel writer, Philip Glazebrook, who panned Geoffrey’s book.

    Upset about the review, Geoffrey (who lived in England) asked me in New York if I knew anything about Glazebrook, which I did not, other than that he had once written a book entitled Journey to Kars, which in those days had me leaning over an atlas to figure out where Kars was. (From such a melodramatic title, I assumed it was on the dark side of the moon, not simply in eastern Turkey on the main line of Dogu Express.)

    Geoffrey brooded about the snarky review, and then wrote a letter to the New York Times that I have always admired. It read, in full:

    Philip Glazebrook is, of course, perfectly entitled to say whatever he thinks about my book “To the Frontier” (June 16). I find it strange, though, that among his generally withering comments he failed to mention that “To the Frontier” won the Thomas Cook Award for the best travel book of 1984, a competition in which the runners-up were those two considerable writers Eric Newby and Norman Lewis and an understandably disappointed newcomer named Philip Glazebrook. I’m even more surprised, in view of his public hostility to my book in New York, that he should have been effusive about it when we met at the prizegiving in London.

    Geoffrey and I were close friends until he died in 2009, and we exchanged many letters and visits during the course of our friendship. In the shorthand of our shared humor, a “journey to Kars,” was any ordinary trip dressed up as an adventure, something I had in mind as I embarked on my own travels to the Turkish frontier.

    +++

    Kars had also come to my attention in 2021, when during a lull in the pandemic and just before the Russian war with Ukraine, I decided to take my folding bicycle on a series of night trains from Moscow to Crimea.

    It wasn’t the first time I had tried to get to Crimea. Once in 2014, I had train tickets to Simferopol when the Russian president Vladimir Putin sent his little green men to take over and annex Crimea, rendering my Ukrainian visa useless for getting there. But in 2021, after about five visits to the Russian consulate in Geneva, I got a Russian visa that would get me into Crimea (and, so I hoped, out of it).

    It took close to a week (with some stops around Volgograd aka Stalingrad) to ride trains from Moscow to Sebastopol, for which much of the Crimean War (1854–56) was fought.

    During my time in Balaklava’s valley of death (where the Light Brigade charged to its destruction), I discovered that the last battle of the Crimean War was fought in Kars, not in the hills above Inkerman, which gave me yet another reason to make this journey to eastern Turkey.

    On the twenty-two hour train ride to Erzurum, there wasn’t much for me to do other than eat in the dining car, read my books, and work on my computer. Thus I could catch up on emails and plan my time in Erzurum, where all I had done was reserve a room in the Grand Catalkaya Hotel.

    Unsuccessfully, I had tried to book a car and driver in Erzurum, as many of its battle sites, I discovered, were well outside the city and many more were on the road to Kars (about four hours to the east).

    In rural Turkey, I didn’t want to drive myself in a rental car, but I wasn’t getting a positive vibe whenever I explained in my e-mails that what interested me the most was the Köprüköy Military Memorial or the Battle of Sarıkamış.

    +++

    I slept surprising well in my crowded train compartment. We had the window slightly open, and the fresh air combined with the sounds of the rocking train gave me about seven hours of sleep.

    In the dining car, I discovered I could mix the fruit that I was carrying with some of the prepackaged meals. Hence I could eat well, dig into my books and computer, and stare at the passing landscape, which in eastern Turkey is a combination of alpine passes, dried river beds, grasslands, agricultural fields, and snow-capped mountains on the horizon, as we snaked our way toward Sivas, Erzincan, and beyond.

    Just after I made this trip, Turkish State Railways announced that it was planning to open a high-speed rail link from Ankara to Sivas, which would cut the nine-hour trip down to three hours. Occasionally, I would see evidence of the new line—modern, straight rails cutting across the dry plains.

    I am glad I got to ride to on the slow, twenty-two hour night train and spend the day in the dining car with nothing to do except look out the window and read my books. And the book that had my complete attention was J.A.R. Marriott’s The Eastern Question: An Historical Study in European Diplomacy, which was published in 1917 (as the last of the battles for Erzurum and Kars were being waged).

    +++

    The book grabbed me from its first sentence, which is a quote that defines “the problem of the Near East” as “that shifting, intractable, and interwoven tangle of conflicting interest, rival peoples, and antagonistic faiths that is veiled under the easy name of the Eastern Question.”

    While planning my train rides east, I had gone looking for a book to help me understand the historical context of the ongoing war between Russia and Ukraine. A lot of the problem is that Russia’s western border, for two hundred years, has floated in the air.

    Marriott became my trusted guide. In clear, crisp language he made sense of many of the conflicts that I had traversed on my night trains, so far, from Vienna to Ankara and beyond (all those Balkan and Crimean wars in the 19th and 20th centuries); and now, as I was heading toward the Verdun of eastern Turkey, Erzurum, the war between Russia and Ukraine felt like a variation on the fighting of 1853 and 1877, which were similar wars to see who would control the Black Sea and its environs.

    If you want a sampler of Marriott’s diplomatic prose, here is his description of how great power politics over Bosnia and Herzegovina between 1877-1914 broke Europe apart along the lines of its competing monarchies:

    The virtual annexation of Bosnia and the Herzegovina to the Austrian Empire was Bismarck’s acknowledgement of the obligations which in 1870 he had incurred to Habsburg neutrality. But the gift bestowed upon Austria caused the first serious breach in the good relations between Berlin and St. Petersburg. The wire between those capitals was never actually cut so long as Bismarck controlled the German Foreign Office; but his successor found himself compelled to choose between the friendship of Austria and that of Russia, and he deliberately preferred the former.

    It flew in the face of Bismarck’s axiom: “The secret of politics? Make a good treaty with Russia.”

    The post Erzurum: The Verdun of Eastern Turkey appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • A close-up of a pianoAI-generated content may be incorrect.

    Harpsichord after Andreas Ruckers, Antwerp 1638, built by Adlam Burnett, 1983.

    Inscribed on the nameboard of an ottavino spinet (a small tabletop, or even laptop, harpsichord) dated 1710 and now in the Russell Collection of musical instruments at the University of Edinburgh, runs the motto: “Dum vixi tacui: mortua dulce cano” (While living I was silent; dead, I sing sweetly). Nothing is known about the builder, one Petrus Orlandus, although reigning scholarly opinion holds that this Pietro Orlando came from Palermo, the length of Italy (and across the Strait of Messina) from the Val di Fiemme in the mountains of Northern Italy where the spruce soundboard may well have come from. Perhaps the preciousness of the natural material elicited, even if indirectly, the maker’s expression of the resonant truth—and abiding guilt—that a living thing had had to die so that his creation could spring to sounding life.

    “Messiah” violin by Antonio Stradivari, Ashmolean Museum, University of Oxford.

    Some keyboard instrument builders of the present day, such as the Fazioli piano makers and Bizzi harpsichords) tout the quality of their materials, boasting that their soundboards, the essential element of resonance, are carefully sourced from the Val di Fiemme, rebranded in their advertising copy as the Stradivarius Valley. The prospective buyer dreams that her harpsichord or piano will sing like “The Messiah,” the sobriquet of one of the master violin makers most famous, and perhaps most valuable products, now in the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford University. There this “as new” instrument spends its time in a climate-controlled glass case, visible but silent.

    The motto of the Russell Collection ottavino truncates a couplet associated with the 16th-century luthier Kaspar Tieffenbrucker, who was born in from Füssen southern Bavaria in the in the northern shadow of the Alps, 170 miles away from the Val di Fiemme: “Viva fui in sylvis: sum dura occisa securi. Dum vixi tacui: mortua dulce cano” (I was alive in the woods: I was cut down by the hard axe. While living I was silent; dead, I sing sweetly.) (The term “luthier” refers not just to lute makers, as one might initially think, but to skilled craftspeople building stringed musical instruments.)

    Tieffenbrucker’s name served as a prop for spuriously “ancient” (but masterfully made) violins counterfeited in the shop of Jean-Baptiste Vuillaume (who, not coincidentally, once owned the Stradivarius “Messiah”) in 19th-century Paris. Tieffenbrucker didn’t even make violins, but mostly guitars, lutes and viols. But they were of wood too, and Tieffenbrucker’s expiatory Latin lines artfully acknowledged the violence that is often hidden behind beauty.

    Gasparo Duiffopruggar (aka, Kaspar Tieffenbrucker), engraving by Pierre Woeiriot (1532-1599).

    In 2014 Aaron Allen, a scholar helping to shape the subfield of what has come to be known as eco-musicology, published “Fatto di Fiemme’: Stradivari’s violins and the musical trees of the Paneveggio.” The article told a heartening, yet admonitory tale of the power of art and careful stewardship of natural resources to hold off the insatiable human desire for wood. The value of violins trumped the rabid demand for planks and masts for the vast Venetian navy being built a hundred miles southwest of the spruce forests on the Adriatic coast. The “Stradivarius” Valley is now in the Parco Naturale di Paneveggio, some hundred miles northeast of Cremona, the birthplace of the violin and also once part of the Venetian Empire.

    Cremonese violins are much smaller than Venetian war galleys. Now, a more recent musical technology requires the harvest of the descendants of the trees used by Stradivari.

    The Fazioli company makes concert grand pianos that are the battleships of concert stages and billionaires’ drawing rooms. The family business originally produced upscale office furniture from exotic woods—teak, mahogany, rosewood—but turned to piano-making in 1981 under the leadership of Paolo Fazioli. He is a mechanical engineer but was also trained as a pianist and composer. The firm now makes the most expensive pianos in the world. The price-tag on their 10-foot concert grand approaches $300,000. About 170 pianos of various sizes (all large) are now produced in the Fazioli factory in Sacile, a town halfway between the Val di Fiemme and Venice. With an engineer in the driver’s seat of the firm, it’s not surprising that these instruments handle like Formula 1 race cars—light to the touch and super responsive.

    The cast-iron frame was the crucial design and manufacture innovation that allowed the 19th-century piano to increase in power so as to be heard in ever larger concert halls and against ever larger orchestral numbers arrayed for the concerto showpieces of the Romantic repertoire. The German word for this construction is Vollpanzerplatte—full armor plate. “Panzer” conjures images of a battle-ready tank. Without the metal plate, the inexorable force of the high-tension wires would accordion the piano into a heap of splinters.

    Buttressed by these armaments is the fine- and straight-grained soundboard from the Val di Fiemme. Fazioli draws on the mystique of Stradivarius and the “Forest of Violins” in the marketing of their pianos.

    I have played a Fazioli piano in a San Francisco mansion where the instrument stretches out grandly in the living room. Behind it, a picture window delivers a view of the Gold Gate Bridge so close you feel that if the seven-octave expanse of the keyboard added just a few more notes below its allotment of 88 that the extra keys would rest on the span’s towers so that the piano’s hammers would strike the vertical cables and sound them like strings.

    Inside, the massive case is veneered in blond maple that contrasts the with brooding, yet brilliant exterior. To open the piano, one props up the lid on its stick and is amazed that the giant, thin wing does not bow or warp. The visual impression becomes one of interior lightness, sound escaping the forces of gravity that the sheer size and weight of the instrument cannot physically defy.

    The action—the ingenious mechanism of wooden (and increasingly, carbon fiber) batons, springs and pins that translates the motion of the fingers to the felt-covered hammers—is exceedingly user-friendly: responsive not only to caresses, but also tothe blows of pianistic heavyweights. The instrument is shaped like the lift-giving limb of a bird. Again, the German word for the grand piano is illuminating—Flügel (wing). Maybe one is meant to feel more like a jet pilot than a race driver, flying above the world firing off missiles of art. The biggest Fazioli model is the F-308, which sounds to me like an American fighter plane of the future.

    I found the Fazioli all too perfect: too engineered, the sound lacking in grain, the touch wanting of texture. The piano I’ve played hovering above the Golden Gate is more musical machine than musical instrument.

    The Fazioli website trumpets the manufacturer’s commitment to sustainability. The company offers other veneers than just ebony, the default-setting for formal venues: after black on a dealer’s drop-down menu, one can choose blue, macassar, pyramid mahogany, red, tamo, or white. Logged, often illegally in Indonesia, macassar is a threatened species.

    The 170 pianos made annually by Fazioli count as a whole fleet of giant crafts launched every year. With respect to the materials sourced from the Val di Fiemme nearer the Fazioli factory than those far-off forests of macassar and mahogany, not every red spruce yields soundboard-quality wood. The vast majority of trees felled there go to other purposes. A true accounting of the environmental impact of piano production has yet to be made on this region. Against stiff competition from luxurious, but still cheaper Steinways made in the U. S. A. and Germany, Yamahas from Japan and a host of newer companies, Fazioli has penetrated the global market, exporting its instrument to places as far as you can get from the source of their soundboards.

    Nor has the musical mileage put on these pianos by wealthy buyers been measured. These pianos are prestige objects that come from wood that did not sing when alive and is, I suspect, mostly mute now as furniture, even though the most tuneful wood in the world was killed—by the chainsaw not the hard axe—to make them.

    Next week: Musical Instruments, Extreme Weather and Material Acknowledgments.

    The post Trees, Singing and Silent appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • Asia Pacific Report

    A West Papuan doctoral candidate has warned that indigenous noken-weaving practices back in her homeland are under threat with the world’s biggest deforestation project.

    About 60 people turned up for the opening of her “Noken/Men: String Bags of the Muyu Tribe of Southern West Papua” exhibition by Veronika T Kanem at Auckland University today and were treated to traditional songs and dances by a group of West Papuan students from Auckland and Hamilton.

    The three-month exhibition focuses on the noken — known as “men” — of the Muyu tribe from southern West Papua and their weaving cultural practices.

    It is based on Kanem’s research, which explores the socio-cultural significance of the noken/men among the Muyu people, her father’s tribe.

    “Indigenous communities in southern Papua are facing the world’s biggest deforestation project underway in West Papua as Indonesia looks to establish 2 million hectares  of sugarcane and palm oil plantations in the Papua region,” she said.

    West Papua has the third-largest intact rainforest on earth and indigenous communities are being forced off their land by this project and by military.

    The ancient traditions of noken-weaving are under threat.

    Natural fibres, tree bark
    Noken — called bilum in neighbouring Papua New Guinea — are finely woven or knotted string bags made from various natural fibres of plants and tree bark.

    “Noken contains social and cultural significance for West Papuans because this string bag is often used in cultural ceremonies, bride wealth payments, child initiation into adulthood, and gifts,” Kanem said.

    West Papua student dancers performed traditional songs and dances
    West Papua student dancers performed traditional songs and dances at the noken exhibition. Image: APR

    “This string bag has different names depending on the region, language and dialect of local tribes. For the Muyu — my father’s tribe — in Southern West Papua, they call it ‘men’.

    In West Papua, noken symbolises a woman’s womb or a source of life because this string bag is often used to load tubers, garden harvests, piglets, and babies.

    Noken string bag as a fashion item
    Noken string bag as a fashion item. Image: APR

    “My research examines the Muyu people’s connection to their land, forest, and noken weaving,” said Kanem.

    “Muyu women harvest the genemo (Gnetum gnemon) tree’s inner fibres to make noken, and gift-giving noken is a way to establish and maintain relationships from the Muyu to their family members, relatives and outsiders.

    “Drawing on the Melanesian and Indigenous research approaches, this research formed noken weaving as a methodology, a research method, and a metaphor based on the Muyu tribe’s knowledge and ways of doing things.”

    Hosting pride
    Welcoming the guests, Associate Professor Gordon Nanau, head of Pacific Studies, congratulated Kanem on the exhibition and said the university was proud to be hosting such excellent Melanesian research.

    Part of the scores of noken on display
    Part of the scores of noken on display at the exhibition. Image: APR

    Professor Yvonne Underhill-Sem, Kanem’s primary supervisor, was also among the many speakers, including Kolokesa Māhina-Tuai of Lagi Maama, and Daren Kamali of Creative New

    The exhibition provides insights into the refined artistry, craft and making of noken/men string bags, personal stories, and their functions.

    An 11 minute documentary on the weaving process and examples of noken from Waropko, Upkim, Merauke, Asmat, Wamena, Nabire and Paniai was also screened, and a booklet is expected to be launched soon.

    The crowd at the noken exhibition at Auckland University
    The crowd at the noken exhibition at Auckland University today. Image: APR

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Imagine this: You’re hungry. You’ve arrived at the frozen foods section of the grocery store, and you’re faced with two options: a pack of chicken nuggets or a pack of similar-looking nuggets, but made without meat. How do you choose? Do you look at price first or compare ingredient lists? Or maybe, after you do both, do you ultimately go with your gut? You are hungry, after all. 

    A new report highlights the important role that taste plays for consumers when considering whether to buy plant-based protein. Nectar, an Oakland-based initiative conducting research on faux meat, surveyed thousands of meat-eaters in a series of blind taste tests to find out how vegan meat substitutes stack up against the real thing — and got some surprising results. 

    Four vegan products received nearly indistinguishable scores from real meat — and Nectar also found that plant-based products that were rated highly in terms of taste had higher sales volume.

    The report, which was released earlier this month, “underscores a simple but crucial point: Consumers want to eat food that tastes delicious, full stop,” said Abby Sewell, the corporate engagement manager at the Good Food Institute, a think tank that promotes “alternative proteins,” the industry term for plant-based meat substitutes. (The Good Food Institute was not involved in the report and does not have any formal relationship with Nectar.)

    The question of how to increase sales is one that has troubled the plant-based industry in recent years. Plant-based meat saw declining sales from 2021 to 2023, according to the Good Food Institute. In the past few years, ersatz meat brands have made headlines for steep layoffs and talk of potential acquisitions or shutdowns

    It’s also a question with potentially significant implications for the climate and the environment. About 80 percent of the world’s agricultural lands are used to raise livestock (taking into account the land used to grow crops for animal feed like soy and corn). Cutting out animal protein would free up agricultural land and reduce demands on water. Adopting a plant-based diet would also help greatly in terms of emissions. Animal agriculture is responsible for 16.5 percent of greenhouse gas emissions globally. Even if we stopped using fossil fuels tomorrow, we would still have to change the way we eat — specifically, we’d have to eat less meat — to avoid the worst impacts of global warming. 

    Plant-based advocates often say that when faux meat products taste as good and cost as little as conventional meat options, then consumers will flock to them. But impartial information about whether vegan protein brands meet consumers’ exacting flavor standards is surprisingly hard to come by. According to Caroline Cotto, the director of Nectar, plant-based meat companies typically only perform taste tests with their own employees or investors — hardly unbiased sources. 

    Four halves of a burger sit equally spaced out on a tray on a table at a restaurant, as part of a sampler platter for a taste test
    Burgers tested as part of Nectar’s survey. Nectar

    Samantha Derrick, who leads an applied learning program on plant-based foods at University of California, Berkeley, said more third-party taste testing is “critical” to growing the industry. Derrick and Cotto both describe Nectar, an initiative born out of and funded by Food System Innovations, a philanthropic organization, as unique in the plant-based industry. When companies do taste tests internally, they typically don’t make the results of those tests publicly available the way Nectar has. 

    This was the second time the organization has conducted blind taste tests with plant-based protein brands. For this round, Nectar solicited more than 2,000 participants who said they eat certain meat products at least once every month or two. They selected 122 vegan products designed to look and taste like real meat across 14 categories — including breakfast sausage, meatballs, pulled pork, and steak — and prepared them alongside their animal-based counterparts. (Participants weren’t told which products were vegan and which contained meat.) The testing was conducted in New York City and San Francisco restaurants instead of sterile white rooms because Cotto wanted to replicate a familiar environment. 

    Nectar also plated the products in conventional ways — hot dogs in buns, pulled pork in sandwich form — instead of presenting each food item in its “naked” form. If participants were testing, say, hot dogs, they could add condiments — as long as they applied the same condiments to every hot dog they tried. 

    Nectar found that 20 plant-based products were rated the same or better than their animal counterparts in terms of overall liking by at least 50 percent of participants. These included five unbreaded vegan chicken fillets, five vegan burgers, and two vegan chicken nugget brands. 

    Four of those products performed so well they almost reached taste parity, which Nectar defines as there being no statistically significant difference in how participants scored the vegan product versus the animal one in terms of overall liking. Those four are Impossible Foods’ unbreaded chicken breast, chicken nuggets, and burger, as well as Morningstar Farms’ nuggets.

    The results show that the plant-based chicken products are leading the industry in terms of closing the flavor gap, said Cotto. It might help that chicken breast is essentially a blank canvas. “From a flavor perspective, I think chicken has a more subtle flavor that’s actually easier to replicate,” she added.

    Two platters of vegan chicken cutlet hors d'oeuvres
    Vegan chicken cutlet samples served at an awards ceremony for the winners of Nectar’s taste tests — products that received the same or better score as their animal counterparts from at least half of the participants. Nectar

    The plant-based products that Nectar found most need to improve on taste — such as bacon — are some of the hardest cuts of meat to imitate. Unlike chicken fillets, chicken nuggets, or burgers, strips of bacon are not generally homogenous in texture and flavor. Mimicking fatty parts of bacon as well as the striated meat is extremely challenging to do with just plants. Sewell, from the Good Food Institute, said additional research and development could help. “Continued investment in alternative protein R&D is essential to accelerating innovation and ensuring these products deliver on flavor and affordability for consumers,” she told Grist. 

    Of course, there’s a difference between liking a vegan product in a taste test and actually choosing to buy it in a grocery store, when there aren’t any researchers around. “Even if taste and price parity are achieved, it’s not a surefire” guarantee that people will choose, say, vegan hot dogs and burgers over the beef kind, said Cotto. In the United States, meat is tied up with national identity and masculinity; it won’t be so easy to win every type of consumer over.

    Still, Derrick, who wasn’t involved in Nectar’s study, says that younger consumers “absolutely” do not want to feel like they’re compromising on taste at the grocery store — and that research like Cotto’s will help brands figure out how to satisfy them. 

    “I think that blind testing is objectively done as the best way to” improve plant-based products, said Derrick. More testing would provide “a road map of what’s possible, what’s better.”

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline These vegan meat brands taste almost as good as the real thing. Taste tests prove it. on Mar 25, 2025.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • Israel has begun the final stage of its genocide. The Palestinians will be forced to choose between death or deportation. There are no other options, writes Chris Hedges

    ANALYSIS: By Chris Hedges

    This is the last chapter of the genocide. It is the final, blood-soaked push to drive the Palestinians from Gaza. No food. No medicine. No shelter. No clean water. No electricity.

    Israel is swiftly turning Gaza into a Dantesque cauldron of human misery where Palestinians are being killed in their hundreds and soon, again, in their thousands and tens of thousands, or they will be forced out never to return.

    The final chapter marks the end of Israeli lies. The lie of the two-state solution. The lie that Israel respects the laws of war that protect civilians. The lie that Israel bombs hospitals and schools only because they are used as staging areas by Hamas.

    The lie that Hamas uses civilians as human shields, while Israel routinely forces captive Palestinians to enter potentially booby-trapped tunnels and buildings ahead of Israeli troops. The lie that Hamas or Palestine Islamic Jihad (PIJ) are responsible — the charge often being errant Palestinian rockets — for the destruction of hospitals, United Nations’ buildings or mass Palestinian casualties.

    The lie that humanitarian aid to Gaza is blocked because Hamas is hijacking the trucks or smuggling in weapons and war material. The lie that Israeli babies are beheaded or Palestinians carried out mass rape of Israeli women. The lie that 75 percent of the tens of thousands killed in Gaza were Hamas “terrorists.”

    The lie that Hamas, because it was allegedly rearming and recruiting new fighters, is responsible for the breakdown of the ceasefire agreement.

    Israel’s naked genocidal visage is exposed. It has ordered the evacuation of northern Gaza where desperate Palestinians are camped out amid the rubble of their homes. What comes now is mass starvation — the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) said on March 21 it has six days of flour supplies left — deaths from diseases caused by contaminated water and food, scores of killed and wounded each day under the relentless assault of bombs, missiles, shells and bullets.

    Nothing will function, bakeries, water treatment and sewage plants, hospitals — Israel blew up the damaged Turkish-Palestinian hospital on March 21 — schools, aid distribution centers or clinics. Less than half of the 53 emergency vehicles operated by the Palestine Red Crescent Society are functional due to fuel shortages. Soon there will be none.

    Israel’s message is unequivocal: Gaza will be uninhabitable. Leave or die.

    Since last Tuesday, when Israel broke the ceasefire with heavy bombing, over 700 Palestinians have been killed, including 200 children. In one 24 hour period 400 Palestinians were killed.

    This is only the start. No Western power, including the United States, which provides the weapons for the genocide, intends to stop it. The images from Gaza during the nearly 16 months of incessant attacks were awful.

    But what is coming now will be worse. It will rival the most atrocious war crimes of the 20th century, including the mass starvation, wholesale slaughter and leveling of the Warsaw Ghetto in 1943 by the Nazis.

    October 7 marked the dividing line between an Israeli policy that advocated the brutalisation and subjugation of the Palestinians and a policy that calls for their extermination and removal from historic Palestine. What we are witnessing is the historical equivalent of the moment triggered by the annihilation of some 200 soldiers led by George Armstrong Custer in June 1876 at the Battle of the Little Bighorn.

    After that humiliating defeat, Native Americans were slated to be killed with the remnants forced into prisoner of war camps, later named reservations, where thousands died of disease, lived under the merciless gaze of their armed occupiers and fell into a life of immiseration and despair.

    Expect the same for the Palestinians in Gaza, dumped, I suspect, in one of the world’s hellholes and forgotten.

    “Gaza residents, this is your final warning,” Israeli Minister of Defense Israel Katz threatened:

    “The first Sinwar destroyed Gaza and the second Sinwar will completely destroy it. The Air Force strikes against Hamas terrorists were just the first step. It will become much more difficult and you will pay the full price. The evacuation of the population from the combat zones will soon begin again…Return the hostages and remove Hamas and other options will open for you, including leaving for other places in the world for those who want to. The alternative is absolute destruction.”

    The ceasefire deal between Israel and Hamas was designed to be implemented in three phases. The first phase, lasting 42 days, would see an end to hostilities. Hamas would release 33 Israeli hostages who were captured on Oct. 7, 2023 — including women, those aged above 50, and those with illnesses — in exchange for upwards of 2,000 Palestinian men, women and children imprisoned by Israel (around 1,900 Palestinian captives have been released by Israel as of March 18).

    Hamas has released a total of 147 hostages, of whom eight were dead. Israel says there are 59 Israelis still being held by Hamas, 35 of whom Israel believes are deceased.

    The Israeli army would pull back from populated areas of Gaza on the first day of the ceasefire. On the seventh day, displaced Palestinians would be permitted to return to northern Gaza. Israel would allow 600 aid trucks with food and medical supplies to enter Gaza daily.

    The second phase, which was expected to be negotiated on the 16th day of the ceasefire, would see the release of the remaining Israeli hostages. Israel would complete its withdrawal from Gaza maintaining a presence in some parts of the Philadelphi corridor, which stretches along the 13 km border between Gaza and Egypt.

    It would surrender its control of the Rafah border crossing into Egypt.

    The third phase would see negotiations for a permanent end of the war and the reconstruction of Gaza.

    Israel habitually signs agreements, including the Camp David Accords and the Oslo Peace Agreement, with timetables and phases. It gets what it wants — in this case the release of the hostages — in the first phase and then violates subsequent phases. This pattern has never been broken.

    Israel refused to honour the second phase of the deal. It blocked humanitarian aid into Gaza two weeks ago, violating the agreement. It also killed at least 137 Palestinians during the first phase of the ceasefire, including nine people, — three of them journalists — when Israeli drones attacked a relief team on March 15 in Beit Lahiya in northern Gaza

    Israel’s heavy bombing and shelling of Gaza resumed March 18 while most Palestinians were asleep or preparing their suhoor, the meal eaten before dawn during the holy month of Ramadan. Israel will not stop its attacks now, even if the remaining hostages are freed — Israel’s supposed reason for the resumption of the bombing and siege of Gaza.

    The Trump White House is cheering on the slaughter. They attack critics of the genocide as “antisemites” who should be silenced, criminalised or deported while funneling billions of dollars in weapons to Israel.

    Israel’s genocidal assault on Gaza is the inevitable denouement of its settler colonial project and apartheid state. The seizure of all of historic Palestine — with the West Bank soon, I expect, to be annexed by Israel — and displacement of all Palestinians has always been the Zionist goal.

    Israel’s worst excesses occurred during the wars of 1948 and 1967 when huge parts of historic Palestine were seized, thousands of Palestinians killed and hundreds of thousands were ethnically cleansed. Between these wars, the slow-motion theft of land, murderous assaults and steady ethnic cleansing in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, continued.

    That calibrated dance is over. This is the end. What we are witnessing dwarfs all the historical assaults on Palestinians. Israel’s demented genocidal dream — a Palestinian nightmare — is about to be achieved.

    It will forever shatter the myth that we, or any Western nation, respect the rule of law or are the protectors of human rights, democracy and the so-called “virtues” of Western civilisation. Israel’s barbarity is our own. We may not understand this, but the rest of the globe does.

    Chris Hedges is a Pulitzer Prize–winning journalist who was a foreign correspondent for 15 years for The New York Times, where he served as the Middle East bureau chief and Balkan bureau chief for the paper. He is the host of show “The Chris Hedges Report”. This article is republished from his X account.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Burning oil, gas, and coal — literal fossil fuels, made from the compressed remains of ancient plants and plankton — has released carbon into Earth’s atmosphere, where it traps heat and alters the climate. That process has caused massive destruction and loss of life, and it will continue to do so. As a result, carbon came to be seen as something to “fight,” “combat,” and “capture.” 

    Paul Hawken, the author of the new book Carbon: The Book of Life, argues that the climate movement is thinking about its work, and messaging, all wrong. “Those who call carbon a pollutant might want to lay down their word processor,” Hawken writes. Carbon, he notes, is after all the building block of life, the animating force behind trees, rhinos, eyelashes, hormones, bamboo, and so much more. Without it, Earth would just be a lonely, dead rock. So much for decarbonizing. 

    Hawken has come to believe that treating carbon as something to tackle, liquefy, and pump into geological formations not only reflects the same mindset that caused climate change in the first place, but also further alienates people from the living world. There is no “climate crisis,” he argues, but a crisis of human thinking and behavior that’s degrading the soil, wiping out entire species, and changing the weather faster than people can adapt. “From a planetary view,” he writes in Carbon, “the warming atmosphere is a response, an adjustment, a teaching.”

    Viking / Jasmine Scaelsciani Hawken

    The book records a shift in his thinking. In 2017, Hawken published Drawdown: The Most Comprehensive Plan Ever Proposed to Reverse Global Warming, a book that ranked 100 climate solutions by how much they could reduce carbon emissions, from refrigerant leaks to food waste. The nonprofit Project Drawdown, which he launched, continues to implement these kinds of fixes around the world. But now, Hawken is forgoing straightforward metrics to focus on what he sees as a deeper cultural problem. “The living world is a complex interactive system and doesn’t lend itself to simple solutions,” he said.

    The new book frames carbon as a flow — a cycle that moves through the atmosphere, oceans, soil, with the element absorbed by growing plants and exhaled in every animal breath. Hawken’s book is a lesson in what’s sometimes called “unlearning,” or letting go of old assumptions, like the idea that nature is something to fix or control. The book explores ways to repair a broken relationship with the natural world, drawing inspiration from Indigenous cultures and new scientific discoveries. Hawken marvels at how much remains unknown about carbon, which he dubs “the most mysterious element of all.”

    The book’s poetic language offers a stark contrast to the warlike terms climate advocates tend to use to describe carbon. Hawken argues that the typical metaphors are not only inaccurate — how exactly do you battle an element? — but also provide fuel for right-wing narratives that carbon has been unfairly demonized. Last week, E&E News reported that the Trump administration is planning a federal report making the case that a warming world would be a good thing, a pretext for weakening climate regulations. 

    “Carbon dioxide is not an evil gas,” David Legates, a former Trump official, said in a recent video put out by the Heartland Institute, a conservative think tank. “Rather, it’s a gas beneficial to life on Earth. It’ll increase temperatures slightly, and warmer temperatures are certainly better than colder temperatures.” 

    Hawken wants a broad shift in how people talk about the natural world, though, not just a rethinking of the climate movement’s metaphors. He points to how financial institutions increasingly refer to nature as a commodity. In January, BlackRock, the world’s largest asset manager, declared “natural capital” an investment priority. In February, Goldman Sachs launched a “biodiversity bond fund” turning ecosystems into investment products. The jargon used in scientific reports and global climate conferences also creates a sense of detachment that dulls the living things it refers to. Hawken describes the word “biodiversity” as “a bloodless term” and “carbon neutrality” as an absurd “biophysical impossibility.” 

    “We are numbed by the science, puzzled by jargon, paralyzed by predictions, confused about what actions to take, stressed as we scramble to care for our family, or simply impoverished, overworked, and tired,” Hawken writes. “Most of humanity doesn’t talk about climate change because we do not know what to say.”

    Even plainspoken terms like “nature” are suspect, in Hawken’s view: The concept only seems to exist to mark a separation between humans and the rest of the world. He points out that the Chicham language of the Achuar people in the Amazon doesn’t have a word for nature, nor do other Indigenous languages. “Such words would only be needed if the Achuar experienced nature as distinct from the self,” he writes. English, by contrast, he describes as a “rootless” language, borrowing terms from so many places that it struggles to teach the kind of deep, reciprocal relationships that are born from living in one place and caring for it over many generations. 

    Hawken hopes to mend that separation by helping people discover the flow of carbon in their daily lives and kindle a sense of wonder about it. Carbon delves into mind-bending scientific discoveries about the kind of marvels that carbon makes possible. Bees, with their two-milligram brains, appear able to count, learn by observation, feel pain and pleasure, and even recognize their own knowledge. The rye plant senses the world around it with more than 14 million roots and root hairs, a network that one plant neurobiologist described as a type of brain. Hawken’s book is a reminder that carbon — despite all the problems caused by releasing too much of it into the atmosphere — is actually a gift.

    The goal of Carbon isn’t to map out a plan for saving the Earth, but to rekindle a sense of relationship with it. 

    Where Hawken lives in California, his community recently restored a salmon stream, breaking down a concrete barrier under a bridge that had blocked the fish on their final journey up the stream to spawn. “The core of it is about care, and kindness, and connection, and compassion, and generosity,” Hawken said. “That’s where regeneration starts.”

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline The climate movement is talking about carbon all wrong, a new book argues on Mar 21, 2025.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • eryn kimura, her english was unusually good, 8in x 10in, collage on paper, kyoto, japan, 2016

    You’re a fifth-generation San Franciscan and a Chinese and Japanese American. How does your identity shape the work you produce as an artist? Is there any separation between the art and the artist? What drives you to make art?

    I’m about to sound like an art teacher: everyone’s an artist. Life is art. Everything we create is art. But I really do feel that even just our choices, our decisions, the way we look at the world, the way we interact with one another are forms of art in some way. Growing up as a fifth-generation San Franciscan with deep roots in San Francisco and deep roots in California, I have always felt this deeper inner body of knowing—a deeper connection to self, but also to others, and to existence, and to the place that not only raised me but raised my parents, my grandparents, my great-grandparents, my great-great-grandparents. The place that has been stewarded by generations of the Ohlone and Ramaytush-Ohlone ancestors.

    I’ve always had this deep fascination with walking in San Francisco and feeling that I am in a portal, like timeline jumping. I would walk through the city as a kid and my grandma would be like, “Eryn, this is where we used to go for really good pork chops, the Pork Chop House. They were really cheap, $2.75 a plate.” And then I’d be imagining my grandma there, imagining my mom there, and then just feeling this deep connection to the place and people.

    My identity is the lens through which I see the world, and also the lens through which so many others probably see me. I feel like my identity is how I get to express myself. It’s also me trying to figure things out and alchemize these pasts that I didn’t have any words or visuals or pictures for. Audre Lorde says, “Name the nameless.” I felt all these unsung songs, these deep hymns and feelings. Creating and expressing was a way for me to dig all of these things up and to make them more tangible. I’m so deeply intertwined. The art and the artist are one and the same.

    eryn kimura, ancestors boogie, 8in x 11in, collage, san francisco, ca, 2019

    You’re predominantly a collage artist. You pull from a vast personal collection of vintage magazine clippings and handmade Japanese paper, amongst other materials. What is the value of repurposing found and archival materials?

    Collage allows me to look at the collective memory. I love going through these magazines and publications that were a part of mass media during my parents’, my grandparents’, my great-grandparents’ time. It’s like understanding the hegemony of the time. You see these large cultural currents that were the exact currents and discourses my ancestors were traversing and navigating, but also actively questioning. I feel a lot of those discourses throughout my body. I feel those lineages of generational trauma through the ways in which those discourses still play out today. Collage and the act of going through papers and touching the ephemera and looking at it, it’s so tactile. I just fucking love that. This is the shit that people were being inundated with at the time.

    Like racist shit?

    Yeah, very racist shit. It’s just a trip because these articles and prints were very supremacist and very patriarchal. Collage allows me to literally tear shit out and rip it apart and crumble it and then create something totally new and different. The act of cutting things up, dissecting—it’s almost turning hegemony on its head. What did these things actually mean? What brings me joy and beauty from looking at it? I think a lot of it also has to do with de-contextualizing and reimagining. There’s a magical element, but there’s also a deep, nostalgic element to everything I do.

    My mom is a musician. My parents met at the height of 1969 at a school dance. They’re high school sweethearts. When they met, my mom was in a daisy chain and her own homemade dress, maybe tripping on acid. When my parents tell me these stories, I already have these visuals and these feelings, and I’m able to transcribe them and reconfigure them. It’s satisfying. There’s a deep pleasure that comes from all of it.

    eryn kimura, kinoko kween, 10in x 8in, collage, osaka, japan, 2016

    I would love to hear a little more about your creative process.

    When I was living in Japan, I really felt the gender dynamics, the sexual and patriarchal trauma. I know the queens that came before me have dealt with so much shit. All the femmes that I grew up with, all the aunties, my mom, my grandma—fierce-ass warrior femmes. I’ve always felt this lack of safety in my body, whether in America or in Japan or anywhere. So I found all these old 1950s publications with “demure” Asian American women and took them out of these contexts, reimagining them as these revered figures who are also complicated and yet powerful in their bodies. I’m so deeply nostalgic for San Francisco, the village that raised me and that is so at risk. So I include those pieces of Frisco in the collage. Whether that’s through the cars that I grew up seeing, that my parents and my grandparents used to drive; or the foods that we all grew up with; or the streets we were raised on. I have certain threads and motifs that I always put in all my work.

    I am so obsessive about cutting little things. I literally just take stacks of magazines, newspapers, ephemera that I find at estate sales, like at the Japanese American Buddhist temple garage sales where everyone’s just giving away their shit. I have days where I just cut things. I organize them because I’m a Capricorn. And I cut big pieces and really small ones. I have those Altoid mini cans [for storage]. And then I put things together. I always start with the big and then go small.

    I revisit things a lot. Oftentimes when I’m creating something through collage, I know that I may not love the first few sketches, but I try to just keep going. I try to just remember creativity is like a muscle. Sometimes you make some shit things.

    eryn kimura, untitled, 8.5in x 11in, mixed media, san francisco, ca, 2019

    What do you do when you feel like something is not working?

    It’s really hard to just stop. Sometimes I let go and step away and do other shit. I put time limits on myself because I’m incredibly obsessive. I like to go for a walk or listen to music or get really, really high and just see what happens.

    How does ancestral wisdom guide your creative practice?

    I’m one of those people that needed a manual or a book to tell me how the fuck to make it in this world. But instead I have been given morsels from all my family members, all the elders in my life, and even from nature and interactions with the universe. I’ve been given these little grains, these little snacks, and now it’s my job to synthesize them. It’s my job to take these threads from all these different records—places that I’ve been to, people that I’ve met—and quilt them all together. My collage art and my art process is me synthesizing this ancestral wisdom that I feel and that I’ve been collecting over time. I see myself as a legacy worker. I feel so lucky to be doing this legacy work and to be a part of this continuum of care, abundance, and infinite possibility. Now that I have all my niblings—my eight nieces and nephews—it’s never been about me. It’s always been about the “we.” I exist in this village.

    You were born and raised in San Francisco and live in Oakland now, though you also lived in France and Japan. Due to the tech industry, COVID, and other things, San Francisco looks different from the city you were raised in. From a local’s perspective, how has it changed?

    First of all, I needed to fucking leave San Francisco because I was just popping off on everyone in my 20s. I was like, “This place is awful.” But I don’t want to live in this doom loop anymore. What I see now is the deterioration and the active dismantling of the intergenerational village, of the poly-cultural village. The village is upheld by the mom and pop stores that have been there for a while, the pillars of the community. I firmly believe that people are places, and that places are people. When you don’t have the people, you don’t have the place. The people in the community that create that place are actively being pushed out. It happens so quickly in San Francisco because there is a tremendous amount of wealth here.

    eryn kimura, untitled (frisco flora and fauna), 10in x 8in, collage, san francisco, ca, 2020

    eryn kimura, frisco tropicale, 14cm x 19cm, collage on journal cover, san francisco, ca, 2020

    In addition to making art, you are a community organizer. I would love to hear about how one informs the other. What is the intersection between community organizing and art making? How do these two things coexist?

    One of my strengths is connecting with people. How can I continue to be a steward of the village? I work for this 105-year-old Black-led institution that has been embedded in the Fillmore and has a really deep history with Japantown. My preschool is in that building. When Japanese Americans were incarcerated, this community center held on to everyone’s stuff and helped people find housing when they came back from the camps.

    I haven’t been doing a lot of collage lately, but my current work, my 9-to-5 work, is very much in alignment with my principles and my values and my art. I’m dedicating a lot of time in life to creating an intergenerational village: one that is culturally responsive, one that is dignified, one where people want to be there, one where joy is centralized. How do we ensure that all of these OGs like Fillmore Black Frisconians can age with utmost dignity and joy, in community, in the place that they helped steward and create?

    Your day job feels like it’s a human tapestry, like a collage in physical form.

    That’s what I hope. I want all the babies to remember that they exist in this beautiful collective ecosystem with rich histories, with incredible stories, and people that are just pure love.

    How have you maintained your art practice for over a decade? I know you have taken breaks and picked up other interests along the way, like baking. What do you think an artistic life looks like?

    I’ve taken many capitalist and anti-capitalist sabbaticals, aka my whole time in fucking France, where I had all these odd jobs and was just scrounging around for money. Japan was my art sabbatical. I literally can’t help but think that every choice and everything that I do is an artistic practice. For example, I like saying hi to everyone on the street. I like smiling at people. I love doing really mundane things. I love walking outside. Have you ever read Jun’ichirō Tanizaki? The beauty is in the shadows. I love looking at the way light hits the walls, and the changing of the day. I think a lot of living an artistic life is just being incredibly present. To exist: what a fucking miracle. What are the odds that we’re all here, that we’re all here together, in this skin and with all these birds and these trees and everything? An artistic life also looks like taking my time, really making sure that in every moment I carve out corners and crevices of joy and of stillness and awe. Awe is really important to me.

    eryn kimura, love letter to my aunties (renshi love letter project), 11in x 14in, collage, oakland, ca , 2023

    What inspires you?

    Walking in early morning light through Chinatown or on Clement Street and seeing the shadows hit the mounds of oranges on display. Seeing the way the sun shines through the gates throughout the Richmond District and throughout the Mission. Jenny Odell’s books really inspire me, especially How to Do Nothing. There is just so much in the seemingly mundane. Going to the Tilden Park Botanical Gardens, because it’s fucking free. Smelling fresh earth. Redwoods post-rain. Watching babies and kids running the streets—they make me remember who I’m fighting for and what we have to fight for. Whale watching in April or May off of Fort Funston gives me all the good feels. Berkeley farmers markets. The literal fruits of people’s labor. I love looking at people’s grocery lists, seeing the cursive. They tell you so much about a person and what stage they are at in life. That’s their everyday practice, right? What a gorgeous art form, just their printed cursive and their little notes. The Museum of the African Diaspora curator Key Jo Lee really inspires me. San Francisco is not worthy. Octavia Butler. LaRussell. Risographs. Betye Saar.

    Things have been bleak in the world lately (maybe always?) and it’s been a particularly rough start to the year in California with the devastating wildfires. What brings you hope these days?

    My imagination. Everyone’s imagination. The first thing to be colonized is our imagination. They don’t want us to dream. They don’t want us to have hope. They don’t want us to imagine a new world, but we have no choice but to imagine a better world. I love the quantum universe. These new worlds exist. We have no idea why we’re here, why our skin grows back when it gets cut, but we’re all miraculously here. We do some really fucked up things together. But the fact that we’re here, and the fact of the movements that have come before us, and the love that has been transmitted before us… that shit really helps.

    eryn kimura recommends:

    The South Berkeley Farmers’ Market in late August

    Walking through Golden Gate Park when it’s really, really foggy on a three-day weekend when all the suckas leave town

    The smell of Tilden Botanical Gardens after the rain

    Intergenerational dance floors

    Singing the final verses of “I Get Lonely” by Janet Jackson at the top of one’s lungs with utmost dynamism during the Wednesday morning commute across the Bay Bridge

    eryn kimura, untitled, 14cm x 19cm, collage on journal cover, paris, france, 2019

    This post was originally published on The Creative Independent.

  • pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic pasted-movie.heic

    This is the thirteenth part in a series about riding night trains across Europe and the Near East to Armenia—to spend time in worlds beyond the pathological obsessions of Donald Trump. (This week, probably without being able to locate Ukraine, Russia, Turkey, and western Europe on a globe, President Trump tried to dictate peace terms in the war between Russia and Ukraine by lip-syncing what he heard from Russian President Putin on a two-hour prep phone call.)

    pasted-movie.heic

    The Ankara home office of the Turkish president, seemingly for life, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.

    Down the hill from the presidential palace and through one more police checkpoint, I found the Atatürk Museum Mansion. Mercifully, in all my planning the night before, I had downloaded its image to my phone, and that’s what I showed at each police stockade. I don’t really think the president police wanted me biking along Erdoğan Alley (or whatever the presidential high street is called), but at the same time I still think that Atatürk trumps everyone else in Turkey, and that’s the reason I was allowed to pedal along the imperial boulevard.

    A police woman from a nearby checkpoint came over to me as I was locking my bicycle to a drain pipe near the front door, but unlike the dour cops on the road above, she was chatty and friendly, and told me that she had grown up in Rize, on the Black Sea coast. She inspected the folding bicycle and wished me a pleasant stay in Turkey (which isn’t something you often get).

    On my first visit to Istanbul in summer 1976, two policemen with truncheons roughed me up in a public park which, they said, I had entered after it was closed to pedestrians—not something I had expected from the Turkish tourist slogan “Choose Your Memories”.

    +++

    On this occasion, by the time I entered the Atatürk presidential mansion, I think I had qualified as one of the world’s experts in Atatürk museums. Not only had I been to the two other Atatürk exhibitions in Ankara, but I had also been to his birthplace museum in Thessaloniki (alas now in Greece) and his military academy museum in Bitola, North Macedonia. In Istanbul, I had seen his house there, which is also a museum.

    This museum seemed to have what all the other museums had, which is replicas of his sitting rooms, desk, important books and papers, and, of course, more of his formal wear, including a top hat and walking stick.

    A few of the museum displays describe his early years, growing up in what was then Salonica. His father was a military officer, and his mother, while probably Turkish, might well have had the mixed family blood that is all too common across that part of the Balkans (then under Turkish occupation)—meaning, her ancestors might well have been Jewish, Bulgarian, or Macedonian (which can be read to mean Slavic). No one is quite sure.

    The young Mustafa was destined for a military career from an early age. He was a junior officer, a captain, in 1908 when the Young Turks (a group of senior military officers) staged their coup d’état against the Ottoman sultan, Abdul Hamid II, ushering in a form of limited republican government (with generals at the top to see that nothing got out of hand). Of the democratic stirrings at that time, author Sean McMeekin asks in The Ottoman Endgame: War, Revolution, and the Making of the Modern Middle East, 1908-1923:

    Can the peoples of this simmering ethno-religious cauldron of a country—Muslims and Christians, Balkan Serbs, Croats, Bosniaks and Albanians, Turks and Greeks, Circassians, Tatars, Armenians and Kurds, Arabs and Jews—really have believed that a few French words (liberté, fraternité, égalité) would submerge their differences, reverse the Ottoman Empire’s centuries-old stagnation and decline, and bring Turkey into the sunlit uplands of modern constitutional democracy?

    +++

    Several things saved the Young Turk Revolution from devouring its own during the long course of World War I, which otherwise collapsed the Ottoman Empire.

    One was the leadership of certain German generals in Turkey—notable Liman von Sanders who led the defense at Gallipoli and defeated the landing Allies—and the other was the distraction of the Russian revolution in 1917, which coincided with the success of the Russian army in eastern Turkey (which might well have further partitioned the country).

    In the 1918 Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, Russia gave away all the gains its army had made against the Turks in Kars and Erzurum, which allowed Atatürk and his compatriots after World War I to use eastern Turkey as the region to rally national consciousness.

    In the best negotiations of the war, Russia cut a deal in 1915 that it would control Constantinople (Istanbul) should the Allies be successful in their Gallipoli campaign (which saw few contributions from the Russians). But that transaction came to naught when the Allies lost their bid for the Straits and later when the revolution took Russia out of the war.

    McMeekin writes: “It was Disraeli’s summoning of the fleet that had forced the Russians to stand down at San Stefano in 1878. Now that Britain and Russia, in 1916, were wartime allies alongside France, the empire’s death knell seemed to have rung at last—except that the British and Russians kept failing to coordinate strategy in the Ottoman theater.”

    Ironically, Turkey has a greater historical claim to Crimea than either Ukraine or Russia, and the issues underlying the current Ukraine-Russia war echo those fought over by Russia, Turkey, and the western allies in 1853-56, 1877-78, and 1914-18.

    +++

    By the 1920s, it was Atatürk who was the beneficiary of this legacy, which allowed him to push the Greeks out of Asia Minor, the Russians back to the Caucasus, and the occupying British, French, and Italians back to their barracks in the Middle East.

    Admittedly, Atatürk had lost Palestine to the French and British, but at the same time the new Turkish state was stripped of its Arab component, which in the long run might well have saved it. As McMeekin writes:

    In the end Kemal and the Turkish nationalists, following the failure of Enver’s Caucasian gambit in 1918, chose triage, abandoning the ungovernable empire—and its troublesome minorities—in favor of an exclusionary nation-state they could govern with a firm hand. In this project, they succeeded beyond expectations. Outside Turkey’s borders, the War of the Ottoman Succession rages on, with no end in sight.

    The director of the Atatürk Mansion Museum walked me around the house, and afterwards she invited me to her offices for tea. There I met Atatürk the cat, who seemed to have the run of the mansion, and talked with the director about other Atatürk museums in the world. She encouraged me to visit Atatürk’s tomb in Ankara, a memorial complex known as Anıtkabir.

    She gave me directions and, fortified by tea, I set off on my bicycle, only this time, at the first police checkpoint, the officers had new policies, and I had to hand over my passport and answer stern questions about where I had been. Yet again, when I showed my pictures of Atatürk’s top hat (not to mention his namesake cat), I was allowed to carry on, and in less than thirty minutes, I was back downtown, this time looking up another access road blocked by a police roadblock.

    +++

    To enter Anıtkabir, I needed to buy a ticket, stow my bag in a locker, and lock my bicycle to road sign outside the front gate. The irony is that cars, once they were inspected, were allowed to drive up to the base of the memorial. But bikes could not get anywhere near Atatürk’s tomb.

    I was leery about locking my bicycle on a busy Turkish street, but I did so in a place that was opposite a police command post, figuring that might either deter thieves or, conversely, incite the cops to join with them in liberating the bike. (Mercifully, it was there when I got back.)

    I walked up a sweeping wooded drive to the memorial, which, much more than a tomb, is another retrospective on the life of Mustafa Kemal and an official history of modern Turkey. I was there almost two hours.

    The tomb itself is at the end of a long promenade in a building fronted with columns (monumental but less grand than Erdogan’s palace). Inside I found hundreds of school children, writing down the dates of Atatürk’s life and death (1881 – 1938).

    +++

    Of more interest to me—beside the exhibits of his speed boat and a model of his railway sleeping car—was the attached history museum that, leaving aside the cabinets with more of his tuxedos, went into detail about the Turkish campaigns in World War I (except those against the Armenians) and those in the 1919-22 war with Greece in western Anatolia.

    The museum has a number of oversized paintings showing the destruction of Allied warships in the Dardanelles. In one picture the French battleship Bouvet is taking a direct hit to its midships and already listing hard to port. But in the museum I was most drawn to the terms of the Mudros Armistice, which was signed on October 30, 1918, ending the war between the Entente (Britain, French, and Russia) Powers and the Ottoman Empire.

    At that point, while Ottoman armies were having success in the Caucasus, from which the Russians had withdrawn (McMeekin: “Of all the deathbed miracles that had saved the Ottoman Empire in the modern era, Lenin’s revolution was surely the greatest.”), they were losing heavily in Palestine, and the combined French-Serbian-British forces had broken through the Axis lines in Macedonia, eliminating Bulgaria from the war and threatening to take Constantinople (which they did).

    Not wanting to fight on three fronts, the Ottomans surrendered, and what they gave up is listed in the terms agreed at Mudros, a town on the island Lemnos, not far from the mouth of the Dardanelles.

    It was a Carthaginian peace that allowed the Allies to occupy and partition all of the Ottoman Empire. (For example, point 15 of the armistice reads: “All railways shall be under the control of the police forces of the Entente Powers.”) The Allies also secured the right to occupy the Armenian provinces in the east, and they received approval to liquidate what was left of the Ottoman Empire.

    Mudros, and then the Greek invasion of central Anatolia, explain why Atatürk and his fellow officers decided to keep up the fight. On one panel in the museum he’s quoted as saying, in May 1919: “The occupation of Izmir by the Greek army has caused a profound agony far beyond our imagination and expression to the nation and army with I have close relations. Neither the nation nor the army shall yield and accept this unjustifiable attack on its existence.”

    Other paintings in the museum suggest that Greek Smyrna was destroyed in response to massacres that the Greek army—following the lead of Greek clerics—committed in western Anatolia. (In the painting, Greek soldiers are bayoneting Turkish mothers and babies. I almost got the feeling that the Greeks themselves lit fire to Smyrna and jumped into the burning sea as part of their own plans.) In these accounts, order is only restored when Atatürk marches his troops into the city now called Izmir (Greeks have another version).

    +++

    One of the British officials most concerned with the war’s end in Asia Minor was Winston Churchill, who in September 1922 was Colonial Secretary and responsible for many British holdings in the Middle East, including the occupation sector around Çanakkale.

    After the fall of Izmir, Churchill hated the idea of losing control of the Straits, and wanted the border between Europe and Asia drawn down the channels of the Bosphorus and the Sea of Marmara, but his colleagues in the British government talked him out of yet another war—although Britain would gets its fair share of conflict in the regions of the defunct Ottoman Empire that it took under its control.

    And another way to look at the current conflict in the region between Russia and Ukraine is as the extension of the battles fought in World War I and afterwards between the remnants of the tsarist, Ottoman, and British empires—but to explore those vestiges I needed to head east to Erzurum and Kars, and eventually Georgia and Armenia.

    The post The Endless Russian-Turkish-Crimean Wars appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • The Michael Sarin Quintet at the Bar Bayeux: Michael Sarin (drums), Jerome Harris (bass), Brad Shepik (guitar); at left, the neck of Fima Ephron’s bass and the shoulder of pianist Rahul Carlberg; the evening’s emcee, Caleb Wheeler Curtis in the background. (Photo: David Yearsley)

    It was only after I left the Bar Bayeux in Brooklyn last Friday night, elated after two riveting sets from the Michael Sarin Quintet, that I realized that the club’s name was a clever pun on its address at 1066 Nostrand Avenue. Oh, I get it, I muttered, simultaneously congratulating and chiding myself for the insight and the slowness with which it had come. Having contended with speed traps along the Susquehanna, harsh winds in the Poconos and sink holes in New Jersey earlier that day, I was just glad to have made it to the right place at the right time, and to have heard and seen the kaleidoscopic succession of compositions—all originals and all by the band leader, my oldest friend and, like me, a transplant to the Empire State from Bainbridge Island, Washington in the Northwest corner of the American Empire.

    Also a long way from Brooklyn, the Bayeux Tapestry depicts the Norman Conquest which, as everyone used to know, took place in the year shared with the street number in stylish gold that I now regarded. In more than two-hundred linear feet of colorful needlework, the famed French textile depicts bloody conflict—a broadsword to the thorax here, an arrow through the eye there in the midnight mist on Nostrand Avenue. No unhorsings, mortal blows, or Viking longboats packed with knights armed to the top of their heads decorate the plain red velvet curtain that hangs in the Bar Bayeux’s big glass window. Yet by some accounts, the history of jazz is the history of combat, with instruments referred to as axes, cymbals hurled at insurgent alto saxophonists, tenor duels and kindred cutting contests staged so as to inflict wounds of shame on the losers.

    The Bar Bayeux hosts jazz five nights a week and comedy on Sunday. The long narrow space is traversed by an unfussy, but elegant bar, backed by a pair of conjoined oblong mirrors that reflect the glow of Art Deco lamps and the deep red of the walls on which hang vintage gin posters and original art. At the far end of the bar a cluster of round tables and chairs gathers in front of the performers at the back reaches of the space. Doubtless many of these jazzers and jesters have emerged from an evening inside with injuries to their confidence, scathed by self-criticism or otherwise bruised in the struggle to stake the flag of their originality on new territory. The improvising spirit and body do not always answer the call of duty. Spontaneity and perfectionism are the Janus faces of jazz. They scowl plenty, and smile sometimes, though almost never at each other.

    Last Friday’s maiden voyage of the Michael Sarin Quintet was not an exercise in five-upmanship nor otherwise competitive display, but a wellspring of collaborative music-making in which individual expression was buoyed by an artistic plan of campaign masterminded by the group’s leader.

    Sarin his been living and working in New York City since the 1980s, touring extensively, often in Europe, with an impressively diverse cast, among them the late alto saxophonist, Thomas Chapin, avant-gardist John Zorn, the trumpeter Dave Douglas, the Klezmer clarinet virtuoso David Krakauer, and the saxophonist, Caleb Wheeler Curtis, who introduced the evening’s two sets. Curtis welcomed all who had come for whatever reasons—to hang out, to sample the excellent cocktails, to forget about Trump and his conquests and invasions, domestic and foreign. But Curtis gently reminded the assembled that, while conversation was not prohibited, many in the club had come expressly to hear what he rightly called the “world-class musicians.” Indeed, a host of Sarin’s colleagues were in attendance. The quintet offered them connoisseurs’ music that delighted and challenged anyone listening.

    Sarin has made his career as a percussionist. His tool kit is his drum kit. He brings his own cymbals, and they shimmered, shone and flamed not just Bayeux red but in colors from across the spectrum. Relentlessly propulsive at brisk tempos, attentively atmospheric in slower ones, and uncannily incisive and encouraging always, Sarin’s approach is orchestral, full of color and invention, long phrases and dynamic contours, but also marked by unpremeditated bolts of syncopation, unexpected emphasis and humor—the lash and laugh of the skins, the bright chatter of the hi-hat, the instant omens of the bass drum. These shifting effects and clever commentaries ride on an unfaltering rhythmic flow that counts as a force of nature, though, of course, it took years of youthful practice to develop and secure its sustaining power.

    But Sarin is much more than a consummate rhythmicist, unfalteringly rigorous yet irrepressibly creative. He is a musical omnivore: he eats everything with his ears, digests the nourishment with his genius.

    He commands an astounding musical memory stocked with everything from the college fight songs he used to pick out on his living room spinet, to ad jingles, to movie themes, to the whole history of jazz, swaths of R&B, soul and pop. These staples are augmented classical music, including, of late, reworkings of modernist Eastern Europeans like Lutosławski and Shostakovich which he has been undertaking in recent years in the company of the ingenious deconstructivist arranger Michael Bates. Sarin can sing you anything from this vast catalog on request and in exactly the right key.

    That comprehensive knowledge and craft is coupled with a keen sense of social and political contexts, as well as a feel for the connection of music to place and people. Composition is not an academic exercise for Sarin, even if there is much erudition in his complex scores with their searching harmonies, daunting cross-relations, penchant for contrapuntal dialogue, Cubist melodies, and shifting time signatures cut through by syncopation. The work is rhythmically expansive, which means geographically expansive. Among Friday’s set list, “Caetano,” to the great musician, poet, and political activist Caetano Veloso, has a Brazilian lilt and flair. The rhythmic ebullience of the north-African infused “A’ashiri,” which means homeboy in Moroccan Darija dialect) projects a carefree self-assuredness.

    From the start, “Crimper” set the high-minded, if still-accessible tone for the evening. The title seems to refer to human trafficking—crimping being a synonym for shanghai-ing. The 5/4 meter of the opening section conveys horrors and violence, the texture aggravated by seasick chromaticism and jagged, tangled leaps. These shackling procedures give way to a more contiguous, comforting melody in lilting triple time that seems to evoke hope or simply the beauty of the seas as seen from captivity—assuming a vantage point of the waves from above deck.

    Another uneven 5/4 time signature followed directly on from “Crimper” in “A.I.n’t Shit.” Replete with the irritating routines and tiresome tautologies of LLM and machine learning as represented by self-cannibalizing canons and an incessant single-note piano ostinato, Sarin’s archly human wit cut through the computerized clutter, the composer become living ghost in the machine powered by his solipsistic drum phases churned out like an IBM punch card getting fed through the mainframe.

    The first set finished with “Flag Wavers” marching relentlessly upward then down in unambiguous, undoubting on-the-beat chords before arriving in the end at hand-over-heart D-major unadulterated by foreign harmonic elements. These foursquare fulminations were ironized by the snap of Sarin’s snare and the jeering of his ride cymbal, and by Shepik’s careening solo the cut against the red-white-and-blue grain. Later, “Disheveled Dandy” responded to this permanent-press patriotism with an air of unkempt contempt.

    Sarin wrote and arranged all the evening’s music with the evening’s four other performers in mind. The unusual use of two electric bassists shows the composer’s admiration for Fima Ephron, who supplied the low fundament, and Jerome Harris who explored the high baritone and tenor strata with his countermelodic investigations. Harris put down his bass and took up his guitar on occasion to raise the ensemble tessitura in dialogues with the Brad Shepik, another Washington Stater also long in New York. Shepik proved an intrepid improviser on “Wheels,” dedicated to him; the guitarist scurried and soared above the Afrobeat, unfazed—indeed uplifted—by Sarinian complexities. Pianist Rahul Carlberg, son of pair of Sarin’s musical colleagues, offered up a ruminative solo introduction to “Meditation” that progressed from the tentative to the poised. Carlberg has the rhythmic smarts and fleetness to keep pace with Sarin’s shifting temporal frames, and his pianism ranges from the pointillistic to the tastefully loquacious to the mighty two-fisted tremolo.

    This whole lot of night music was all new material from the composer-arranger-performer-bandleader, bravely and brilliantly presented by his group. As with anything this fresh, there were moments of doubt where decisions had to made on the spot. At these crossroads, Sarin continued to drum while singing the part of anyone who had missed an entry, or he shouted instructions above the glorious fray, as he did just before evening’s end in the high-octane “Geri,” dedicated to the American jazz pianist Geri Allen. After a long, coruscating crescendo of a drum solo in which the maestro surged to the foreground accompanied by the rest of the ensemble, Sarin cried out “last time, last time!” to his bandmates and they joined forces for the final refrain of the evening.

    Here’s hoping this is not the last time, but rather the first of many for the Michael Sarin Quintet, a band with many other dates to mark and clubs to conquer.

    The post Bayeux Fever appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • By Caleb Fotheringham, RNZ Pacific journalist

    Papua New Guinea being declared a Christian nation may offer the impression that the country will improve, but it is only “an illusion”, according to a Catholic priest in the country.

    Last week, the PNG Parliament amended the nation’s constitution, introducing a declaration in its preamble: “(We) acknowledge and declare God, the Father; Jesus Christ, the Son; and Holy Spirit, as our Creator and Sustainer of the entire universe and the source of our powers and authorities, delegated to the people and all persons within the geographical jurisdiction of Papua New Guinea.”

    In addition, Christianity will now be reflected in the Fifth Goal of the Constitution, and the Bible will be recognised as a national symbol.

    Father Giorgio Licini of Caritas PNG said that the Catholic Church would have preferred no constitutional change.

    “To create, nowadays, in the 21st century a Christian confessional state seems a little bit anachronistic,” Father Licini said.

    He believes it is a “cosmetic” change that “will not have a real impact” on the lives of the people.

    “PNG society will remain basically what it is,” he said.

    An ‘illusion that things will improve’
    “This manoeuvre may offer the impression or the illusion that things will improve for the country, that the way of behaving, the economic situation, the culture may become more solid. But that is an illusion.”

    He said the preamble of the 1975 Constitution already acknowledged the Christian heritage.

    Father Licini said secular cultures and values were scaring many in PNG, including the recognition and increasing acceptance of the rainbow community.

    “They see themselves as next to Indonesia, which is Muslim, they see themselves next to Australia and New Zealand, which are increasingly secular countries, the Pacific heritage is fading, so the question is, who are we?” he said.

    “It looks like a Christian heritage and tradition and values and the churches, they offer an opportunity to ground on them a cultural identity.”

    Village market near christian church building, Papua New Guinea
    Village market near a Christian church building in Papua New Guinea . . . secular cultures and values scaring many in PNG. Image: 123rf

    Prime Minister James Marape, a vocal advocate for the amendment, is happy about the outcome.

    He said it “reflects, in the highest form” the role Christian churches had played in the development of the country.

    Not an operational law
    RNZ Pacific’s PNG correspondent Scott Waide said that Marape had maintained it was not an operational law.

    “It is something that is rather symbolic and something that will hopefully unite Papua New Guinea under a common goal of sorts. That’s been the narrative that’s come out from the Prime Minister’s Office,” Waide said.

    He said the vast majority of people in the country had identified as Christian, but it was not written into the constitution.

    Waide said the founding fathers were aware of the negative implications of declaring the nation a Christian state during the decolonisation period.

    “I think in their wisdom they chose to very carefully state that Papua New Guineans are spiritual people but stopped short of actually declaring Papua New Guinea a Christian country.”

    He said that, unlike Fiji, which has had a 200-year experience with different religions, the first mosque in PNG opened in the 1980s.

    “It is not as diverse as you would see in other countries. Personally, I have seen instances of religious violence largely based on ignorance.

    “Not because they are politically driven, but because people are not educated enough to understand the differences in religions and the need to coexist.”

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • By Emma Andrews, RNZ Henare te Ua Māori journalism intern

    Māori contributions to the Aotearoa New Zealand economy have far surpassed the projected goal of “$100 billion by 2030”, a new report has revealed.

    The report conducted by the Ministry of Business, Innovation and Employment’s (MBIE) and Te Puni Kōkiri, Te Ōhanga Māori 2023, shows Māori entities have grown from contributing $17 billion to New Zealand’s GDP in 2018 to $32 billion in 2023, turning a 6.5 percent contribution to GDP into 8.9 percent.

    The Māori asset base has grown from $69 billion in 2018 to $126 billion in 2023 — an increase of 83 percent.

    Of that sum, there is $66 billion in assets for Māori businesses and employers, $19 billion in assets for self-employed Māori and $41 billion in assets for Māori trusts, incorporations, and other Māori collectives including post settlement entities.

    In 2018, $4.2 billion of New Zealand’s economy came from agriculture, forestry, and fishing which made it the main contributor.

    Now, administrative, support, and professional services have taken the lead contributing $5.1 billion in 2023.

    However, Māori collectives own around half of all of New Zealand’s agriculture, forestry, and fishing assets and remain the highest asset-rich sector.

    Focused on need
    Te Rūnanga o Toa Rangatira manages political and public interests on behalf of Ngāti Toa, including political interests, treaty claims, fisheries, health and social services, and environmental kaitiakitanga.

    Tumu Whakarae chief executive Helmut Modlik said they were not focused on making money, but on “those who need it most”.

    Te Rūnanga o Toa Rangatira tumu whakarae (CEO) Helmut Karewa Modlik.
    Te Rūnanga o Toa Rangatira tumu whakarae chief executive Helmut Karewa Modlik . . . “We focus on long-term benefits rather than short-term gains.” Image: Alicia Scott/RNZ

    Ngāti Toa invested in water infrastructure and environmental projects, with a drive to replenish the whenua and improve community health. Like many iwi, they also invest in enterprises that deliver essential services such as health, housing and education.

    “We focus on long-term benefits rather than short-term gains, ensuring that our investments contribute to the sustainable development of our community,” Modlik said.

    Between the covid-19 lockdown and 2023, the iwi grew their assets from $220 million to $850 million and increased their staff from 120 to over 600.

    Pou Ōhanga (chief economic development and investment officer) Boyd Scirkovich said they took a “people first” approach to decision making.

    “We focused on building local capacity and ensuring that our people had the resources and support they needed to navigate the challenges of the pandemic.”

    The kinds of jobs Māori are working are also changing.

    Māori workers now hold more high-skilled jobs than low-skilled jobs with 46 percent in high-skilled jobs, 14 percent in skilled jobs, and 40 percent in low-skilled jobs.

    That is compared to 2018 when 37 percent of Māori were in high-skilled jobs and 51 percent in low-skilled jobs.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

  • President Donald Trump, the same man who once said that people promoting electric vehicles should “ROT IN HELL,” bought his own EV this week. He showed off his new Tesla Model S — red, like the Make America Great Again hats — outside the White House on Tuesday, piling compliments on his senior advisor Elon Musk, the CEO of Tesla, and declaring the company’s vehicles “beautiful.”

    It resembled a sales pitch for Musk’s company, the country’s biggest seller of EVs. Tesla has lost more than half of its value since December as sales have plummeted worldwide. With Musk dismantling parts of the federal government as the head of the new Department of Government Efficiency, aka DOGE, the vehicles have become a toxic symbol for Democrats, a large portion of Tesla owners. Over the past week, protesters have vandalized Tesla dealerships, set Cybertrucks aflame, and boycotted the brand. Liberal Tesla drivers have slapped stickers on their cars that read “I bought this before Elon went crazy.” 

    The strong feelings surrounding Musk have already started to scramble the politics around EVs. Trump’s exhibition at the White House on Tuesday was a defense of Musk, who he said had been unfairly penalized for “finding all sorts of terrible things that have taken place against our country.” Yet the bizarre scene of Trump showcasing a vehicle that runs on electricity instead of gas felt almost like a sketch from Saturday Night Live, and not just because the Trump administration has been trying to reverse Biden-era rules that would have sped up the adoption of low-emissions vehicles. Here were the two biggest characters in MAGA politics promoting a technology that’s been largely rejected by their right-wing base. 

    Other prominent Republicans, including House Speaker Mike Johnson and Georgia Representative Marjorie Taylor Greene, quickly moved to defend Tesla against vandalism that Trump is labeling “domestic terrorism.” Tesla’s sudden shift from Democratic status symbol to Republican icon has some thinking the controversy around Musk could lead to a bipartisan embrace of EVs.

    “He’s uniquely positioned to and has the power to really shape this debate and help bridge the divide here,” said Joe Sacks, executive director of the American EV Jobs Alliance, a nonprofit trying to prevent “silly partisan politics” from stopping a manufacturing boom for electric vehicles. “I’m unsure if that’s what he’s going to use his new perch and his kind of role in the administration to do, but it seems like he has the ability to do that.” 

    According to polling the alliance conducted after the November election, Republicans have warmed up to Elon Musk, with 82 percent of those polled saying that Musk is a good ambassador for EVs. A solid majority of Trump voters — 64 percent — said they viewed Tesla favorably, compared with 59 percent of those who voted for Kamala Harris. “Republicans are probably inching towards the idea that there shouldn’t be much of a cultural divide on this product category, if the market leader CEO is sitting next to President Trump in the Oval Office during press conferences,” Sacks said.

    The data aligns with a recent analysis from the financial services firm Stifel, which found that Tesla has become more favorable among Republicans as its popularity plunges with Democrats. Compared to August, 13 percent more Republicans are willing to consider purchasing a Tesla.

    Photo of a Cybertruck painted like a flag with the word Trump over it
    A Donald Trump-themed Tesla Cybertruck sits in traffic in Washington, D.C.
    Christopher Furlong / Getty Images

    Yet there are reasons to suspect that EVs will continue to be a hard sell for Republicans. They are typically tradition-minded people who like big cars, not small cars with new technology they’ve never used before, said Marc Hetherington, a political scientist at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill and co-author of the book Prius Or Pickup? “Conservatives don’t have the sensibility that fits with electric vehicles at all,” he said. “So I don’t think that you’re going to see a spike in Tesla sales among conservatives.”

    Alexander Edwards, president of the research consultancy Strategic Vision, said that Republicans view gas-powered cars as a more practical purchase for transporting their families from place to place. That’s based on his firm’s surveys, which examine the psychology behind the car choices of about a quarter-million Americans a year. “I think Elon made a bet that I think he’s secretly regretting, that Republicans would come out of the woodwork and say, ‘Yes, we’re going to support you,’” Edwards said.

    If they came around to any electric vehicle, however, it might be a Tesla. One of the primary things Republicans care about when it comes to buying a car is that it looks fast and goes fast, and Tesla has seen more Republican buyers for that reason, Edwards said. Democrats have consistently been buying electric vehicles at a rate of 4 to 1 compared to Republicans, but 2 to 1 when it comes to Teslas, according to Edwards’ data. Last year, more Republicans than Democrats bought Teslas for the first time — not because more Republican flocked to the brand, but because Democrats pulled away from it.

    For Democrats, who had long been criticized as having a smug attitude for driving a Prius, Teslas offered a cool and desirable alternative with less baggage when they took off in the early 2010s. “Tesla was able to finally give Democratic buyers what they were looking for — a Prius-like image of being thoughtful, combined with the fun and excitement of a real luxury sports car,” Edwards said. That started to change as Musk became a magnet for political controversy, starting with his takeover of Twitter in 2022. A Tesla EV became a symbol of Tesla’s CEO. 

    “Doesn’t matter if you’re Republican or Democrat — when you jump into the Batmobile, you become Batman,” Edwards said. “And the same thing is true with the vehicles we purchase. We often want them to show who we are, what we’ve accomplished, what we stand for.”

    Of course, there are ways to depolarize electric vehicles that don’t rely on cues from Trump or Musk. Sacks recommends talking about the attributes of electric vehicles: their ability to accelerate faster and brake more crisply, as well as help people save money for every mile they drive, since there’s no need to buy gas. When people have friends or family who own an EV, that also helps break down the cultural divide, he said.

    In a way, you could see Trump becoming a salesman for electric vehicles as an example of that very phenomenon, with his self-described “first buddy” convincing him to come around. Just two years ago, Trump complained that EVs needed a charge every 15 minutes and would kill American jobs. But, after Musk endorsed his presidential campaign last summer and donated $288 million, Trump softened his tone, saying that he was in favor of “a very small slice” of cars being electric. “I have to be, you know,” Trump said, “because Elon endorsed me very strongly.” 

    On Tuesday, as Trump climbed into his new electric car for the first time, he seemed surprised by what he saw there. “That’s beautiful,” he said, admiring the dashboard. “This is a different panel than I’ve had. Everything’s computer!”

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline MAGA Teslas? Elon Musk is upending the politics of EVs. on Mar 14, 2025.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated A person looking at a person Description automatically generated
    A person in a suit looking at a person in a room Description automatically generated

    Gloria Grahame as Debbie Marsh, and Glenn Ford as Dave Bannion in The Big Heat, Fritz Lang, dir, Columbia Pictures, 1953. Screenshot.

    The ethos of cinema

    Comparing the moral stance of a popular movie to the national culture from which it arose is hard enough. Films are shaped by genre conventions that precede them as much as by their own historical settings. How much more fraught then, to place side by side a film made 72 years ago and the current political scene in the U.S? But when I recently saw again, in a British movie house, Fritz’s Lang’s noir classic The Big Heat (1953), I couldn’t help but compare its perspective on political corruption with our own. In the one, exposure leads to reform, to the “big heat” of justice; in the age of Trump, public discussion of corruption generates only low heat, not enough so far, even to light a match.

    Revenge tragedy with final redemption

    Though I’ve probably seen it ten times, The Big Heat remains hard to summarize. The film begins with a first-person suicide: a gun is taken from a desk drawer; the camera pulls back to see a man’s head from behind, then pans up toward the wall as a shot is fired. The victim who slumps on the desk is a cop named Tom Duncan, in despair over his complicity with local mobsters. A suicide note incriminating city officials and businessmen, is quickly discovered by his unloving wife, who secrets it away, enabling her to extort payments from the implicated political boss and mobster, Mike Lagana (Alexander Scourby).

    A person in a robe standing next to a person in a robe Description automatically generated

    Alexander Scourby as Mike Lagana and Chris Alcaide as George Rose in The Big Heat, 1953 (screenshot).

    [To make him more sinister, Lang suggests he is gay. When we first meet him, he’s been awakened in the middle of the night by a ringing phone. Dressed in silk pajamas, he leans over to take the call, then sits up when his handsome bodyguard, dressed in a terry robe, enters the room to bring Mike coffee and light his cigarette. A little later, Lagana reveals his attachment to his recently deceased mother, whose portrait hangs above the mantle of his living room. Fritz Lang was a product of libertine, Weimar Germany, but by the 1950s, he evidently embraced his host country’s gender repressiveness. In the late 1940s, there began a nationwide purge of gay and trans men and women in government, education, and business. Called by some elected officials “moral perverts,” they were widely denounced and subjected to firing. In 1952, a year before the film’s release, the American Psychiatric Association published its first Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders in which homosexuality was classified as a “sociopathic personality disturbance.” In 1953, President Dwight Eisenhower’s issued Executive Order #10450, “Security Requirements for Government Employment,” banning the hiring or retention of anyone guilty of “immoral, or notoriously disgraceful conduct…[or] sexual perversion.” Six months after that order was released, The Big Heat, with its depraved queer villain, hit the screens.]

    The chief investigator of Duncan’s death, Sargent Dave Bannion (Glenn Ford), quickly realizes it’s not a simple case of suicide, and when the dead cop’s “barfly” girlfriend, Lucy Chapman (Dorothy Green) confirms his suspicions, she’s abducted and killed, her abused body found by the side of a road. Bannion now presses his investigation, despite being warned off by his boss, Lt. Wilks (Willis Bouchey), who’s “feeling heat from upstairs.” After confronting Lagana and his henchman, including Vince Stone, played by a reptilian Lee Marvin, Bannion is himself targeted, but the car bomb intended for him instead kills his pretty wife Katie, played by Jocelyn Brando (older sister of Marlon). That killing is among the darkest moments in a film that has plenty of them.

    The rest of the movie is essentially a revenge-thriller followed by political redemption. Vince’s girlfriend, Debbie Marsh (Gloria Grahame at her adorable-floozie best) follows Bannion to his hotel room and confirms the detective’s suspicion that Lagana’s crew was responsible for his wife’s murder. Vince accidentally discovers Debbie’s betrayal, and in a particularly brutal scene, splashes scalding-hot coffee on her face, leaving her disfigured. (The big heat in this case is punishment for Debbie’s promiscuity.) After treatment in a hospital, she returns to Bannion who urges her to lay low in his hotel (separate rooms). Instead, she goes out and confronts the dead cop’s widow and shoots her dead when she tries to call Vince. Debbie is now all in for vengeance. She lies in wait for Vince and scalds his face with coffee in revenge for her own scarring (more big heat); he then shoots and kills her, after which Bannion and other cops (now resolved to resist the corruption that

    A person looking at a person Description automatically generated

    Lee Marvin as Vince Stone and Gloria Grahame in The Big Heat, Fritz Lang, dir, Columbia Pictures, 1953. Screenshot.

    previously paralyzed them), arrest Vince for murder. The dead cop’s testament is quickly discovered and published, Lagana and other corrupt politicians are indicted, and Bannion resumes his police career. The ending of the movie is fast and overly tidy, but the upshot is clear: The publication of Duncan’s evidence means that corruption will not be tolerated, and good government will be restored.

    An age of reform

    For much of its history, the U.S. was a deeply corrupt country. The very compromises that formed the nation – between rural and urban, free and slave, and agricultural and industrial states – created a deeply anti-democratic polity in which special interests overwhelmed the common good, and expediency trumped justice. And even when slavery was ended – perhaps especially then – corruption reigned. In urban areas in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, political machines awarded jobs and contracts to favored races, parties, and families, while businessmen offered bribes to politicians who agreed to ignore lawbreaking or the squandering of public funds. Though U.S. courts and attorneys general were relatively immune from the worst forms of corruption, that was less true at the state and local level where profound miscarriages of justice were common. The story of lynching in America is a one of police and judicial corruption as well as white supremacy.

    But there were also countervailing forces in those decades, and even more in mid 20th century America – the age of film noir. The Pendleton Act (1883) established a merit system for the appointment and promotion of some federal civil servants. That model expanded in subsequent decades to the point that by the 1940s, some 90% of federal (non-military) employees had civil service protection. Today that number is about 67%. Most U.S. states followed the federal government’s example and established their own politically protected civil service. As federal and state social welfare systems expanded from the 1930s to ‘60s, there was less demand for a political spoils system that rewarded constituents who accepted the dictates of political bosses. Moreover, with social welfare increasingly bureaucratized, there was simply less unaccounted cash available for corrupt purposes.

    An expanded, independent and well-resourced American press in the mid 20th Century, also made it more difficult for corrupt practices to succeed in the long term. All these mid-20th Century anti-corruption developments are referenced in The Big Heat. The size and professionalism of the police force meant that Bannion – though subject to some constraints from a compromised boss – nevertheless had a relatively high degree of autonomy as he sought answers to the deaths of officer Duncan and Lucy Chapman. The technicians in the morgue and police labs, and the cops on the beat all acceded, more or less, to the rules of their jobs. When they didn’t – for example when police protection for Bannion’s little girl was suddenly withdrawn on orders of Lagana and his political lackeys – it was a shocking (and brief) violation of professional norms. In the end, it was the free press and the fundamental honesty of the police force and state prosecutors that assured the demise of the corruption that marked the ethos of The Big Heat. Indeed, the “heat” in the title comes from the flames of justice that will in the end, cleanse the state of corruption.

    The wrong heat

    The U.S. is working its way down the Corruption Perception Index issued every year by Transparency International. As of 2024, it had fallen to 28th out of 180 nations, with a score of 65 out of 100. (Denmark is first with a score of 90, and South Sudan is last with a score of 8.) But the inauguration of Trump is sure to significantly lower the rating. Nearly all federal initiatives, and many state and commercial ones too, are now disfigured by corruption. After his election, Trump offered pardons or amnesties to business cronies, political allies, and January 6 rioters who attempted to prevent the legal transfer of power from one president to the next.  Enrique Tarrio, former national Proud Boys militia leader, sentenced to a 22-year sentence for seditious conspiracy, told far-right radio personality Alex Jones: “The people who did this, they need to feel the heat. We need to find and put them behind bars for what they did.”

    Trump installed at the head of regulatory agencies, men and women whose prior work was the very target of those agencies. His choice for boss at the Occupational Safety and Health Administration, David Keeling, was head of health operations at UPS at a time when some 50 workers at the company were hospitalized for heat-related injuries. He’ll be responsible for deciding if the agency enacts rules requiring U.S. employers to protect workers from rising heat levels, a consequence of climate change. Trump’s appointment to head the U.S. Forest Service is Tom Schultz, former head of the Federal Forest Resource Coalition, a trade association for companies that harvest trees on federal lands. Road clearing, clear cutting, and removal of old growth forests by the Forest Service and its private contractors is certain to cause more forest fires of greater intensity.

    By rescinding or impounding appropriations, Trump has corruptly usurped the power of Congress to establish spending limits and priorities. With congressional Republican acquiescence, Trump has awarded his largest political donor (Musk) with the power to dismiss thousands of federal workers protected by civil service laws. He has enabled the agency for Immigration and Customs Enforcement, an arm of the U.S. Department of Homeland Security, to target for arrest and expulsion green-card residents whose speech is disfavored. In a further attack upon constitutionally protected speech, the president recently signed executive actions denying security clearances to law firms representing former officials who investigated and attempted to prosecute him. In a truly Orwellian turn, an entire vocabulary has been purged from federal documents or websites or else flagged for closer scrutiny. The words include advocate, Black, climate science, gender, minority, pollution, racism, sex, trans, victim and women.

    The U.S attorney for Washington D.C., Ed Martin, chosen by Trump for the job, has tried to rescind $20 billion appropriated by congress for environmental protection, and threatened with prosecution high elected officials, including Senate Democratic Leader Chuck Schumer for alleged threats to Supreme Court justices, Musk and DOGE employees. The accusation is ludicrous and a clear effort to stifle critical speech. Republican governors are replicating many of these actions at the state level – trying to remove civil service protection, and corruptly denying rights to people with constitutionally protected status: women, Blacks, LGBTQ, and Native Americans. University presidents are curtailing speech and kowtowing to the president, Musk or agency heads out of fear of losing funding. (Columbia has already been denied $400 million in promised federal support.) Corruption burns hot and resistance to it – from Congress, the courts, universities, the public – minimal.

    Whence will come the “big heat”?

    Leaving the Sunday afternoon viewing of The Big Heat at Cinema City in Norwich, my wife Harriet and I discussed the relentlessness of the film. From the opening gunshot to the penultimate scene – a shootout at Vince Stone’s penthouse apartment – the emotional, physical and moral intensity was continuous. Even if we’d sat at the back of the theatre – we generally prefer the second or third rows – we wouldn’t have been able to look away. That same experience is shared by millions of Americans (and Brits too) who closely follow the daily expansion of American autocracy, what I and others have elsewhere described as fascism. As if staring at Medusa, we are seeminbly turned to stone.

    The story of Trump’s filiation with fascist movements past and present deserves to be told and re-told – it serves to warn us about what may come next. (I’m especially worried about the arrival of legally sanctioned vigilante, mob, militia or police violence.) But the gradual rise of streetcorner, statehouse and federal protests, the drumbeat of court challenges, the restlessness of large and small investors, the dissatisfaction of manufacturers, and the simmering anger of women, Black people, Native Americans, Spanish speakers, queers, retirees, students, professors, liberal Jews, lawyers, doctors, government employees, scientists, consumers and nature lovers, suggests that opposition to Trump’s fascism may soon — faster than now imagined — come to a boil, and the Big Heat of anti-corruption return.

     

    The post Where’s The Big Heat Now? appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • COMMENTARY: By Sione Tekiteki and Joel Nilon

    Ongoing wars and conflict around the world expose how international law and norms can be co-opted. With the US pulling out again from the Paris Climate Agreement, and other international commitments, this volatility is magnified.

    And with the intensifying US-China rivalry in the Pacific posing the real risk of a new “arms race”, the picture becomes unmistakable: the international global order is rapidly shifting and eroding, and the stability of the multilateral system is increasingly at risk.

    In this turbulent landscape, the Pacific must move beyond mere narratives such as the “Blue Pacific” and take bold steps toward establishing a set of rules that govern and protect the Blue Pacific Continent against outside forces.

    If not, the region risks being submerged by rising geopolitical tides, the existential threat of climate change and external power projections.

    For years, the US and its allies have framed the Pacific within the “Indo-Pacific” strategic construct — primarily aimed at maintaining US primacy and containing a rising and more ambitious China. This frame shapes how nations in alignment with the US have chosen to interpret and apply the rules-based order.

    On the other side, while China has touted its support for a “rules-based international order”, it has sought to reshape that system to reflect its own interests and its aspirations for a multipolar world, as seen in recent years through international organisations and institutions.

    In addition, the Taiwan issue has framed how China sets its rules of engagement with Pacific nations — a diplomatic redline that has created tension among Pacific nations, contradicting their long-held “friends to all, enemies to none” foreign policy preference, as evidenced by recent diplomatic controversies at regional meetings.

    Confusing and divisive
    For Pacific nations these framings are confusing and divisive — they all sound the same but underneath the surface are contradictory values and foreign policy positions.

    For centuries, external powers have framed the Pacific in ways that advance their strategic interests. Today, the Pacific faces similar challenges, as superpowers compete for influence — securitising and militarising the region according to their ambitions through a host of bilateral agreements. This frame does not always prioritise Pacific concerns.

    Rather it portrays the Pacific as a theatre for the “great game” — a theatre which subsequently determines how the Pacific is ordered, through particular value-sets, processes, institutions and agreements that are put in place by the key actors in this so-called game.

    But the Pacific has its own story to tell, rooted in its “lived realities” and its historical, cultural and oceanic identity. This is reflected in the Blue Pacific narrative — a vision that unites Pacific nations through shared values and long-term goals, encapsulated in the 2050 Strategy for the Blue Pacific Continent.

    The Pacific has a proud history of crafting rules to protect its interests — whether through the Rarotonga Treaty for a nuclear-free zone, leading the charge for the Paris Climate Agreement or advocating for SDG 14 on oceans. Today, the Pacific continues to pursue “rules-based” climate initiatives (such as the Pacific Resilience Facility), maritime boundaries delimitation, support for the 2021 and 2023 Forum Leaders’ Declarations on the Permanency of Maritime Boundaries and the Continuation of Statehood in the face of sea level rise, climate litigation through the International Court of Justice and the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea, and a host of other rules-based regional environmental, economic and social initiatives.

    However, these efforts often exist in isolation, lacking a cohesive framework to bring them all together, and to maximise their strategic impact and leverage. Now must be the time to build on these successes and create an integrated, long-term, visionary, Pacific-centric “rules-based order”.

    This could start by looking to consolidate existing Pacific rules: exploring opportunities to take forward the rules through concepts like the Ocean of Peace currently being developed by the Pacific Islands Forum, and expanding subsequently to include something like a “code of conduct” for how Pacific nations should interact with one another and with outside powers.

    Responding as united bloc
    This would enable them to respond more effectively and operate as a united bloc, in contrast to the bilateral approach preferred by many partners.

    Over time this rules-based approach could be expanded to include other areas — such as the ongoing protection and preservation of the ocean, inclusive of deep-sea mining; the maintenance of regional peace and security, including in relation to the peaceful resolution of conflict and demilitarisation; and movement towards greater economic, labour and trade integration.

    Such an order would not only provide stability within the Pacific but also contribute to shaping global norms. It would serve as a counterbalance to external strategic frames that look to define the rules that ought to be applied in the Pacific, while asserting the position of the Pacific nations in global conversations.

    This is not about diminishing Pacific sovereignty but about enhancing it — ensuring that the region’s interests are safeguarded amid the geopolitical manoeuvring of external powers, and the growing wariness in and of US foreign policy.

    The Pacific’s geopolitical challenges are mounting, driven by climate change, shifting global power dynamics and rising tensions between superpowers. But a collective, rules-based approach offers a pathway forward.

    Cohesive set of standards
    By building on existing frameworks and creating a cohesive set of standards, the Pacific can assert its autonomy, protect its environment and ensure a stable future in an increasingly uncertain world.

    The time to act is now, as Pacific nations are increasingly being courted, and before it is too late. This implies though that Pacific nations have honest discussions with each other, and with Australia and New Zealand, about their differences and about the existing challenges to Pacific regionalism and how it can be strengthened.

    By integrating regional arrangements and agreements into a more comprehensive framework, Pacific nations can strengthen their collective bargaining power on the global stage — while in the long-term putting in place rules that would over time become a critical part of customary international law.

    Importantly, this rules-based approach must be guided by Pacific values, ensuring that the region’s unique cultural, environmental and strategic interests are preserved for future generations.

    Sione Tekiteki is a senior lecturer at the Auckland University of Technology. He previously served at the Pacific Islands Forum Secretariat in three positions over nine years, most recently as director, governance and engagement. Joel Nilon is currently senior Pacific fellow at the Pacific Security College at the Australian National University. He previously served at the Pacific Islands Forum Secretariat for nine years as policy adviser.  The article was written in close consultation with Professor Transform Aqorau, vice-chancellor of Solomon Islands National University. Republished from DevBlog with permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • How do you juggle everything you’re doing?

    By being very focused and minimizing the things I don’t want to do. I say no a lot. I’m not much of a networker.

    How does it feel going from influencer world to product world?

    It feels great. Our story is, we had a viral video back in 2017 when my little daughters, identical twins, realized they were twins. And it was this adorable moment that put us on the Today Show and Good Morning America. We get 100,000 followers overnight and then it gets keeps growing. And I realized I’m a good storyteller, but I also realized I don’t like being in front of the camera as much.

    And the machine kept getting bigger. People realized quickly that I run a business and I’m also in front of the camera. Over time, I’ve just kept my ear to the ground, and asked, “What are good ideas I have that I want to bring to market? Why isn’t there a light that works with a phone and a camera and a tripod?” I don’t want to be setting up lights all the time and I want something that’s portable.

    I never liked the term “influencer.” I never feel we’re influencing anyone. We’re just making entertainment.

    How did you start as a businessman?

    I was working in Silicon Valley for a startup. I was the third person of eventually 500 out there. Then I moved to McAfee and I was a lead engineer. And then I quit all that to do stand-up comedy. For a while, I got a manager, and they put me out on the road.

    And that’s a business as well. You’re an entrepreneur as a stand-up comic. You are trying to get gigs. You are trying to produce shows. You are trying to get billed on a show more than the next guy. It’s pretty cutthroat and margins aren’t good. You don’t make a lot of money. But that was my first intro into entrepreneurship where I was doing everything myself.

    Who were some of your favorite comedians in general and who are some that you were happy to share the stage with?

    Well, I was happy to share the stage and work with Dana Carvey, Seinfeld, Jim Gaffigan. Daniel Tosh was a favorite of mine.

    I got into comedy because of a guy named Bill Hicks. He died very young. He’s more famous now than when he was alive. He was this voice of reason guy who kind of looked at things in a different way. He was more of a preacher. I got into it thinking I could be like a Bill Hicks and realized quickly I was just more of a ranter.

    And I wanted to womanize and I was an alcoholic. And I kind of went down a spiral out of control for a while. I got arrested a couple of times from DUIs and did my time in jail cells. And I was a really wild person. So I had to shake all that. And that took most of my twenties.

    You’re presenting such a wholesome image as Mighty McClure.

    As an older man now, I don’t need a midlife crisis. I’ve lived a great life. I made all all my mistakes. So now, you know, I love being a dad.

    How do you create healthy boundaries between real life and camera life?

    I try to make it fun. My kids are kids and I’m not here to exploit them. They get one childhood. I’m not here to mess it up. Mine was messed up. I know that my 20s were very difficult because of a lack of childhood. There was neglect.

    I try to make what we’re doing really fun, but at the same time, teaching my kids accountability.

    They show up when they do videos with ideas. They show up um to be present. If I say we’re shooting today at 3 o’clock, they don’t show up at 3:10. They show up ready and prepared. And I think that’s a great thing to teach kids. You don’t learn that in school.

    We’re going be done in 45 minutes, and then we’re going to get something to eat. We’re not a family that walks around all day with a camera like, “Oh, what can we capture? Let’s capture every moment.”

    I run it like a film set, meaning we’re going to start at 2, we’re going to be done at 2.45, and nobody’s touching a device the rest of the day.

    So you have limits.

    I’m around so many kids and they’re on their devices all the time. And the mom and dad let them. My kids will stare at them and they’ll come back to us and say, “These kids are on their devices all day. Why?” And that’s because we’ve taught them to find more interesting things in the world.

    And instead of dad saying, “Go take a walk,” I say, “Let’s go take a walk.” Parenting is hard when you do it well.

    Why do you homeschool?

    We homeschool because as an entrepreneur, I feel I should if my kids wanted to, and they wanted that. If you work out of your house, there’s no, “Oh, I don’t have time.”

    They get one childhood. Don’t mess it up. I do this thing every day called Daily Dad. It’s a book. And I actually wrote a book called Daily Sober inspired by it.

    I was reading a lesson in Daily Dad and at the end, I opened the floor to my kids. What does it mean to you? We started talking about it and all of a sudden, my daughter, Alexis started crying. And I’m like, why are you crying? And she said, because I don’t want to get shot at school. And I said, “That’s it.” We’re going homeschool them if that’s what they want.

    So we homeschool, and I’m a teacher every day, pretty much till 11:45. I teach two classes, and then I can run the rest of my business after that.

    I try not to waste time. Sometimes it takes extreme focus as in putting your device down, not checking your email, and just saying, “Hey, for the next 50 minutes, I have to get this done. I have to write this thing. I have to make this graphic.”

    First day of homeschool, 2024

    How do you keep them from getting a big head if they’re getting all of this digital clout?

    By being a dad who’s 12 years sober, who has no ego of my own, who’s very grateful everything. I told the girls early on, I said, never in your life will you ever take this for granted.

    There’s so many kids out there who are bullied. Nobody wants a picture with them. People come up to you and they want pictures. They want to talk to you. They tell you they love your YouTube channel. They’re very grateful because they understand how difficult the world can be for kids and how great they have it.

    Feedback is important.

    Because how else do we learn? I’m part of a group of people with Kickstarter. We evaluate each other’s landing pages. And I’m the only one who will just really rip up a page.

    “This graphic sucks.” Or, “This copy is terrible.” But I will also offer suggestions. Other people who just say, “This is wonderful. You’re going to kill it.”

    When I have a skill set in an area and I think I can contribute, I don’t want to say this is great if it’s not great. I’m that way because I changed my life from people who looked at me and they said, “Justin, you have a lot of potential, but you are the problem in your life.”

    Is your Kickstarter group Atlanta-based or is it global?

    It’s online. It’s called LaunchBoom. They help you through the Kickstarter process by teaching you about ads, and they teach you about copy and marketing. A lot of successful people that have done Kickstarter have gone through it. It’s like an accelerator.

    How much of your Kickstarter is marketing and how much of it is you actually need the seed money?

    All marketing. I realized was good at making ads. So I made a few ads and I had really good conversions on it. And that’s where all the leads came from. What I realized, even though my project is successful, is the people that really blow it out, that [raise] a million dollars, they have like 12 or 14 people working it. It’s a whole company.

    For my Ultralite, it’s me. I made every ad. I made the landing page. It’s a lot of work. You got to be really self-motivated when you’re running other things. I’m looking forward to getting into e-commerce. Then I can target creators, people who run podcasts or who have a nail business or a hair business, or vloggers.

    I designed a light that I wanted to use, meaning I want to buy this light because it will make my life easier and I’ve never not used it. And that’s kind of how I met Daymond John, too. Daymond’s like, “You always got this shitty light, this prototype looks like you made it in jail.” And I said, “Because it it’s great. It hugs the lens. I can put a phone on it.”

    And once I get the right creator to use it, I think it will have a great life.

    So he went from calling it shitty to becoming almost the face of it.

    He did that in a very affectionate way. He’s just like, “Justin, with all the access you have to buy any light you want, you have this light that you made.” But you know the way Daymond worked, he’s a people guy.

    People asked, “Justin, how’d you get close to Daymond?” I said, “Every time I was around, I tried to bring more value to his life than he could bring to mine,” which is very difficult because he’s Daymond John and he’s got great relationships. But so many people are around a guy like Daymond John and they’re like, “I want him to help me with my business or maybe he can give me a loan.”

    I didn’t look at that at all. I was like, “How can I help him?” And once I did that, he was just like, “Wow, you know, I really like Justin. He’s always offering value. He didn’t really ask for anything.”

    And then after a while, he just started suggesting things and helping me. And then one day he was just like, “Justin, man, I want to rock with you. I don’t care if the light works or not. If it doesn’t, we’ll do something else.”

    Tell me about the impact of Atlanta on your life and work and ideas.

    Well, Atlanta’s had a great impact. As creators or quote unquote influencers with large followings, it’s like the second Hollywood. There’s two shows talking to us. There will be a documentary out later this year on Hulu. It was following us for five years.

    When other people get successful, they’re like, “I’m going to take a month or two off.” We’ve never not uploaded videos. Every week we upload a video. I don’t care how much money we made at the height of brand deals. And we always made videos because I’ve always lived in this area of being scared, meaning that it’s going be taken from me. So I got to keep working hard.

    I’ve never been complacent about it. We have thousands of videos in the backlog and you never know what video is going to take off, what video is going to make you money today that you made in 2021.

    That’s how we sustain it. I don’t mind being transparent about it. We probably make around $30,000 on YouTube per month. That’s great money. And all we do is keep the machine going.

    Justin McClure Recommends:

    Recommendations for longevity

    Sleep.

    Walk barefoot outdoors.

    Move every day.

    Get your biomarkers.

    Face everything now.

    Be curious all the time.

    No sugar.

    This post was originally published on The Creative Independent.

  • OBITUARY: By Terence Malapa in Port Vila

    Vanuatu’s media community was in mourning today following the death on Monday of Marc Neil-Jones, founder of the Trading Post Vanuatu, which later became the Vanuatu Daily Post, and also radio 96BuzzFM. He was 67.

    His fearless pursuit of press freedom and dedication to truth have left an indelible mark on the country’s media landscape.

    Neil-Jones’s journey began in 1989 when he arrived in Vanuatu from the United Kingdom with just $8000, an early Macintosh computer, and an Apple laser printer.

    It was only four years after Cyclone Uma had ravaged the country, and he was determined to create something that would stand the test of time — a voice for independent journalism.

    In 1993, Neil-Jones succeeded in convincing then Prime Minister Maxime Carlot Korman to grant permission to launch the Trading Post, the country’s first independent newspaper. Prior to this, the media was under tight government control, and there had been no platform for critical or independent reporting.

    The Trading Post was a bold step toward change. Neil-Jones’s decision to start the newspaper, with its unapologetically independent voice, was driven by his desire to provide the people of Vanuatu with the truth, no matter how difficult or controversial.

    This was a turning point for the country’s media, and his dedication to fairness and transparency quickly made his newspaper a staple in the community.

    Blend of passion, wit and commitment
    Marc Neil-Jones’s blend of passion, wit, and unyielding commitment to press freedom became the foundation upon which the Vanuatu Trading Post evolved. The paper grew, expanded, and ultimately rebranded as the Vanuatu Daily Post, but Marc’s vision remained constant — to provide a platform for honest journalism and to hold power to account.

    His ability to navigate the challenges that came with being an independent voice in a country where media freedom was still in its infancy is a testament to his resilience and determination.

    Marc Neil-Jones faced numerous hurdles throughout his career
    Marc Neil-Jones faced numerous hurdles throughout his career — imprisonment, deportation, threats, and physical attacks — but he never wavered. Image: Del Abcede/Asia Pacific Report

    Neil-Jones faced numerous hurdles throughout his career — imprisonment, deportation, threats, and physical attacks — but he never wavered. His sense of fairness and his commitment to truth were unwavering, even when the challenges seemed insurmountable.

    His personal integrity and passion for his work left a lasting impact on the development of independent journalism in Vanuatu, ensuring that the country’s media continued to evolve and grow despite the odds.

    Marc Neil-Jones’ legacy is immeasurable. He not only created a platform for independent news in Vanuatu, but he also became a symbol of resilience and a staunch defender of press freedom.


    Marc Neil-Jones explaining how he used his radio journalism as a “guide” in the Secret Garden in 2016. Video: David Robie

    His work has influenced generations of journalists, and his fight for the truth has shaped the media landscape in the Pacific.

    As we remember Marc Neil-Jones, we also remember the Trading Post — the paper that started it all and grew into an institution that continues to uphold the values of fairness, integrity, and transparency.

    Marc Neil-Jones’s work has changed the course of Vanuatu’s media history, and his contributions will continue to inspire those who fight for the freedom of the press in the Pacific and beyond.

    Rest in peace, Marc Neil-Jones. Your legacy will live on in every headline, every report, and every story told with truth and integrity.

    Terence Malapa is publisher of Vanuatu Politics and Home News.

    Photojournalist Ben Bohane’s tribute
    Vale Marc Neil-Jones, media pioneer and kava enthusiast who passed away last night. He fought for and normalised media freedom in Vanuatu through his Daily Post newspaper with business partner Gene Wong and a great bunch of local journalists.

    Reporting the Pacific can sometimes be a body contact sport and Marc had the lumps to prove it. It was Marc who brought me to Vanuatu to work as founding editor for the regional Pacific Weekly Review in 2002 and I never left.

    The newspaper didn’t last but our friendship did.

    He was a humane and eccentric character who loved journalism and the botanical garden he ran with long time partner Jenny.

    Rest easy mate, there will be many shells of kava raised in your honour today.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Wivenhoe Park by John Constable.

    “Black Earth Rising: Colonialism and Climate Change in Contemporary Art” is a large art exhibition to be held at the Baltimore Museum of Art, May 18 to September 21, 2025. Then the show travels to Europe. Here I present a preview review just of the catalogue, which is published by Thames & Hudson. The guest curator Ekow Eshun has worked with support from Katie Cooke, Baltimore Museum Manager of Curatorial Affairs. And the authors of the catalogue include Anna Arabindan-Kesson and Macarena Gómez-Barris. This exhibition, which presents more than 150 artists, many of them well known, deserves to be seen. But obviously even viewing these excellent illustrations cannot serve as substitutes for the artworks themselves. Here, then, in anticipation is a commentary on the fully illustrated catalogue, which contains important texts by the curators. I focus on this argument and one of its implications, in anticipation of viewing the exhibition. Putting their account in art historical perspective, I raise questions about its political significance.

    An enormous amount of varied visual materials are assembled here. Frank Bowling, Middle Passage (1970) shows the slave ships. Kara Walker’s Restraint (2009) depicts an individual slave woman. And Anna Bella Geiger, Native Brazil— Alien Brazil (1976-77) presents the brutal history of that country. Finally, Alfredo Jarr’s Gold in the Morning B (1985) is an image of a mining site. Traditionally European landscape painting has very often been associated with escape from the urban environment. Looking at their Claudes or their Constables, the busy prosperous city dwellers could enjoy imagining being in their countryside house. But when we become aware that this ‘nature’ is a construct, the product of painstaking human labor, as much as the city environment, then making that contrast will seem more problematic. The countryside in Constable’s Wivenhoe Park (1816), the famous painting which was the stalking horse for Ernst Gombrich’s Art and Illusion, is a creation of human activity. As you can see by reading his text, or just by looking closely, it’s a working site, the property of the privileged people who own the land. And so leftist commentators have been legitimately much concerned to observe that a real act of repression is required to subtract out the workers whose activity creates those beautiful sites. Indeed, in his painting Constable shows the grand manor house of the property owners in the distance. A generation or two ago, John Berger and other left-wing commentators created an intellectual stir by focusing on these historical realities, which lie behind these beautiful depicted scenes. “Black Earth Rising” takes that critical political discussion a step further, in a dramatic unexpected way. We are very well aware of the dramatic present ecological problems. And we have seen, also, many shows devoted to non-white artists. This important exhibition connects them, by scrutiny of the racial dimensions of ecology.

    “Black Earth Rising” presents maps showing the history of colonialism. Thus Jaune QUick-to-See Smith’s Tribal Map (2000) remaps the United States according to Indian tribal areas. Ingrid Pollard’s Valentine Days (2017) uses hand-tinted photographs to rework archival images of plantation life. And Todd Gray’s Sumptuous Memories of Plundering Kings (2021) reworks old photographs of Africa. Presenting the legacies of slavery and colonialism, the exhibition shows images of plantations as seen from the vantage point of the slave worker. Urging that we think seriously about how to reclaim nature, it presents images of the history of our long colonial exploitation of nature. Judging just by the catalogue, the power of the exhibition lies in its massive presentation of visual materials making this argument. Traditional histories of landscape painting show beautiful sites from the viewpoint of the victors. This exhibition presents what effectively is the other side of that picture, the ravaged landscapes as viewed by the victims of colonialism. You really need the text to understand the essential unity of these visual themes, for — as this evidence shows — the land looks very different if you’re forced to work on it.

    Recently there has been a great deal of discussion in the United States and also internationally about art by Black people. And, also, and this is usually a separate topic, for some time visual artists of al races have often been dealing with climate change. What’s worth of attention, then, is the novel connections that this exhibition makes between these two themes. Aptly enough, so the museum press release explains, the phrase terra preta—Portuguese for “black soil”— refers to a type of fertile earth found in the Amazon Basin that was created by ancient Indigenous civilizations. Of course climate change affects everyone, but how and how much it affects you personally is typically a function of your race. The older leftist literature devoted to landscape painting takes note of the price of these landscapes. This show takes the argument a dramatic step further. Nature isn’t so beautiful when you look at this history.

    The catalogue presents a convincing case for its claims, but doesn’t take up a crucial political issue. And so what I wish to discuss briefly are the implications of this analysis. As we all surely know right now, acknowledging responsibilities for serious unjustified inequalities is often politically perilous. The Germans acknowledged the Holocaust only after their unconditional surrender in 1945. And the United States is not yet prepared to pay reparations for slavery, which is an obviously comparable case.“Black Earth Rising” surely calls for grand changes in how we understand injustice. And since the responsibility lies primarily with White people, this show is surely to cause heated international discussion. It very hard to imagine, in the present state of things, how our nation will respond constructively. For that reason, this show is likely to be immensely important. Should we feel pessimistic? Allow me, if you will, to conclude on a speculative optimistic note.

    It might be argued that the kind of self-critical evaluation of a culture of its own history such as is promoted by “Black Earth Rising” is a great constructive achievement. Nietzsche’s The Genealogy of Morality presents such a view of Western critical evaluation of Christian morality. The ultimate aim of the European search for truth led, so he claims, to dramatic self-critical reflection. Now, then, we could apply his argument to the history of colonialism ecology presented in this exhibition. Just as it is a magnificent achievement for a person to honestly judge themselves self-critically; so, it could be argued, it’s a great achievement for a culture to honestly evaluate its history, however painful that awareness may be be.

    I wish that this might be true. But everything I see about recent history suggests that this line of thought is hopelessly overoptimistic. More likely, I think, people prefer to have delusions about their history rather than face uncomfortable truths. This, alas, is the dominant trend of American culture right now. Still, if that pessimistic prediction is correct, then this impressive catalogue tells us all too much about ourselves.

    The post “Black Earth Rising”: a Preview appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect. A close up of a duck AI-generated content may be incorrect.
    A close up of a duckAI-generated content may be incorrect.

    A Muscovy Duck.

    It was a show that forever changed not just the entertainment industry but the world.

    As the Sunday afternoon hour approached for the start of the 97th Academy Awards ceremony, rumors swept down the Red Carpet more quickly than the fires that had ravaged Los Angeles a few months before. That catastrophe’s toxic residue glazed the Californian light in a vintage 1970s hue that conjured a goldener era for American movies.

    In every corner of the Dolby Theatre on Hollywood Boulevard could be heard wildfire whispers: was Buster-Keaton-sad-faced-comic-turned-wartime-President Volodymyr Zelenskyy really in Tinseltown, fresh off his star turn in the White House? It could just be true, since the Ukrainian entertainer-cum-politician had gotten rave reviews and registered record-breaking ratings for Friday’s cross-talk act in the White House with the Vaudevillian bad-cop, bad-cop duo, Vance and Trump.

    Faced with plunging popular interest and dogged by charges of irrelevance and ennui, the moribund Oscars needed a jolt. Maybe, just maybe the annual ritual would get one before it was too late.

    As hundreds of Patek Philippe and Rolex wristwatches ticked past 4 pm Pacific Time and host Conan O’Brien ambled onto the Dolby Theatre stage for his opening monologue, the assembled glitterati emitted a collective sigh of resignation. Another stinker of epic proportions appeared to be underway.

    The red-haired emcee cracked a crooked grin and started into his script: “There probably aren’t many of you out there who’ll think this is a Crimean shame, but I’ve been given the hook …”

    That’s when the Miracle of the Movies’ Night began.

    Four shotgun-wielding G-men marched in headed by Kevin Costner, who informed O’Brien that “we have the right for you to remain silent.” In a lanky cameo, James Comey handcuffed the ousted host and the FBI agents carted him off into the wings as the Academy orchestra’s brass section launched into a military fanfare.

    Out sashayed Sunday’s savior and thus began what would become the Academy’s finest hours. His tuxedo piped in the Ukrainian colors was from Tom Ford and therefore “Built to Last,” as Zelenskyy proclaimed when Meryl Streep asked from the front row who he was wearing.

    For the next twelve minutes Vaudeville Voldy wowed Hollywood and the world with a top-hat-and-cane song-and-dance routine that choreographed its way into a rollicking production number unsurpassed in the history of the Oscars:

    Are you blue and yellow in the White House

    And had enough of all those shits?
    Putin on the Ritz …

    The swelling strings were pierced by a train whistle. A locomotive with “Trans-Siberian Railway” painted across its black body blasted through the backdrop. Up on the big screen, the onstage camera captured the steamy kiss of the engineer and his brakeman—Woody Harrelson as JD Vance and the Emilia Pérez star Karla Sofía Gascón. Her racist tweets had scuttled her Oscar changes, but now she was back in the spotlight. There was no quicker way to get there than by kicking the Hillbilly Elegist and MAGA-Manchild in the cojones.

    From the bowels of the stage, up came Ed Harris strapped to the train tracks as Putin in a Ritz™. The dictator’s stubby fingers wiggled nefariously just beyond the scalloped edge of the greasy cracker as it was run over by the locomotive in a spectacular snack explosion.

    Academy Award winner Casey Affleck, also eager to feast on the crumbs of decancellation, waddled out trussed up as an Elon Muskovy Duck, dabbled at the buttery debris and quacked:

    Have you seen the well-to-do
    Up
    and down Park Avenue?

    Also in urgent need of a reboot, Alec Baldwin slunk on stage as Don the Drag Queen of Hearts casting off falsetto skeins of de-tuned melody: “You haven’t got the cards,” he crooned as he mounted the cockpit for the threesome’s refrain:

    “Pants with stripes and cutaway coat, perfect fits
    Putin on the Ritz”

    Jane Fonda in Ukrainian army-issue helmet and black war fatigues by Versace drove out in a budget-busting Abrams tank as Voldy soft-shoed in time to the rumble of the mighty treads:

    “Dressed up like a million-dollar trouper
    Trying hard to look like Gary Cooper (super duper)”

    Busby Berkeley drones pirouetted in formation above the stage as the whole ensemble sang and high-kicked, the audience rising as one to join in on:

    Move to the rhythm
    We can
    Move
    Move
    I want you to move

    As if aroused by the massed crescendo, the muzzle of the Abrams’ cannon raised to an erotically suggestive angle, gave a “pop” and shot out a giant blue-and-yellow flag with a peace sign to climax the show-starting show-stopper.

    And that was just the beginning.

    The evening’s first award, for Best Supporting Actor, went to Kieran Culkin for A Real Pain in which he plays a mad/melancholic stoner (the character smokes weed from Ithaca, New York—that line got some laughs when I saw the film in that very city) on a heritage tour of Poland. Along with his cousin (a role taken by Jesse Eisenberg, who also wrote and directed the movie), he vists a death camp and other sites and goes in search of their recently deceased grandmother’s house. Culkin gave a concise and eloquent acceptance speech, first lambasting Rupert Murdoch’s anti-democratic depredations (Culkin played one of the media baron’s sons in Succession), then voicing support for Zone of Interest director Jonathan Glazer’s speech at last year’s ceremony decrying what Glazer had called the “hijack[ing] of the Holocaust by an occupation that has led to conflict for so many innocent people.” In a witty-weird closing flourish, Culkin promised not to force his wife to have any more children.

    Later, Nobel laureate Bob Dylan and Timothée Chalamet, nominated for Best Actor for his portrayal of the bard in A Complete Unknown, sang “The Times They are A-Changin’” together, joined halfway through by the real Joan Baez and her screen epigone, Monica Barbaro (also nominated for Best Supporting Actress in the Dylan biopic).

    Even though snubbed for her work in Callas, Angeline Jolie floated down from above like last year’s Barbie, and Mick Jagger bounced up from the auditorium to join in with the gang on a “Mr. Tambourine Man” for the Ages.

    Throughout the seamless show, Voldy continued somehow to charm with silly one-liners like the one that started “Elon goes to Kremlin with chainsaw and asks Vlad, What is your Occupation? …”

    Late in the broadcast Adrian Brody was declared Best Actor. He strode to the stage already carrying an Oscar—the one he had received for The Pianist more than two decades ago. In a terse but heartfelt address citing George C. Scott’s refusal of the 1970 Best Actor award for Patton, Brody renounced “the crass hucksterism of declaring one artist better than another.” He took his second statuette from last-year’s winner, Cillian Murphy, then handed both to the nearby Zelenskyy. “Not exactly rare earths,” said Brody, “But maybe good for a few bullets.” Sticking to his running gag of making a spooneristic muddle of his English, Voldy nodded and said, “No, no, I give these boys to VD Jance and Tronald Dump on way back to Kyiv to thank them—to really thank them!—for their terrific show on Friday.”

    Next, Jeff Bezos bulldozed his way to center stage and announced that Amazon and all other streaming services, from Netflix on down, would close for business before the end of the year. Bezos instead would be putting 200 billion bucks into restoring America’s downtown movie theatres and providing free screenings in perpetuity, funding independent films, and remodeling (with windows and turf roofs!) all Amazon fulfillment centers and converting them to climate-safe agrarian theatre schools, daycares, and free-for-all hospitals.

    In the last of the many shocks and surprises, the Best Picture went to the Croatian short film The Man Who Could Not Remain Silent, whose dramatic force and moral power harrow and build across its epic 12 minutes. There is no more compelling and urgent piece of cinema.

    After this final award, dispensed after a crisp 100 minutes, the director of this year’s show, Steven Spielberg, took to the stage to announce that, however much the Academy had wanted to make it to 100, this would be the last Award ceremony. The first Sunday in March of 2026—if there turned out to be one—would instead find all of Hollywood Royalty in Kyiv’s National Palace of the Arts for the premiere of the first film in a ten-part series to be made in collaboration with Ridley Scott, called Fighting for Freedom and starring none other than …  Volodymyr Zelenskyy! The Ukrainian shrugged: “Then maybe I keep these two Oscars after all.”

    The post Vaudeville Volodymyr’s Big Night appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • Cartoon: Martha Rosenberg.

    There are multiple sides to Evanston resident Martha Rosenberg. Those who know her mainly from her cartoons for the Evanston RoundTable (she was staff cartoonist from 2001 to 2021) think of her as a visual commentator on modern life, while readers of her 2023 exposé of Big Pharma and agribusiness, Big Food, Big Pharma, Big Lies (original 2012 title: Born with a Junk Food Deficiency) see her as an investigative journalist, raking the fragrant muck of the food and drug industries and the federal agencies that ostensibly regulate them. With the recent publication of Food, Clothes, Men, Gas and Other Problems, Rosenberg reveals her lighter side, mining the humor, awkward moments and small-scale triumphs of everyday life.

    Her book is a congeries of comic vignettes, sharp observations about the strange times we live in, as well as interviews conducted over the last 20 years or so with movers and shakers. Also included are more than 50 of her distinctive, thick-lined cartoons and illustrations, which underscore the book’s droll, wise-gal spirit.

    If there’s anything that binds together this wide-ranging collection of Rosenberg’s pictures and prose, it’s the simultaneously engaged and ironic tone she maintains. It’s a cool tone, without overt anger or accusation, but leaving no doubt where she stands. One catches a whiff of Erma Bombeck here and there, especially in the pieces on home and the work world. Rosenberg’s book, however, isn’t just about wry acceptance of life’s ups and downs. There’s usually a critique under the surface, but it’s delivered with a gentle touch. In a world with altogether too much pontification and dogmatism, Rosenberg never addresses us from on high. Her stance is that of an Everywoman going through what we go through, and sharing her stories the way a friendly neighbor or co-worker would.

    The interview was conducted by e-mail and edited lightly for clarity and space.

    HI: Tell me a little bit about yourself, Martha. How did you get into the writing and cartooning field?

    MR: I began writing for underground newspapers in New Orleans, then did a stint as an advertising copywriter – which got me so mad at corporate spin that I returned to underground reporting. A few years ago I experienced writers block (nature’s own rejection slip, as they say) so I began cartooning, a skill that uses the right rather than the left hemisphere of the brain. I also attended medical school, which made me more health-oriented.

    My writing and reporting style were inspired by Village Voice writers like Alexander Cockburn, James Ridgeway, James Wolcott and Eliot Fremont-Smith, as well as the inimitable Tom Wolfe – writers who could be funny while also challenging the status quo.

    HI: What inspired you to write this particular book?

    MR: I’ve been reporting on corruption in the food and drug industries for 20 years and just got sick of being such a Debbie Downer. There are so many things that are funny in this world: romance and its mishaps, job searches and interviews, the cluelessness of the fashion industry, etc. I just wanted to be less serious and do some standup-type writing for a while. I especially wanted to look at under-reported social developments like apartment rage during COVID, transit rider aggravations, the changing retail and food landscapes, and the decline of print journalism.

    HI: The title – “Food, Clothes, Men, Gas and Other Problems” – suggests this is a woman’s book. But I found much of interest here. How should men approach this book?

    MR: The jokes about single women, clothes, PMS and men not helping with housework certainly skew female. But most of the book is general humor about the economy, bad employers, romance, driving, sexuality, Starbucks, cooking, working from home, family and other topics that I think and hope will amuse everyone.

    HI: Do you think America has less of a sense of humor than it used to? Have we become a nation of finger-wagging killjoys? If so, why – and what can be done about it?

    MR: Good question. Old-time wit has taken a hit as people prefer to listen instead of read and talk rather than write. Universities now consider listening to audio “reading.”

    Also, I think a lot of once-tolerant Americans – including maybe myself – have morphed into social justice warriors. Nothing is funny because everyone is potentially offended. People are quick to feel “unsafe” or become victims of “microaggression.” Reactivity and proxy indignation are the national emotions. In the chapter about telling a joke, I note that you can’t tell a “dumb blonde” joke even if you are a blonde, as I am. In Mad Magazine days, people used to say, “That’s not funny; it’s sick.” Today the meme is more like, “That’s not funny; I’m offended.”

    But if you look at comedians of the past like Lenny Bruce, Dick Gregory or George Carlin, you see that humor can change society, too. Bill Maher certainly gets people mad but his humor gets them to listen.

    HI: In addition to the comic observations, your book contains a series of interviews with political and cultural figures. Who was your favorite interviewee?  

    MR: Well, I had the good fortune of interviewing some public figures like Cook County Sheriff Tom Dart; William Moyers, addiction expert, author and eldest son of television journalist Bill Moyers; former Rhode Island Rep. Patrick J.  Kennedy; and psychology experts Melody Beattie and Brene Brown.

    One of my favorite interviews was with Gail Collins of the New York Times, who wrote a book called As Texas Goes: How the Lone Star State Hijacked the American Agenda, as well as America’s Women: 400 Years of Dolls, Drudges, Helpmates, and Heroines. She is witty, and had me in stitches with an anecdote about the late Charles Keating, the crooked banker central to the S&L crisis of the 1980s and ’90s. When Collins was a girl, Keating lectured her class at a Catholic school on behalf of an anti-pornography group called “Citizens for Decent Literature.” In his speech, he blamed a fatal car accident on a woman wearing Bermuda shorts.

    One of the funniest interviews in the book is with the late cartoonist John Callahan. He was an alcoholic wheelchair user with a spinal cord injury who would joke about his own situation, as in the title of his book, Don’t Worry, He Won’t Get Far On Foot. One of his cartoons shows a woman at a 12-step meeting for arm amputees crying “I just need a hug.” He titled one of his cartoon collections, Digesting the Child Within.

    HI: Talk about your friendship with the late film director – and one-time National Lampoon editor – John Hughes, whom you interview here. Was he a big influence on you?

    MR: John, known for movies like Mr. Mom, Some Kind of Wonderful, Pretty in Pink, The Breakfast Club, Planes, Trains and Automobiles, Ferris Bueller’s Day Off and many others, was a huge influence on me. He taught me how to find a kernel of sociological truth in characters and events – the skill that made him the undisputed cinema chronicler of the 1980s. John also taught me how to write a screenplay.

    If you had met John, you would never have known he was a Hollywood great. He was humble and inquisitive. He thirsted to know about other people’s experiences whether they drove a truck, worked as a landscaper or were 12 years old.

    HI: In part, this book is a reflection on social change. In what ways has America changed dramatically for better or for worse, or both, over the past generation?

    MR: Certainly, gender roles have changed – for example, as one essay here asks, what would the Camel Filters Man think about cell phones, bottled water and messenger bags – and the recession and COVID have severely squeezed the American pocketbook and workplace.

    In terms of quality of life … well, just try to find a live person on the phone or at a reception desk today. Thanks to Amazon, the Internet and cell phones, food, retail products and information are accessed more quickly but are not of better quality. As a result, too many people are overweight, depressed and isolated.

    Just as bumper stickers used to read, “Hang up and drive,” I think people need to “Unplug and laugh.”  They need to go on a run, a hike, or visit a friend … in person, not online.

    HI: Your book points to so many absurdities and nuisances that all of us – men and women – face every day, from the fact that women’s clothing is often designed by men to the widespread inability to tell a joke. If there was one problem you could solve with a stroke of the pen, what would it be?

    MR: If there were any way to abolish AI, I would – though of course we can’t; we’ve created a monster. Not only has AI put many writers and others out of work, it is framing our news, creating and placing ads (including clickbait), and spying on our purchasing and computer habits for profit. It has become the new Fourth Estate. I do not talk about AI in Food, Clothes, Men, Gas, and Other Problems because it’s not funny!

    The post Looking at the Lighter Side of Life: An Interview with Martha Rosenberg appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • By Leah Lowonbu

    Vanuatu has celebrated the reconstruction of the national council of chiefs meeting house, called the Malvatumauri nakamal, destroyed by fire two years ago.

    Dozens of chiefs from across the country — and also Kanaky New Caledonia — joined the ceremony in the capital Port Vila on Wednesday, March 5, during the Chiefs Day national public holiday alongside the president, prime minister and general public.

    Traditional dances, kastom ceremonies, and speeches highlighted the building’s cultural significance, reinforcing its role as a place for conflict resolution, discussions on governance, and the preservation of oral traditions.

    After independence in 1980, the chiefs decided a symbol representing unity for all of Vanuatu’s peoples and customs be built in Port Vila. The nakamal was officially opened in 1990.

    Ahead of the ceremony, Prime Minister Jotham Napat emphasised all are welcome at the meeting house, in the heart of the capital.

    “Nakamal does not separate the people, nakamal has a place for everyone,” Napat said.

    President of the Malvatumauri Council of Chiefs Paul Robert Ravun used the occasion to call for greater parliamentary consultation with customary leaders.

    ‘Right time to speak’
    “For 44 years we have been silent, but now, in this moment, I believe it is the right time to speak,” Ravun said.

    “Any bill that is to be passed through Parliament must first pass through the father’s house, the father must agree and have the final say before it can proceed,” he said, referring to the council of chiefs.

    The nakamal took two years to rebuild using locally sourced materials, including natangura palm for the thatched roof and hardwood for the framework, after it was destroyed by fire in early 2023.

    Volunteers including chiefs, community members, and apprentices eager to learn ancestral building techniques all contributed to its construction and it survived December’s 7.3 magnitude earthquake intact.

    Vanuatu’s government and international donors France, Australia, New Zealand, and China provided financial and logistical support for its reconstruction, costing about 20 million vatu (US$160,000).

    Republished with permission from BenarNews.

    • Images by the VBTC

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • There’s now an easy way to turn any aspect of life into something to optimize — just add “-maxxing.” Gymmaxxing is about getting ripped. Moneymaxxing means accumulating wealth as fast as possible. Over the past couple of years, this social media-driven wellness fad has spread to more and more activities: Tanning is sunmaxxing; drinking plenty of water is watermaxxing. Even at night, the grind for self-improvement continues, with sleepmaxxing hacks designed to help you achieve peak rest.

    You could view this trend as a response to a world that feels unpredictable and overwhelming — a way for people to assert control over what they can. And there are few things more unpredictable and overwhelming than climate change, especially as President Donald Trump has begun unraveling policies intended to help the United States shift toward a cleaner economy. With that vacuum in leadership, what if there was a new movement for people to leverage their ability to do something, in any way they can? Why not call it “climatemaxxing?”

    Think of it this way: Climatemaxxing would be an optimization challenge, finding the biggest ways to tackle climate change at home, at work, and in your community. Sure, you could #climatemaxx your commute by biking, but achieving maxximum impact might mean joining a committee to make your town more bike-friendly for everyone. And if all you have energy to do is eat a can of beans, a climate-friendly source of protein, for dinner, hey, what once might have been considered a boring meal is now an effort to self-improve by climatemaxxing your diet. Forget about your carbon footprint — climatemaxxing frames action as an aspiration, not a sacrifice, as well as an antidote to despair. 

    It’s hard to take any word with a double X seriously, but the idea could inject positivity into a conversation that’s often anchored in guilt and moralizing. One reason why people resist accepting the reality of climate change is that it means admitting they are part of the problem, thanks to the greenhouse gas emissions associated with driving, flying, and eating meat.

    “It’s hard for anyone to accept themselves as being the villain of the story, especially in a story so large and wide-sweeping as climate change,” said Emma Frances Bloomfield, a communication professor at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas. Climatemaxxing could flip that by helping people see themselves as heroes instead, she said. 

    The term might be a bit ironic, since sustainability is typically about reducing your carbon emissions. But climatemaxxing could be seen as maximizing climate-friendly choices, almost like a game. “If you think about certain behaviors as associated with points, then you could think of climatemaxxing as accumulating as many sustainability points as you could,” Bloomfield said. It could also make a meme out of something that would otherwise be weird to share: Picture someone posting a photo of their home’s new energy-efficient heat pump with the hashtag #climatemaxxing.

    By embracing the small things but aiming higher, climatemaxxing could also sidestep the debate over what kind of action matters most. Obsessing over your personal carbon footprint has been criticized as a distraction from the big-picture challenge of how to slow global warming. The oil company BP famously promoted the idea of a “carbon footprint,” and Exxon Mobil and Shell have adopted language that holds individuals responsible for climate change.

    This critique, however valid, ends up pitting personal responsibility against collective action, as if it were an either-or choice with no middle ground. It has also bred pessimism. In 2019, two-thirds of Americans believed their personal choices could impact climate change, but three years later, that number had dropped to just over half, according to polling from the Associated Press and NORC

    “I think sometimes there’s this really counterproductive narrative of, you know, throwing up my hands and saying, ‘Well, nothing I do can matter,’” Kimberly Nicholas, a sustainability professor at Lund University in Sweden, said when that poll came out in 2022.

    Climatemaxxing offers a more flexible approach to taking action. It doesn’t have to make a distinction between mitigation (cutting greenhouse gas emissions) and adaptation (preparing for and responding to disasters). If you live in an area that’s prone to wildfires, for example, you could climatemaxx your home by removing burnable vegetation close to your house, lessening the risk of it catching fire and spreading the flames around your neighborhood. That’s the sort of thing that could have helped temper the recent catastrophic fires in Los Angeles.

    The ethos of -maxxing may feel counter to a movement to make the world a better place. For years, it’s been associated with anxieties about physical imperfections and the pursuit of wellness through buying fitness trackers, wrinkle removers, and crystal-infused water bottles.

    The suffix originally comes from gaming, where “min-maxing” refers to maximizing a certain character trait, like strength, at the expense of another. The double X came into play in 2015, when the term “looksmaxxing” — trying to hack your way into being more attractive by any means necessary, including surgery — spread on online forums frequented by incels, or involuntary celibates. Soon enough, a meme was born, and people began applying it to more and more activities, skincaremaxxing with moisturizers and smellmaxxing by dousing themselves in cologne.

    Some commentators have suggested that climate change is precisely the sort of thing that makes people seek out these types of control in their lives. In the 2019 book The Uninhabitable Earth, David Wallace-Wells wrote that the emergence of Gwyneth Paltrow’s Goop, the luxury exercise class SoulCycle, and other wellness trends spoke to a growing perception “that the contemporary world is toxic, and that to endure or thrive within it requires extraordinary measures of self-regulation and self-purification.” He called this tendency a cop-out, but warned, “This purity arena is likely to expand, perhaps dramatically, as the climate continues to careen toward visible degradation — and consumers respond by trying to extract themselves from the sludge of the world however they can.”

    So there would be a certain irony in adopting -maxxing for climate action. But memes can push back against dangerous ideas by adopting the same format as what they’re targeting. For example, when the pandemic lockdowns in 2020 led to a temporary dip in air pollution and an apparent increase in birdsong, people began posting: “Nature is healing, we are the virus.” A critic of the phrase — which implies that human suffering is good for the planet — created a viral meme by posting “nature is healing” on social media alongside photos of ride-share scooters submerged in a lake. 

    It’s a lesson that people who care about climate change could learn from. “The problem in the climate movement isn’t just the abundance of carbon, it is the lack of joy,” Pattie Gonia, an environmentalist and drag queen, said in a recent TED talk. “The scientific facts, the doom and gloom — they scare people, they wake them up, but joy is what will get people out of bed every day to take more action. And if there’s one thing I learned from the art form of drag, it’s that you can take fighting for something seriously without taking yourself too seriously.”

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Forget about your carbon footprint. Try ‘climatemaxxing.’ on Mar 6, 2025.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • By Caleb Fotheringham, RNZ Pacific journalist

    Churches in the Cook Islands are pushing for the country to be declared a Christian nation following the discovery of a mosque in Rarotonga.

    The Religious Organisation Special Select Committee has heard submissions on Rarotonga and plan to visit the outer islands.

    It was initiated by the Cook Islands Christian Church, which has proposed a constitutional amendment to recognise the Cook Islands as a Christian nation, “with the protection and promotion of the Christian faith as the basis for the laws and governance of the country”.

    Cook Islands opposition leader Tina Browne said the proposal was in conflict with Article 64 of the Constitution which allows for freedom of religion.

    “At the moment, it’s definitely unconstitutional and I am a lawyer, so I think like one too,” Browne said, who is also part of the select committee.

    Late last year, a mosque was discovered on Rarotonga.

    Select committee chair Tingika Elikana said it was the catalyst for the proposal.

    Signatory to human rights conventions
    He said the country was a signatory to several human rights conventions and declaring the Cook Islands a Christian nation could go against them.

    “Some of the questions by the committee is the impact such an amendment or provision in our constitution [would have] in terms of us being parties to most of these international human rights treaties and conventions.”

    Elikana said the committee had received lots of submissions both in support and against the declaration.

    Cook Islands Christian Movement interim secretary William Framhein is backing it.

    “We believe that the country should be declared a Christian country and if anyone else belongs to another religion they’re free to practise their own religion but it doesn’t give them a right to establish a church in the country,” he said.

    Tatiana Kautai, a Muslim Cook Islander living in Rarotonga said the country was already considered a Christian nation by most.

    However, she was worried that if the proposal became law it could have practical implications on everyone who was not a Christian.

    “People have a right to practise their religion freely, especially people who are just going about their day to day, working, supporting their families, not causing any harm, not trying to make any trouble.

    Marginalising people ‘unfair’
    “To marginalise those people just seems unfair, and not right.”

    Framhein said he also wanted to see the Cook Islands reverse its 2023 decision which legalised same sex relations. He said this was a “Western concept”, acceptable elsewhere in the world but not in the Cook Islands.

    Tatryana Utanga, president of rainbow organisation Te Tiare Association, said it was not clear what the Christian nation submission was trying to achieve.

    However, she is worried that it would sideline minority groups.

    “Should this impeach or encroach on the work that we’ve been doing already, it would be a complete reverse in the wrong direction.

    “We’d be taking steps backwards in our advocacy to achieve love and acceptance and equality in the Cook Islands.”

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • DOCUMENTARY:  Democracy Now!

    The Palestinian-Israeli film No Other Land won an Oscar for best documentary feature at Sunday’s Academy Awards.

    The film — recently screened in New Zealand at the Rialto and other cinemas — follows the struggles of Palestinians in the occupied West Bank community of Masafer Yatta to stay on their land amid home demolitions by the Israeli military and violent attacks by Jewish settlers aimed at expelling them.

    The film was made by a team of Palestinian-Israeli filmmakers, including the Palestinian journalist Basel Adra, who lives in Masafer Yatta, and Israeli journalist Yuval Abraham, both of whom are prominently featured in the film.

    AMY GOODMAN: And the Oscars were held Sunday evening. History was made in the best documentary category.

    SAMUEL L. JACKSON: And the Oscar goes to ‘No Other Land’.

    AMY GOODMAN: The Palestinian-Israeli film No Other Land won for best documentary. The film follows the struggles of Palestinians in the occupied West Bank community of Masafer Yatta to stay on their land amidst violent attacks by Israeli settlers aimed at expelling them. The film was made by a team of Palestinian-Israeli filmmakers, including the Palestinian journalist Basel Adra, who lives in Masafer Yatta, and the Israeli journalist Yuval Abraham. 

    Both filmmakers — Palestinian activist and journalist Basel Adra, who lives in Masafer Yatta, and Israeli journalist Yuval Abraham — spoke at the ceremony. Adra became the first Palestinian filmmaker to win an Oscar.

    BASEL ADRA: Thank you to the Academy for the award. It’s such a big honor for the four of us and everybody who supported us for this documentary.

    About two months ago, I became a father. And my hope to my daughter, that she will not have to live the same life I am living now, always fearing — always — always fearing settlers’ violence, home demolitions and forceful displacements that my community, Masafer Yatta, is living and facing every day under the Israeli occupation.

    ‘No Other Land’ reflects the harsh reality that we have been enduring for decades and still resist as we call on the world to take serious actions to stop the injustice and to stop the ethnic cleansing of Palestinian people.

    YUVAL ABRAHAM: We made this — we made this film, Palestinians and Israelis, because together our voices are stronger.

    We see each other — the atrocious destruction of Gaza and its people, which must end; the Israeli hostages brutally taken in the crime of October 7th, which must be freed.

    When I look at Basel, I see my brother. But we are unequal. We live in a regime where I am free under civilian law and Basel is under military laws that destroy his life and he cannot control.

    There is a different path: a political solution without ethnic supremacy, with national rights for both of our people. And I have to say, as I am here: The foreign policy in this country is helping to block this path.

    And, you know, why? Can’t you see that we are intertwined, that my people can be truly safe if Basel’s people are truly free and safe? There is another way.

    It’s not too late for life, for the living. There is no other way. Thank you.


    Israeli and Palestinian documentary ‘No Other Land’ wins Oscar. Video: Democracy Now!

    Transcript of the February 18 interview with the film makers before their Oscar success:

    AMY GOODMAN: We turn now to the occupied West Bank, where Israel is reportedly planning to build nearly a thousand new settler homes in the Efrat settlement near Jerusalem. The Israeli settlements are illegal under international law.

    The group Shalom Achshav, Peace Now, condemned the move, saying the Netanyahu government is trying “to establish facts on the ground that will destroy the chance for peace and compromise”.

    This comes as Israel’s ongoing military operations in the West Bank have displaced at least 45,000 Palestinians — the most since the ’67 War.

    Today, the Oscar-nominated Palestinian director Basel Adra shared video from the occupied West Bank of Israeli forces storming and demolishing four houses in Masafer Yatta.

    Earlier this month, Basel Adra himself filmed armed and masked Israeli settlers attacking his community of Masafer Yatta. The settlers threw stones, smashed vehicles, slashed tires, punctured a water tank.

    Israeli soldiers on the scene did not intervene to halt the crimes.

    Palestinian film maker Basil Adra, co-director of No Other Land, speaking at the Oscars
    Palestinian film maker Basil Adra, co-director of No Other Land, speaking at the Oscars . . . “Stop the ethnic cleansing!” Image: AMPAS 2025/Democracy Now! screenshot APR

    Basel Adra’s Oscar-nominated documentary No Other Land is about Israel’s mass expulsion of Palestinians living in Masafer Yatta.

    In another post last week, Basel wrote: “Anyone who cared about No Other Land should care about what is actually happening on the ground: Today our water tanks, 9 homes and 3 ancient caves were destroyed. Masafer Yatta is disappearing in front of my eyes.

    Only one name for these actions: ethnic cleansing,” he said.

    In a minute, Basel Adra will join us for an update. But first, we want to play the trailer from his Oscar-nominated documentary, No Other Land.


    No Other Land trailer.   Video: Watermelon Films

    BASEL ADRA: [translated] You think they’ll come to our home?

    MASAFER YATTA RESIDENT 1: [translated] Is the army down there?

    NEWS ANCHOR: A thousand Palestinians face one of the single biggest expulsion decisions since the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territories began.

    YUVAL ABRAHAM: [translated] Basel, come here! Come fast!

    BASEL ADRA: [translated] This is a story about power.

    My name is Basel. I grew up in a small community called Masafer Yatta. I started to film when we started to end.

    They have bulldozers?

    I’m filming you.

    MASAFER YATTA RESIDENT 2: [translated] I need air. Oh my God!

    MASAFER YATTA RESIDENT 3: [translated] Don’t worry.

    MASAFER YATTA RESIDENT 2: [translated] I don’t want them to take our home.

    YUVAL ABRAHAM: [translated] You’re Basel?

    BASEL ADRA: [translated] Yes.

    MASAFER YATTA RESIDENT 4: [translated] You are Palestinian?

    YUVAL ABRAHAM: [translated] No, I’m Jewish.

    MASAFER YATTA RESIDENT 5: [translated] He’s a journalist.

    MASAFER YATTA RESIDENT 4: [translated] You’re Israeli?

    MASAFER YATTA RESIDENT 5: [translated] Seriously?

    BASEL ADRA: [translated] We have to raise our voices, not being silent as if — as if no human beings live here.

    YUVAL ABRAHAM: [translated] What? The army is here?

    BASEL ADRA: This is what’s happening in my village now. Soldiers are everywhere.

    IDF SOLDIER: [translated] Who do you think you’re filming, you son of a whore?

    YUVAL ABRAHAM: [translated] It would be so nice with stability one day. Then you’ll come visit me, not always me visiting you. Right?

    BASEL ADRA: [translated] Maybe. What do you think? If you were in my place, what would you do?

    AMY GOODMAN: That’s the trailer for the Oscar-nominated documentary No Other Land, co-directed by the Israeli journalist Yuval Abraham and our next guest, Basel Adra, Palestinian activist and journalist who writes for +972 Magazine, his most recent piece headlined “Our film is going to the Oscars. But here in Masafer Yatta, we’re still being erased.”

    Basel has spent years documenting Israeli efforts to evict Palestinians living in his community, Masafer Yatta, south of Hebron.

    Basel, welcome back to Democracy Now! If you can talk about your film and also what’s happening right now? This is not a film about history. It’s on the ground now. You recently were barricaded in your house filming what was going on, what the Israeli settlers were doing.

    Palestinian film maker Basel Adra talks to Democracy Now!   Video: Democracy Now!

    BASEL ADRA: Thank you for having me.

    Yeah, our movie, we worked on it for the last five years. We are four people — two Israelis and two Palestinians, me, myself, Yuval and Rachel and Hamdan, who’s my friend and living in Masafer Yatta. We’re just activists and journalists.

    And me and my friend Hamdan spent years in the field, running after bulldozers, soldiers and settlers, and in our communities and communities around us, filming the destruction, the home destructions, the school destructions, the cutting of our water pipes and the bulldozing of our roads and our own schools, and trying to raise awareness from the international community on what’s going on, to get political impact to try to stop this from happening and to protect our community.

    And five years ago, Yuval and Rachel joined, as Israeli journalists, to write about what’s happening. And then we decided together that we will start working on No Other Land as a documentary that showed the whole political story through personal, individual stories of people who lost their life and homes and school and properties on this, like in the last years and also in the decades of the occupation.

    We released the movie in the Berlinale 2024, last year, at the festival. And so far, we’ve been, like, screening and showing, like, in many festivals around the world.

    JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And, Basel, your film has received an Oscar nomination, but you haven’t been able to find a distributor in the US What do you know about this refusal of any company to pick up your film to distribute it? And also, can it be seen in the West Bank or in Israel itself?

    BASEL ADRA: It’s sad that we haven’t found a US distributor. Our goal from making this documentary, it’s not the award. It’s not the awards itself, but the people and the audience and to get to the people’s hearts, because we want people to see the reality, to see what’s going on in my community, Masafer Yatta, but in all the West Bank, to the Palestinians and how the life, the daily life under this brutal occupation.

    People should be aware of this, because they are — somehow, they have a responsibility. In the US, it’s the tax money that the people are paying there. It has something to do with the home destruction that we are facing, the settlers’ violence, the building of the settlements on our land that does not stop every day.

    And we, as a collective, made this movie. We faced so many risks in the field, on the ground. Like, my home was invaded, and the cameras were confiscated from my home by Israeli soldiers.

    I was physically attacked in the field when I’m going around and filming these crimes, I mean, to show to the people and to let the people know about what’s going on.

    But it’s sad that the distributors in the US so far do not want to take a little bit of risk, political risk, and to show this documentary to the audience. I am really sad about it, that there is no big distributors taking No Other Land and showing it to the American people.

    It’s very important to reach to the Americans, I believe. And so far, we are doing it independently on the cinemas.

    JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And your co-director is Israeli. Have you come under criticism for working with Israelis on the film?

    BASEL ADRA: So far, I’m not receiving any criticism for working with Israelis. Like, working together is because we share somehow the same values, that we reject the injustice and the occupation and the apartheid and what’s going on, and we want to work pro-solution and pro-justice and to end these, like, settlements and for a better future.

    AMY GOODMAN: Basel, the Oscars are soon, in a few weeks. Can you get a visa to come into the United States? Will you attend the Oscars?

    BASEL ADRA: So, I have a visa because I’ve been in the US participating in festivals for our movie. But my family and the other Palestinian co-director doesn’t have one yet, and they will try to apply soon.

    And hopefully, they will get it, and they will be able to join us at the Oscars.

    AMY GOODMAN: So, since it’s so difficult to see your film here in the United States, I want to go to another clip of No Other Land. Again, this is our guest, Basel Adra, and his co-director, Yuval Abraham, filming the eviction of a Palestinian family.

    BASEL ADRA: [translated] A lot of army is here.

    YUVAL ABRAHAM: [translated] They plan a big demolition?

    BASEL ADRA: [translated] We don’t know. They’re driving towards one of my neighbors.

    Now the soldiers arrived here.

    MASAFER YATTA RESIDENT 1: [translated] Aren’t you ashamed to do this? Aren’t you afraid of God?

    ISRAELI SOLDIER: [translated] Go back! Move back now! Get back! I’ll push you all the way back!

    YUVAL ABRAHAM: [translated] I speak Hebrew. Don’t shout.

    MASAFER YATTA RESIDENT 2: [translated] I hope that bulldozer falls on your head. Why are you taking our homes?

    MASAFER YATTA RESIDENT 3: [translated] Why destroy the bathroom?

    AMY GOODMAN: That’s Israeli bulldozers destroying a bathroom. This is another clip from No Other Land, in which you, Basel, are attacked by Israeli forces even as you try to show them you have media credentials.

    BASEL ADRA: [translated] I’m filming you. I’m filming you! You’re just like criminals.

    ISRAELI SOLDIER: [translated] If he gets closer, arrest him.

    BASEL ADRA: [translated] You’re expelling us. Arrest me! On what grounds?

    ISRAELI SOLDIER: [translated] Grab him.

    BASEL ADRA: [translated] On what grounds? I have a journalist card. I have a journalist card!

    ISRAELI SOLDIER: [translated] Shut up!

    BASEL’S FATHER: [translated] Don’t hit my son! Leave our village! Go away! Leave, you [bleep]! Shoot.

    ISRAELI SOLDIER: [translated] Move back.

    BASEL’S FATHER: [translated] Shoot me. Shoot me. Shoot me.

    BASEL’S MOTHER: [translated] Get an ambulance!

    BASEL’S FATHER: [translated] Run, Basel! Run! Get up, son. Run! Run, Basel!

    AMY GOODMAN: Basel, that is you. Your mother is hanging onto you as you’re being dragged, your father. What do you want the world to know about Masafer Yatta, about your community in this film?

    BASEL ADRA: I want the world to really act seriously. The international community should take measures and act seriously to end this, like, demolitions and ethnic cleansing that is happening everywhere in Gaza, in the West Bank, through different policies and different, like, reasons that the Israelis try to separate out, which is all lies.

    It’s all about land, that they want to steal more and more of our land. That’s very clear on the ground, because every Palestinian community being erased, there is settlements growing in the same place.

    This is happening right there, in the South Hebron Hills, everywhere around the West Bank, in Area C. And now they are entering camps, since January until now, by demolishing, like, destroying the camps in Jenin, Tulkarm and Tubas, and forcing people to leave their homes, to go away.

    And the world just keeps watching and not taking serious action. And the opposite, actually.

    The Israelis keep receiving all. Like, this amount of violations of the international law, the human rights laws, it’s very clear that it’s violated every day by the Israelis. But nobody cares. The opposite, they keep receiving weapons and money and relationships and —

    AMY GOODMAN: Basel —

    BASEL ADRA: — and diplomatic cover. Yes.

    AMY GOODMAN: We have to leave it there. I thank you so much, look forward to interviewing you and Yuval in the United States. Basel Adra, co-director of the Oscar-nominated documentary No Other Land.

    The original content of this programme is licensed and republished by Asia Pacific Report under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States Licence.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Humans have been leaving their mark upon Earth for almost as long as we’ve existed. But over the last 70 years — little more than moments in the 300,000-year history of Homo sapiens — the amount of stuff we’ve added to the planet has erupted in volume, surpassing living organisms in both mass and diversity. And while this cascade has appeared in a flash, geologically speaking, it will persist for tens of millions of years — if not longer.

    The long-term legacy of civilization has tickled the imagination of science fiction writers from Isaac Asimov to the minds behind the cartoon sitcom Futurama. But the intricacies of how our artifacts might fossilize or decay has been largely left to speculation. What geologic evidence will be offered by the hundreds of thousands of synthetic materials humans have engineered? Will polyester underwear, just one item among the 92 million tons of textiles cast aside every year, squashed in layers of strata over millennia, be recognizable as clothing to future archaeologists? Could the unending network of roads, the 3 billion miles of copper wiring, and other detritus reveal the technological interconnectedness of modern life?

    In their upcoming book, Discarded: How Technofossils Will be Our Ultimate Legacy, paleontologist Sarah Gabbott and geologist Jan Zalasiewicz explore these questions. They reference the minerals, metals, and fossils already in the archeological record to provide compelling evidence of how everyday objects like ballpoint pens or the chicken bones from dinner might endure for eons. By their measure, rising seas and sinking land could preserve entire cities like New Orleans, leaving them for scholars in the distant future to puzzle over, much like current ones ponder Pompeii. 

    Gabbott and Zalasiewicz use the term technofossils to describe the objects that will leave a distinct mark on Earth’s geologic record. These remnants are part of the technosphere, a concept geologist Peter Haff popularized to describe the mass of everything humanity has created or changed, akin to the natural world’s biosphere. Beyond these artifacts, the industries that created them have left their own scars upon the planet: Atmospheric signatures in carbon isotopes, fly ash from burning fossil fuels, and radioactive waste will be among the clues left for geochemists studying what Zalasiewicz calls our “carbon extravaganza” and “energy binge.”

    Grist caught up with Gabbott and Zalasiewicz to discuss what today’s trash will tell tomorrow’s archaeologists, geologists, and others about the lives we led. This conversation has been edited for length and clarity.

    Q: Why did you decide to write the book?

    Jan Zalasiewicz: For a while now, I’ve had an interest in the geology of the future — how the things we do and make on Earth right now will have an impact in the far future. There’s always been this question of the stuff that we make: The chairs, tables, cars, toothbrushes, and all of that. Something will happen to them, but what? The answer can really be quite subtle and complicated. That’s where it seemed the perfect opportunity to team up with Sarah, who has developed huge expertise in looking at some of the world’s best preserved fossils and in working out how they got preserved and what they can tell us.

    Sarah Gabbott: In my career, I’ve been looking backward in time at ancient fossils. Now, I can use that experience and apply it in fast forward to the stuff we make today. Jan has been pivotal in the exploration of the idea of the Anthropocene and this new kind of era of geological time, so it’s a case where we’re the perfect team to address these issues.

    Q: How did you go about sleuthing out the fate of our technofossils?

    JZ: We look back from stuff that we make now to ancient analogs, or near analogs, that we can use to [compare]. But there are others where we had to really scratch our heads and think how things might behave. Metals are a case in point: We’re used to living with iron, steel, copper, and aluminum, but there are not many pure metals in nature. We really had to think through the chemistry and physics of how these things might behave. Minerals were even worse — Earth has around 5,000 natural minerals but only a few are common. Humans have made more than 200,000 of new mineral types. There’s no geologic analog for working out how they will behave centuries, or millions of years, from now.

    SG: Anything that relates back to life has an easy analog. The fast food chapter, for example, focuses quite a lot on chickens because, obviously, there are loads and loads of chickens around today, and humans changed their evolution. We could think about fossil feathers, because they preserve so well. 

    Another one that was interesting was “fossil fashion”. You can consider natural materials, like hemp and cotton, and it’s surprising how little of that stuff preserves well. But then you go back far, far in time and you’ve got dinosaur and snake skins that are so beautifully preserved from 10 million years ago that you can even tell what color they were in life. 

    Q: You highlight some surprising examples of technofossils, like children’s drawings, pencils, and ballpoint pens. What drew you to them?

    SG:
    The inspiration came from all different lines of thinking. With the pencil and ballpoint pen, the train of thought started with, “What aspect of our writing will last the test of time?” We may tend to think that the future fossil record of what we write will be bound up in computers and hard drives, but they can be easily corrupted and hard to decode. So, I started thinking about writing. The ballpoint pen, the graphite in pencils — ink can last a long time, but graphite can last billions and billions of years.

    Discarded plastic items and other trash litter a beach in Scotland and a man walks with two dogs in the background.
    Plastic, like this refuse on a beach in Scotland, will become part of the geologic record and last millions of years. Jeff J Mitchell / Getty Images

    Q: What about plastics?

    SG:
    Plastic has a chemical backbone that is incredibly strong and difficult to change, but it has only really been around since the 1900s. We haven’t had long enough to run experiments to really work out how long this stuff is going to last. If you want to work out what might happen to it under extreme conditions, we can stick it in very hot conditions, or expose it to really extreme UV light. But let’s be honest, most plastic out there is litter – it’s exposed to normal conditions.

    So we started asking some basic questions, running basic experiments on plastic bags, and thinking about fossil analogs. There are polymers that life makes that are almost identical, chemically. We can use the fossil analog to say of this stuff, “If you take it out of sunlight and away from heat, it is going to last 50 million years plus.” Some of it is going to make microplastics, some of it will get broken down by sunlight, but all these plastic materials that are getting buried are going to potentially last millions and millions of years.

    JZ: Take any old plastic debris in a landfill site where cement has been dumped over the plastic — that plastic would be so well protected that it’s very hard to see how that plastic will disappear. It will stay there. The only way it will change is, as it is buried deeper and deeper, the plastic will slowly begin to lose some of its hydrogen, lose some of its oxygen, and it will carbonize and turn into a more brittle kind of carbon film that will still preserve a very detailed structure. We know that’s exactly how fossils behave. 

    Q: So much of humanity’s waste ends up in landfills. Should we think of these repositories as time capsules or time bombs?

    SG: In places where landfills are managed, each layer is wrapped up in plastic and they tend to be fairly dry environments away from sunlight. Without water, bacteria can’t thrive, and without bacteria you don’t get decay, so a lot of the stuff is going to sit around mummifying. But they’re also, potentially, a toxic time bomb, because of course we’ve built a lot of landfills on coastal and river floodplains – in the U.S., you’ve got at least 50,000 landfills along coastlines. So as sea level rises, there’s a massive problem: The degree to which those are going to be buried safely over time, or whether they’re going to erode and disgorge of all that stuff into the oceans, we don’t really know. 

    Q: Can people of the future mine our refuse as a resource?

    JZ: That should, of course, be pursued, but it’ll be tricky and complicated. Each landfill is going to be different and present different problems. 

    SG: Basically, we chuck everything in landfills, and records of what goes in and where it goes are very, very minimal. You say, “OK, I’ll mine it for plastic and then I’ll recycle that plastic. But if there’s food waste around, or metal waste, forever chemicals, and so forth — all this stuff is kind of a chemical cocktail that can contaminate the stuff you want to take out of the landfill. 

    Q: You mentioned sea level rise. In what other ways is climate change reshaping the geologic record?

    JZ: We know ice cores and the strata within ice, on Greenland and Antarctica in particular, give us such an important part of our climate history through the chemistry of air bubbles trapped in the ice. That is helping us predict climate now, but the flip side of that is that early stages of global warming are already beginning to melt that ice. Greenland and Antarctica are losing billions of tons of ice each year, and depending on how far climate change goes, that ice will melt and that detailed, sophisticated, perfect climate record will melt away with it.

    Q: In the absence of evidence like ice cores, will some record of humanity’s impact on the atmosphere survive? 

    JZ: Energy is so central to our lives, and a massive energy splurge has really taken off over the last 70 years. There’s no planetary analog for this kind of thing that we know of. Most of the stuff we burn for energy becomes carbon dioxide, of course, but the bits of carbon which are not burnt turn into fly ash, which are these tiny particles of carbon that — a bit like plastic — are almost completely indigestible to microbes. These tiny smoke particles land everywhere in the millions. So all around the world, there is a preserved smoke signal in the strata. It’s a really good marker for the Anthropocene.

    SG: There’s all sorts of traces of climate change, but there’s this other kind of legacy of energy, and that is the infrastructure that we build to generate it and to transport it around the world. And each year we produce enough copper to wrap around the Earth more than 5000 times. So, we’re also leaving a legacy of the way that we shunt this energy around the Earth, as well as just the record of how it’s changing the climate. 

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Technofossils: How future archeologists will study our everyday objects on Mar 3, 2025.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • Basel Adra and Yuval Abraham in No Other Land. Photograph: Antipode Films Basel Adra and Yuval Abraham in No Other Land. Photograph: Antipode Films Basel Adra and Yuval Abraham in No Other Land. Photograph: Antipode Films Basel Adra and Yuval Abraham in No Other Land. Photograph: Antipode Films Basel Adra and Yuval Abraham in No […]

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    The post Israel’s Demolition Derby of Palestine appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • By Khalia Strong of Pacific Media Network

    Tongan community leaders and artists in New Zealand have criticised the Treaty Principles Bill while highlighting the ongoing impact of colonisation in Aotearoa and the Pacific.

    Oral submissions continued this week for the public to voice their view on the controversial proposed bill, which aims to redefine the legal framework of the nation’s founding document, the 1840 Treaty of Waitangi.

    Aotearoa Tongan Response Group member Pakilau Manase Lua echoed words from the Waitangi Day commemorations earlier this month.

    “The Treaty of Waitangi Principles Bill and its champions and enablers represent the spirit of the coloniser,” he said.

    Pakilau said New Zealand’s history included forcible takeovers of Sāmoa, Cook Islands, Niue and Tokelau.

    “The New Zealand government, or the Crown, has shown time and again that it has a pattern of trampling on the mana and sovereignty of indigenous peoples, not just here in Aotearoa, but also in the Pacific region.”

    Poet Karlo Mila spoke as part of a submission by a collective of artists, Mana Moana,

    “Have you ever paused to wonder why we speak English here, half a world away from England? It’s a global history of Christian white supremacy, who, with apostolic authority, ordained the doctrine of discovery to create a new world order,” she said.

    “Yes, this is where the ‘new’ in New Zealand comes from, invasion for advantage and profit, presenting itself as progress, as civilising, as salvation, as enlightenment itself — the greatest gaslighting feat of history.”

    Bill used as political weapon
    She argued that the bill was being used as a political weapon, and government rhetoric was causing division.

    “We watch political parties sow seeds of disunity using disingenuous history, harnessing hate speech and the haka of destiny, scapegoating ‘vulnerable enemies’ . . . Yes, for us, it’s a forest fire out there, and brown bodies are moving political targets, every inflammatory word finding kindling in kindred racists.”

    Pakilau said that because Tonga had never been formally colonised, Tongans had a unique view of the unfolding situation.

    “We know what sovereignty tastes like, we know what it smells like and feels like, especially when it’s trampled on.

    “Ask the American Samoans, who provide more soldiers per capita than any state of America to join the US Army, but are not allowed to vote for the country they are prepared to die for.

    “Ask the mighty 28th Maori Battalion, who field Marshal Erwin Rommel famously said, ‘Give me the Māori Battalion and I will rule the world’, they bled and died for a country that denied them the very rights promised under the Treaty.

    “The Treaty of Waitangi Bill is essentially threatening to do the same thing again, it is re-traumatising Māori and opening old wounds.”

    A vision for the future
    Mila, who also has European and Sāmoan ancestry, said the answer to how to proceed was in the Treaty’s Indigenous text.

    “The answer is Te Tiriti, not separatist exclusion. It’s the fair terms of inclusion, an ancestral strategy for harmony, a covenant of cooperation. It’s how we live ethically on a land that was never ceded.”

    Flags displayed at Waitangi treaty grounds 2024
    Flags displayed at Waitangi treaty grounds 2024. Image: PMN News/Atutahi Potaka-Dewes

    Aotearoa Tongan Response Group chair Anahila Kanongata’a said Tongans were Tangata Tiriti (people of the Treaty), and the bill denigrated the rights of Māori as Tangata Whenua (people of the land).

    “How many times has the Crown breached the Treaty? Too, too many times.

    “What this bill is attempting to do is retrospectively annul those breaches by extinguishing Māori sovereignty or tino rangatiritanga over their own affairs, as promised to them in their Tiriti, the Te Reo Māori text.”

    Kanongata’a called on the Crown to rescind the Principles of the Treaty of Waitangi Bill, honour Te Tiriti, and issue a formal apology to Māori, similar to what had been done for the Dawn Raids.

    Hundreds gather at Treaty Grounds for the annual Waitangi Day dawn service
    Hundreds gather at Treaty Grounds for the annual Waitangi Day dawn service. Image: PMN Digital/Joseph Safiti

    “As a former member of Parliament, I am proud of the fact that an apology was made for the way our people were treated during the Dawn Raids.

    “We were directly affected, yes, it was painful and most of our loved ones never got to see or hear the apology, but imagine the pain Māori must feel to be essentially dispossessed, disempowered and effectively disowned of their sovereignty on their own lands.”

    The bill’s architect, Act Party leader David Seymour, sayid the nationwide discussion on Treaty principles was crucial for future generations.

    “In a democracy, the citizens are always ready to decide the future. That’s how it works.”

    Republished from PMN News with permission.

  • A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect. A couple of birds perched on a branch AI-generated content may be incorrect.
    A couple of birds perched on a branchAI-generated content may be incorrect.

    Louis Agassiz Fuertes, Welcome Robin, Winsome Bluebird (1919).

    Spring threatens to return to Upstate New York. A barrel-chested robin sits in a bare Cornelian cherry dogwood. Mid-morning, he (the bird sports the more vibrant hue of the male of the species) is not in the mood to sing just now, even though the late-February sun is shining and the ice is melting. Strange happenings, the robin must be thinking, as it was sometimes colder and snowier Down South where he had been wintering before the seasonal migration brought him to my backyard.

    The bird is thankful that Ithaca is “centrally isolated” according to the canard uttered ironically by self-styled cosmopolitans in this liberal blue bastion in a sea of Republican robin red. For these progressives, “provincial” is a putdown. Not for the Musical Patriot, and not for my mid-morning visitor as he turns his gaze west across the valley to the still-brown woods stretching west out into Trump country.

    Home to Cornell University and Ithaca College spread across adjacent hills, the city is rich in human culture, and not just because of the presence of these institutions of “higher learning.” Local music, arts, literature and theatre flourish. Ithaca’s human population of just over 30,000 matches that of Leipzig in the 18th century, when J. S. Bach lived and worked there. Leipzig had no malls and multiplexes, no Home Depot and Lowe’s, not even the internet. Perhaps partly because of all that, the Saxon city has not been surpassed for musical wealth by American cities a hundred times bigger. The notion that cultural richness corresponds directly to population size is a myth.

    My feathered guest—actually, I’m the guest and he the host—seems to have arrived too late to take in any of last weekend’s abundant musical fare. If he had been in town, the robin could have flown up to the Cornell campus spread out on bluffs that command a long view of Cayuga Lake stretching out of sight to the north.

    In the colonnaded concert hall on Friday evening, pianist Jonathan Biss presented a program of two monumental Schubert sonatas on either side of the young American composer Tyson Gholston Davis’s three-movement … Expansions of Light. A brilliant player and engaging writer, Biss presents an ascetic, yet ardent figure when hunched at the big black box of Nature modified, his wings flapping.

    From his perch atop the dome, the robin might have taken the exuberant contrapuntal lines of Davis’s central “Caprice,” especially that heard in Biss’s fleet and flighty right hand, as an evocation of the songs of our bird’s more virtuosic thrush cousins. Dropping round to the eaves so he could eavesdrop more closely, our avian critic, who writes under the nom de plumage of Turdus Migratorius (T.M.), might have shaken his beak at the way Biss covets, even over-curates, Schubert’s charmed melodies, rather than letting them sing as if from Nature that is, ultimately, their source. Such forthright ease would make the turbulent winds and dark portents of these last sonatas of Schubert’s short life all the more buffeting when they rip through. Real gusts have felled a university Gothic spire or two across Cornell’s 150 years, but a songful Schubertian melody rendered freely rather than forced into the big Romantic phrase has far more power to move.

    On Saturday night, T.M. could have winged over to Ithaca College to hear the Cayuga Chamber Orchestra in a program entitled “Flight of Fancy.” This was music of the birds, not for them, though T. M. would have found a way to penetrate the stark, 1970s exterior of the music building and into Ford Hall. I’ve been to this place dozens of times and still haven’t figured out its relation to the rest of the structure, never mind the outside world. The excellent ensemble is now under the brilliant baton of the Belgian conductor, Guillaume Pirard, who has been living and working in Ithaca for a couple of years now. He has a centuries-spanning repertoire, but is also an expert in the performance practice of 18th-century music. The concert began with Haydn’s Symphony no. 83, nicknamed La Poule (The Hen), and in it Pirard, in his first year as the group’s director, cleansed the Cayuga strings of the vibrato that in Haydn’s day was a carefully deployed ornament rather than the cloying default setting that it has long since become. Pirard is poised and meticulous on the podium, the occasional sweeping step, the martial closing of the heels, the proud puff of the chest and noble lift of the chin reserved for moments of grandeur and resistance. Crisp gestures demanded and got precision from his players. But his detailed direction also drew wit as well as pathos, not just Sturm, but also Drang from his ensemble. Pirard doesn’t do the Funky Chicken, but the pecking of the first movement’s second theme in the oboe and the clucking of the strings conjured the requisite barnyard image and its rustic-refined humor.

    For Ralph Vaughn Williams’ Lark Ascending, composed on either side of the Great War that cost millions of men and tens of thousands of carrier pigeons their lives, the quavering shimmer was back, but in its proper setting and significance on soloist Christina Bouey’s violin. At the piece’s close, the tuneful bird and its song recede into the silence of the concert hall, sonically and spiritually transformed into the English countryside—the haunted and haunting melody emblem of a world gone forever.

    After intermission, Solace by Jocelyn Morlock from 2001 fled Olde English fields to take up another mode of elegy—darker, threatened. Now the solo violin surged up from a fatefully suspended backdrop, renouncing nostalgia for mournful dread.

    The closer was Cantus Arcticus: Concerto for Birds and Orchestra by Einojuhani Rautavaara, the successor to Jean Sibelius as the leading Finnish composer, and like Sibelius a musician fascinated by living things in their environment. Birdsongs of the bog and of migration were voiced from speakers above the stage; these musicians sometimes sang in canons more beautiful the Bach’s. None of it was natural, nor did it purport to be. Recording technology slowed the shore lark’s song down so that it became a subterranean ghost two octaves lower than its higher self. These soloists were sometimes obedient, dutifully halting their marshy hootings on cue at the conclusion of the first movement. Later they reasserted their superior beauty and aesthetic primacy. Yet only their songs, sometimes in altered form, were present. Do they even exist still or will they for long?

    On Sunday afternoon T. M. would have booked a return flight to Cornell to hear Canadian organist Isabelle Demers’s organ concert in Sage Chapel. The doors of the church are often flung open by students short-cutting their way through the building, so the bird would have easily entered, perhaps finding cover in the elaborate forest of branches and leaves painstakingly painted in the vaults of the wooden ceiling. Demers’s program was bookended by two rollicking sets of variations, the first on a 17th-century dance tune set by the Dutch Golden Age organist J. P. Sweelinck but dragged across much more harmonically and technically varied terrain by Demers’s late countrywoman, the composer Rachel Laurin. These were pleasantly bracing adventures that never phased or ruffled the recitalist. Her small frame houses a colossal virtuosa. Among the challenges unmanageable by others came her note-perfect rendition of the harrowing Variations on a Theme of Paganini for pedal solo by the English organist, George Thalben-Ball, whose life spanned most of the 20th century. The theme is taken from Paganini’s wickedly difficulty 24th caprice for solo violin. How to match, or even surpass, the feats demanded by the Italian string superstar of yore? Make these variations for the feet only, except with a few chords at the climax, as if to draw attention to the hand-free wonders that preceded the last-minute deployment of the fingers.

    Thalben-Ball attained a stolid portliness during his later decades such that it is hard to imagine him clearing his own work’s continuous obstacles: chords, trills, glissandi, sprints and leaps. So easy appeared even this tour-de-force for Demers that T.M. wouldn’t have been surprise to see her reach into her backpack to drink from her canteen then slice some cheese onto rye crisps, have her snack while carrying on with the pedal heroics, then straightaway scale the concert’s final peak—Laurin’s transcription of Brahms’s Variations on a theme of Handel. This piano showpiece’s twenty-five kaleidoscopic, knuckle-busting demonstrations of diversity of mood and manner, equity between the hands, and ingenuity unlimited, concludes with a rollicking fugue, spurred on that afternoon by Demers jaw-dropping pedaling feet .

    Turdus Migratorius is proud of his august name and also knows that fuga means flight in Latin. If he chooses not to take one out of town— a flight, I mean — this weekend, there’s plenty more Ithacan culture to catch.

     

    The post Robin’s Weekend Review appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • Asia Pacific Report

    An independent Jewish body has condemned the move by Australia’s 39 universities to endorse a “dangerous and politicised” definition of antisemitism which threatens academic freedom.

    The Jewish Council of Australia, a diverse coalition of Jewish academics, lawyers, writers and teachers, said in a statement that the move would have a “chilling effect” on legitimate criticism of Israel, and risked institutionalising anti-Palestinian racism.

    The council also criticised the fact that the universities had done so “without meaningful consultation” with Palestinian groups or diverse Jewish groups which were critical of Israel.

    The definition was developed by the Group of Eight (Go8) universities and adopted by Universities Australia.

    “By categorising Palestinian political expression as inherently antisemitic, it will be unworkable and unenforceable, and stifle critical political debate, which is at the heart of any democratic society,” the Jewish Council of Australia said.

    “The definition dangerously conflates Jewish identities with support for the state of Israel and the political ideology of Zionism.”

    The council statement said that it highlighted two key concerns:

    Mischaracterisation of criticism of Israel
    The definition states: “Criticism of Israel can be antisemitic when it is grounded in harmful tropes, stereotypes or assumptions and when it calls for the elimination of the State of Israel or all Jews or when it holds Jewish individuals or communities responsible for Israel’s actions.”

    The definition’s inclusion of “calls for the elimination of the State of Israel” would mean, for instance, that calls for a single binational democratic state, where Palestinians and Israelis had equal rights, could be labelled antisemitic.

    Moreover, the wording around “harmful tropes” was dangerously vague, failing to distinguish between tropes about Jewish people, which were antisemitic, and criticism of the state of Israel, which was not, the statement said.

    Misrepresentation of Zionism as core to Jewish identity
    The definition states that for most Jewish people “Zionism is a core part of their Jewish identity”.

    The council said it was deeply concerned that by adopting this definition, universities would be taking and promoting a view that a national political ideology was a core part of Judaism.

    “This is not only inaccurate, but is also dangerous,” said the statement.

    “Zionism is a political ideology of Jewish nationalism, not an intrinsic part of Jewish identity.

    “There is a long history of Jewish opposition to Zionism, from the beginning of its emergence in the late-19th century, to the present day. Many, if not the majority, of people who hold Zionist views today are not Jewish.”

    In contrast to Zionism and the state of Israel, said the council, Jewish identities traced back more than 3000 years and spanned different cultures and traditions.

    Jewish identities were a rightly protected category under all racial discrimination laws, whereas political ideologies such as Zionism and support for Israel were not, the council said.

    Growing numbers of dissenting Jews
    “While many Jewish people identify as Zionist, many do not. There are a growing number of Jewish people worldwide, including in Australia, who disagree with the actions of the state of Israel and do not support Zionism.

    “Australian polling in this area is not definitive, but some polls suggest that 30 percent of Australian Jews do not identify as Zionists.

    “A recent Canadian poll found half of Canadian Jews do not identify as Zionist. In the United States, more and more Jewish people are turning away from Zionist beliefs and support for the state of Israel.”

    Sarah Schwartz, a human rights lawyer and the Jewish Council of Australia’s executive officer, said: “It degrades the very real fight against antisemitism for it to be weaponised to silence legitimate criticism of the Israeli state and Palestinian political expressions.

    “It also risks fomenting division between communities and institutionalising anti-Palestinian racism.”

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.