Category: Culture

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    This is the ninth part in a series about riding night trains across Europe and the Near East to Armenia — to spend some time in worlds beyond the pathological obsessions of President-elect Donald Trump. (This week Trump has been wagging the dog over the annexation of Greenland and busy filling up his cabinet’s clown car with what MAD Magazine would call “the usual gang of idiots.”)

    pasted-image.jpeg

    Gara du Nord, the main passenger station in Bucharest. Photo by Matthew Stevenson.

    In the late afternoon, when I was back from Bánffy Castle and had inspected a 1990s memorial dedicated to those killed in the anti-Communist movement (many East European cities have one), I retreated to my empty hostel to pass time before dinner.

    I had thought of riding out to the Ethnographic Park Romulus Vuia, a collection of old Transylvanian wooden houses (many with thatched roofs that would have thrilled my wife), but by the time I was ready to head there, it had begun to rain and the cobblestones were even more treacherous than before.

    Instead, I read my Kindle until I could go to dinner. The best time to visit Cluj-Napoca is in the summer, as the city is full of outdoor restaurants and terraces, but still I found a good place to eat indoors, even though the waitress wasn’t thrilled to see me lugging my folded bicycle to the table. (I try to avoid locking it outside.)

    Unlike Western Europe, Eastern Europe—and especially Romania—remains a bargain, and dinner out or a berth on an overnight train can be found for less than $100 (unlike Amtrak, which charges about $600 for many overnight compartments, some of them the size of coffins).

    Politically, much of Eastern Europe has never been integrated into the West. Yes, many countries, including Romania, are members of the European Union and NATO, but on the ground they remain a world apart, and the big hole in the donut is former Yugoslavia; few of those republics are EU members, and all are outsiders, as would be Ukraine if admitted into the EU.

    +++

    The sleeper to Bucharest did not leave until 22:15. A few minutes before departing, the long train pulled into the Cluj-Napoca station. There was no indication on the platform where each numbered car would be stopping.

    On the advice of a station officer, I lined up at one end of the platform, only to discover that my sleeping car was at the other end of the arriving train. With only two minutes to get aboard and not wanting to lug the folded bicycle the length of the fourteen-car train, I unfolded it, mounted my bags, and pedaled the length of the train in less than a minute.

    I am sure I violated a few rules of Romanian station etiquette, but no sooner had I loaded my bicycle and bags onto the vestibule than the engine whistled and the train rolled into the night.

    +++

    My first visit to Romania, also on a night train, was in spring 1975, when my father and sister visited me—a student in Vienna—and together we traveled to Budapest and Bucharest. (Actually we went all the way to Constanza, a workers’ paradise of high-rise summer apartments on the Black Sea.)

    On the overnight train from Budapest to Bucharest, we made up a bed for my sister (then thirteen) on the floor of the compartment rather than let her sleep alone in her assigned compartment.

    That night train left Budapest around 10 p.m., and while waiting for it to back into Keleti station my father taught my sister and me the rudiments of boarding a moving train (we practiced on a few slow-moving locals backing along platforms).

    A child of the American Depression, my father had acquired the skill in college, when he got around the United States by “riding the blind,” a perch behind the coal tender of steam engines and in front of the “blind” baggage car at the front of the train.

    “Riding the blind” (sometimes also called “riding the blinds”) was a step up from hopping freights, which to bindlestiffs and other itinerants in the 1930s were known as “side-door Pullmans”.

    After graduating from Columbia in 1940, my father and his close friend Bob Lubar (later managing editor of Fortune and my godfather) rode “the blind” from New York to Los Angeles for $40.

    +++

    As I had eaten dinner, there was little for me to do on board the night train other than to lock the door and go to sleep. The porter explained that we would arrive in Bucharest around 6:30 a.m., provided the train was on time, and that he would bring breakfast at 6:00 a.m.

    On most night trains in Europe—even on some of the newer Austrian trains—breakfast is yogurt, a prepackaged croissant, and lukewarm coffee, which is what I was served at dawn’s early light.

    Then, perfectly on time, the train pulled into Bucharest’s Gara du Nord, which both in name and spirit echoes a terminal from Paris in the 1930s.

    On only one of my trips to Romania have I come by air. All the others have begun at this station, which has a stately exterior but inside exhibits the jumbled air of a flea-market with trains running out the back.

    +++

    Rather than spend the night in Bucharest, I had decided to fly later that day directly to Ankara, Turkey.

    To be faithful to my plan of taking night trains all the way from Geneva to Armenia, I originally thought of catching a sleeper from Bucharest to Istanbul, and then the high-speed Turkish train to Ankara.

    But when I gamed out the connection from Bucharest to Istanbul, I discovered that it would involve three changes at small intermediate stations in Romania and Bulgaria, as the through service—once a mainstay of the historic Orient Express—was no more.

    In summer, the train schedule might have been more forgiving with a direct couchette, but in autumn, I was looking at twenty hours on Balkan day coaches and there was no guarantee that I would make all of my connections. So reluctantly I decided to fly.

    +++

    With the morning free in Bucharest, I assembled the bicycle and went for a city ride. I only had about an hour before I needed to catch a train to the airport, but I decided it would be enough time to make a loop through the downtown.

    I began at the Palace of Parliament, by some reckoning one of the largest buildings in the world, conceived as a monument to its spiritual architect, President Nicolae Ceaușescu, whose ego would have been the only thing that might have filled all 365,000 square meters.

    The president, however, was tried and executed in 1989, eight years before the building was finished. Twenty-five years later, it remains an endless ballroom in search of dancers.

    Nominally, the Romanian parliament meets there, but there are still acres of empty marble rooms sufficient to display 480 chandeliers, not to mention the 1,409 ceiling lights and mirrors that found homes there, thanks to the labors of 700 architects.

    Think of Versailles but without all the modesty. Perhaps its best use came in 1992 when the pop singer Michael Jackson put on a concert with the facade as a backdrop. On stage, Michael greeted the audience by shouting: “Hello Budapest, I’m so glad to be here.”

    +++

    From the Palace of Parliament, I weaved through traffic (it was rush hour on the larger boulevards, but fine to ride on some of the back streets) to the Athénée Palace Hotel, which is located in the city center on Revolution Square.

    Down the road were various ministerial offices, which explained why, in the 1989 revolution, protesters tore apart the square and some of the hotel facade as symbols of repression.

    I liked riding by the hotel (now part of the InterContinental chain), as that’s where we stayed in March 1975, when I was in Bucharest with my father and younger sister.

    While at the hotel, we were joined by a close family friend and my sister’s godmother, whom we called Aunt Marge. She was then in her sixties and had spent a productive life as a social worker, with much of her career spent abroad in places like China and Japan.

    She had warmed to the idea of a family trip behind the Iron Curtain to Romania, and had booked herself to London and Bucharest on various airlines. But something went awry when the airport taxi stopped in front of the hotel (then the best in town but still a little shabby).

    I was waiting by the front door to greet her, but when the taxi arrived she flew out the rear car door, shouting at the driver and leaving her luggage untouched.

    In waiting to get paid, the driver (who spoke no English) had used some gesture, which she interpreted to mean than he would accept payment in a more emotional currency, and she wanted nothing to do with such means of production.

    I think part of the problem, lost in transaction, is that in those days the Romanian currency was called the lei.

    +++

    On this occasion, I ended my bike ride around Bucharest in front of the Museum of the History of the Romanian Jewish Community, which is located in the former United Holy Temple. It was only open between 10:00 and 15:00, but I didn’t need to go inside as I had been there on a recent visit and the display cases (of a vanished Romanian civilization caught in the vice of World War II) were fresh in my mind.

    Later, in wanting to know more of this Holocaust story, I downloaded to my Kindle Paul Kenyon’s excellent Children of the Night: The Strange and Epic Story of Modern Romania.

    Kenyon is a celebrated broadcast and magazine foreign correspondent who has covered conflicts around the world, and he married into a Romanian family, which is the reason he wrote this history of Romania in the 20th century (the book ends with Ceaușescu and his wife Elena up against the wall of a firing squad in the city of Targoviste).

    Of the internal war waged against the Jews Kenyon writes:

    It was only in the months and years that followed that the full enormity of Romania’s Holocaust emerged. More Jews were killed by Romania than any other Axis state, aside from Germany itself. According to the International Commission on the Holocaust in Romania, the number of Romanian and Ukrainian Jews who perished in territories under Romanian control was between 280,000 and 380,000. Between 120,000 and 180,000 of them died as a result of deportation to Transnistria.

    Part of the reason that the fascist leader of Romania, Ion Antonescu, threw in his lot with Hitler’s Nazis is because he hoped that such an alliance might bring back to Romania in a postwar settlement the lost paradise of Transylvania.

    +++

    Romania joined the Tripartite Alliance with Germany, Italy, and Japan in November 1940 (foreign correspondent Derek Patmore tells the the story of this treachery in his memoir, Balkan Correspondent, which I recommend to anyone who wants to wallow, as I often do, in the politics of betrayal).

    Kenyon describes how in the early 20th century nativist anti-Semitism—plus fears of Jews emigrating from Russia and the nearby Pale of Settlement in what is now Ukraine and Moldova—produced toxic nationalism in Romania, no matter whether the leader was a king, a fascist, or a republican.

    Of the late 1930s, Kenyon writes: “Jews were barred from marrying Christians and, no matter how long their family had lived in the country, could never acquire the status ‘Romanian by blood’, a term that was written on the official papers of all non-Jews. The policies of hate and discrimination were designed to flatter Hitler into keeping Hungarian hands off Transylvania.”

    It all came to naught, however, when Hitler awarded Northern Transylvania (including Cluj) to Hungary in August 1940. After that, Romania could only prove its bona fides to Hitler by being more ruthless against the Jews than even some Germans.

    It is not lost in modern European politics that in 1941 Romanian troops spearheaded the Nazi invasions of southern Ukraine, notably Odessa, where atrocities followed them.

     

    The post Romania’s Darkness at Dawn appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • Image by Getty Images and Unsplash+.

    Early December 2024. I’m taking the Amtrak Vermonter train down to Maryland. It’s a chilly morning right now. Cool is the word I choose to use. Like the tunes coming through my headphones. Bill Evans kind of cool. The recording is another primo production on Resonance Records produced by Zev Feldman—a man who knows how to make jazz sound better than it knows how. This particular disc is a couple sets from Bill Evans from 1970 in Norway. The two-disc collection is titled In Norway: The Kongsberg Concert. Eddie Gomez is on the bass and Marty Morrell is on the drums. Bill Evans is on the piano. The show was part of the Kongsberg Jazz Festival that year. The performance is crisp and the song selection is a dream that is fortunately quite real.

    Although Bill Evans is the star here—the attraction as it were—Gomez and Morrell’s playing is equal to the wizardry one expects from Evans on the keys. The playing and the recording are democratic in fact and ideal. Evans’ piano dominates the song only until Gomez’ bass sneaks up to take the lead. Morrell’s snare shuffles in a manner that is both singular and an essential element of the music being made and heard. I am reminded of a chevron of flying geese, the bird at the point moving behind another when the needs of the wedge require it. No matter who is flying point, the birds continue their journey. No matter who is up front—Evans, Gomez or Morrell—the music moves on.

    It’s a groove that is sustained through the entire recording. I can only imagine the response of that audience in Norway, whose attentiveness is proven in its occasional applause after a particularly adept styling by the band. The thirteen tracks include Evans originals, some standards and an engaging rendition of Miles Davis’ “So What.” The production is superb; no instrument is shuffled to the rear of the recording nor is there a heavy presence that often muffles certain moments in a live recording. Clear as a bell and present as a morning sun, the subtleties of the compositions are manifested in the trio’s spirited performance.

    Emily Remler lived an extremely short life. Born in 1957, she died in 1990, her place as a jazz guitarist well established and her time on earth much too short. She recorded seven albums as a bandleader or co-leader in her lifetime. In addition, she was featured on several other records. In 2024, Resonance Records released a two disc set of a couple live performances from what might be considered her peak. Titled Cookin’ at the Queens: Live in Las Vegas (1984 & 1988) the recordings once again feature producer Zev Feldman and his team’s work. The result is another example of the exceptional production one hears on the Bill Evans recording discussed above.

    The ensemble Remler was working with in these recorded sets is another trio as tight as the one Bill Evans was with in the Kongsberg Concert recordings. The difference being Remler and her guitar are the focal point of the group. Together with Remler are Carson Smith on bass and John Pisci on drums. The fluid synchrony of this ensemble is present throughout the recording. Emily’s guitar seamlessly weaves in and out, nimbly maneuvering along the fretboard, chords and single notes sustained or sharp as the music demands. As I listened (I was back on the train returning to Vermont), I was constantly reminded of the jazz guitarist Wes Montgomery. Montgomery’s work is something I am relatively familiar with, having studied his technique ever since I first heard his 1960 album The Incredible Jazz Guitar of Wes Montgomery when I was in junior high. As it turns out, Montgomery was the guitarist Remler referred to most often as an inspiration. Still, there are moments on these discs where I was also reminded of the guitar sounds of rocker Carl Perkins, jazzman Joe Pass and George Harrison, whose guitar playing blended rock, blues and jazz, not to mention Indian music.

    Like Bill Evans’ Kongsberg Concert recording, this double disc of Remler’s includes originals, standards and, somewhat synchronously, a take on the Miles Davis tune “so What.” After listening to Cookin’ at the Queens: Live in Las Vegas a few times, I wondered why I had not heard of Remler before. It was then that I discovered how briefly she had been on earth. In releasing this set of performances, the chance of rediscovery is possible. I’m trying to do my part.

    Regarding guitars, their tones and their players, the third recording I listened to during my December journey was another newly discovered live release: BB King—In France: Live at the 1977 Nancy Jazz Pulsations Festival. King’s band at this festival featured Walter King on tenor sax,

    Ronnie Wiliams III on alto sax. Eddie Rowe playing trumpet, James Toney on the organ,Milton Hopkins on the other guitar, the amazing Joe Turner on bass who together with Caleb Emphrey, Jr. on drums keeps the time for the ensemble. There is a sit-in or two from other musicians at the festival. The set times in a few minutes over an hour. In classic King fashion, the music is nonstop; he and his band keep the joint jumpin’ as it were. While BB is obviously the bandleader, it’s important to acknowledge the democratic approach to the tracks laid down here. Of course, the brass, the reeds, the organ and the rest step up for solos; they are also integral to the music throughout the recording. In other words, the listener doesn’t forget their presence, rendering them to a secondary place in their listening.

    It’s a classic BB King set. The Thrill is Gone and That’s Why I Sing the Blues combined with a couple instrumentals and a dozen or so classics. The French crowd approves, clapping and one assumes “shaking anything they wanna’ shake,” just like BB suggests they should. It might be the blues, but the band and audience are certainly having a good time.

    I enjoy riding the train and take the Vermonter line a few times a year. Suffice it to say that listening to these recordings made the trip seem like a ride on the magic carpet of Prince Husain, the eldest son of Sultan of the Indies, whose tale is part of the classic One Thousand and One Nights.

    The post Tuneful Trifecta Train Ride appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • William Byrd’s Preface to Psalmes, Sonet, & songs of sadness and pietie (1588).

    Movie stars are singing again. From across a century of sound cinema there have been many leading women and men who have been winning vocalists, from the first talkie generation of James Cagney and Claudette Colbert to the Dolby days and nights of Hugh Jackman and Anne Hathaway.

    Many of these actors had significant youthful training that equipped them with the excellent skills at singing and dancing that are crucial to their personal entertainment brands.

    But the stories behind the two recent blockbuster biopics devoted to music legends, one living one dead, tell different tales of musical growth and awareness that might even usher in a broader popular renaissance in singing.

    Much praise has been heaped on Timothée Chalamet’s performance in James Mangold’s A Complete Unknown. Impressive indeed was the actor’s dedication to the task of learning to play the guitar and also to discovering his own singing voice in the process of doggedly modeling it on Bob Dylan’s. Both the accuracy of Chalamet’s vocal imitation of his model and his assiduity in attaining a convincing musical competency have been universally applauded. This particular set of talents had remained undeveloped by Chalamet until he undertook the project of becoming Bob on screen. The Bard himself even seems to have offered laconic, though still obscure, approval of his screen epigone’s efforts.

    Those watching Chalamet do Dylan might now be encouraged to pick up a guitar on eBay or at the local Salvation Army Store, download a chord chart or the relevant apps, and get bardic themselves. It was this ethos of possibility that fueled the post-war folk revival and, thanks to Chalamet in A Complete Unknown, might just spawn a Second Great Awakening of Song.

    Though some might be daunted, even discouraged by Chalamet’s apparently nonchalant ascent to the summit of songdom, anyone really can become a serviceable, guitar-wielding folksinger performing for the pleasure of self, family and friends. Learning just a couple-three chords, and with them opening up endless vistas onto myriad tunes and lyrics, is the work of hours.

    To become an opera singer is, by contrast, a Herculean labor of years and even decades. In Pablo Larraín’s Callas (now streaming on Netflix), screen diva Angelina Jolie portrays the opera diva in her last week in Paris, moving through, and remaining still, in a world of aural and visual illusion, wandering through a labyrinth of memory and fantasy, ecstatic song and vocal failure.

    In contrast to Chalamet’s unalloyed voice, Angelina Jolie’s ventriloquizes Callas’s with the aid of digital magic that artfully melds her singing voice with that of the exalted diva’s. The result is a pleasing mix of the two, a vocal fabrication that persuasively emerges from her speaking voice.

    Where Chalamet had been at his Dylan musical studies for five years before shooting the movie, Jolie did a scant seven months of “intensive” vocal work in advance of Callas. Much of her tuition involved learning proper pronunciation and shaping the mouth properly in the various languages sung—Italian, French and German. Breath support and vocal production were also crucial to making her look believable on screen. Jolie was not an operagoer nor had ever sung in public before she embarked on the title role in Callas.

    Jolie could never come as close to Callas’s sound as Chalamet gets to Dylan’s. Still, she has become an ardent convert and proselytizer. Famous arias now dominate her personal playlist and in many promotional interviews for the movie she has extolled the benefits of singing.

    Last week she told ClassicFM that singing had transformed her in mind and body: “To be forced to get past that and make a full sound again was almost like shaking me out from years of holding, and having to confront and release a lot. It was really a gift. It’s very freeing. That’s why I say everybody should do it. I’m encouraging everyone [to learn to sing].”

    Callas is as much about the body as the voice, which are, after all inseparable, even if the latter escapes the former in its journey to the ears of others. Callas’s extreme battles with her weight are obliquely portrayed in the movie when she hides pills in the pockets of the many sumptuous garments hanging in her vast wardrobe which are discovered, then confiscated, by her fondly severe butler, Ferruccio Mezzadri (Francesco Favino). The film depicts her fitful attempts at a comeback, following her to rehearsals in an empty theater where she is accompanied by her repetiteur (Steven Ashfield) at the piano. On the stage of the empty hall her voice has shrunk like her emaciated frame.

    In a conversation with the film’s director Pablo Larraín hosted by Vogue, the Callas director begins by asking the actor if she is going “to open up a center” —Jolie responds with advice that must have echoed from the Hollywood Hills across the LA Basin and throughout the movie industry: “Skip therapy for a year and just go to opera class.”

    The bodies of celebrity women have long been toned and tended to, modified and mocked, tailored for objectification on screen and red carpet, the fodder for tabloids and fanchat. But the voice has been neglected, and good on Jolie for bringing awareness to it.

    But Larraín’s conjuring of a center immediately makes one wonder whether the current fitness trends, from spinning to rucking to hot Pilates, will now be complemented by vocal calisthenics. Will Muscle Beach become the site of weekly concerts with Arnold Schwarzenegger leading the well-oiled Barbell Choristers, blasting the Anvil Chorus out over the Pacific? Will home gyms from sea-to-shining-sea and across the smoldering plain be retrofitted as music rooms a la Jane Austen?

    Canny capitalists must now be mobilizing in order to profit from what could be a huge new craze in self-improvement—monetizing the singing voice, that echo from our species’ distant past when melody and human language were born together—or so the likes of Jean-Jacques Rousseau imagined.

    An idealist might hope that these movies and the uplifting pronouncements of their stars will lead not to exploitation but to an explosion of choral singing and of individual expression—even to political revolution.

    But these movies reject community, lauding Dylan for lifting the middle finger to the people and spirt of the 1965 Newport Folk Festival and sympathizing with Callas as she collapses into herself and her own legend.

    There is nothing new under the ever-hotter sun. Back in 1588, the year of the Spanish Armada, the towering Elizabethan musician William Byrd answered his own rhetorical question about the value of singing with eight airtight reasons that hit on all of Jolie’s, including pronunciation, circulation and breath, and mental health (in this case the proper worship). Let the world take this musical titan’s advice to heart, even as we await a Byrd biopic and the Psalmes, Sonet, & songs app:

    Why Learne to Sing?

    Reasons briefly set down by th’author, to perswade every one to learne to sing.

    First, it is a knowledge safely taught and quickly learned, where
    there is a good Master, and an apt Scholler.

    2 The exercise of singing is delightfull to Nature, & good
    to preserve the health of Man.

    3 It doth strengthen all parts of the brest, & doth open the pipes.

    4 It is a singular good remedie for a stutting and stamering in the
    speech.

    5 It is the best means to procure a perfect pronounciation, & to
    make a good Orator.

    6 It is the onely way to know where Nature hath bestowed the
    benefit of a good voyce : which guift is so rare, as there is not one
    among a thousand, that hath it.

    7 There is not any Musicke of Instruments whatsoever, comparable
    to that which is made of the voyces of Men, where the voyces are
    good, and the same well sorted and ordered.

    8 The better the voyce is, the meeter it is to honour and serve
    God there-with : and the voyce of man is chiefely to bee imployed
    to that ende.

    “Omnis Spiritus Laudes Dominum”

    Since Singing is so good a thing, I wish all men would learn to sing.

     

    The post “Strengthen the Breast and Open the Pipes!” Byrd, Callas and the Call to Song appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • RNZ News

    A descendant of one of the original translators of New Zealand’s Treaty of Waitangi says the guarantees of the Treaty have not been honoured.

    A group, including 165 descendants of Henry and William Williams, has collectively submitted against the Treaty Principles Bill, saying it was a threat to the original intent and integrity of te Tiriti.

    Bill submissions reached a record of more than 300,000 on Tuesday night with Parliament’s Justice Select Committee extending the deadline for a week until 1pm, Tuesday, January 14, due to technical issues with the overloaded website.

    The Williams brothers translated te Tiriti o Waitangi and promoted it to Māori chiefs in 1840.

    William William’s great-great-great grandson, Martin Williams, told RNZ Morning Report they want to see the promises of the treaty upheld.

    “Fundamentally, it’s time that we as Pākeha stood up and be counted . . . we prefer a future for our nation that isn’t premised on the idea that Māori were told a big lie in 1840.”

    “It’s very concerning that the Waitangi Tribunal has described this bill as the worst, most comprehensive breach in modern times so it’s time for us to stand up and be counted and stand alongside tangata whenua.

    ‘We need to honour Te Tiriti’
    “We need to honour Te Tiriti, not tear it up and scatter it to the wind.”

    The two version of the Treaty — English and Māori — have become the source of debate and confusion over the intervening centuries because of varying content and wording.

    Williams said his ancestors had faithfully followed the instructions of Governor Hobson and James Busby when translating the Treaty into te reo Māori.

    “We don’t think that there was anything wrong about the way the Treaty was prepared and Henry did it under enormous time pressure, but the outcome was exactly as intended by those instructing him.”

    “In essence, the Crown was conferred the right to govern for peace and good order and Māori retained their full rights as chiefs, Tino Rangatiratanga.

    “That was the essence of the bargain and we’re wanting that bargain because that was the version that was signed by Māori to be honoured today, and we think it can be. If it is the future for our nation is bright, and if it isn’t the opposite applies.”

    Williams said he and his whānau disagreed that the bill would make all New Zealanders, including Māori, equal under the law.

    ‘Equality’ not a Treaty principle
    “Ask Māori who are involved in abuse in state care, whether they enjoyed equal rights during that time of their lives.”

    “Equality before the law is a great legal principle, but it’s not a Treaty principle.”

    David Seymour
    Minister for Regulation David Seymour, the bill’s architect . . . seeking to “promote a national conversation about [New Zealanders’] place in our constitutional arrangements”. Image: RNZ/Samuel Rillstone

    “Māori very much, I think, as a result of systemic breach of the Treaty by the Crown again over decades are in a position where they have to start from way behind the line to have any hope of catching up with Pākeha for things that they take for granted.”

    Williams said equity and equality were not the same thing.

    The bill’s architect, Minister for Regulation David Seymour, argues the interpretation of the Treaty principles has been developed through the Waitangi Tribunal, courts and public service, and “New Zealanders as a whole have never been democratically consulted on these Treaty principles”.

    Purpose to ‘provide certainty
    The principles have been developed to justify actions many New Zealanders feel are “contrary to the principle of equal rights”, he says, including co-governance in the delivery of public services.

    The purpose of the bill, says Seymour, is to provide certainty and clarity and to “promote a national conversation about their place in our constitutional arrangements”.

    ACT would argue the principles have a very influential role in decision-making, political representation and resource allocation that has gone too far. Seymour believes it is necessary to define the principles “or the courts will continue to venture into an area of political and constitutional importance”.

    People have expressed frustration and outrage this week after persisent technical issues stopped them from submitting online feedback about the bill before the midnight on Tuesday night deadline.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

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  • A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated
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    Returning the Gold Plates to Moroni (1829), Linda Curley Christensen and Michael Malm, 2020.

    Sacred Grove Welcome Center, Palmyra, New York,

    Over my thirty years living in Upstate New York, I’ve raced past the Thruway exit for Palmyra dozens of times while driving the ninety miles from Ithaca to Rochester. Usually, I’ve been rushing to play a concert, or to listen to one, at the Eastman School of Music. But there have been plenty of times when I’ve been on my way to or from Rochester that have involved far less-pressing engagements.

    These more relaxed journeys could easily have allowed me time to make an excursion to Mormonism’s Sacred Grove in Palmyra twenty-five miles west of Rochester. Even easier to reach is the Whitmer Farm where the Church of Latter-day Saints was founded in April of 1830. It is half-an-hour from Palmyra to the farm, which is just 40 miles northwest of Ithaca.

    My grandfather was baptized in a creek in the Mormon town of Menan, Idaho in 1905. He was the great-grandson of David Dutton Yearsley, a wealthy Quaker merchant who was baptized by Joseph Smith in 1841. My forbear became a close friend of Smith’s and loaned him large sums of money—never repaid. Yearsley also financially backed Smith’s 1844 presidential bid. Smith was killed—martyred, in Mormon discourse—by a mob in Carthage, Illinois in the summer of that year, five months before the election. Yearsley continued west and died near Council Bluffs, Nebraska in 1849.

    No one on our stout branch of the spreading Yearsley family tree has been Mormon for a century now. A baptized and confirmed Lutheran, if non-practicing since his teenage years, my father had nonetheless wanted to name me David Dutton Yearsley. That would have made me the third person with that name over six generations. My mother refused.

    All this probably has something to do with my fantastical fear that, if I visited Palmyra, commando LDS genealogists might kidnap me into the church or at least force me to explain my Mormon connections. Worse, I might even be visited by Moroni in the Sacred Grove, which, according to Wikipedia (citing the Patheos multi-faith religion project), is the 74th “Most Holy Place on Earth.”

    Unlike me, my daughters are native New Yorkers. The younger of the two, Cecilia, has long been fascinated by the region’s history, including the religious revivalism that spread across the so-called Burned-over District of central and western New York in the first half of the nineteenth century. It was in the course of this Second Great Awakening that Mormonism was born and from whence it proceeded to become one of the most dynamic and successful religious movements of the last two centuries. Cecilia is also a well-informed critic of the dubious sustainability schemes of present day to decarbonize the Burned-over District. During the pandemic, which coincided with her college years, Cecilia was home with us in Ithaca for a couple of long stretches. She had wanted to visit the Sacred Grove then, but it was closed. She now lives in London and returned this year for the holidays.

    She ascertained that the Sacred Grove was open again, so the Sunday before Christmas we climbed into the white Subaru spattered with mud and headed to Palmyra.

    It had gotten cold after a long fall and early winter of scarily warm weather. That Sunday it was 10F. The windshield wiper fluid nozzle had frozen, but through the salt-caked glass we could still see far across the snowy fields, past the leaning barns and rusty silos and the stands of leafless trees. After twenty minutes, New York’s largest landfill, Seneca Meadows, rose up at the north end of Lake Cayuga. The 350-foot-high snowcapped summit of trash could almost stand in for a cluster of western peaks spied and crossed by the Mormon trekkers of yore. Go West old man, but only as far as Palmyra!

    There was much more snow north of the Thruway due to the increased precipitation coming off of Lake Ontario—“pioneer weather” the sexagenarian docent, a missionary from Boise coming to the close of a year-and-a-half stint at the Sacred Grove, would later call it as we traipsed across the snowy fields of the Smith Farm.

    We still had a few minutes before the Sacred Grove opened at 1pm, so we pulled in first to the Temple, the first one in New York State. This classic example of Mormon architecture seems to share basic aesthetic principles with Fascist buildings, except that its boxy, concrete elements are crowned by a gilded statue of the trumpet-blowing angel Moroni. Dedicated in 2000, the bunker-like structure sits above the valley where the Smith Farm and Visitors Center lie. The site is a mile south of the village of Palmyra on the Erie Canal.

    A car parked in front of a building Description automatically generated

    An SUV with Virginia plates had just pulled up in front of us and a family of six piled out. When Cecilia and I walked by the vehicle, we realized that they had left it running as they took their time talking around the temple. I thought of George Hayduke from Edward Abbey’s rollicking eco-terrorist novel, The Monkey Wrench Gang—the scene where Hayduke hops into an idling police car and wreaks some fabulous havoc. Hayduke’s nemesis is the nefarious Mormon, Bishop Love.

    Across the flats from the Temple, on the next the wooded ridge is the Sacred Grove. It was here in 1820 that the teenage Joseph Smith saw a pillar of light and was visited by two figures, God the Father and God the Son, who told him that all then-existing churches in their various denominations were false and corrupt.

    Later that afternoon, the Virginia family’s oldest boy was asked play the part of Joseph himself at the age, even made to hold up a replica of the plates hidden in a burlap sack.

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    The paintings in the one-room welcome center depict crucial moments of Mormon revelation: the godly visitation of in the Scared Grove, Jesus and his Father looking like identical twins. It’s a weirdly provocative theological image from this non-trinitarian sect. Another picture shows Moroni coming to the young Joseph in the attic of the family’s cabin. Canned Christmas carols emanate from hidden speakers, their saccharine glow artfully matching the painting’s pastel colorings.

    I’ve tried to read the Book of Mormon but could never make much headway through its hokey biblicalisms and technical jargon—Urim, Thummim, Cimiter. Our docent throws around many of such terms and everyone appears to know exactly what they mean. There seems to be no inkling that any among us are non-Mormonism. Except for our ragged, vaguely Gorp Corps vestments, Cecilia and I definitely look the part with our above-average stature, good teeth and blond hair. Still, the learning curve is steep. We nod when the others easily answer questions like those about the weight of the plates and the hiding of them in the bag of beans when gold-hungry thugs stormed into the newer frame house built by the Smiths later in the 1820s and still largely intact.

    Aside from elucidating Mormon doctrine, our guide identifies fox, deer and rabbit tracks for the young urbanites. These Western Missionaries come East cling to their connection to the agrarian past. The Mormon Church has been buying up large tracts of land in Palmyra since 1907 and even moved the state route off their property to return the ensemble of historic buildings to its rural setting. Say what you will about the preposterous revelations retailed by Smith, his followers have, with the exception of the menacing hilltop Temple, carefully preserved the natural beauty of the hills and valleys around the Sacred Grove.

    After the tour,  we drive down Main Street in Palmyra past the Protestant Churches. They look badly neglected, especially when compared with the spotless indestructibility of the Mormon Temple we’ve just come from.

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    The sun sets through the Sacred Grove.

    Harried by the authorities, Joseph Smith repaired first to Harmony, Pennsylvania on the banks of the Susquehanna River in Pennsylvania before returning to Upstate New York and the Whitmer Farm, where he officially founded the Church of Latter-day Saints in 1830. We arrive at the farm just after sunset at 4:30, a half-hour before closing time.

    Inside this Welcome Center, Sister Hope is thrilled to see us. She is in her fifties, also on a mission away from her farm in Eastern Washington. She takes us to another reconstructed cabin, this one where the Book of Mormon was written down, the barely literate Smith making use of scribes to produce the text. When Sister Hope asks us to imagine what it was like to hear the prophet dictating in the room above, tears well up in her eyes.

    A new husband-and-wife team of missionaries has just arrived from Utah. They are in training for this latest posting and join our little tour in order to hear again Sister Hope’s ardent and richly informative descriptions of the church’s early history and these events’ enduring significance. After the tour of the cabin, she ushers us into a small screening room in the Welcome Center so that we can watch a four-minute film that “can only be seen here.”

    The movie brings us back to the cabin in 1830, then on the trek to Utah. There are baptisms in creeks and displays of incredible toughness as pioneers in wagons brace themselves against the bitter Plains winds. Salt Lake City and the Tabernacle grow and grow across the decades.

    Our day of LDS history begins and ends with music. The film’s soundtrack is provided by the Mormon Tabernacle Choir and pursues an inexorable crescendo as thousands across the Pacific fill the new Temples of Polynesia and Southeast Asia. Moroni is hoisted by a crane atop a tower over the African rainforest.

    After the movie, Sister Hope asks us what our connection to the Church is. Cecilia tells her that we are descendants of David Dutton Yearsley. Sister Hope is thrilled and says that during her time on the track team at BYU-Idaho, she was helped by the trainer, Nate Yearsley. “I’m sure he’s a relative,” I mumble. Before we leave, Sister Hopes reminds us that tomorrow is Joseph Smith’s birthday. We thank her for her tour and make our escape. The vast parking lot is empty except for a lone Subaru.

    The post Top of the Mormon appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • NEW RELEASES

    1) Vijay Iyer, Linda May Han Oh, Tyshawn Sorey, Compassion (ECM)

    2) Julian Lage, Speak to Me  (Blue Note)

    3) Wadada Leo Smith & Amina Claudine Myers,  Central Park’s Mosaics of Reservoir, Lake, Paths and Gardens  (Red Hook)

    4) Jenny Scheinman, All Species Parade (Royal Potato Family)

    5) Matthew Shipp Trio,  New Concepts in Piano Trio Jazz  (ESP-Disk)

    6) Ethan Iverson, Technically Acceptable  (Blue Note)

    7) Arooj Aftab, Night Reign (Verve)

    8) Abdullah Ibrahim, 3  (Gearbox)

    9) David Murray Quartet, Francesca (Intakt)

    10) Charles Lloyd, The Sky Will Still Be There Tomorrow  (Blue Note)

     

    BEST VOCAL

    Arooj Aftab, Night Reign (Verve)

     

    BEST LATIN

    Amaro Freitas, Y’Y (Psychic Hotline)

     

    BEST DEBUT

    O., WeirdOs (Speedy Wunderground)

     

    RARA AVIS (REISSUES/ARCHIVAL)

    1) Sonny Rollins, Freedom Weaver: The 1959 European Tour Recordings (Resonance)

    2) Sun Ra, Live at the Showcase in Chicago, 1976-77  (Jazz Detective)

    3) Cannonball Adderley, Burnin’ in Bourdeaux Live in France, 1969  (Elemental Music)

    4) McCoy Tyner & Joe Henderson, Forces of Nature: Live at Slugs’ (1966, Blue Note)

    5) Yusef Lateef, Atlantis Lullaby: the Avignon Concert  (1972, Elemental Music)

     

    The post Sound Grammar: the Best Jazz Recordings of 2024 appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • By Ella Stewart, (Ngāpuhi, Te Māhurehure, Ngāti Manu), RNZ longform journalist, Te Ao Māori

    On a sticky day in January, dozens of nannies and aunties from Tainui shook and waved fronds of greenery as they called manuhiri onto Tuurangawaewae Marae.

    More than 10,000 people had responded to a rare call for unity from the Māori King to discuss what the new government’s policies meant for Māori. It set the scene for what became a massive year for te ao Māori.

    A few months beforehand, just in time for Christmas 2023, the newly formed government had announced its coalition agreements.

    The agreements included either rolling back previous initiatives considered progressive for Māori or creating new policies that many in Māoridom and beyond perceived to be an attack on Māori rights and te Tiriti o Waitangi.

    So as the rest of the country wound down for the year, te ao Māori went to work, planning for the year ahead.

    This year saw everything from controversial debates about the place of New Zealand’s founding document to mourning the loss of the Māori king, and a viral haka.

    A call for unity — how 2024 started
    The Hui-aa-motu in January was the first sign of the year to come.

    Iwi from across the motu arrived at Tūrangawaewae, including Ngāpuhi, an iwi which doesn’t typically follow the Kiingitanga, suggesting a growing sense of shared purpose in Māoridom.

    At the centre of the discussions was the ACT Party’s Treaty Principles Bill, which aims to redefine the principles of the Treaty of Waitangi and enshrine them in law.

    Māori also expressed their concerns over the axing of Te Aka Whai Ora, (the Māori Health Authority), the re-introduction of referenda on Māori wards, removing references to Tiriti o Waitangi in legislation, and policies related to the use and funding of te reo Māori.

    The day was overwhelmingly positive. Visitors were treated with manaakitanga, all receiving packed lunches and ice blocks to ward off the heat.

    Raising some eyebrows, Prime Minister Christopher Luxon chose not to attend, sending newly-appointed Māori-Crown Relations Minister Tama Potaka and Māori Affairs select committee chair Dan Bidois instead.

    Kiingi Tuuheitia speaks to the crowd at hui-aa-motu.
    Kiingi Tuheitia Pootatau te Wherowhero VII addresses the crowd at Hui-ā-Motu last January. Image: Ella Stewart/RNZ

    Other than the sheer number of people who showed up, the hui was memorable for these words, spoken by Kiingi Tuheitia as he addressed the crowds, and quoted repeatedly as the year progressed:

    “The best protest we can make right now is being Māori. Be who we are. Live our values. Speak our reo. Care for our mokopuna, our awa, our maunga.

    “Just be Māori. Be Māori all day, every day. We are here. We are strong.”

    The momentum continued, with the mauri of Hui-ā-Motu passed to Rātana pā next, and then to Waitangi in February.

    The largest Waitangi in years
    Waitangi Day has long been a place of activism and discussion, and this year was no exception.

    February saw the most well-attended Waitangi in years. Traffic in and out of Paihia was at a standstill for hours as people flocked to the historic town, to discuss, protest, and commemorate the country’s founding document.

    Veteran Māori activist and previous MP Hone Harawira addresses members of the coalition government at Waitangi Treaty Grounds: "You and your shitty ass bill are going down the toilet."
    Māori activist and former MP for Te Tai Tokerau, Hone Harawira. Image: Angus Dreaver/RNZ

    Veteran Māori activist Hone Harawira addressed David Seymour, the architect of the controversial Treaty Principles Bill and ACT Party Leader, directly.

    “You want to gut the treaty? In front of all of these people? Hell no! You and your shitty-arse bill are going down the toilet.”

    A new activist group, ‘Toitū te Tiriti’, also seized the moment to make themselves known.

    Organisers Eru Kapa-Kingi and Hohepa Thompson led two dozen protesters onto the atea (courtyard) of Te Whare Rūnanga during the pōwhiri for government officials, peacefully singing over David Seymour’s speech.

    “Whakarongo, e noho . . .” they began — “Listen, sit down”.

    Activist Eru Kapa-Kingi at Waitangi who spoke before Prime Minister Christopher Luxon.
    Hīkoi organiser and spokesperson for activist group Toitū te Tiriti, Eru Kapa-Kingi at Waitangi commemorations in February 2024. Image: Angus Dreaver/RNZ

    It was just the start of a movement which led to a nationwide hīkoi from the top of the North Island to Wellington.

    Record number of urgent Waitangi Tribunal claims
    In the past year, the government’s policies have faced significant formal scrutiny too, with a record number of urgent claims heard before the Waitangi Tribunal in such a short period of time.

    The claims have been wide-ranging and contentious, including:

    • the disestablishment of the Māori Health Authority,
    • ACT’s Treaty Principles Bill,
    • limiting te reo Māori use,
    • reinstating referendums for Māori wards, and
    • the repeal of smokefree legislation.

    Seymour has also criticised the function of the tribunal itself. In May, he argued it had become “increasing activist”, going “well beyond its brief”.

    “The tribunal appears to regard itself as a parallel government that can intervene in the actual government’s policy-making process,” Seymour said.

    The government has made no secret of its plan to review the tribunal’s future role, a coalition promise.

    The review is expected to refocus the tribunal’s scope, purpose and nature back to its “original intent”. While the government has not yet released any specific details about the review, it’s anticipated that Māori Development Minister Tama Potaka will oversee it.

    Te Kiingi o te Kōtahitanga — mourning the loss of Kiingi Tuheitia
    In August, when the seas were choppy, te ao Māori lost a rangatira.

    Te iwi Māori were shocked and saddened by the death of Kiingi Tuheitia Pootatau te Wherowhero VII, who just days before had celebrated his 18th year on the throne.

    Once again, thousands arrived outside the bright-red, ornately-carved gates of Tuurangawaewae, waiting to say one last goodbye.

    The tangi, which lasted five days, saw tears, laughter and plenty of stories about Tuheitia, who has been called “Te Kiingi o Te Kōtahitanga”, the King of Unity.

    Kiingi Tuheitia Pootatau Te Wherowhero VII's body is transferred to a hearse.
    Kiingi Tuheitia Pootatau Te Wherowhero VII’s body is transferred to a hearse. Image: Layla Bailey-McDowell/RNZ

    On the final day, led by Kaihaka, his body was driven the two blocks in a black hearse to the banks of Waikato River. He was placed on a waka specially crafted for him, and made the journey to his final resting place at the top of Taupiri Maunga, alongside his tūpuna.

    Just hours before, Tuheitia’s youngest child and only daughter, Nga wai hono i te po was announced as the new monarch of the Kiingitanga. The news was met with applause and tears from the crowd.

    At just 27 years old, the new Kuini signals a societal shift, where a new generation of rangatahi who know their whakapapa, their reo, and are strong in their identity as Māori, are now stepping up.

    The new generation of Māori activists
    An example of this “kohanga generation” is Aotearoa’s youngest MP, Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke.

    Elected in 2023, the 22-year-old gained international attention after a video of her leading a haka in Parliament and tearing up a copy of the Treaty Principles Bill made headlines around the world.

    Te Pāti Māori MP Hana-Rawhiti Maipa-Clarke was among those to perform a haka, at Parliament, after the first reading of the Treaty Principles Bill, on 14 November, 2024.
    Te Pāti Māori MP Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke won the Hauraki-Waikato seat over Labour MP Nanaia Mahuta in 2023. Image: Samuel Rillstone/RNZ

    Maipi-Clarke and several other opposition MPs performed the Ka Mate haka in response to the Treaty Principles Bill, a move that cost her a 24-hour suspension from the debating chamber.

    At the same time, another up-and-coming leader within Māoridom, Eru Kapa-Kingi, led a hīkoi from the top of the North Island to Wellington, in what is believed to be the largest protest to ever arrive at Parliament.

    The hīkoi mō te Tiriti was the culmination of a year of action, and organisers predicted it would be big. But almost no one anticipated the true scale of the crowd.

    Prime Minister Christopher Luxon has announced that he will not be travelling to the Treaty grounds in Northland for Waitangi Day commemorations in February next year, opting to attend events elsewhere.

    Māori met the decision with mixed emotions — some calling it a missed opportunity, and others pleased.

    We’re set for a big year to come, with submissions on the Treaty Principles Bill closing on January 7, the ensuing select committee process will be sure to dominate the conversation at Waitangi 2025 and beyond.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

  • Someone said recently that AI might know more about the history of the First World War than all human historians put together but that he knew more than AI because he had read the poetry of Wilfred Owen. Here therefore is a look at today’s main conflicts through the prism of these conflicts’ poetry. For […]

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    The post Poetry From Today’s Frontlines appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

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  • Human kind cannot bear very much reality.

    (T. S. Eliot, Burnt Norton, 1941).

    There is no rubble.
    There are no more fumes.
    There has been no trouble.
    There are no airless tombs.

    There has never been a war.
    No bombs on that house.
    What are you crying for?
    What’d you want to denounce?

    There are no Palestinians.
    There are no Palestinians.
    There are no Palestinians.

    There’s never been a bomb.
    There’s never been a fire.
    There is only that song,
    That lifts my spirit higher.

    You are not yet dead.
    You are still alive.
    I live awake in bed
    Dreaming of your eyes.

    There are no Palestinians.
    There are no Palestinians.
    There are no Palestinians.

    – 25 December 2024.

    The post There are No Palestinians: a Poem appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • By Emma Andrews, Henare te Ua Māori journalism intern at RNZ News

    From being the headline to creating them, Moana Maniapoto has walked a rather rocky road of swinging between both sides of the media.

    Known for her award-winning current affairs show Te Ao with Moana on Whakaata Māori, and the 1990s cover of Black Pearl, the lawyer-by-trade doesn’t keep her advocacy a secret.

    Her first introduction to news was at the tail end of the 1980s when she was relaxed in the guest seat at Aotearoa Radio — Auckland’s first Māori radio station — but her kōrero hit a nerve.

    “I said something the host considered radical,” she said.

    “He quickly distanced the station from my remarks and that got the phones ringing.”

    It became a race for listeners to punch numbers into the telephone, the first person to get through was New Zealand filmmaker, producer and writer Merata Mita, who ripped into the host.

    “How dare you talk down to her like that,” Maniapoto recalled. The very next day she answered the call to host that show from then on.

    No training, no worries
    Aotearoa Radio was her first real job working four hours per day, spinning yarns five days a week — no training, no worries.

    “Oh, they tried to get us to speak a bit flasher, but no one could be bothered. It was such a lot of fun, a great bunch of people working there. It was also nerve-wracking interviewing people like Erima Henare (NZ politician Peeni Henare’s father), but the one I still chuckle about the most was Winston Peters.”

    She remembers challenging Peters over a comment he made about Māori in the media: “You’re going to have to apologise to your listeners, Moana. I never said that,” Peters pointed out.

    They bickered in true journalist versus politician fashion — neither refused to budge, until Maniapoto revealed she had a word-for-word copy of his speech.

    All Peters could do was watch Maniapoto attempt to hold in her laughter. A prompt ad break was only appropriate.

    But the Winston-win wasn’t enough to stay in the gig.

    “After two years, I was over it. It was tiring. Someone rang up live on air and threatened to kill me. It was a good excuse to resign.”

    Although it wasn’t the end of the candlewick for Maniapoto, it took 30 years to string up an interview with Peters again.

    Short-lived telly stints
    In-between times she had short-lived telly stints including a year playing Dr Te Aniwa Ryan on Shortland Street, but it wasn’t for her. The singer-songwriter has also created documentaries with her partner Toby Mills, their daughter Manawanui Maniapoto-Mills a gunning young actress.

    Moana Maniapoto
    Moana Maniapoto has featured on the cover of magazines. Image: RNZ

    Maniapoto has featured on the cover of magazines, one in particular she remembers was Mana magazine in 1993.

    “Sally Tagg photographed me in the shallow end of a Parnell Baths pool, wrapped in metres of blue curtain net, trying to act like it was completely normal,” she said.

    Just 10 years ago she joined Mana Trust which runs the online Sunday mag E-Tangata, mentored by Gary Wilson (co-founder and co-editor) and print journalist Tapu Misa who taught her how to transfer her voice through computer keys.

    “Whakaata Māori approached me in 2019, I was flattered, but music was my life and I felt wholly unequipped for journalism. Then again, I always love a challenge.”

    Since jumping on board, Te Ao with Moana has completed six seasons and will “keep calm and carry on” for a seventh season come 17 February, 2025 — her son Kimiora Hikurangi Jackson the producer and “boss”.

    It will be the last current affairs show to air on Whakaata Māori before moving the TV channel to web next year.

    Advocating social justice
    Her road of journalism and music is winding. Her music is the vehicle to advocating social justice which often landed her in the news rather than telling it.

    “To me songwriting, documentaries, and current affairs are all about finding ways to convey a story or explore an issue or share insights. I think a strength I have are the relationships I’ve built through music — countless networks both here and overseas. Perfect for when we are wanting to deep dive into issues.”

    Her inspiration for music grew from her dad, Nepia Tauri Maniapoto and his brothers. Maniapoto said it was “their thing” to entertain guests from the moment they walked into the dining room at Waitetoko Marae until kai was finished.

    “It was Prince Tui Teka and the Platters. Great vocal harmonies. My father always had a uke, gat, and sax in the house,” she said.

    Born in Invercargill and raised in Rotorua by her māmā Bernadette and pāpā Nepia, she was surrounded by her five siblings who some had a keen interest in kapa haka, although, the kapa-life was “too tough” for Maniapoto. Instead, nieces Puna Whakaata, Mourei, and Tiaria inheriting the “kapa” gene. Maniapoto said they’re exceptional and highly-competitive performers.

    ONO songwriters - Te Manahau Scotty Morrison, Moana Maniapoto and Paddy Free
    ONO songwriters Te Manahau Scotty Morrison, Moana Maniapoto and Paddy Free. Image: Black Pearl/RNZ

    Blending her Ngāti Pikiao, Ngāti Tūwharetoa, and Tūhourangi whakapapa into song was no struggle.

    The 1990s was filled with soul, R’n’B, and reggae, she said, singing in te reo was met with indifference if not hostility.

    ‘Labelled a radical’
    “If you mixed in lyrics that were political in nature, you were labelled a ‘radical.’ I wasn’t the only one, but probably the ‘radical’ with the highest profile at the time.”

    After her “rare” single Kua Makona in 1987, Moana & the Moahunters formed in the early 1990s, followed by Moana and the Tribe which is still going strong. Her sister Trina has a lovely singing voice and has been in Moana & The Tribe since it was formed, she said.

    And just like her sixth television season, Maniapoto has just churned out her sixth album, Ono.

    “I’m incredibly proud of it. So grateful to Paddy Free and Scotty Morrison for their skills. Looks pretty too on vinyl and CD, as well as digital. A cool Xmas present. Just saying.”

    The microphone doesn’t seem to be losing power anytime soon. All albums adequately named one-to-six in te reo Māori, one can only punt on the next album name.

    “It’s kinda weird now morphing back into the interviewee to promote my album release. I’m used to asking all the questions.”

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • By Emma Andrews, Henare te Ua Māori Journalism Intern at RNZ News

    The New Zealand fuel company Z Energy is swapping out street names for “correct” kupu on service stops around the country, with the help of local hapū.

    When Z took over 226 fuel sites from Shell in 2010, the easy solution was to name the respective stations after the streets they were on, or near.

    But when it named the Kahikatea Drive station in Kirikiriroa Z — K Drive, the company’s Māori advisor questioned the abbreviation.

    “Kahikatea is the correct name. That led to a bigger conversation about where are we with our knowledge as we start to learn a bit more about te reo Māori and acknowledging interconnected-ness of all things, like, where else are there opportunities to do it,” Z Energy customer general manager Andy Baird said.

    After 12 months of whakawhanaungatanga (relationship building), the company was guided by Te Hā o te Whenua o Kirikiriroa on changing the name of Z Dinsdale to Z Tuhikaramea.

    That led to two other stations being renamed — New Plymouth’s Z Courtenay Street became Z Huatoki, while Hamilton’s Five Cross Roads station became Z Te Papanui.

    “This is not about ticking a box per se, this is about a bigger sort of commitment that we have to te reo Māori and obviously to the communities that we operate in, so it’s a much bigger broader long-term programme,” Baird said.

    Z Energy
    Z Energy . . . an internal drive to incorporate more use of te reo Māori. Image: RNZ

    Internal te reo drive
    There had also been an internal drive to incorporate more use of te reo, kicking off each day with karakia, Baird said.

    It added more of a connection between the company and Māori traditions.

    “We’ve been adding bilingual language inside the sites but we have equally taken the time to make sure that we’re getting the right dialects as the regions as we go through it.

    “Part of the project this year was to sort of understand the process that we go through in terms of engagement with mana whenua and how they want things to happen and occur, and how we can come together to make that really a great outcome for local communities we operate in.”

    The company could have changed the station names off the bat, but Baird said consulting with local hapū and iwi was the right thing to do.

    “The opportunity to meet them, to start to engage with mana whenua and to build a relationship with them and to do something that they’re just as proud of as we are, was just as important as the actual name.”

    Each site’s name was gifted by the hapū, with careful consideration of the history of the whenua.

    Facebook community included
    Ngāti Te Whiti hapū in Ngāmotu was thrilled to play a big part in renaming the Courtenay Street petrol station and included its Facebook community in making the decision.

    It had a kete of three names that went to a vote — the name Huatoki was favoured.

    Julie Healey of Ngāti Te Whiti said it was only fitting to have the name Huatoki, as the awa flowed just around the corner from the petrol station.

    “Huatoki is probably all the life essence of New Plymouth at the beginning. We have the pā Puke Ariki at the front and then we have the other pā around, I think there’s about five or six different pā in that area.”

    The hapū was in its rebuilding phase and was working towards a Huatoki restoration plan with the New Plymouth District Council, so when Z approached it at the start of the year, the timing could not have been better, she said.

    “When we were approached, I just thought straight away ‘this is going to work brilliantly with our Huātoki’, and I was hoping whānau would vote that way, and they did. It just made sense, it was consistent.”

    A plaque on the left-hand side of entrance has a brief mihi and the meaning of the word
    A plaque on the left-hand side of entrance has a brief mihi and the meaning of the word. Image: RNZ/Emma Andrews

    She praised Z for taking the right steps to engage with locals.

    “One of our whānau, Damon Ritai, met the people outside Puke Ariki Museum, talked to them about the museum, the designs, the cultural expression on the museum, the meaning of the different things of whakapapa on the ceremonial doors, all the names that were in the foyer, and explained everything about those.”

    Cultural induction hīkoi
    The cultural induction hīkoi ended at Te Whare Honanga (Taranaki Cathedral) where they had refreshments.

    Then, the hapū worked on the dialect, something Healey triple-checked before giving the nod of approval.

    “This is about reclaiming our language and culture, not as a political act, but as a celebration.

    “It’s always a good opportunity for hapū to try and get those names, you know, renaming before the colonial names, taking things back to language and culture.”

    Z Energy aimed to rename more petrol stations but first, more whakawhanaungatanga, Baird said.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • ANALYSIS: By Richard Scully, University of New England; Robert Phiddian, Flinders University, and Stephanie Brookes, Monash University

    Michael Leunig — who died in the early hours of Thursday December 19, surrounded by “his children, loved ones, and sunflowers” — was the closest thing Australian cartooning had to a prophet. By turns over his long career, he was a poet, a prophet and a provocateur.

    The challenge comes in attempting to understand Leunig’s significance: for Australian cartooning; for readers of The Age and other newspapers past; and for the nation’s idea of itself.

    On this day, do you remember the gently philosophical Leunig, or the savagely satirical one? Do you remember a cartoon that you thought absolutely nailed the problems of the world, or one you thought was terribly wrong-headed?

    Leunig’s greatness lay in how intensely he made his audiences think and feel.

    There is no one straightforward story to tell here. With six decades of cartooning at least weekly in newspapers and 25 book-length collections of his work, how could there be?

    The light and the dark
    One thread is an abiding fondness for the whimsical Leunig. Mr Curly and Vasco Pyjama live on in the imaginations of so many readers.

    Particularly in the 1980s and 1990s, Leunig’s work seemed to hold a moral and ethical mirror up to Australian society — sometimes gently, but not without controversy, such as his 1995 “Thoughts of a baby lying in a childcare centre”.

    Feed the Inner Duck
    Feed the Inner Duck. Image: Michael Leunig, CC BY-NC-ND

    Another thread is the dark satirist.

    In the 1960s and 1970s, he broke onto the scene as a wild man in Oz, the Sunday Observer and the Nation Review who deplored Vietnam and only escaped the draft owing to deafness in one ear.

    Then he apparently mellowed to become the guru of The Age, still with a capacity to launch the occasional satirical thunderbolt. Decidedly countercultural, together with Patrick Cook and Peter Nicholson, Leunig brought what historian Tony Moore has called “existential and non-materialist themes to the Australian black-and-white tradition”.

    The difference between a 'just war' and 'just a war'
    Just War. Image: Michael Leunig, CC BY-NC-ND

    By 1999, he was declared a “national living treasure” by the National Trust, and was being lauded by universities for his unique contributions to the national culture.

    But to tell the story of Leunig’s significance from the mid 90s on is to go beyond the dreamer and the duck. In later decades you could see a clear distinction between some cartoons that continued to console in a bewildering world, and others that sparked controversy.

    Politics and controversy
    Leunig saw 9/11 and the ensuing “War on Terror” as the great turning point in his career. He fearlessly returned to the themes of the Vietnam years, only to receive caution, rebuke and rejection from editors and readers.

    He stopped drawing Mr Curly and Vasco Pyjama. The world was no longer safe for the likes of them.

    Then there was a cartoon refused by The Age in 2002, deemed by editor Michael Gawenda to be inappropriate: in the first frame, a Jew is confronted by the gates of the death camp: “Work Brings Freedom [Arbeit Macht Frei]”; in the second frame an Israeli viewing a similar slogan “War Brings Peace”.

    Rejected, it was never meant to see the light of day, but ABC’s Media Watch and Crikey outed it because of the constraint its spiking represented to fair media comment on the Middle East.

    That the cartoon was later entered, without Leunig’s knowledge, in the infamous Iranian “Holocaust Cartoon” competition of 2006, has only added to its infamy and presaged the internet’s era of the uncontrollable circulation of images.

    A decade later, from 2012, he reworked Martin Niemöller’s poetic statement of guilt over the Holocaust. The result was outrage, but also acute division within the Australian Jewish community.

    A cartoon about Palestine.
    First They Came. Image: Michael Leunig, CC BY-NC-ND

    Dvir Abramovich (chairperson of the Anti-Defamation Commission) made a distinction between something challenging, and something racist, believing it was the latter.

    Harold Zwier (of the Australian Jewish Democratic Society) welcomed the chance for his community to think critically about Israel’s policies in Gaza and the West Bank.

    From 2019 — a mother, distracted, looking at her phone rather than her baby. Cries of “misogyny”, including from Leunig’s very talented cartoonist sister, Mary.

    Mummy was Busy
    Mummy was Busy. Image: Michael Leunig, CC BY-NC-ND

    Then from 2021 — a covid-19 vaccination needle atop an armoured tank, rolling towards a helpless citizen.

    Leunig’s enforced retirement (it is still debated whether he walked or was pushed) was long and drawn-out. He filed his last cartoon for The Age this August. By then, he had alienated more than a few of his colleagues in the press and the cartooning profession.

    Support of the downtrodden
    Do we speak ill of the dead? We hope not. Instead, we hope we are paying respect to a great and often angry artist who wanted always to challenge the consumer society with its dark cultural and geopolitical secrets.

    Leunig’s response was a single line of argument: he was “Just a cartoonist with a moral duty to speak”.

    You don’t have to agree with every provocation, but his purpose is always to take up the cause of the weak, and deploy all the weaponry at his disposal to support the downtrodden in their fight.

    “The role of the cartoonist is not to be balanced”, said Leunig, but rather to “give balance”.

    Mr Curly's car pulled by a goat, he is breathalysed.
    Motoring News. Image: Michael Leunig, CC BY-NC-ND

    For Leunig, the weak were the Palestinian civilians, the babies of the post-iPhone generation, and those forced to be vaccinated by a powerful state; just as they were the Vietnamese civilians, the children forced to serve their rulers through state-sanctioned violence, the citizens whose democracy was undercut by stooges of the establishment.

    That deserves to be his legacy, regardless of whether you agree or not about his stance.

    The coming year will give a great many people pause to reflect on the life and work of Leunig. Indeed, he has provided us with a monthly schedule for doing just that: Leunig may be gone, but 2025 is already provided for, via his last calendar.The Conversation

    Dr Richard Scully, professor in modern history, University of New England; Dr Robert Phiddian, professor of English, Flinders University, and Dr Stephanie Brookes, senior lecturer, School of Media, Film and Journalism, Monash University. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons licence. Read the original article.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • By John Gerritsen, RNZ News education correspondent

    The New Zealand government coalition is tweaking university regulations to curb what it says is an increasingly “risk-averse approach” to free speech.

    The proposed changes will set clear expectations on how universities should approach freedom of speech issues.

    Each university will then have to adopt a “freedom of speech statement” consistent with the central government’s expectations.

    The changes will also prohibit tertiary institutions from adopting positions on issues that do not relate to their core functions.

    Associate Education Minister David Seymour said fostering students’ ability to debate ideas is an essential part of universities’ educational mission.

    “Despite being required by the Education Act and the Bill of Rights Act to uphold academic freedom and freedom of expression, there is a growing trend of universities deplatforming speakers and cancelling events where they might be perceived as controversial or offensive,” he said.

    “That’s why the National/ACT coalition agreement committed to introduce protections for academic freedom and freedom of speech to ensure universities perform their role as the critic and conscience of society.”

    Minister for Tertiary Education and Skills Penny Simmonds said freedom of speech was fundamental to the concept of academic freedom.

    “Universities should promote diversity of opinion and encourage students to explore new ideas and perspectives. This includes enabling them to hear from invited speakers with a range of viewpoints.”

    It is expected the changes will take effect by the end of next year, after which universities will have six months to develop a statement and get it approved.

    Te Herenga Waka-Victoria University of Wellington said the important issue of free speech had been a dominant topic throughout the year.

    It believed a policy it had come up with would align with the intent of the criteria laid out by the government today.

    However, the Greens are among critics, saying the government’s changes will add fuel to the political fires of disinformation, and put teachers and students in the firing line.

    Labour says universities should be left to make decisions on free speech themselves.

    ‘A heavy-handed approach’
    The Tertiary Education Union (TEU) said proposed rules could do more harm than good.

    They have been been welcomed by the Free Speech Union, which said academic freedom was “under threat”, but the TEU said there was no problem to solve.

    TEU president Sandra Grey said the move seemed to be aimed at ensuring people could spread disinformation on university campuses.

    “I think one of the major concerns is that you might get universities opening up the space that is for academic and rigorous debate and saying it’s okay we can have climate deniers, we can have people who believe in creationism coming into our campuses and speaking about it as though it were scientific, as though it was rigorously defendable when in fact we know some of these questions . . .  have been settled,” she said.

    Grey said academics who expressed views on campus could expect them to be debated, but that was part and parcel of working at a university and not an attack on their freedom of speech.

    “There isn’t actually a problem. I do think universities, all the staff who work there, the students, understand that they’re covered by all of their requirements for freedom of speech that other citizens are.

    “So it feels like we’ve got a heavy-handed approach from a government that apparently is anti-regulation but is now going to put in place the whole lot of requirements on a community that just doesn’t need it.”

    Some topics ‘suppressed’

    Jonathan Ayling of the Free Speech Union submits to Parliament's Economic Development, Science and Innovation select committee regarding the Fair Digital News Bargaining Bill, 15 February 2024.
    Free Speech Union chief executive Jonathan Ayling . . . some academics are afraid to express their views and there is also a problem with “compelled speech”. Image: VNP/Phil Smith/RNZ News

    Free Speech Union chief executive Jonathan Ayling said freedom of speech was under threat in universities.

    “We’ve supported academics . . .  where they feel that they have been unfairly disadvantaged simply for holding a different opinion to some of their peers. Of course, that is also an addition to the explicit calls for people to be cancelled, to be unemployed,” he said.

    Ayling said some academics were afraid to express their views and there was also a problem with “compelled speech”.

    “Forcing certain references on particularly ideological issues. There’s questions around race, gender, international conflicts, covid-19, these are all questions that we’ve found have been suppressed and also there’s the aspect of self-censorship,” he said.

    “As we have and alongside partners looked into this more and more, it seems that many people in the academy exist in a culture of fear.”

    University committed to differing viewpoints
    Te Herenga Waka-Victoria University of Wellington is committed to hearing a range of different viewpoints on its campuses, vice-chancellor Professor Nic Smith says.

    Free speech had been an important issue during 2024, and the university had arrived at a policy that covered both freedom of speech and academic freedom.

    By consulting widely, there was now a shared understanding of “foundational principles”, and its policy would be in place early in the new year.

    “We believe this policy aligns with the intent of the criteria [from the government] as we understand them. It recognises the strength of our diverse university community and affirms that this diversity makes us stronger,” Professor Smith said.

    “At the same time, it acknowledges that within any diverse community, individuals will inevitably encounter ideas they disagree with-sometimes strongly.

    “Finding value in these disagreements is something universities are very good at: listening to different points of view in the spirit of advancing understanding and learning that can ultimately help us live and work better together.”

    The university believed in hearing a range of views from staff, rather than adopting a single institutional position.

    “The only exception to this principle is on matters that directly affect our core functions as a university.”

    ‘Stoking fear and division’

    Francisco Hernandez delivers his maiden statement.
    The Green Party’s spokesperson for Tertiary Education, Francisco Hernadez . . . this new policy has nothing to do with free speech. Image: VNP/Phil Smith/RNZ News

    Green Party’s spokesperson for Tertiary Education, Francisco Hernadez, said the new policy had nothing to do with free speech.

    “This is about polluting our public discourse for political gain.”

    Universities played a critical role, providing a platform for informed and reasoned debate.

    “Our universities should be able to decide who is given a platform on their campuses, not David Seymour. These changes risk turning our universities into hostile environments unsafe for marginalised communities.

    “Misinformation, disinformation, and rhetoric that inflames hatred towards certain groups has no place in our society, let alone our universities. Freedom of speech is fundamental, but it is not a licence to harm.”

    Hernandez said universities should be trusted to ensure the balance was struck between academic freedom and a duty of care.

    “Today’s announcement has also come with a high dose of unintended irony.

    “David Seymour is speaking out of both sides of his mouth by on the one hand claiming to support freedom of speech, but on the other looking to limit the ability universities have to take stances on issues, like the war in Gaza for example.

    “This is an Orwellian attempt to limit discourse to the confines of the government’s agenda. This is about stoking fear and division for political gain.”

    Labour’s Associate Education (Tertiary) spokesperson Deborah Russell responded: “One of the core legislated functions of universities in this country is to be a critic and conscience of society. That means continuing to speak truth to power, even if those in power don’t like it.”

    “Nowhere should be a platform for hate speech. I am certain universities can make these decisions themselves.”

    ‘Expectations clarified’ – university
    The University of Auckland said in a statement the announcement of planned legislation changes would help “to clarify government expectations in this area”.

    “The university has a longstanding commitment to maintaining freedom of expression and academic freedom on our campuses, and in recent years has worked closely with [the university’s] senate and council to review, revise and consult on an updated Freedom of Expression and Academic Freedom Policy.

    “This is expected to return to senate and council for further discussion in early 2025 and will take into account the proposed new legislation.”

    The university described the nature of the work as “complex”.

    “While New Zealand universities have obligations under law to protect freedom of expression, academic freedom and their role as ‘critic and conscience of society’, as the proposed legislation appreciates, this is balanced against other important policies and codes.”

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Asia Pacific Report

    Fiji activists have recreated the nativity scene at a solidarity for Palestine gathering in Fiji’s capital Suva just days before Christmas.

    The Fiji Women’s Crisis Centre and Fijians for Palestine Solidarity Network recreated the scene at the FWCC compound — a baby Jesus figurine lies amidst the rubble wrapped in a piece of black and white checked fabric, a Palestinian keffiyeh, draped over his body.

    This reproduces the nativity scene displayed by the Lutheran Church in Bethlehem, Occupied Palestine, a year ago in December 2023.

    The scene was created to symbolise the reality of the children living and being born in Palestine at this time.

    “If Christ were to be born today,” said Pastor Munther Ishaq, “he would be born under the rubble and the Israeli shelling.”

    Activists say the scenes witnessed over the past year in the besieged Gaza enclave support this imagery.

    “Photos of children covered in dust, families bent over the bodies of loved ones, aid workers carrying the injured into hospitals that lack the elements needed to offer care,” said the FWCC in a social media post.

    45,000 Palestinians killed
    “Over the past year, Israeli attacks have killed more than 45,000 Palestinians living in Gaza, equal to 1 out of every 55 people living there.

    “At least 17,000 children have been killed, the highest number of children recorded in a single year of conflict over the past two decades.

    “More than 17,000 children have lost one or both parents.

    “At least 97,303 people are injured in Gaza — equal to one in 23 people.”


    The Bethlehem nativity scene a year ago in December 2023.   Video: Al Jazeera

    According to the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees, every day 10 children lose one or both legs, with operations and amputations conducted with little or no anaesthesia due to Israel’s ongoing siege.

    In addition to the killed and injured, more than 10,000 people are feared buried under the rubble.

    With few tools to remove rubble and rescue those trapped beneath concrete, volunteers and civil defence workers rely on their bare hands.

    “It is NOT Merry Christmas as people in Gaza continue to experience ‘hell on earth’,” said the FWCC post.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

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    Albrecht Dürer, Adoration of the Magi, 1504.Uffizi, Florence. (public domain)

    Christmas is a dangerous time, for it threatens social instability, political disorder, even revolution. At the culmination of the story, kings kneel before a helpless baby; the powerful pay tribute to the seemingly powerless. To understand the destabilizing potency of Christmas, one has only to recall Andreas Karlstadt, an iconoclast in the literal sense, shouting the words of institution in German—not Latin— and offering both the communion cup and the wafer to the trembling hands and lips of the unconfessed laity in Wittenberg on December 25, 1521, in the first years of the Lutheran Reformation.

    Martin Luther’s 1522 sermon on the Epiphany can be read as part of his larger project to shore up the political order threatened by the radicalism of Karlstadt and others. In Luther’s view, the heavenly king had not come to earth in order to topple the political order, even though the tyrannical Herod and those invested in his authority misinterpreted the divine birth as a direct threat. Luther’s account of the Epiphany relies on his Doctrine of the Two Kingdoms, which posits one realm ruled by God and the other subservient to worldly regimes. But Luther couldn’t help but be attuned to the restive spirit of Christmas, acknowledging that Herod “feared that an insurrection would drive him from his kingdom.” The great insurgency unleashed by the Reformation, the Peasants’ War of 1524-5, was itself propelled by the centrifugal social forces Karlstadt had helped to set in motion.

    The elaborate music Bach produced for the Christmas season two centuries after Karlstadt was not intended to make explicit the latent political dimensions of the Christmas story. Yet they are there in the music.

    Bach’s cantata for the second day of Christmas, Darzu ist erschienen der Sohn Gottes (For this God’s Son has appeared), BWV 40, first performed in Leipzig on December 26, 1723, upends the political order, even while paradoxically buttressing it.

    The martial tones, ringing with princely hunting horns, make clear that Christ has come to earth not to gurgle and coo, but to wage a bloody campaign against the devil’s influence. The babe will be a fearsome warrior for good:

    For this the Son of God has appeared,
    That he destroy all the works of the devil.

    The text is by an unknown poet, who, in the recitative that follows deploys formulaic courtly language to dramatize the inversion of political hierarchies:

    … the great son of God
    leaves the throne of heaven
    and it pleases his Majesty
    to become a small human child.
    Consider this exchange, you who can think of it;
    The King becomes a subject,
    The Lord appears as a vassal
    and is for the human race
    – o sweet word in every ear –
    born for our comfort and salvation.

    The descending arc of the vocal lines, punctuated by upward exclamatory leaps, might be heard to convey the Godly movement from heaven to earth, that is, steeply down the ladder of power, from the throne of heaven and out into the world turned upside down.

    This recitative is followed by an inward-turning chorale, which juxtaposes the suffering of sin with the joy brought by Christ. After the communal reflections of the chorale, a bass aria bursts forth onto the field of battle. With its galloping bass line, spurred on by jaunty unison violins and pointed appoggiaturas at phrase endings, the opening ritornello leads into the spirited bravery of the hero’s music:

    Serpent of hell,
    are you not worried?
    He who will snap your head
    Has now been born,
    and the lost
    shall delight in eternity.

    In this bloodthirsty piece, melodic fragments are cut short with angular leaps and finished off with appoggiaturas as cutting as steel blades, rather than as soft as the aural silk more typical of these ornamental figures. Bach’s brutally graphic treatment of the word “zerknickt”— snap in two—with its sharp, dislocating scansion and bludgeoning repeated notes followed by gasping breaths is blood-curdling. This is ghastly, no-holds-barred combat. The unassuming baby is apparently capable—at least on the allegorical level—of bloody, violent acts.

    In the cantata’s final aria Bach enlists a smaller contingent of hunting instruments—a bassoon and a pairs of horns and oboes—to sally forth with a single voice. Breathless and agitated, valiant and undaunted, they are eager to join battle with the foe. In this melee, Jesus offers protection and comfort. The metaphor of chicks taken under the wing of their mother offers protection from——or at least solace after—the grim combat depicted by the music. The music challenges the performers, for they too are locked in struggle with their instruments, Bach putting them to the test. This musical face is hot with bravery and flushed with the heat of hell:

    Christian children, be joyful,
    though the kingdom of hell rages,
    Satan’s fury need not frighten you
    Jesus will deliver you:
    Will gather his chicks to himself
    And enfold them with his wings.

    An equally militaristic tone animates the swashbuckling chorus that concludes the last of the six cantatas that make up Bach’s most beloved seasonal offering, the Christmas Oratorio (BWV 248): “Nun seid ihr wohl gerochen” —“Now you are well avenged, / for upon the host of your enemies, Christ has broken, that which was against you.” This is not music of peace and goodwill.

    After the martial ritornello opens the movement, the chorus sings not in echoing polyphony, but presents the unadorned chorale in rhythmically unified four-part harmony, resolute and assured. The text is set to the melody of the Passion Chorale:

    Now are ye well avenged
    Upon your hostile host,
    For Christ hath fully broken
    All that which opposed you.
    Death, devil, sub and hell
    Are completely debilitated;
    With God the human race
    now has its place.

    At the Epiphany, when the newborn baby is adored by earthly kings, the crucifixion looms. Marshaling his forces, Bach raises the cross above the battlefield.

    Bach was not a revolutionary. He courted the patronage of princes and generally flourished under their aegis while chafing against proto-democratic civic authority as Director of Music in Leipzig.

    But what if the musical weapons he fashioned for Christmas should fall into the hands of real revolutionaries?

    The post The Infant Revolution in Bach’s Christmas Music appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • Sculpture, Wayne State University. Photo: Jeffrey St. Clair.

    Cybernetic Society and the Descent of Dialectical Thought

    We lack the tools to critically assess and interrogate our social institutions and our ways of thinking about and interacting with them. That is among the core claims of a new book by Michael J. Thompson, a professor of political theory at William Paterson University and a practicing psychoanalyst. In The Descent of the Dialectic, published earlier this year, Thompson argues that in our age of all-penetrating relativism and the “drastic decline of critical thought in Western culture,” we must attempt to put an objective ethics grounded in critical theory back on firm footing. Thompson wants to address the pervasive nihilism and “dull uniformity” he sees in Western culture, “with the logics of control, efficiency, consumption, and uniformity of all kinds” replacing the project of developing meaning and social values; these developments have tracked the observed decline in critical thinking.

    Thompson’s goal, in part, is to address the separation between “objective rationality” and “a substantive and ontological account of human ethics.” Thompson’s book is an attempt to revive the dialectical method through an approach that unites and synthesizes “human value with objectivity rationality” in phronetic criticism. This idea is rooted in the concept of phronesis, which, in the philosophical tradition of the ancient Greeks, counsels a kind of prudence that recognizes the radical contingency and contextuality of life and decision-making. The dialectic recognizes our nature as “affine beings that are intrinsically related with others and shape and form our internal world via our relationality with others.” Students who have been trained in the dialectical approach will be more able to tap into, incorporate, and synthesize these two types of reason. “Increasingly,” writes Thompson, “modern societies are driven not by substantive values concerning human good but by the technical imperatives of economic management, leading to a cultural condition of nihilism that has eroded dialectical consciousness.” It is not enough for Thompson that we rely on deliberation or discussion within a nominally democratic process; this philosophical overreliance on process and dialogue, absent the reintroduction of “critical use of the dialogue,” leaves us stranded in social and political patterns that are not equipped to mount serious challenges to the status quo.

    Dialectical thinking encourages us to confront and disrupt the orthodoxies of thought and practice that are “typical of one’s place in the world.” “Opposed to this,” argues Thompson, “is the passive acceptance of the basic structure of this world, of its categories that gradually come to shape our own.” Thompson associates these imperatives with an institutional and normative complex he calls “cybernetic society,” in which consciousness is increasingly absorbed in “this logic of efficiency and productivity.” The phase of cybernetic society we have entered has made it possible for the logics of capitalism “to colonize the deepest reaches of consciousness,” the self withering in a poisoned and atrophied social environment. Thompson returns to the idea of cybernetic society frequently throughout the book to describe a society in which the individual’s self-conception and way of life have been taken over and reconstituted by institutional imperatives and logics. Everything is quantifiable and trackable—your productivity and consumption patterns, your internet use and the ideological character of the content you consume, your personal relationships and connections, your physical location and movements, your biometric data and medical history, your finances and credit history. It is a world of measurable metadata in which very little is beyond the reach of the state and powerful corporations. And while the cybernetic society of the present stage of capitalism promises freedom and individual self-expression and self-realization, the psychological, material, and political conditions of real-life capitalism are profoundly unfree. As Thompson explains, “the subject is allowed to explore only that which can be delivered by the cybernetic society.” Thus, ways of expressing oneself in dress and appearance are increasingly tolerated and even imitated by the ruling class.[1]

    The objective, critical ethic Thompson hopes to revive draws heavily on the work of Karl Marx. Marx famously gave us new ways to think about the failures of philosophy to change the world, uniting philosophical interpretation on one side and action toward change on the other. Marx’s own career arguably follows this structure, with a divide between the philosophical early Marx and the political later Marx (debates about the merits of this distinction in his work are beyond the purview of this article). In The Descent of the Dialectic, Thompson is engaged with both, putting a critique of society as it is alongside the presentation of a philosophical approach capable of changing social reality. In discussing the dialectic as an approach to philosophy, it is important to point out that Hegel explicitly dismissed this way of conceiving his project. To Hegel, describing reality is hard enough without adding positive or prescriptive statements. The dialectic is not applied to phenomena from without, but is the attempt to follow and describe dynamics in reality in their immanent natures, to describe things in terms of the tensions that exist within and define reality. Hegel writes that “everything true, in so far as it is comprehended, can be thought of only speculatively,” a statement about the complexity and irreducibility of the world.

    In dialectics, truth is associated with a process instead of being held as something fixed and objective one discovers. The goal is to begin to see reality not as a set of discrete facts, but as a complex of “interwoven tendencies.” Whereas the state’s schools teach obedience to various dogmas, a dialectical approach to education would instruct students to disrupt reified social concepts and categories, breaking them down into the component relationships from which they are composed. We can draw on the idea of emergence to help make sense of these relationships: the dialectic offers a way to think about the emergence of complex, unpredictable (and apparently non-deterministic) social patterns by analyzing them in terms of the conflicts and contradictions found within the overall system. By drilling down to these dynamics, we can develop a fuller and more accurate picture or model of the social ontological landscape; it takes seriously the role of power and structural inequalities in these tensions and dynamics. Rather than obscuring this role, the dialectic encourages students to probe the connections between social power and “the formation of our social world and the kinds of reality we experience.” Nothing in material reality is fixed in stasis, permanent, or unchanging. The world is in a state of ceaseless motion and change, right down to the elementary particles, themselves just ripples in energy fields. Dialectical reasoning attempts to take these facts about reality seriously by understanding things within their particular contexts. It is naturally resistant to permanent rules for all cases. It understands each social phenomenon as comprising a series of underlying relationships, which are themselves always in flux.

    In practical terms, if there is any hope of a revival in dialectical approaches to social problem-solving, then it will necessarily depend on the way we educate children and introduce them to our social ontology. Key to Thompson’s ideas is his theory of social ontology, our understanding of the social world—its institutions, norms, centers of power, and their workings and patterns. A resurgence of the dialectical approach he articulates has special relevance to criticisms of the education system and efforts to make it more socially productive and responsive to students. Indeed, any serious rethinking of education seems to require the maintenance of the skeptical and critical posture recommended by dialectical reasoning. While it is not the focus of the book, Thompson acknowledges the connection between his project and our attitudes about the education system: social subsystems like education can only be grasped as “embedded in broader contexts of social reality.” He argues that “understanding how schools are organized is a function of the value or purpose that the broader society places on its function.”

    The model of education prevailing in the West grows out of a series of social and cultural trends, particularly during the nineteenth century, associated with the rise of nationalism and attendant efforts to centralize power and government functions. The compulsory school was critical to these efforts to construct a cohesive national identity and consolidate power in the growing nation-state. The German philosopher Johann Gottlieb Fichte (1762-1814), enormously influential on these social and political movements, argued in his Addresses to the German Nation that the student cannot merely be instructed, but must be deliberately fashioned—and “in such a way that he simply cannot will otherwise than you wish him to will.” The goal of the system was to create a pliable subject. The idea was to weaken and ultimately eliminate the student’s capacity to think independently or critically, to make him a vessel for the worldview, values, and material interests of government power. The school would be responsible for the creation and perpetuation of a secular religion, a kind of cult of the nation-state. The paradigm is well captured in the words of William T. Harris, U.S. Commissioner of Education from 1889 to 1906, in a lecture he gave called “The Literature of Education”:

    Ninety-nine out of a hundred people in every civilized nation are automata, careful to walk in the prescribed paths, careful to follow prescribed custom. This is the result of substantial education, which, scientifically defined, is the subsumption of the individual under his species.

    These ideas permeated the education movement in the United States, and the model they advanced was a rigid, authoritarian one characterized by discipline and uniformity, where the needs and interests of the student are ignored. Our society maintains a very strict order around its conceptions of learning and of what it means to be a student. This conceptual terrain is now carefully guarded, the site of enormous ruling class investment across government bodies, major corporations, and many NGOs. The federal government and global corporations know that fundamental changes in the education system could yield young adults who are insufficiently acquiescent. 

    Education and Cultural Reproduction

    Though we are uncomfortable with discussing the social function of the system of compulsory education, it is “the largest instrument in the modern state for telling people what to do.” The task of the education system is to inculcate a framing of the world that legitimizes the ruling class. Thus, history and social studies must be taught in a way that deifies the rich and powerful and all but ignores everyone else. But even more important than the subject matter is the school environment itself; this much more than any fact or theory consumed during a lecture is what is needed to reproduce the values of the ruling class and the systems that ensue from them. This is no small thing, as human beings are naturally critical, stubborn, smart, and sensitive to injustice—they are not easily corralled into authoritarian hierarchies. And contrary to the claims of oppressive rulers since time out of mind, such hierarchies are in no way “natural.”

    The system begins with the forcible, mandatory confinement of the student’s physical body, a necessary precondition for the establishment of control over her mind. The student experiences everyday life as a morose exercise in abstention, repression, and humiliation, taught to believe that knowledge is transmitted in an unquestioned one-way stream from superiors. The vital feature of compulsory schooling today is alienation: the teacher, as a member of a special priestly class, has access to the truth, which the student must receive in the prescribed manner within the walls of the school.[2] The radical tradition is brimful with incisive efforts to analogize the modern school to the prison; while these attempts have successfully demonstrated the many similarities between the school and prison as social institutions, it is time for critics of the education apparatus to reach beyond comparisons and accept that it is not merely that the school is like a prison. Rather, the school is a prison. The school calibrates the student to a state of mind and existence associated with the prison; she inhabits a “death-world,” “[a form] of social existence in which vast populations are subjected to conditions of life conferring upon them the status of living dead.”[3]

    This institutional removal of the child from the household, the workplace, the city, and the public sphere more generally has catastrophic implications, both for the student and the broader society. The result is a student alienated from the processes of learning and intellectual development, a passive recipient of the dominant ideology, conditioned and destined to recreate it. The student is constructed socially not as an active participant and experimenter, but as a disembodied vehicle for an alien ideology—alien in the sense that the ideology does not reflect, but actively suppresses, the needs, desires, and values of the student. The training the student receives is training in unthinking compliance and in practical strategies for avoiding the discomfort that accompanies critical challenges to power. The primary goal of the school system is not to present arguments in favor of the status quo, or even to contradict through propaganda the claims of its critics, but to foreclose the possibility of argument itself by satisfying the student that no successful alternative to the status quo exists in the record or could exist in principle.

    Education cannot mean merely preparing our children to recreate the ideologies and injustices of this system. The only legitimate remit of a system of education is to give children the tools to think critically about the natural and social world. Nothing can be placed beyond questioning, not even the institutional pillars of our own time and place. Dialectical thinking encourages students to adopt other perspectives and to challenge their own ideas by exploring the complex, internally contradictory nature of observed phenomena. Such a learning environment yields adults who approach society with an understanding of their own values rather than with trained skill in repeating the ideas and values of those in power. If we educate children to shore up ruling class power, we cannot hope to reclaim independence and autonomy as cultural values. When the dialectical process stops, inquiry comes to a dead end in concepts and institutions treated as unchallengeable and unalterable; this is reification at work.

    Allowing dialectics into our approach to children and to pedagogy brings an openness that extends to other ways of life. New fields of possibility are opened to them; they are not beholden to particular worldview, religions, or ideologies. Thus a dialectical approach to education undermines the fundamental preconditions and standards of cultural reproduction. It gives society resilience because it teaches students to reflect on society anew and attend to injustices in real time. It threatens the ruling class, because the curious, self-respecting student cannot be expected to accept the answers we’ve so dutifully accepted. We also know that there are deep, measurable connections between student reports of mindfulness and unscripted experiences in adult society and in nature. In this mode of learning, the student is no longer the mere audience of a person in a position of authority; she is a participant in an improvisation, where the absorption of new information and the development of understanding are extemporaneous—and thus felt and remembered. As our ability to address these connections becomes more rigorous scientifically, anarchists’ ideas on education are increasingly vindicated. 

    Alternative Models of Education

    Radically anti-authoritarian education reformers have built alternatives to the dominant system alongside it and within its cracks. Whether they acknowledged it or said so explicitly, these anarchists and deschoolers were motivated by and encouraging a dialectical way of thinking. Anarchists in particular have centered the lives, experiences, and wellbeing of children in a way other movements have not, recognizing that the adult-child gap may be the deepest privilege divide in society. That important thinkers in the anarchist movement have taken such a keen interest in education says much about the anarchist worldview; among these thinkers, Colin Ward (1924-2010) stands out as presenting a bold and exciting criticism of education that reflects Thompson’s worries about the contemporary atrophy of critical thinking. Many of Ward’s most lasting contributions to the cultural dialogues on early education and the experiences of children are set forth in his 1978 book, The Child in the City. The book contends that “we have accepted the exclusion of children from real responsibilities and real functions in the life of the city,” condemning them to institutions and physical spaces that are unwelcoming and dangerous to them. In the prevailing model of education, obedience is the expectation, as students are prepared for successive rounds of standardized tests by rigid government-prescribed curricula. The school as we know it doesn’t take the child seriously as a fellow human being—its fundamental goals are incompatible with the dignity and autonomy of the child. Among the major social functions of the modern school is to preempt the child as an autonomous actor and creative force capable of imagining alternatives to the status quo. Part of Ward’s genius is that he attempts to adopt the perspective of the child; he has radical ideas about education and pedagogy because he has radical ideas about how society should conceptualize and honor children and childhood. Ward’s was a pragmatic and ecumenical anarchism informed by his observations of and respect for real-life liberatory practice—a “constructive antinomianism,” as one historian put it. Ward was notably much more comfortable than most of today’s mainstream with children engaging in productive work, and he believed that we should “make the whole environment accessible to them.” He held to the radical notion that if we want to help children grow into happy, socially competent, productive members of a healthy community, we must permit them more space within that community. “In the ideal city,” he wrote, “every school would be a productive workshop and every workshop an effective school.” Ward’s comfort and indeed enthusiasm for the employment of children should not be interpreted as an endorsement of full-time work for children. Quite to the contrary, he thought that they should spend most of their time engaged in free play and exploration. Confronted with the outside world—in particular, the natural world—students report more awe and excitement around learning, more sustained and authentic engagement, and better overall mental health. They are more likely to meet life’s challenges as puzzles to be solved and interesting opportunities to hone their skills. They appreciate that all patterns in nature are temporary. For these reasons, Ward’s vision was “schools without walls,” where the student is fully immersed in the broader social order.

    The literary titan Leo Tolstoy (1828-1910), an anarchist fellow traveler, was also deeply interested in building functional prototypes of new educational and pedagogical programs. An understanding of his approach to education requires a look at his worldview and motivating values. Part of what makes Tolstoy’s novels so captivating, heartfelt, and authentically human is his deep social criticism. But it is a criticism contained in Tolstoy’s unique ability to look at powerful institutions—social, economic, religious—in all of their many absurdities and contradictions. In Tolstoy, we find powerful leaders who are petty and misguided, driven by selfishness and vanity rather than commitment to the common good. His characters must try to appease various powerful and predatory institutions, and their best efforts often lead to puzzling, frustrating results. We identify with them both because Tolstoy paints them in fine detail, and because we still have to appease many of the same gods, even if their shapes have changed since his time.

    Tolstoy’s political ideas are extremely radical, even by today’s standards. His non-resistance philosophy, much like that of the American abolitionist William Lloyd Garrison (from whom he quotes at length in his The Kingdom of God Is Within You), does “not acknowledge allegiance to any human government” and opposes all uses of force, including even self-defense. Non-resistants like Garrison and Tolstoy abstained from voting and running for office; they refused to fight in wars or pledge loyalty to any state. They were devout Christians, but they held to a truer if more controversial picture of Jesus—as a deeply counter-cultural figure who infuriated the ruling classes by showing their self-contradictions. Like the historical Jesus, Tolstoy did not try to hide his contempt for the status quo.

    Tolstoy saw education as an innate need to be met, with the adults helping to serve that need rather than dominating and punishing children. His approach to education put the students in the position of highest importance, their curiosities and interests driving the subject matter and process. Of a visit to a school in Germany, he wrote in his diary, “I was at school. Terrible. Prayer for the king, beatings. Everything by heart. Frightened, mutilated children.” He knew he had to try to formulate the child, education, and the school in a different, more socially responsible way. In 1862, describing the daily workings of his school, Tolstoy wrote,

    They [the students] bring nothing with them no books and no copy-books. They are not required to study their lessons at home. Not only do they bring nothing in their hands, but nothing in their heads either. The scholar is not obliged to remember to-day anything he may have learned the evening before. The thought about his approaching lesson does not disturb him. He brings only himself, his receptive nature, and the conviction that school to-day will be just as jolly as it was the day before.

    Tolstoy was an aristocrat, and for that reason, locals met his school with a level of mistrust, frequently well justified by lessons learned in interactions with predatory elites. He recalls the fear among parents that students “will be bundled into carts and carried off to Moscow.” This also reflects parents’ fears about the coincidence of interests between the education establishment and the government and military apparatus.

    We hear echoes of Tolstoy’s remarkable libertarian voice in Emma Goldman (1869-1940), another anti-authoritarian defender of children and radical opponent of government education. In her essay “The Child and Its Enemies,” published in her anarchist journal Mother Earth in 1906, the first year of its publication, Goldman offers a radical alternative to the dominant institutional approach to education and the child’s education and development generally. Goldman believed that “every effort in our educational life seems to be directed toward making of the child a being foreign to itself,” and that this self-denial and alienation led to social strife and antagonism. She anticipates later anarchists and radical critics of the state’s education system in seeing its primary goal and purpose as the creation of an unthinking, obedient conformist, “a patient work slave, professional automaton, tax-paying citizen, or righteous moralist.” Goodman argued that we should experiment with “different kinds of school” or “no school at open,” opening ourselves to a range of models including children and young people in everything from “practical apprenticeships” and community service to farm schools and the arts. Instead, he points out, we have seen sustained attacks on progressive educational models and adherence to the “mass belief” and “superstition” of the traditional, one-size-fits-all school.

    Such radical visions of education open the way for a revival of a dialectical project to reincorporate critical thinking and serious challenges to increasingly oppressive cybernetic capitalism. Without a capacity to frame challenges to “our own beliefs and normative structures of thought,” in Thompson’s words, we are doomed to reproduce a destructive and manipulative system of intense alienation. Engagement with dialectical thought allows us to “free ourselves from pre-metabolized forms of meaning,” opening space for genuine creativity and liberatory practice. The school must be a key site for such critical interventions.

    Notes.

    [1] If Thompson exaggerates here, his point is nonetheless valuable: “Corporate CEOs are now indistinguishable from those who work for them as well as those who serve them. All dress in standard street clothes, faces pierced with all forms of steely accoutrements, tattoos abound just as the dyed hair screaming for attentiveness from the depths of existential anonymity and a regressive adolescence takes hold of the self in what [W.H.] Auden refers to as our ‘jackass age.’”

    [2] In Anarchy in Action, Ward writes, “Bakunin made the same comparison as is made today by Everett Reimer and Ivan Illich between the teaching profession and a priestly caste, and he declared that ‘Like conditions, like causes, always produce like effects. It will, then, be the same with the professors of the modern school, divinely inspired and licensed by the State. They will necessarily become, some without knowing it, others with full knowledge of the cause, teachers of the doctrine of popular sacrifice to the power of the State and to the profit of the privileged classes.’”

    [3] Nicholas Fesette, “Carceral Space-Times and The House That Herman Built” in Soyica Diggs Colbert, Douglas A. Jones Jr., Shane Vogel, eds., Race and Performance after Repetition (Duke University Press 2020).

    The post The State and the Schoolhouse: Reviving the Dialectic and Critical Pedagogy  appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

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  • The weather was bound to be bad in 2024, the hottest year on Earth out of the last 125,000 of them.

    In Saudi Arabia, temperatures climbed above 125 degrees Fahrenheit during the Hajj in June, killing 1,300 people on their annual pilgrimage to the city of Mecca. Across the Arabian Sea, a prolonged heat wave led to hundreds more deaths in southern Pakistan. Hurricane Helene brought 30 inches of rain to an already-waterlogged western North Carolina in September, filling mountain valleys with mudslides and floods that surged through homes in one of the most destructive hurricanes in recent memory. Then, in November, a year’s worth of rain fell on Valencia and across eastern Spain in just eight hours. The floodwaters swept through towns, and flash flood alerts came too late for people already on the road or trapped in garages underground.

    As climate change intensifies extreme weather in multiple ways, the kind of push alerts that popped up on phones around Valencia are arriving more and more often. But overwhelm people with too many warnings about heat or flooding or bad air quality, and they might start tuning them out, a phenomenon called alert fatigue that’s been troubling emergency managers. “It may be one of the biggest problems facing their field as climate disasters mount,” the journalist Zoë Schlanger wrote in The Atlantic this summer.

    The phrase comes from medicine, where overworked doctors blasted with hundreds of medical alerts every day got so many false alarms, they’d learned to ignore them. Alert fatigue could also describe the dynamic of becoming numb to warnings about climate change more broadly. Since the late 1980s, scientists have been raising the alarm about the devastation that global warming would bring. Nearly two-thirds of Americans now understand that climate change is affecting their local communities, and yet they elected former President Donald Trump, who has promised to boost fossil fuel production and undo much of President Joe Biden’s climate agenda.

    It’s a paradox emblematic of an especially turbulent, anxiety-filled time. As 2024 draws to a close, dictionary editors have been sifting through the lexicon to choose a term that encapsulates the spirit of the previous months, with this year’s selections including “brat” and “brain rot.” For us, alert fatigue stood out as the winner in a year in which severe weather — and the accompanying push alerts — added to the chaos. The runners-up, from “climate homicide” to “underconsumption core,” captured other aspects of what it was like to live on our overheating planet in 2024.

    Anti-tourism

    The opposition to masses of vacationers taking over your town.

    In Juneau, Alaska, a carbon offset project that’s actually working: Visiting Alaska is an emissions-heavy prospect. An innovative program has tourists ease that by helping buy heat pumps for locals.

    Thousands of locals took to the streets across Southern Europe this year, calling for tourists to go home. These anti-tourism protests started in Spain’s Canary Islands this spring, and from there spread to Barcelona, Majorca, and Málaga, then to Venice, Italy, and Lisbon, Portugal. Residents argued that their governments, during a post-COVID travel boom, had started catering to visitors rather than to locals, turning their towns into theme parks and straining natural resources. Environmental groups like Greenpeace and the World Wildlife Fund supported them. Tourism is responsible for about 8 percent of global carbon emissions, thanks in large part to the emissions involved with flying. Protesters aren’t calling for an end to all tourism (which plays an important role in their local economies), but for a more sustainable, limited version that allows them to reclaim the souls of their cities.

    Carbon cowboys

    Those seeking to profit off the carbon-storing potential of other people’s lands.

    Companies have been buying carbon offsets for years, paying to protect, say, a forest to claim they’ve canceled out the greenhouse gases they emit. Yet carbon-offset markets have been riddled with false promises and a lack of oversight, earning comparisons to the Wild West. The metaphor has extended to calling the companies involved in these schemes carbon cowboys. This year, investigations of lucrative conservation projects in Zimbabwe and the Amazon found that companies were failing to distribute money to the locals who were supposed to be rewarded, profiting off lands they often had no right to. “The system is very gameable,” Joseph Romm, a climate researcher at the University of Pennsylvania, told The Washington Post. “And the victim is the planet, and all of humanity who suffers because we’re not reducing emissions, but get to pretend we are.”

    Grist

    At COP29, new rules for carbon markets made them even more controversial: Environmental groups say weak guidelines risk facilitating “cowboy carbon markets at a time when the world needs a sheriff.”

    Category 6

    A not-yet official classification for ultra-powerful hurricanes.

    Category 5 has been synonymous with the scariest storms for decades. But as hurricanes have started to intensify more rapidly, some scientists have been making the case for expanding the Saffir-Simpson scale to include even scarier ones, creating a new category for storms with winds that top 192 miles per hour. A paper published earlier this year found that at least five storms had already passed the test for the Category 6 label, the strongest of which was Hurricane Patricia, which slammed into Mexico’s Pacific Coast in 2015 with winds peaking at 215 miles per hour. Tropical storms are fueled by warm waters, meaning that as climate change warms the atmosphere and oceans, more and more powerful storms could be headed our way. One objection some experts have with creating a Category 6 is that it might double down on what’s already the biggest communication problem with hurricanes: Flooding, not wind speed, is the deadliest risk of these storms.

    Category 6-level hurricanes are already here, a new study says: But what would change if we added a number to the hurricane scale?

    Climate homicide

    A new legal theory proposing that oil companies could be guilty of actual murder.

    Climate change has killed roughly 4 million people since the year 2000, by one estimate. Some legal scholars are now making the case that oil companies like Exxon Mobil, which have long understood that burning fossil fuels could have lethal consequences, could be charged with every type of homicide in the United States, except for first-degree murder. In a paper in Harvard Environmental Law Review this spring, David Arkush, the director of the climate program for the advocacy group Public Citizen, and Donald Braman, a law professor at George Washington University, wrote that fossil fuel companies have been “killing members of the public at an accelerating rate.” While it’s unusual for criminal law cases to be brought against corporations instead of individuals, climate homicide could open up a new flank for fighting climate change in court. It has already gotten attention from law schools at Yale, New York University, and Vermont Law School, along with district attorney’s offices around the country.

    Grist / Getty Images

    Hot droughts

    When extreme heat and drought happen at the same time

    Combine a stretch of scarce rainfall with rising temperatures, and you get what’s known as a hot drought — a double whammy of dry conditions, because heat enhances evaporation. According to a study published in the journal Science Advances in January, hot droughts have become more frequent and severe across the Western United States, which is enduring its driest period since the 1500s. The Great Plains and parts of the Colorado River Basin are the most affected, the study found, with consequences for ecosystems, farming, and city planning. “It is clear that anthropogenic drying has only just begun,” the study’s authors wrote.

    Albuquerque made itself drought-proof. Then its dam started leaking: Cities across the West rely on fragile water sources — and aging infrastructure.

    Semi-dystopian

    A term to describe a future that’s nearly as bad as some authors have imagined.

    In May, The Guardian released the results of a survey that hundreds of climate scientists had participated in, showing that almost half of them thought greenhouse gas emissions would push the world at least 3 degrees Celsius (5.4 degrees Fahrenheit) hotter than the preindustrial era by the end of this century. “I expect a semi-dystopian future with substantial pain and suffering for the people of the Global South,” one South African scientist, who wished to remain anonymous, told The Guardian. Ecological catastrophe has long been in the backdrop of dystopian fiction, like Octavia Butler’s Parable of the Sower, a 1993 novel set in a future California replete with raging infernos, scarce water, and mass migration to more fertile lands. These days, what once sounded outlandish is looking more and more like reality — as climate fiction authors themselves are beginning to admit.

    The mysterious X factor behind a year of unbelievable heat: Was this extra warming a blip, or a sign that climate change is veering off predictable tracks?

    Snow loss cliff

    The point at which snowpack begins to disappear at an accelerating pace.

    About 2 billion people in the Northern Hemisphere rely on snowmelt as a source of water. As winters warm, however, parts of the United States and Europe are close to a tipping point that could lead to a disastrous loss of snow, according to a study published in Nature in January. This snow loss cliff sits at the point where the average winter temperature hovers around 17 degrees F. Any warmer than that, and snowpack loss begins accelerating irreversibly. While most of the Northern Hemisphere’s snow is in the far north and safe for now, millions of people live in places that have already crossed the temperature cliff. Regions like the Western United States are on track to see a sharp decline in snowpack — further straining a region already struggling with drought.

    Greener snowmaking is helping ski resorts weather climate change: As a warming world creates an existential threat for the ski industry, resorts are reducing how much energy they need to make it snow.

    Supercommuter

    Someone who travels a very, very long distance to get to work.

    The news site Fast Company did some back-of-the-napkin math and calculated that Niccol’s supercommute would emit 1,000 tons of carbon dioxide each year, equivalent to the annual energy use of 118 homes. He’s not the only supercommuter out there, with some people flying to high-paying jobs in New York City from places with lower housing costs, like Charlotte, North Carolina, and Columbus, Ohio. Long driving commutes also have a significant climate cost, with so-called “gasoline superusers,” the 10 percent of drivers who use the most fuel, guzzling more than a third of the country’s gas. Even though data suggest that working remotely instead of in an office can halve a person’s carbon footprint, businesses have been going in the opposite direction, forcing employees back to the office.

    Grist / Getty Images

    The problem with forcing people back to the office? All the carbon emissions: Return-to-office mandates could be getting in the way of companies’ climate goals.

    Underconsumption core

    A social media trend with a new take on minimalism.

    Behind the funny cat videos and chaotic cooking fails on TikTok, there’s a whole ecosystem of ads designed to make you spend money. In 2023, the push against out-of-control consumerism brought “deinfluencing.” In 2024, it morphed into even more of a mouthful: underconsumption core. The budget-friendly trend emphasizes buying only what you need and celebrating the old tank top or water bottle you’ve treasured since skinny jeans were the thing. (“Yes, being normal is now trending,” The New York Times quipped.) It’s a rejection of fast fashion, which has turned into a mounting climate and pollution problem. Well over half of Gen Z and millennial adults surveyed by Deloitte this year reported either avoiding fast fashion or wanting to do so in the future. Underconsumption core, the sustainable fashion TikToker Jade Taylor told Grist last month, is “a response to the type of normalized overconsumption that influencers have pushed with their marketing, but also due to climate anxiety and economic instability.”

    Shein is officially the biggest polluter in fast fashion. AI is making things worse: The company nearly doubled its emissions in 2023, making it the biggest polluter in the industry.

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Alert fatigue: The phrase that defined our climate in 2024 on Dec 18, 2024.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • I was 11 years old the year my older stepsister brought her high school boyfriend home for the first time. It was Thanksgiving in 2006, and his Southern manners fit right in as we bantered between mouthfuls of cornbread stuffing, fried okra, and marshmallow-topped sweet potato casserole. Then, in the overstuffed lull before the desserts were served, my dad plunked his laptop in the center of the table. He opened it up and began clicking through a PowerPoint presentation chock full of data on ice sheet melt and global atmospheric carbon dioxide concentration. 

    My stepsister’s eyes grew wide with embarrassment. In an effort to welcome her sweetheart to the family, my dad had rolled out his version of a red carpet: one of his many family lectures on the horrors of climate change. 

    This wasn’t the first — or last — time my dad’s climate obsession took center stage at our family gatherings. On that particular occasion, he was doling out factoids about Arctic amplification — the prevalence of which was then a debate among climate scientists. It was just a warm-up to a typical holiday season spent quibbling over the ethics of farmed Christmas trees and openly scoffing at scientific inaccuracies during a movie theater showing of Happy Feet, the year’s seasonal offering about a dancing penguin named Mumble. A month later, on Christmas Eve, he forwarded me an email about how Santa Claus’ body would disintegrate if he were to travel through the atmosphere at the speeds necessary to meet his seasonal duties, adding a personal note: “Not to mention the emissions!”

    Over the years, these tendencies earned him the family nickname “Dr. Doom” — a nod to his university professor title and compulsive need to share terrifying facts about our warming world. My dad hammed it up, interrupting his own lamentations by hooting out, “We’re all gonna die!” in a cartoonish falsetto. More than anything, it was a term of endearment. After all, we knew other households that spent their holidays arguing over whether climate change was even real.

    Many of us know a Dr. Doom in our lives, or at the very least, a pessimist with a particular fixation. We each have our own ways of responding to it, such as my brother’s pragmatism, my stepmom’s knee-jerk optimism, my stepsister’s exasperation. Or, perhaps you are the doomer yourself. 

    I’m usually tempted to respond with, “I see hope in the next generation.” But doomerism — a label often used to describe climate defeatists — doesn’t typically leave room to talk about a better future. It’s a contagious kind of despair, often too credible to dismiss. Nowadays, my brother and I both work in climate-related fields, undeniably thanks to Dr. Doom’s influence. But growing up, it only took a few days of dad’s soapboxing before I’d tune out of anything climate-related until the New Year.

    This Christmas, as we once again prepare to pass around the cranberry sauce and discuss the end of the world, I can’t help but wonder how my dad became Dr. Doom. And in a world of rising doomerism, what influence do such tidings have on others?

    an illustration of a burning earth ornament on a fir branch
    Sachi Kitajima Mulkey / Grist

    My dad’s journey to becoming “Dr. Doom” started with his formal training as a tropical ecologist. Until the early 2000s, his work meant trudging through rainforests, studying photosynthesis while battling mosquitoes. Then, the wear of human activity on his surroundings became too much to bear. He switched gears and has since spent his career leap-frogging between climate education jobs — from director of an environmental science program at the University of Idaho to president of a small school in Maine, which, in 2012, he led to become the first college to divest fully from fossil fuels.

    Those entrenched in science, like my dad, seem to be especially susceptible to climate despair. That’s according to experts like Rebecca Weston, the co-executive director of the Climate Psychology Alliance of North America, a community of mental health professionals trained to address the emotional and psychological challenges emerging in our warming world. Many in scientific fields, Weston says, are first to document and review the data behind irreversible loss.

    The facts of the crisis are so dire that despair seems to be a hazard for many — scientists or not. After all, a study by researchers at the Yale Program on Climate Change Communication found that some 7 percent of U.S. adults report potentially serious levels of psychological distress about climate change. Gale Sinatra, a professor of psychology at the University of Southern California’s Rossier School of Education who studies how people learn about climate change, put it more simply: “Your dad’s problem is that he knows too much.”

    The issue only gets worse when the climate-informed try to share what they know. In a short-lived position in 2007 as science advisor to the Florida state government (back when then-Governor Charlie Crist would actually acknowledge “climate change”) my dad was silenced during a presentation to the Legislature. A report later said that the “awkward” situation arose when a Republican senator took issue with a discussion topic that “had not yet been accepted as fact.” According to my dad, the controversy stemmed from his decision to share the famous “hockey stick” graph, a data visual that shows that global average temperatures began spiking after human societies industrialized.  

    “We’re starting to understand it as moral injury,” said Kristan Childs, co-chair of a committee to support climate scientists with the Climate Psychology Alliance, referring to a psychological phenomenon that happens when people witness actions that violate their beliefs or damage their conscience. “They’ve been informing people for so long, and there’s just such a betrayal because people are not believing them, or are not doing enough to act on it.”

    Like many, my dad’s response to this was to get louder — and darker. There’s conflicting research on how different kinds of messaging can affect peoples’ behavior. Some studies show that those experiencing distress are also more active, while others say that emphasizing worst-case scenarios, like so-called climate “tipping points,” is an ineffective strategy that can overwhelm and demotivate audiences instead. It can also backfire on a personal level: Listeners of the podcast “This American Life” may be familiar with a story about a climate activist dad whose zeal led to his children cutting him out of their lives

    an illustration of a melting snowman on a fir branch
    Sachi Kitajima Mulkey / Grist

    As a journalist on the climate beat, I’ve interviewed dozens of self-described “doomers,” and yet I’ve found the term is a bit of a misnomer. While many fixate on the worst possible climate scenarios, they’re generally not quitters. As Childs put it, “I don’t know anyone who’s just given up on it all.” Instead, nearly all have dedicated their lives to addressing climate change. And they can’t help but evangelize, warning everybody within earshot of the ways the coming century could change their lives. 

    Throughout these interviews, I’m tacitly looking for any insight that might help my own Dr. Doom. (Recently, I accompanied my dad to a physical therapy appointment where, upon seeing a disposable blood pressure cuff, he attempted to regale his doctor with facts about the greenhouse gas emissions associated with the U.S. healthcare system.) Childs might just have one. She offers a 10-step program for professionals who work in science-oriented fields, affiliated with a larger collection of support groups offered by the Good Grief Network, a nonprofit organization dedicated to processing emotions on climate change. 

    “The group work is powerful because it really, really helps dissolve the sense of isolation,” Childs said. As she spoke, I shifted uncomfortably, wondering how many times my teenage tendency to tune out or respond flippantly made my dad feel I was invalidating his concerns.

    The best place to start is often the hardest: acknowledging how bad the problem is. “It’s actually helpful to give people a place to share their biggest fears,” she said, adding that the typical workplace culture in scientific fields discourages expressing emotions. “Somehow some acceptance of how bad it is, and the fact that we can then still stay engaged, shifts the question to who we can be in these times.”  

    Weston agrees that entirely erasing climate anxiety isn’t realistic, especially as the effects of Earth’s changing atmosphere become more apparent and frightening. Instead, her group suggests reframing ideas of what having a meaningful impact looks like. “It depends on breaking through a kind of individualist understanding of achievement. It’s about facing something that will be resolved past our own lifetimes,” she said.

    My dad has spent his career chasing that elusive sense of fulfilment — never quite satisfied with the work he’s doing. But lately, he’s found a reason to stay put. In 2019, he returned to my hometown to teach climate change to undergraduates at the University of Florida. Now and again, I’ve wondered how these 18- to 22-year-olds, many of whom grew up in the increasingly red state, respond to his doomsaying. This year, while home around Thanksgiving, I sat in on his last lecture of the semester — a doozy on how economic systems can destroy natural resources. His students seemed completely at ease — chatting with him at the beginning of class, easily participating when he asked questions. I was already surprised.

    “He’s just sharing the facts,” one of his students told me, when I asked a group of them about his teaching style after the class. 

    Another quickly interjected: “He’s too dogmatic. It’s super depressing, it’s super doom.” Others nodded. 

    A third chimed in: “It helps me feel motivated.” 

    Later that week, while I was reporting a different story at a local climate event, both his former students and local activists flagged me down to say how much they appreciated my dad’s courses and op-eds in local newspapers. 

    “We need all sorts of climate communication. People are responsive to different messages,” said Ayana Elizabeth Johnson, the markedly anti-doomer author of What If We Get It Right?, a recent book that puts possibility at the center of climate action. In 2019, a Yale study on how people respond to different messaging tactics underscored this point — finding that “hope is not always good, and doubt is not always bad.”

    For Johnson, getting through the climate crisis starts with who you surround yourself with. “This is not solitary work. Individual changemakers are not really a thing,” she said. “We never know the ripples that we’re going to have.”

    An illustration of stars on a fir branch
    Sachi Kitajima Mulkey / Grist

    The Christmas stockings on the mantle at my dad’s house haven’t changed in years, but the dinner conversations have. Now, Instead of trying to brush aside Dr. Doom’s digressions, we lean in. Our evenings are spent butting heads over the recent climate optimism book, Not the End of the World, by data scientist Hannah Ritchie; swapping notes on heat pumps; and debating how to make the most of used-EV tax credits. My baby nephew, Auggie, the latest generation to be saddled with our hopes and fears, brightens the room with his cooing at all manner of round fruits and toy trucks. 

    Between sips from warm mugs, my dad leans back in his chair and frowns at some news on his phone’s screen. “The wheels are really coming off the wagon, kids. Humanity faces an existential threat,” he says, to no one in particular. From the next room, my step mom calls, “The sky’s been falling since I met you, Stephen.”

    It’s hard not to smile. Who knows how many people my dad has influenced, or if he will ever feel satisfied with his mission. But as his doomy, gloomy self, he’s built a community and family that shares his values. At that moment, I find myself thinking of something Childs told me: “You cannot protect your kids from climate change. But you can protect them from being alone with climate change.” 

    In our changing world, these conversations feel like something to be thankful for. 

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline Spending Christmas with ‘Dr. Doom’ on Dec 17, 2024.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • ANALYSIS: By Sione Tekiteki, Auckland University of Technology

    The A$140 million aid agreement between Australia and Nauru signed last week is a prime example of the geopolitical tightrope vulnerable Pacific nations are walking in the 21st century.

    The deal provides Nauru with direct budgetary support, stable banking services, and policing and security resources. In return, Australia will have the right to veto any pact Nauru might make with other countries — namely China.

    The veto terms are similar to the “Falepili Union” between Australia and Tuvalu signed late last year, which granted Tuvaluans access to Australian residency and climate mitigation support, in exchange for security guarantees.

    And just last week, more details emerged about a defence deal between the United States and Papua New Guinea, now revealed to be worth US$864 million.

    In exchange for investment in military infrastructure development, training and equipment, the US gains unrestricted access to six ports and airports.

    Also last week, PNG signed a 10-year, A$600 million deal to fund its own team in Australia’s NRL competition. In return, “PNG will not sign a security deal that could allow Chinese police or military forces to be based in the Pacific nation”.

    These arrangements are all emblematic of the geopolitical tussle playing out in the Pacific between China and the US and its allies.

    This strategic competition is often framed in mainstream media and political commentary as an extension of “the great game” played by rival powers. From a traditional security perspective, Pacific nations can be depicted as seeking advantage to leverage their own development priorities.

    But this assumption that Pacific governments are “diplomatic price setters”, able to play China and the US off against each other, overlooks the very real power imbalances involved.

    The risk, as the authors of one recent study argued, is that the “China threat” narrative becomes the justification for “greater Western militarisation and economic dominance”. In other words, Pacific nations become diplomatic price takers.

    Defence diplomacy
    Pacific nations are vulnerable on several fronts: most have a low economic base and many are facing a debt crisis. At the same time, they are on the front line of climate change and rising sea levels.

    The costs of recovering from more frequent extreme weather events create a vicious cycle of more debt and greater vulnerability. As was reported at this year’s United Nations COP29 summit, climate financing in the Pacific is mostly in the form of concessional loans.

    The Pacific is already one of the world’s most aid-reliant regions. But considerable doubt has been expressed about the effectiveness of that aid when recipient countries still struggle to meet development goals.

    At the country level, government systems often lack the capacity to manage increasing aid packages, and struggle with the diplomatic engagement and other obligations demanded by the new geopolitical conditions.

    In August, Kiribati even closed its borders to diplomats until 2025 to allow the new government “breathing space” to attend to domestic affairs.

    In the past, Australia championed governance and institutional support as part of its financial aid. But a lot of development assistance is now skewed towards policing and defence.

    Australia recently committed A$400 million to the Pacific Policing Initiative, on top of a host of other security-related initiatives. This is all part of an overall rise in so-called “defence diplomacy”, leading some observers to criticise the politicisation of aid at the expense of the Pacific’s most vulnerable people.

    Kiribati: threatened by sea level rise
    Kiribati: threatened by sea level rise, the nation closed its borders to foreign diplomats until 2025. Image: Getty Images/The Conversation

    Lack of good faith
    At the same time, many political parties in Pacific nations operate quite informally and lack comprehensive policy manifestos. Most governments lack a parliamentary subcommittee that scrutinises foreign policy.

    The upshot is that foreign policy and security arrangements can be driven by personalities rather than policy priorities, with little scrutiny. Pacific nations are also susceptible to corruption, as highlighted in Transparency International’s 2024 Annual Corruption Report.

    Writing about the consequences of the geopolitical rivalry in the Solomon Islands, Transparency Solomon Islands executive director Ruth Liloqula wrote:

    Since 2019, my country has become a hotbed for diplomatic tensions and foreign interference, and undue influence.

    Similarly, Pacific affairs expert Distinguished Professor Steven Ratuva has argued the Australia–Tuvalu agreement was one-sided and showed a “lack of good faith”.

    Behind these developments, of course, lies the evolving AUKUS security pact between Australia, the US and United Kingdom, a response to growing Chinese presence and influence in the “Indo-Pacific” region.

    The response from Pacific nations has been diplomatic, perhaps from a sense they cannot “rock the submarine” too much, given their ties to the big powers involved. But former Pacific Islands Forum Secretary-General Meg Taylor has warned:

    Pacific leaders were being sidelined in major geopolitical decisions affecting their region and they need to start raising their voices for the sake of their citizens.

    While there are obvious advantages that come with strategic alliances, the tangible impacts for Pacific nations remain negligible. As the UN’s Asia and the Pacific progress report on sustainable development goals states, not a single goal is on track to be achieved by 2030.

    Unless these partnerships are grounded in good faith and genuine sustainable development, the grassroots consequences of geopolitics-as-usual will not change.The Conversation

    Dr Sione Tekiteki, Senior Lecturer, Faculty of Law, Auckland University of Technology. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons licence. Read the original article.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Berlinale head, Tricia Tuttle, says some artists fear criticism of Israeli actions will be condemned as antisemitism

    A polarised debate about Gaza in Germany is leading some artists to shun one of the world’s top film festivals, its new director has said.

    Tricia Tuttle, the head of the Berlin international film festival, said a perception that Germany had been overzealous in its policing of speech about the Middle East conflict, and controversy over this year’s awards ceremony, were having an impact as she planned her first edition.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • In October 1947 19 screenwriters, directors and producers were summoned from Tinseltown to Washington to testify before the House Un-American Activities Committee about alleged subversion in the motion picture industry. Eleven of those subpoenaed testified, including the so-called “Hollywood Ten,” and the German playwright Bertolt Brecht. Eight of the “Hollywood Nineteen” were not called then […]

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    The post Get Rid of the Commies: A Blacklisted Boyhood appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • Back in the mid-70s I had a friend who attended the New England Conservatory, a school for future musicians of all ilks — jazz, classical, guitar, sax, orchestration, composition, etc.  My friend, Mark, was an Army brat whose father was a colonel stationed at Ft. Devens just 40 miles from Boston. He had shown great promise as a child of cultured parents who pushed him to excel in music.  He played piano; I thought he played well; and he found himself attending the Conservatory to improve his playing standards to a professional level.  I admired him more than all the friends who had come and gone in my life.

    I was essentially homeless around that time, having dropped out of Groton School, and living in a tent in woods not far from the school, like some scholastic ghost locals might talk about later.  For money, I spent some time picking apples in nearby orchards, and sometimes hung out (along with another friend) with the H2A Jamaicans brought in to harvest the fruit. They would start off their seasonal journey in Maine and work their way down to lower New England, orchard by orchard, and some would go on to strip peaches in Georgia, and others would end up in South Florida cutting cane before returning back to Jamaica. We usually hung out with Heady, a father of three, who would go into Groton town once a week and send money home, buy some stouts or Red Strip at the local packie, and meet up with an acquaintance who would supply them with ganja.

    At one point, I cannot recall the details, I found myself even without a tent. Mark found out about this one weekend home and invited me to crash in his dorm at the Conservatory. I slept on the floor and was snuck into the food line in the dining room.  I had the room to myself a lot of the day as Mark attended classes.  In the afternoons, he earned money tuning pianos and helping to restore old pianos. To save pocket cash, he would frequent The Top of the Hub, the spinning restaurant atop downtown Boston’s Prudential Building, which had a cheap but delicious buffet array. The ambience was languorous and the speakers emitted jazz.

    The biggest thrill Mark had at that time was his gig tuning the Steinway at Symphony Hall, just up the road from the Conservatory.  He was especially excited one time getting to be the tuner who had worked on the piano at the Jazz Workshop  just prior to one of Keith Jarrett’s concerts there in 1974, with Dewey Redman, Paul Motian and Charlie Haden, with whom he would jam regularly. Mark was a huge Jarrett fan.  And I would learn to hear the nuances and technical prowess of Jarrett’s playing, with Mark signaling as we listened to his records on special moments of seeming genius. My first impression of Jarrett was his store of energy and life; this guy was not morose but transforming his blues into abstract dances that were pleasant to listen to, interesting patterns and rhythms, and affirmative.

    The one time I saw Jarrett in concert live was in Istanbul in 1993.  I’d moved there to teach English to Turkish kids who often didn’t want to learn English.  Especially from Americans.  I got that.  I was teacher living in a building with other foreign teachers, Brits and Aussies almost exclusively, listening to them carp and carry on and backstab each other, but jolly up  with each other at dinner chowing down a curry cooked by Bill, a legend-in-his-own-mind from Yorkshire, all of whom, I leaned later, would turn on me together when I was out of the room. When Jarrett came to Istanbul in 1993 he played solo at the Cemal Resit Rey Concert Hall.  I attended the concert with Bill.  It was a lot of fun listening to the musical improvisation most jazz pianists could only fantasize about. But it was also fucking annoying having Keith stop at times and get up and walk away from the piano in ponderment or keening to hear how he would proceed or some secret genius business. Who the fuck knows? But since he was solo, when did that kind of thing, everything stopped.  And we all knew it was too early for the standing ovation, so we kind of looked at each other and kind of didn’t.

    Back then I was listening to Belonging a lot. I loved Spiral Dance and Long As You Are Living Yours and The Windup. He was playing with top notchers: Jan Gabarek, Palle Danielsson, and Jin Christenson.  Lots of life.  I also loved listening to the legendary Köln Concert.  But I was also partial to the classical arrangements of the three-song Arbour Zena, especially Solara March (Dedicated to Pablo Casals and the Sun). But even then, those musical wonders were about two decades old.  Jarrett had gone on to new feats and heights.

    Jarrett was part of a most exhilarating period of my life, homelessness mixed with high culture, living with different friends at different times in different homes in Groton, Back Bay, Dorchester, Concord, NH. Peterboro, NH, Hollywood, West Palm Beach, and the Northampton VA Hospital.  I fell into jazz, I knew by heart the blues, knew how to exchange food stamps for cash for smokes and booze. Slept out in a blizzard, Lived in a tent. Practiced composing my Stücke after Robert Schumann and Oscar Peterson, smiling like Casablanca Sam when the Smith College girls walked in. In LA, learning violin, Suzuki style. Playing an extra in Raid on Entebbe, an Israeli on a mission….

    I might have forgotten all those years ago; they all eventually fall away, as new flaws in the human project absorb one’s remaining attention in a long life of many disappointments and a few crucial stand-out moments of love.  Jarrett, now almost 80 and debilitated by a couple of strokes that left him partially paralyzed and unable to play the piano, last month released a “new” album, The Old Country: More from Deer Head Inn.  It’s a trio album featuring musicians Paul Motian and Gary Peacock providing rhythm. But it is not new really. The album is a compilation of “more tracks” from the concert of 1992 at the titled venue. It features songs like “Solar” (Miles Davis), “You Don’t Know What Love Is” (Gene de Paul, Don Raye), and “It’s Easy to Remember” (Lorenz Hart, Richard Rodgers).  Mostly bright, sprightly finger dances you could listen to all-night as you make light conversation with the love of your life sitting across from, who you just met about an hour ago .

    Jarrett played with everybody it seems — Miles Davis, Herbie Hancock, Dewey Redman, Chick Corea, and Art Blakey, and many others.  He brought new life to jazz but also put new spirit into Bach, Beethoven, Scarlatti, and Shostokovich.  He could play piano and saxophone. He also composed pieces for brass, string orchestra, and other non-jazz instrumentations. He was extraordinarily prolific, putting out dozens of albums.

    He had amazing technique, especially in the left hand, where he seemed to own ostinatos, described as a continually repeated musical phrase or rhythm (see Pierre Piscitelli’s explanation of how Jarrett went about ostinatos below).  He could improvise all day long.

    Also, he had an annoying habit of humming and buzzing along to his own tunes, which you can hear on The Old Country: More from Deer Head Inn. You think maybe he has a touch of autism and doesn’t even give a shit if you’re listening once he gets cooking. The Old Country’s not a great album, but it is not dated either after some 30 years.  Listening to Jarrett again brings back a lot of mixed memories and the beginning of my musical education in jazz. This is a good thing. And the album’s worth a listen. Want some inspiration in these bleak times to be human, give it a turn.

    The post The Old Country New Again: Revisiting Keith Jarrett appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • King’s College Chapel, University of Cambridge, c. 1907.

    The Festival of Nine Lessons and Carols fills King’s College Chapel at Cambridge University every year on the afternoon of Christmas Eve. The service is broadcast by the BBC and heard, according to some estimates, by 400 million worldwide listeners. Expats, Anglophiles, far-flung members of the so-called Commonwealth and countless others tune in to hear Christmasy words and music delivered with superlative English diction, immaculate intonation, seriousness of purpose, and carefully packaged joy and wonder. The sleek, precisely staged solidity of the performance is like a giant log pitched onto the yuletide fire, the heft and crackle of its warming morality stoking belief in a timeless tradition that, in turn, conjures an ordered world.

    During the service, favorite Christmas carols are sung by the famous college choir and the packed congregation in arrangements that culminate in ecstatic final-verse descants from the boy choristers, their arcing melodies lofted up towards the exquisite fanned vaulting on harmonic feints undertaken by King’s Chapel organ. The fun for the amateur singers beyond the rood screen comes in cleaving to the beloved melodies against this glorious sonic assault.

    The carols alternate with the choir’s motets ranging across the many centuries of Anglican church music. These musical numbers are interleaved with nine readings running from Genesis to the Gospel of John that predict, chronicle and, finally, take metaphysical stock of the Christian Savior’s birth.

    Many, perhaps most, of the millions who listen, might well believe that the Festival of Lessons and Carols, at least in some form, is as old as King’s Chapel itself, which, along with the choir, was founded in the 15th century under the aegis of Henry VI. But like so much else in the Olde Country and among its New World epigones, this “ancient” tradition was invented relatively recently. The first Lessons and Carols service was held a few weeks after the armistice that ended the First World War. This year marks the festival’s 105th edition at Kings’ College.

    The impetus for the Kings’ College service, as musicologist Jacob Sagrans demonstrates in a chapter entitled “’What England Has Done for a Thousand Years’: Medievalism in Christmas Lessons and Carols Services” in the Oxford Handbook of Music and Medievalism, came during World War I. British army chaplain and King’s alumnus, Eric Milner-White, wrote from France to the provost of the college:

    “At the present moment of utter chaos … we have a chance which, boldly taken, might make King’s one of the most important churches in the land. … It is my passionate conviction that if we could catch and crystallize the wisest principles of liturgical reform in the worship of our Chapel, we should be doing a great work, not only for the college and university, but also for the Church and the Empire. … Colour, warmth and delight can be added to our yearly round in many ways.”

    A century on, the Festival of Nine Lessons and Carols is the foundation of the King’s brand—a sonic equivalent of the Nike Swoosh. It is not just the classy English vibe that appeals, but also the echoes of the geo-political glories of a bygone Britain. The Empire is dead, but Lessons and Carols endure. That the service is especially popular in the USA and Canada speaks to the enduring myths of Anglo-American hegemony. Christmas Eve from King’s marks an especially special moment in the Special Relationship, though you can bet Donald Trump won’t be listening through his earbuds on his mid-morning round of Christmas Eve golf at Mar-a-Lago.

    The King’s service has been taken up by many American churches, including those at elite universities and colleges, which have long sought to emulate the rituals practiced back on the Mother Ship. Christian liturgical chronologies have to be shoehorned into the American academic calendar. God goes on holiday over Winter Break; He doesn’t hang around for Christmas on campus.

    As a result, these Lessons and Carols typically happen, as at the outpost of the Ivy League where I joined in the service, in the midst of Advent, a season of expectation and penitence, rather than celebration.

    The readings mostly follow the order of service laid out by Milner-White a century ago. But some concessions and adjustments have to be made, as in the frequent inclusion of British-American poet Denise Levertov’s “Annunciation,” which extols the courage of Mary’s consent to accept God’s child in her womb. Likewise, the choral offerings proceed from the solemnity of Elizabethan master William Byrd to a potpourri of cosmopolitan styles that this year included a folksy arrangement of “Go Tell It On the Mountain.” This number added requisite American flavoring to complement the traditional English fare.

    At the beginning of this year’s service at Cornell University in Upstate New York, the director of what was previously called United Religious Work but a few years ago was repackaged as the Office of Spirituality and Meaning Making reads an acknowledgment that we are on the  land of the indigenous peoples of the region. He then tells us that the Nativity narrative about to be retailed took place in what were then occupied lands. The statement comes in the past tense and refers to the Roman occupation.

    It seems clear that the congregation is being prompted— if gingerly and implicitly—to reflect on the present horrors in Gaza, the West Bank, and Lebanon. The sixth, seventh, and eighth readings (the first two of these from Luke, the last from Matthew) take us to Bethlehem in the Occupied Territories. One can’t help but think of the ongoing violence, death, displacement, and destruction. The ninth and last lesson comes from the Gospel of John and echoes the opening of Genesis: “In the beginning was the Word.” Of Palestine in our time not a single word is heard.

    The indigenous land acknowledgement is delivered from the stone pulpit at which Martin Luther King, Jr. had preached in 1964, as did his father fifteen years later. Would King have been silent on the matter that hung over everything during these Lessons and Carols?

    A plaque with text on it Description automatically generated

    The sixth reading describes Emperor Augustus’s imposition of a tax and his requirement that all the world’s residents be “registered,” as it is put in the New Revised Standard Version used in many American college chapels (in contrast to the King James text heard at King’s). This imperial dictate sends Joseph and the pregnant Mary back to Bethlehem. Listening to that reading, one thinks of safe zones and the modern technologies of the IDF’s “population management” as far more advanced and lethal than the Roman census-taking of yore.

    This reading is followed by “Hark the Herald Angels Sing” and then “Go Tell It on the Mountain,” in which the choir sings of shepherds who “feared and trembled.” The shepherds of today fear and tremble not because of angels singing above and at the sight of a miraculous star in the night sky, but because of tanks, snipers, bombs, vigilantes, drone strikes, and famine.

    The Roman client-king in Judea, Herod, learns of the Savior’s birth in the penultimate lesson and dispatches the Wise Men to Bethlehem to bring back intelligence of this potential threat to his regime. Conscientious objectors, the Wise Men, don’t report back. Herod’s Massacre of the Innocents will come after Christmas. Hear Herod’s name and think of the slaughter of children now.

    Cornell’s nineteenth-century chapel could be in England. It draws architectural inspiration from the same Victorian medievalisms cataloged in Sagrans’ essay on Lessons and Carols. Come Christmas, it is far easier to live in the past.

    Sagrans begins his article by directing us towards a propaganda film from World War II called Christmas Under Fire. It begins with the sounds of the King’s College choir singing “Ding Dong Merrily on High.” The narrator tells us that he’s bringing the canister of a film chronicling Britain’s Christmas of 1940 back to America. As the German Blitz continues, this Christmas will be celebrated “underground” in subway shelters. The adults do all they can for the kids at Christmas. The British upper lip has never been stiffer. Eager to have America join the war in Europe, FDR must have watched this movie in the White House.

    For his part, Biden won’t be viewing Al Jazeera’s new documentary All That Remains this Christmas. The film tells the story of thirteen-year-old Leyan Abu al-Atta, who lost a leg to an Israeli airstrike.

    Near the close of Christmas Under Fire, the narrator proclaims the island nation’s Christian resolve: “On Christmas Eve, England does what England has done for a thousand years: she worships the prince of peace.” We see a silhouette of the spires of King’s College Chapel and are ushered inside as a lone chorister intones, “O Come All Ye Faithful.” The choir and organ join in, invincible. That Christmas, like this one, was not about peace but about war.

    One evergreen carol that isn’t heard at this year’s service at Cornell is “Silent Night.” The omission is unwittingly telling. The hush from the moral vacuum of these Lessons and Carols is louder than the massed forces of organ and choir Hark-ing and Hosanna-ing at full tilt.

    This Christmas silence is deafening.

    The post Silenced Night: The Unheard Lesson of Lessons and Carols appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • By Te Aniwaniwa Paterson of Te Ao Māori News

    Activist/educator Tina Ngata (Ngati Porou) has warned proposed changes to Aotearoa New Zealand’s Treaty of Waitangi principles would undermine indigenous Māori sovereignty, rights, and protections, and risk corporate exploitation and environmental harm.

    Ngata is a member of Koekoeā, a tāngata whenua and tāngata tiriti rōpu which brings accessible information and workshops for select committee submissions for the Treaty Principles Bill.

    “[ACT leader and Minister for Regulation] David Seymour is saying, ‘it’s just the principles, not the text, so is it really a big deal?’” Ngata said.

    Advocate Tina Ngata (Ngati Porou)
    Advocate Tina Ngata (Ngati Porou) . . . “The principles are enshrined in the Treaty of Waitangi Act, which came about in 1975 as a result of that generation undertaking hīkoi and protests calling for our land rights and for the Crown to honour Te Tiriti.” Image: Michelle Mihi Keita Tibble

    “The Crown commitments are framed within the principles so, when you affect the principles, it has the same legal effect as redefining the Treaty itself.”

    Ngata said the principles were the strongest tool to ensure the Crown as a Treaty partner was including and consulting with Māori.

    People can submit on the Bill here until 7 2025 and here is a video by Koekoeā showing how easy it is to make a submission.

    What are the Treaty principles Seymour hopes to redefine?
    “The principles are enshrined in the Treaty of Waitangi Act, which came about in 1975 as a result of that generation undertaking hīkoi and protests calling for our land rights and for the Crown to honour Te Tiriti,” Ngata said.

    The Treaty of Waitangi Act 1975 introduced the concept of treaty principles, which were commitments for the Crown to uphold Te Tiriti o Waitangi. The act established the Waitangi Tribunal.

    The principles were often referred to as the “three P’s” — partnership, participation and protection — but there were others such as tino rangatiratanga, ōritetanga as duty to act reasonably.

    Over time the principles became more and more defined, particularly in 1987 in a court case where the Māori Council took the Crown to court for trying to sell Aotearoa’s natural assets and privatise them, which was where the principle of consultation came about.

    There are no two versions of the Treaty
    Ngata said the principles were put into the act to resolve the conflict between what were believed to be two versions that were equally valid but conflicted — often known as the English version, which only 39 Māori signed, and the Māori version, which between 530 and 540 signed.

    She said the idea of two versions had a flawed premise.

    The Treaty of Waitangi drafted by Captain William Hobson was supposedly translated into Te Tiriti o Waitangi but Ngata said it didn’t qualify as a translation as the two were radically different.

    “Even our Māori activists in 1975 were calling the English text the ‘Treaty of fraud’. They were very clear that there was only one valid treaty,” Ngata said.

    By valid she means valid by definition where a treaty is an agreement signed between two sovereign nations, and she said the only definition that applied to was Te Tiriti o Waitangi.

    Incremental journey towards treaty justice
    Ngata said the principles themselves did not represent Treaty justice but were reflective of the time.

    In 1989 Ngāti Whātua leader and respected scholar Sir Hugh Kawharu translated the te reo Māori document into English. She said even that translation was caught up in the time because it said Te Tiriti gave permission for the Crown to form a government. But more recent research had found Te Tiriti allowed for a limited level of governance and not a government.

    Ngata described the principles as the strongest tool to ensure the Crown as Treaty partner was upholding its commitments but, even with those principles, there were consistent breaches.

    “Even though [the principles] are not truly justice, Māori have taken them and used them to protect ourselves, protect our families, protect our mokopuna rights,” Ngata said.

    “Often many times to protect Aotearoa’s natural resources from corporate exploitation.”

    She said that point was important to remember, that the principles had been a road block. Arguably, the drive to replace those principles was to make it easier for corporate exploitation.

    Overall, the Treaty Principles Bill was taking New Zealand back before 1975 and in reverse from that journey towards treaty justice, Ngata said

    The principles in the new bill
    The Treaty Principles Bill dumps the old principles and introduces three new ones. The proposed principles are below, and Ngata explained the problems in each principle.

    1. Civil government — the government of New Zealand has full power to govern, and Parliament has full power to make laws. They do so in the best interests of everyone, and in accordance with the rule of law and the maintenance of a free and democratic society.
    2. Rights of hapū and iwi Māori — the Crown recognises the rights that hapū and iwi had when they signed the Treaty/te Tiriti. The Crown will respect and protect those rights. Those rights differ from the rights everyone has a reasonable expectation to enjoy only when they are specified in Treaty settlements.
    3. Right to equality — everyone is equal before the law and is entitled to the equal protection and equal benefit of the law without discrimination. Everyone is entitled to the equal enjoyment of the same fundamental human rights without discrimination.

    Māori never ceded sovereignty
    In 2014, the Waitangi Tribunal found Māori never ceded sovereignty.

    Thus the first principle, “the government has full power to govern and Parliament has full power to make laws” negated Māori sovereignty, Ngata said.

    In article one, Te Tiriti o Waitangi gave a limited level of governance for the Queen to make laws through a governor but it was not a cessation of sovereignty.

    She argued that article three said Māori had the same rights and privileges as those who were British subjects of the Queen.

    “If article 1 was a cessation of sovereignty to the Queen over Māori, then why would we need to explicitly say that we then get the same rights and privileges as those who are subjects of the Queen? That would have been inherent within that article.”

    Indigenous peoples’ rights to self-determination
    She said this principle was also not in alignment with how the international community understood human rights.

    “The second principle the bill is suggesting is that the Crown will recognise the rights of hapū and iwi but only in so far as they are the same rights as everybody else, unless they are rights that have been enshrined within a settlement act,” Ngata said.

    But Ngata said Māori rights did not stem from the Treaty of Waitangi Act, and Māori rights did not stem from Te Tiriti. Instead they were inherent.

    The United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples recognised the right of Indigenous peoples to self-determination.

    UNDRIP included rights for Indigenous people to freely determine their political status, maintain distinct political, legal, economic, social and cultural institutions, and participate in decision-making processes that affected them.

    “It’s preposterous to say that our rights can only come into effect if they’ve been subject to a Treaty settlement.”

    ‘Colonial governments will only deliver unequal treatment’
    The third article states everyone is equal under law and ACT leader and bill designer David Seymour has proudly advocated “one law for all” but Ngata said this wsn’t equality – it was assimilation.

    Earlier in the year, Ngata told Te Ao Māori News the government was implementing assimilation policies, which Raphael Lemkin, who coined the term “genocide”, included as part of the broader spectrum of genocide.

    One of the examples of assimilation policy was the disestablishment of Te Aka Whai Ora, the Māori Health Authority, which was created to ensure better health outcomes for Māori and provide te ao Māori approaches, meaning cultural differences rather than simply based on race.

    She said the Crown had a long-standing history of treating Māori unequally: “Colonial governments will only deliver unequal treatment.”

    “If you were treating the Treaty with Maori equally, you would not be undertaking this process in the first place.”

    The impacts the bill would have
    Ngata said Māori would be impacted in a “whole ecosystem impact of te ao Māori — across housing, whenua, natural resources, waterways, transport and health”.

    She said the bill would impact other marginalised groups and the environment and, therefore, everybody.

    She said the bill was being pushed to remove the roadblock to protect the natural environment from corporate exploitation.

    It was clear the bill was being driven by multinational corporate interests in accessing natural resources and thus once enacted, there would be environmental degradation.

    Ngata said the language and rhetoric David Seymour was using on the topic was reminiscent of and in some cases a direct import of the same rhetoric used to negate treaty rights in Canada and the US.

    She cited New Zealand having one of the world’s largest exclusive economic zones (EEZ) (the maritime area a nation has exclusive rights to explore, use and manage natural resources). That zone would be of interest to corporates and, in the past, the Treaty principles had blocked corporations from extracting natural resources.

    Ngata said there were international dimensions, and there were parallels with other colonial governments, such as France in Kanaky and Indonesia in West Papua, who “ran roughshod” over Indigenous rights to extract natural resources for profit.

    Republished with permission from Te Ao Māori News.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • What started your journey to becoming a dancer?

    My family threw parties all the time. Family parties, family events, I’m the one that’s going to get called to dance. Whatever music was trending or going off, I would dance to at those parties. Always saw myself in that light: “You’re a raw as hell dancer.”

    When I got into music, it was always about the sounds. I didn’t necessarily know at the time that it was these jazz and soul samples drawing me to it to make me move a certain way. All of my musical knowledge is from footwork music. [I remember] Rashad made a track with a “Kick, Push” [by Lupe Fiasco] sample. I was 14, 15-years-old so it weren’t like I’d never heard samples before, but it was like, “Damn, they’re using some music that I know and love inside of footwork tracks?” I was like, “Oh, I don’t even need to listen to regular music anymore. I can just listen to this and I’ll be good.” I like all eras of music, and [footwork] sampled from all generations and all eras. When I heard drum and bass on footwork tracks, I was already kind of used to it because I’m hearing different sounds in footworking.

    But being a dancer was always something I was drawn to. It was my quiet space. It was a nice little quiet space where I could go. The way these samples were being used, there was no words sometimes. I’d be able to vibe out to the sounds and move and maneuver. When I found footworking, in freshman year of high school, I was like, “Damn, here’s a whole other portal, a place I can be. I’m a super-competitor, so I can compete and get better. I see that I’m not good at it, so I can really work at it.”

    What you said about dancing being your quiet space resonated. I remember as a young teen feeling self-conscious in day-to-day life, but when I was dancing I would feel free. It was a way of occupying space with your body in a way you wouldn’t do normally. You reach that flow state.

    Absolutely. When I got into my first battle clique, Terra Squad, I remember they was throwing a party. While it was going on, I was in the corner practicing to footwork tracks, getting ready for [dance competition] The King of The Circle that was coming next year. I was fresh in the group so I was like, “I could care less about this party, so I’m going to go over here in this corner and I’m gonna lab until they cut the tracks on.” That’s how it worked: they’d play regular music, all kinds of music, but at a certain point you’d hear the footwork tracks come on. [Then] you could come in. But I was just in the corner, labbing on my own. That’s how zoned in I could be in that free space. It don’t matter what’s going on, I can go to that space and just make up moves or just be in there and just be vibing and dancing. That’s always been a thing.

    I’m pretty sure you’ve heard people say, “Damn man, I used to always dance.” Or they got them periods where they be taking breaks and shit like that. I have not ever had a break from dancing. I’m not saying I’ll be walking around and you can’t get me to stop dancing. But I haven’t had them hiatuses where I’m just not dancing or not making up shit. Even though I don’t be at all the tournaments, I’m always trying to get better. Most people with footworking, they’re done at 20, 21. I’ve always been able to use this space to hone my skill and prepare me for wherever I need to do. [Whether] I’m angry, I’m upset, sad, mad, or feeling good, I can go to this space and channel this energy and I’m lost in it.

    What does “lab” mean? I’m guessing “working in the lab/working on your dancing/inventing moves”?

    Yeah, it’s all that. When we’re in studio producing, we make up moves sometimes while they make beats, so that’s a form of practicing. It also refers to inventing new moves/wurkz or combinations/patterns.

    What is your regular creative practice?

    It’s changed. I realized over the years of doing shows and performing and still battling whenever I’m at any type of event, my legs started to burn. Meaning like, after about three or four rounds, I gotta let my legs rest. Footworking is a real high-energy intense dance. Even when you’re dancing to smooth tracks, it’s still a pretty intense dance. So as I got older, I’m like, “Shit, I’ve never trained.” I just wake up and I’ve been able to do it. Of course, I implemented stretching. We got a mentor, Raphael Xavier, he’s a legend of breakbeat from Philly, he taught us some stretching things.

    Then I was like, “I’ve got to take it a step further because my shit’s still burning when I go out and battle.” So I’m like, I’m going to create these footwork drills that I can start doing either everyday or every other day at home to prepare myself. And you know what, I’m going to start going to the gym. I’m going to start running as long as a typical performance would be. A performance for just dancing could be anywhere between 10 minutes up to an hour. I want to make sure I can at least run full-out for 10 minutes straight, at the very minimum. Then I’m going to do my leg training, really build the muscles in my legs. And man, it’s really paid off.

    I haven’t eaten meat in almost 10 years, so, of course, maintaining a diet regimen that’s good for you is helpful, too. I don’t eat any trash at all. I drink smoothies and coconut water, smoke weed, and mind my business.

    What made me do it? I wasn’t really fucking with the meat heavy, especially beef and pork, I wasn’t really rocking with that, but I seen a documentary called What The Health? and I’m the type of person that when I know something ain’t it, it don’t take no time for me to switch. When I do something wrong, it don’t take no time for me to learn my lesson. I had an older brother and I always looked at him like, “I ain’t doing that shit.” So it always hatches in my mind that, you better fix it now so it don’t become a problem. Once I seen that documentary, I was like, “Oh, hell naw.” I gave up meat the next day. It enlightened me. I don’t got to judge nobody else who eat meat. I just know for me, I’m good.

    As a dancer, you center your body in your art. Like you said, the challenges of that include managing pain as you get older. What are the highs?

    The highs of it is no matter what level I’m on, no matter what age I am, I can go to my old footwork crew’s practice and burn they ass. For about 10 rounds straight and all of them will quit. If I can still go to my practice and I’m working harder than the kid that’s coming in, that’s the high. I know for a fact that I’m giving it everything to be the best or be considered the best to me. Not to nobody else. I’m working harder than me. I’m trying to beat myself everyday. So if I beat myself everyday, that’s the high of it. I know that’s going to transition into everything else that I’m doing. With my work, with my music, with my community building, with my management skills, with my people skills, being able to see who can work well together, being able to sit back from a crystal ball standpoint and look at things: me centering dancing [means] keeping it as a focal point. That’s literally what footwork was based off, it was based off the dance first.

    What were footwork dancers dancing to before footwork music existed?

    I call it pre-footwork because it wasn’t called footworking and they weren’t called footworkers, per se. This is coming from my research, from my own study. I’ve found the majority of the original Chicago footwork dancers from over the years, the main ones, for a new project I’m working on, NEW GHOST. A lot of the original dancers, they talk about beat dancing. I know it’s not house music [they were dancing to], but I know it’s close to it. Some of the parties were called House Vs Beat. Music was slower. Footwork didn’t start until that ‘90-’93 window. Pre-footwork is ’89 and back. It’s a small window but you can trace it and see where it’s at. Traxman is one of those DJs in those time periods. I’m still learning about the music but I’m putting this whole piece together from a dancing perspective. Because the dance history has not really ever been tracked when it comes to Chicago footwork. And it plays an integral part in how the music’s shaped.

    This year marked a decade of The Era, the footwork collective you co-founded. How has it evolved?

    So much has changed within 10 years with The Era in terms of what we are, what we’re representing. When we started The Era, we were in our early 20s. We didn’t know what we were doing, we were just pushing footwork. We were like, “Man, the music’s taking off, we’ve got to push the dancing. Dance can’t get left behind.” That was the main focus.

    After eight years of running with our heads down and working, just doing shit, the past two years we took our time to really reformulate, rebrand, and retool everything. We re-built our infrastructure, turned that into an enterprise. Under that enterprise, The Era footwork crew still lives but then we also have individual artist programs. I have my own program called LB Productions. I use this brand to produce large scale projects in all areas of art. Chief Manny, he has his own film company that’s under The Era. P-Top is a community and event organizer; he has The Ring, which is a youth-based event where he pays the battlers to battle each other in an exhibition. And Steelo is running the fashion brand, which is Stitched By Steelo, which does all of our merchandise.

    DJ Spinn is now in The Era collective. We brought in Spinn to help us navigate the music lane, to push it to the next level with an in-house producer and really develop our sound. We don’t sound like nobody else and we actually footwork. We’re not people that’s outside of the culture who know about footwork or trying to talk about what they saw. We’re the people that they saw and are talking about it now so it’s a different thing. We wanted to bring in Spinn’s expertise and have him guide us in the proper ways. That’s worked really, really well. Bringing him to The Era was a natural thing. We were doing so many different things in terms of music, dance, art, culture building. It just made sense for him to be our music director.

    You said one of the things that prompted you to create The Era was that footwork music was getting out there and the dancing can’t be left behind. That felt like something that DJ Rashad and DJ Spinn recognized. Did you used to go to the events they threw?

    I wasn’t around at the generation they was partying at the pool hall or when they talk about the YMCA. I’m the generation right after that. Me and DJ Manny, we’re the same age—our birthdays are two days apart—but he was in the game way younger than me. I got in the game late, I wasn’t footworking as a kid, that was Manny. I was footworking when I got into my teenage years. I just got into the culture and was doing a lot of work really, really fast. I’m the one that came out of nowhere — people were like, “Who the fuck is Litebulb?”

    I remember seeing you perform at Sadler’s Wells in 2011 with DJ Rashad and DJ Spinn at the Breakin’ Convention festival, which showcased dancers from all over the world. It was thrilling to see you put the music into context. How did that experience help shape your creative path?

    When you’re doing it at 21 years old, you’re not thinking about now, 10 years later. Especially coming from the area that I came from and the part of the city that we grew up in. So to be able to go overseas, my mom and my dad were like, “You’re going where?!” They were nervous. “Chicago footwork? Hell no, this is not a thing that you go and pursue, let alone go overseas, you know what I mean? Like, who is managing this?” I’m not saying that that’s what they were asking, but I am pretty sure that went through their heads at some point. They’re not together so I’m hearing it from my momma at the crib, and from my daddy over there: “Don’t go.”

    The way the footwork scene was like, everyone don’t get that opportunity to go overseas. So to be that young and to be at that level to be considered to go over there, it was more-so like, you know, we made it. I ain’t got no other career paths, I’m going to a community college, I’m still battling heavily, I ain’t got no job so it’s like, “Damn, we’re going overseas to footwork.”

    That shit was like a dream. Of course it changed when we got over there, seeing what it was. But that was one of the greatest experiences I ever had because of the things that we were doing. That shit felt like Save The Last Dance. You know what I mean? The last party we went to, the way it looked, we ain’t been to no parties like that with all kinds of dancers. We’re battling krumpers. We’re the only ones from Chicago. At Sadler’s Wells, all of that shit was surreal the way it was happening. We’re sharing clothes though, you feel me? Everybody had on one of my t-shirts. Rashad had on my hat. That’s how real it was. From the ground up, we was doing it. That was the first time dancers ever went overseas for Chicago footworking as a group with DJs. It ain’t ever been like that. Rashad and Spinn were the only ones doing that type of shit. Just seeing what we were representing out there, it transformed how I wanted to represent myself as a footworker.

    In what kind of way?

    Damn, people look at you as this, you a figure. I’ve always looked at other people as the figures. I was a fan of Omarion, fan of Chris Brown, fan of Michael Jackson, fan of anybody getting that light without the voice, without the microphones. I can dance just as good as any of them in terms of footworking at that level. I realized that at one show that we did in Paris, it was a nightclub. A.G. hurt his ankle or something like that and he couldn’t dance. I think A.G. went once, I think Manny danced twice. I danced an entire set with Rashad and I was just up there by myself. The energy and the way the crowd was up there with me, I was like, “I can do this.”

    When you’re in the zone like that, caught in wordless dialogue with the DJ, what’s going through your head?

    That spirit. Back then especially, an uncontrollable spirit. That raw energy. It’s still like that today. It’s just more controlled now. But back then it was way more raw. I don’t even know how many times I’m gonna dance, but play that shit I wanna hear. It’s that bond, that connection. They’re going off our movement, I’m going off of what they’re playing. It’s like, “we’ve got to show these motherfuckers what Chicago about.”

    It’s an unsaid thing: we all know we’re representing the city. The culture. We know that we represent that. So when we go places, we don’t got to talk about it, we’re just like we’re gonna give these motherfuckers our best. They’re gonna see Bulb at a whole different level. It’s the only way it can be. If I give them anything less, we ain’t represent Chicago right.

    We’re just as much Chicago as any scene, any food, anything. We reverberate through the entire city. We represent that, we’re a beacon for Chicago. As much shit as they talk about the city, as much as people try to leave, Chicago footwork and what we represent, we are the city. We’re the backbone of the city, we’re the soul of the city, we’re the spirit of the city, we’re everything. People can’t get to Chicago without seeing us. We’re in the airport right now. When you fly into the airport, you’re going to see us footworking at O’Hare. That’s years of work. We’re coming for everything for Chicago because we know we’ve been overlooked.

    We know people come into our culture, do a little bit, take a little bit, leave and go right back to hip hop. People be huge hip hop fans. But there was a point in time when everyone wasn’t a hip hop fan. There was a point. There was a point when everybody wasn’t trying to hear hip hop music, everybody wasn’t trying to see that dance. There was a point. Well, we at that point right now for footworking. We’re 30 years in. People love our music but we’re just not getting the chance to spread it. You got to keep refreshing these things, just like in every other culture. But we got the chance to push our shit to a whole different level, the same way hip hop did. Bring in resources for our culture the same way hip hop did. Then collaborate with hip hip because we love hip hop. Hip hop is a part of footworking, just like it’s a part of everything. So it’s not a shot at hip hop, it’s more-so like we’re getting ours for footworking and we’re doing it for Chicago because hip hop is a New York thing. That spread everywhere. Chicago footwork is from Chicago, it was bred here, our music is homegrown, it’s for the city. I love hip hop, I love everything about it, but I’m not going to act like we don’t got our own culture and we deserve the same respect.

    Footwork has been a very independent thing. [There’s] been labels in it but there ain’t been no artists in it, artists on the microphone, they got lyrics, you know they words. We ain’t ever really had that. Hip hop got a ton of those: there’s a ton of artists that don’t dance, they just got lyrics. All we’ve got is tracks that people want to sample or use a little bit. We finna change that shit.

    On The Era’s new EP, COMBO PACK, you guys are carving out new space within Chicago footwork music by getting on the mic instead of only using samples. What was your creative process?

    We didn’t put out music for a whole two years. We had 15 to 16 songs that we didn’t finish, just ideas. It was like, let’s just focus on four, and that turned into, let’s really do it then. Let’s stay in the studio for 24 hours. We’re working too slow, let’s see what a whole day would do. [This past May and June], we had three 24-hour sessions and then I still had to go to Spinn’s crib every day to work on the shit with him. Spinn got his own shit to work with and he a father.

    You’re a dad now, too. How are you finding it?

    Having my son puts me into a different mode of really making sure that I push what I’m doing to the next level so I can make his environment even better than what it already is. It’s super fun though, I’ll tell you that. Even when I get mad or get upset, I know it’s all a part of it. So I’ll be mad for two seconds then I’m right back into dad mode: making sure I’m there when they need me, whether that’s providing or protection, making sure I’m attentive, aware.

    It’s been an interesting ride. Pushing Chicago footwork and being a father is hand-in-hand with me. Trying to juggle it all and maintain it is a real task. I’m never really up, never really down; I’m just trying to be even keel throughout it all so that I’m not over-exuding myself in any areas.

    Do you have a day job?

    This is it. My last day job was working at Food 4 Less. I got Steelo a job at Food 4 Less. We was working in the frozen department. I was the assistant frozen department manager and I got my friend Tony a job there, too. I thought that was going to be my career, too. I was running the department a little bit, and I started seeing that the people I was working for were people that listened to somebody else who listened to other people. And I was like, “I’d rather not listen to y’all because y’all don’t really know what you’re talking about. I can do what y’all talking about more effectively if I just do it my way.” I ended up getting fired. I was like, “I’m not going to let nobody get that power over me no more in terms of how I’m going to make my living. If I’m going to do footworking, I’m gonna just go 1000% in.”

    I ended up getting another job four or five years later at a baking factory when we was doing The Era. They made croissants. It was funny as hell. We was all working there [through] a temp agency. So we had points when we [did have day jobs].

    I got a pretty decent support system. Over the past few years, we’ve gotten into grant-making and performances and grant opportunities to really create the infrastructure to sustain ourselves.

    What does success mean to you?

    Success, for me, means being able to stay in a creative state. Stay in the creative state that we in currently—this is a high level and it’s only gonna get better.

    I want Chicago footwork to be perceived and loved and have the same influence as hip hop. Footwork is a global thing that everybody needs to understand, and people from Chicago need to know that it’s still here. Footwork didn’t go anywhere. That’s some real real: footwork didn’t go anywhere, you did.

    So that’s the success for me: staying in this creative state and making sure footwork [gets] its just due on all levels. Most importantly from the elder standpoint. We’ve got elders that work with us, people that taught us. I found a way to create a project around me going to lab with them and recreate a foundational move called The Ghost. It’s one of the key moves of Chicago footworking. The project’s called NEW GHOST. I worked with all the legends of footwork in the past from the Southside and the Westside to create the new move for the youth of today. Being able to recreate that move with the people that made it up was like, this is incredible. And I did it.

    Litebulb Recommends:

    I recommend watching all three Matrix movies. It’s really good when you think about the meaning behind it, especially the conversations.

    I recommend getting an early start to the day that includes some form of meditation and exercise and stretching. That shit is everything in the morning.

    I would say read Rich Dad, Poor Dad. Get them finances together, shorty.

    I recommend trying the Varold’s Special Chicken in Chicago. And yeah, I said Varold’s, not Harold’s. It’s a vegan meal in Chicago from a spot called GreenBites. Shoutout to the lady that makes the sauce.

    I like to bowl when I got time so I recommend people go try bowling but with two hands. Real fun lol

    I recommend practicing your craft daily no matter your age or point of life you may be in. It helps.

    I recommend being you at all times.

    This post was originally published on The Creative Independent.

  • Group shot of the Firesign Theatre (Philip Proctor, David Ossman, Peter Bergman and Phil Austin) performing at the Magic Mushroom, circa 1967.

    “A mighty hot dog is our lord….” The listener hears this incantation, this sacrilege, a few minutes into the Firesign Theater’s recording titled Don’t Crush That Dwarf, Hand Me the Pliers. Already, to the uninitiated, the record itself makes the curious more so, the fickle unwilling to listen further, and the stoned giggle a bit longer. What the hell is going on here? What is this time-traveling collection of witticisms, puns good and bad, and a story line that seems to be commenting on the society we live in? Even though it’s from the same time period, it’s not mere stoner humor like Cheech and Chong and it’s quite different from Richard Pryor, Dick Gregory or George Carlin. Some of the jokes don’t start to make sense until one listens to a Firesign Theater album a few times. I mean, listens to the whole album. It is, after all, a drama that demands the listener’s attention and time. You wouldn’t watch Act One of MacBeth and then leave figuring you got the idea of the play, would you?

    One similarity Firesign’s work shares with most of the other comedians I mention above is the fact of its social commentary. As Jeremy Braddock discusses in his new book, Firesign: The Electromagnetic History of Everything as Told on Nine Comedy Albums, one of the primary foci of the Firesign Theater’s comedy was the onset of authoritarianism in the United States. Various sketches were thinly veiled references to the proto-fascism of Richard Nixon’s regime, while others referred to the murder of protesting college students at Kent State and Jackson State in 1970. Their first album Waiting for the Electrician or Someone Like Him opens with a telescoped history of the European/United States colonization of the north American continent and the resulting genocide of the indigenous people already living on those lands (Temporarily Humboldt County). (By the time Don’t Crush That Dwarf, Hand Me the Pliers was released, the politics expressed had broadened, presenting an approaching dystopian techno-fascism that became the foundation of the next record I Think We’re All Bozos on this Bus. The essential message was that modern communications technology—which meant television and radio in the mid-1970s—was little more than a means to instill a common understanding of corporate USA, from the White House to the Pentagon to General Motors and Hollywood.

    Looking back at the period today, it’s clear that the rebellious satire of Firesign Theater and the aforementioned comedians, together with various underground/alternative media like certain underground comix, newspapers and segments of the so-called counterculture were making what can be considered a final stand. Despite the potential of a communications media that could challenge the dominant paradigm, big business and a compliant government was not gong to allow it. Today, the pervasive and insidious intrusion of social media, internet search engines and other such manifestations of modern communications multiplies the concerns and warnings of Firesign a million-fold. It’s not the forms of the media as much as it is who controls it. At the same time, it’s the forms of the media that allow it to be controlled in the manner that it is. To make this point, the author Braddock quotes a 1973 Firesign skit titled “The Declining Fall of the Roaming Umpire”; a skit that looks at cable television, which had just been opened up by the FCC and was quickly being bought up by corporate America. As Firesign puts it: “And now at last the wealthy and powerful can speak for all!”

    In addition to the political and cultural analysis found throughout the text, the author provides plenty of technical information. Like most recordings of the period, the work was done in analog and used very few recording tracks. Firesign’s first album was recorded using only four tracks, just like the Beatles’ Sgt. Pepper’s Lonely Hearts Club Band album. Both records stand out as recording engineering wonders, in large part because of the depth of the final product and the unconventional uses of the available equipment. Braddock does not shirk in his discussions of the technical magic used by the members of Firesign and their production team.

    In his introduction, the author tells his readers that he is “not from the Firesign Theater generation.” It was an uncle of his who turned him on to the group and the records. Let me say that as someone who is from that generation, Jeremy Braddock’s book is not just a welcome publication, it’s a significant addition to the literature of the period often called the Long Sixties. In addition, it reminded me of Firesign Theater’s comic genius. Sure, some of it is a bit puerile, some of the ethnic representations would not pass muster in today’s more conscientious world and some of the references are pretty specific to the time (especially the references to Beatles songs in the Nick Danger skit from their second album). Still, the underlying politics and the sharp sense of humor stands the test of time. This text reminds the reader of that fact. From Braddock’s discussion of the troupe’s influences and personal histories to the clever and erudite analysis of the group’s work, his exploration of the Firesign Theater is certainly well worth the wait. Porgy Tirebiter might even agree.

    The post Just Let Me Flip This Chromium Switch Here …The Comedy of Firesign Theater appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

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  • Organist and other musicians accompany gladiatorial combat. Roman mosaics, 2nd Century C. E., Zliten, Libya.

    Ridley Scott’s Gladiator II boasts plenty of convincing weaponry and legions of CGI effects that recreate the carnage of the Colosseum and the architecture, if not the vibrant color, of Ancient Rome.

    Even more amusing sport is to be had watching the parade of ahistorical fantasies pass by: from the digital sharks and mega-rhinos made to participate in the deathly games, to newspapers (paper hadn’t yet been invented) read by a toga-clad patrician in a Senate Starbucks. The face-lifts of the actors who re-upped for the sequel a quarter century on involve plastic-surgical techniques way beyond the skill-set of a Galen. The famed Roman doctor lived during the historical time of both movies, and even served as personal physician to Commodus (the evil Emperor played by Joaquin Phoenix in the first film) and accompanied Marcus Aurelius (Richard Harris) to the German frontier, which is where Gladiator began. Galen didn’t appear in the first film and doesn’t in the sequel, though a kindly medic undertakes some necessary stitching of the battered hero, Lucius (Paul Mescal), in Gladiator II. These wrinkle-and-sag-proofed countenances are modern in aspect, yet they do remind us of the vanity of the Roman ruling class.

    Hollywood has long taught us how to suspend belief, just as in Imperial America, realism is not the point.

    Nothing is more fantastical yet also crucial to cinematic success in the globalized movie market than the soundtrack. The verisimilitude of the chariot and trireme is far more important to filmmakers than the sound and sight of the Ancient Roman tuba, cornu, and hydraulis, the musical instruments that accompany gladiatorial combat in so many of the depictions that survive from Antiquity.

    In his PR-spot for the soundtrack of Gladiator II, Director Scott asserts that “music is a language” that “gives the film that added dynamic, as and when you need it.” Both the Romans and Barbarians speak English in this movie. The language of the music is equally anachronistic: Romantic—not Roman—symphonisms with select updates. As befits a would-be epic, the sonic scenery is grandiloquent, sentimental, manipulative, and excessive, the music toggling between the slily subliminal and sledgehammer obvious.

    Heavyweight Hollywood composer Hans Zimmer scored the first Gladiator in 2000 and duly received one of his many Oscar nominations. In that soundtrack, Zimmer proved his mastery at marshaling soft-focus Wagnerian motives to conjure the requisite plot and personality points. The doomed hero of that picture (Russell Crowe’s Maximus) is at pains to remind the legionnaires under his command and, later, his fellow gladiators that “what we do in life echoes in eternity.” And so, Zimmer’s score does lots of echoing—ringing and reverb being the default signifiers of portent and promise.

    Over his many decades in the movie business, Zimmer has proved himself an assiduous scorer of sequels. But he did not re-enlist for Ridley Scott’s latest sword-and-sandal campaign, claiming with supreme self-assurance that he had already, Zeus-like, “done that that world” and, in his not-so-humble estimation, “done it well.” Rome was not built in a day, but the original soundtrack didn’t take too much longer than that, maybe a few months. Gladiator was just one of four blockbusters that Zimmer scored that year. Even a less-than-discerning listener can’t help but notice that the main theme of that “world” is hardly distinguishable from that created for Pirates of the Caribbean, which came out a few years later. Zimmer’s swashbuckling symphonisms continue to prove lucratively fungible, from the sands of the Colosseum to the beaches of the Bahamas and beyond.

    But rather than risk his reputation and fail to measure up to the musical glories of the first Gladiator, Zimmer handed the baton—or perhaps papyrus scroll— over to his protégé, Harry Gregson-Williams. In Gladiator II, we see the occasional image of Maximus flashed in from the first film, and Gregson-Williams also takes that hero’s theme and deftly transforms and reclads it as the motive for his successor, Lucius.

    Gregson-Williams’s score for Gladiator II spreads to one hundred minutes—more than two-thirds of the movie’s two-and-a-half-hour running time. At his disposal are a chorus and orchestra phalanxes, each a hundred strong. From these massed forces, the composer draws misty anticipations before clangorous battles, selfless strivings, hymns to Republican ideals, woozy dreams of the Elysian fields, dark schemings, and scratchy subterfuges. Gregson-Williams is a canny musical strategist, executing his battle plan with a marketable mix of the expected and the ingenious.

    Even with the many New Age lessons learned from his mentor, Hans Zimmer, Gregson-Williams’s work is fundamentally as Romantic as so many of the scores in Hollywood’s catalog from a century soundtracks. His symphonic gestures have been carefully calibrated to make the viewer identify with the hero, despise the villain(s), feel the stirrings of love, the creeping dread of oncoming danger, and the noble demands of destiny. In the first Gladiator of 2000, Zimmer used serpentine melodic figures heard on a wooden flute to conjure the mystique of Iberia (Maximus was a Spaniard and assumed that sobriquet after being enslaved as a gladiator) and visions of the afterlife.

    Like Zimmer, Gregson-Williams loves winding, exoticized cantillations, as when the Roman fleet arrives to conquer the African kingdom of Numidia at the outset of Gladiator. But the composer is also intent to add antique flavors to his symphonic palette. He discovered Spanish instrument-maker and performer Abraham Cupeiro and his Roman horn (cornu) and Greek flute (aulos). These instruments, described as “weird and wonderful” by Gregson-Williams, give texture and punch to the orchestral score, notwithstanding unconvincing claims that these sonic elements also add a layer of period authenticity. As if to acknowledge these musical adventurers and experiments, Scott even offers us a glimpse of some Roman street musicians doing some period piping as we follow our hero on the way to the amphitheater.

    What is never heard in either Gladiator is the real instrument of the Colosseum: the organ. Scott fills the Colosseum with water for a thrilling naval clash, but his historical advisers didn’t add the vital water-organ—the authentic sound of the so-called games.

    This mighty noisemaker and musical marvel had been invented in the 3rd century B.C.E. by the Alexandrian engineer Ctesibius. He devised a system in which a cistern filled with water was used to equalize the pressure of the wind supplied to the pipes by pumping two cylinders. This strong and steady wind pressure helped produce high decibels from the hydraulis (water-organ). Most of the forty or so surviving images from Antiquity place the instrument alongside gladiatorial combat. In the Satyricon by Petronius, the confidant of Nero, a slave seen carving meat at a party, is likened to “a gladiator in a chariot fighting to the accompaniment of a water-organ.”

    The evil emperor from the first Gladiator film, Commodus, was known to be an organist, but none was more obsessed with the instrument than Nero, as Harry Morgan details in a recent article in the Classical Quarterly. One account describes how the Emperor, having hastened back to Rome to deal with a major slave revolt, “suddenly summoned the foremost senators and equestrians as a matter of urgency, as if to make some communication to them regarding the present situation, and then said to them (I quote his exact words): ‘I have discovered a way by which the water-organ will produce louder and more tuneful music.’”

    Unlike horn or trumpet players, the hydraulis would not crack or waver. The near-miraculous machine could always outlast human breath, so long as slaves were pumping the cylinders and an adept organist, like Nero, operated the pipes. A multi-instrumentalist on aulos, lyre, and organ, Nero fancied himself not just a fabulous performer but a technical innovator, eager to make the hydraulis more impressive to the plebes in the circus and the amphitheater. Nero piped not just because of his artistic mania but for political purposes.

    The water-organ was loved by the masses and obsessed over by more than one power-hungry Roman emperor. With what for Hollywood would be a mere modicum of license, Gladiator II could have let loose the crazed and musically adept emperor Caracalla (played by Joseph Quinn) to vamp on a fabulous reconstruction of the hydraulis as men slaughtered each other on the sand below in a scene to rival, indeed surpass, Disney’s 20,000 Leagues under the Sea with James Mason as a Captain Nemo playing not a water-organ, but an underwater-organ.

    Mozart called the organ the Queen of Instruments; now, it’s thought of as the King. If the aged Scott or some future Hollywood Centurion mounts a third Gladiator, let that film help the organ regain, at long last, its throne as Emperor of Instruments.

     

    The post Concert in the Colosseum: Grappling with the Soundtrack of Gladiator II appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

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  • This is the third part in a series about riding night trains across Europe and the Near East to Armenia — to spend some time in worlds beyond the pathological obsessions of President-elect Donald Trump. (This week he is thinking of nominating family footman and green-room anarchist Kashyap “Kash”Patel to serve as director of the FBI.)

    Mary Vetsera, the doomed lover of Rudolf, Crown Prince of Austria, who in 1889 shot her and then himself at his hunting lodge in Mayerling, in the woods outside Vienna. Photo of a museum photo by Matthew Stevenson.

    My plan for Monday was to read newspapers in the Cafe Bräunerhof and bike to the royal hunting lodge in Mayerling. There in January 1889, the Habsburg crown prince Rudolph killed his lover, Mary Vetsera, and then himself in a murder-suicide that might well have brought down the house of the Habsburgs—if not imperial Europe.

    In many ways, neither his parents, Emperor Franz-Josef and Empress Elisabeth, nor Austria-Hungary ever recovered from the tragedy, and at the end of World War I the empire was no more. But in all my time in Vienna, I had never visited the scene of the crime, which is about thirty miles from the Ringstrasse.

    The emotionally erratic Rudolph had used the lodge to hunt in the surrounding Vienna Woods, and it was there that he decided to shock his imperial world. In many ways Rudolph’s life was one long suicide note, but in his last he wrote, I do not die willingly, but I must do so to save my honor.”

    * * *

    As I had the full day, I thought that I might ride the thirty miles from Vienna to Mayerling, but in the end I caught a local train from Meidling to Baden and started my bike ride there.

    I thought that I had been to Baden during my student days, but nothing looked familiar as I biked from the station through the small (but pleasant) tourist town that does a brisk business in those “taking the waters”.

    The GPS on my handlebars wasn’t always connecting to the satellites, so on a few wrong turns I ended up in spa parking lots, which had the heavy scent of sulphur.

    Eventually I found the road headed west of town in the general direction Heiligenkreuz, where in the great cover-up that followed the Mayerling deaths, Mary was buried hastily in a community graveyard, to keep the press from asking too many questions about her death at the hands of the crown prince.

    * * *

    It took me about an hour to ride to Heiligenkreuz, which was pretty much up a long incline from Baden. At one point I tired of the traffic on the main road and veered off onto some agricultural lanes, which in turn dumped me into a forest.

    I recovered my bearings and rode into Heiligenkreuz, where in the town center there is an impressive Cistercian Abbey, complete with tickets, tours, and a gift shop.

    For a while I thought that perhaps Habsburg imperial handlers had disposed of Mary’s body in the abbey’s small cemetery, but when I didn’t find her grave there, I asked one of the monks if he could direct me. He explained that the community cemetery was about a mile away, up another steep hill and down a small lane. Clearly, even today, the imperial embarrassment that was Mary Vetsera isn’t easy to find.

    When you consider that the murder-suicide took place in 1889 and that the Habsburg empire collapsed in 1918, it’s impressive that Mayerling retains such a strong attachment to so many emotions.

    I have read numerous accounts of the killings—one of the best being Frederic Morton’s A Nervous Splendor: Vienna 1888-1889—and there are many films devoted to the tragedy.

    The French actor Charles Boyer starred in a 1936 version, and then in 1957 Audrey Hepburn played the doomed role of Mary Vetsera (Hepburn was over Mary’s pay grade), although the directors spared viewers the grisly head shot and only showed Mel Ferrer (as Crown Prince Rudolph) grasping for her lifeless hand.

    In 1968, Omar Sharif and Catherine Deneuve took to the silver screen as the doomed couple, and in between there have been ballets, plays, operas, paintings, and made-for-TV specials.

     The attraction is the death spiral of someone set to inherit, on the death of his father, Emperor Franz Josef, the following titles:

    His Imperial and Royal Apostolic Majesty

    By the Grace of God Emperor of Austria

    King of Hungary and Bohemia, of Dalmatia, Croatia, Slavonia, Galicia, Lodomeria and Illyria;

    King of Jerusalem, Archduke of Austria, Grand Duke of Tuscany and Cracow, Duke of Lorraine, of Salzburg, Styria, Carinthia, arniola and Bukovina;

    Grand Prince of Transylvania, Margrave of Moravia;

    Duke of Upper and Lower Silesia, of Modena, Parma, Piacenza and Guastalla, ofAuschwitz and Sator, of Teschen, Friuli, Ragusa and Zara, Princely Count of Habsburg and Tyrol, of   Kyburg, Gorizia and Gradisca;

    Prince of Trento and Brixen;

    Margrave of Upper and Lower Lusatia and Istria;

    Count of Hohenembs, Feldkirch, Bregenz, Sonnenberg, etc., Lord of Trieste, of Cattaro and above the County of Windisch Grand Voivode in the Voivodina of Serbia

    * * *

    To remind myself of the story’s detail, I had on my Kindle Greg King’s and Penny Wilson’s Twilight of Empire: The Tragedy at Mayerling and the End of the Habsburgs, which was published in 2017.

    The book examines a number of competing conspiracy theories (that Mary was pregnant when she died or that the German Chancellor Bismarck had the pro-Hungarian Rudolph killed), but mostly it is a fast-paced retelling of the events leading up to the fateful night when Rudolph first killed his lover Mary and then waited a number of hours beside her lifeless body to fulfill his end of the murder-suicide bargain.

    As with other accounts, there’s a sense of doom—over Rudolph and Austro-Hungary—that is present in the book from its first pages, when the authors write: “The fall of the Holy Roman Empire in 1806 left the Habsburgs as emperors of Austria and kings of Hungary, Lombardy, and Venice, a motley collection of lands artificially united beneath the yellow-and-black imperial banner and held together by the most fragile of political threads.”

    Crown Prince Rudolph was the only son (he had a sister, Marie Valerie) of the unhappy marriage between the dour Emperor Franz-Josef I and his erratic, beautiful wife, Empress Elisabeth, often referred to as Sisi, who was the Princess Diana of her day (meaning, that she was glamorous, in the news, self-absorbed, and a wanderer).

    Franz-Josef lived for shuffling imperial diktats at his desk and hunting, which he did in the company of other European monarchs. King and Wilson write: “Franz Josef lived in self-imposed isolation. Aside from shooting he had no real interests, dismissing most art, music, and literature as wastes of time.”

    After some time in the marriage, Franz-Josef saw little of his wife who often stayed in other imperial palaces (notably Miramar in Trieste, where she could walk by the sea), but he was devoted to his mistress, Katharina Schratt, an actress with whom his royal majesty first became smitten on stage.

    The imperial myth claims that their relationship was never consummated (which casts the emperor as a gentleman of the first rank), although King and Wilson quote another historian, Joan Haslip, who wrote: One is inclined to doubt whether it was always so platonic.”

    * * *

    With his parents lost in their worlds of imperial solipsism, Rudolph grew up in the care of servants who indulged his every wish. From his father, he inherited a sense of royal entitlement, and from his mother a form of wayward narcissism, which together played themselves out in an endless series of love affairs even after he was married (to Princess Stéphanie of Belgium) and a lack of direction that made him endlessly question his own worth.

    At birth he was the titular head of an Austrian regiment, and his education followed the playbook of European crown princes, with lots of Latin, prayers, and guns. That said, he grew up something of a rebel within the cold royal household. King and Wilson write:

    Rudolf declared that he had no sympathy whatever for the influence of the Church on the State,” and detested all tendencies toward Church influence. I would much rather send my children to a school whose master is a Jew than to one whose headmaster is a clergyman.”

    For someone growing up to take over the leadership of Catholic Austria, this was heresy, as was his advocacy within the hodgepodge empire of liberal reform and nationalistic expression. He also rebelled against his father by taking the Hungarian side in the endless disputes of the dual monarchy, and he had little time for Prussia’s militarism. King and Wilson write:

    Yet the suggestion that Rudolf was murdered for political reasons has become fashionable in conspiratorial circles, and the finger of suspicion has long pointed toward Berlin and German chancellor Otto von Bismarck. This isnt surprising: Rudolfs antagonism toward Prussia was scarcely a secret. Like many Austrians, he despised Prussian aggression, growing militarism, and its humiliating usurpation of previous Habsburg dominance over European Germans. Germany needs this alliance more than we do,” Rudolf once wrote to Szeps. Bismarcks goal, he believed, was to isolate Austria more and more from all other powers and make it dependent upon German help.” Bismarck, for his part, made no secret of the fact that he feared Rudolfs eventual accession to the Habsburg throne. Although he praised the crown princes mental powers and the maturity of his opinions and conceptions” to an Austrian official, privately he expressed concern over Rudolfs close connections with literati and journalists,” adding that if the Crown Prince continues in this way it must fill us with apprehension for the future.”

    Rudolph had the look of a future leader who might well bring down the house.

    * * *

    In the end what might well have doomed Rudolph is that he lacked a purpose in his life (as well it might be said of his father, even though he had an empire to run) other than to sleep with women and go shooting.

    King and Wilson write: “If, as seems likely, Rudolf not only threw in his lot with the rebels in Budapest but also asked for an annulment—an unthinkable action for the future emperor of Austria-Hungary and crown prince of the proudly Catholic Habsburg dynasty—it only underlines just how unstable his thinking had become.”

    Rudolf’s 1881 marriage to Princess Stéphanie produced a daughter, but then came to a grinding halt in 1886 when he infected his wife with gonorrhea, and he himself displayed many erratic mental symptoms of syphilis (an occupational hazard in some royal circles).

    As the Austrian crown prince, he never lacked for women with whom to share champagne, but as his life began its spiraling decent he sought not just a lover but someone vulnerable who might join him on a one-way carriage ride to eternity.

    The post A Great Trump Escape on Night Trains to Armenia: To Mayerling appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • Photograph of choreographer Clarence Yates rehearsing a musical sequence with Olive Stanton for the Federal Theatre Project production of The Cradle Will Rock, as other cast members look on. Photo: Library of Congress.

    In award-winning historian James Shapiro’s excellent book, The Playbook: A Story of Theater, Democracy, and the Making of a Culture War, he makes the case for how the twenty-first century’s culture wars follow a playbook established during the culture wars of the twentieth century. To illustrate his argument, Shapiro directs a spotlight on the Federal Theatre Project (FTP), one of five arts-related Federal One Projects formed within the Works Progress Administration (WPA).

    Set up to help the nation recover from the Great Depression by President Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s Executive Order 7034 on May 6, 1935, the Federal One projects that supported the arts are generally viewed as a golden period in our nation’s cultural history. Under the WPA, arts were made accessible through presentations of dance, theater, and music performances, visual artworks, literary publications, and classes in all forms of performing, visual, and literary arts. These New Deal arts programs made it possible for many of the most iconic American artists of the 20th century to fulfill their promise, besides starting others on their careers.

    The Federal Theatre Project (FTP) was instituted to create a national theater, by employing theater workers on public relief, and having them create live performing arts events throughout the nation. The high unemployment rate among theater workers had occurred because the film industry shifted from silent to sound technology. Theaters suffered, causing many to close or significantly reduce the number of presentations in a season.

    At one point, during the Federal Theatre Project’s existence, from 1935 to 1939, it employed 12,700 people. FTP job titles encompassed actors, writers, directors, designers, theater musicians, dancers, technicians, box office staff, ushers, maintenance workers, and the accounting and secretarial force necessary to support around sixty thousand performances.

    The majority of these performances were free and seen by thirty million people (close to one out of four Americans). They took place in streets, parks, schools, baseball fields, and theaters, produced by various units within the project, including African American, Italian, Spanish, Yiddish, French, and German units. New York City, Boston, and California were the most active centers:  New York City had a payroll of 5,000 people early in its history and thirty-one producing units; Boston had thirty-three producing units; California’s thirty-two units employed 1650 people. 900 plays by Shakespeare, Chekhov, George Bernard Shaw, T.S. Eliot, Eugene O’Neill, and other classical and modern playwrights of American and international renown were presented, besides puppet theater, group improvisations, dance, vaudeville, and circus events. (A young Burt Lancaster was documented in photographs performing as an aerialist and on parallel bars in the FTP’s Circus Unit.)  New works were encouraged, including one 1937 Detroit performance at a Jewish Community Center of They Too Rise by Arthur Miller, then an unknown playwright. A rewrite of his first play, it was described as “an unbearably dull play” in one play reader’s report. Nevertheless, Miller remained with the FTP until it ended, writing radio plays and scripts. The Living Newspaper Unit, in an alliance with journalists in the Newspaper Guild, provided another source for new plays. Since Living Newspaper plays dramatized current events, addressing such issues as public health, slum housing, sweatshops, and the rising threat of fascism, this particular FTP unit was to become a popular scapegoat of Congressional conservatives.

    A young theater professor, Hallie Flanagan, appointed the National Director of the FTP, wrote from Nebraska in 1936: “Our actors…found that 90 percent of their audience had never seen a play and could not believe that the actors were not moving pictures. After each performance they would wait in the doorway to see ‘whether the people are real.’”  Studs Terkel, one of the great artists whose career was nurtured by the WPA, reminisced about the FTP: “It proved that there is a hunger for good, alive, pregnant theater in this country, no matter where it is performed.”

    One of the most famous FTP productions, to which Shapiro gives considerable focus, is New York’s Negro Theatre Unit’s 1936 production of Shakespeare’s Macbeth at the Lafayette Theatre in Harlem. Reset in a Haitian jungle and known as the “Voodoo Macbeth,” it was produced by John Houseman, employed an all-Black cast of 150 actors, dancers and musicians, was directed by a twenty-year-old wunderkind, Orson Welles, with choreography and drumming by Sierra Leone born Asadata Dafora, a highly regarded dancer and musician of that time. After Macbeth had a sold-out ten-week run in Harlem, it moved to Broadway for a brief run and then toured the country in WPA-sponsored performances. Although Richard Wright, active in the Chicago unit of the Federal Writers’ Project, advocated for Black plays that “create a Negro theatre literature and at the same time create and organize an audience for itself,” he saw some progress in the New York production of Macbeth, commenting that: “‘The long evolution of the Negro actor from the clowning minstrel type to Edna Thomas’ lofty portrayal of Lady Macbeth represents a span of years crowded with abortive efforts.’ As such, Macbeth, in which ‘talent long stifled rose to the surface and compelled public attention. . . presented a compromise,’ providing ‘Negro actors a wide scope for their talent’ while dealing ‘with a theme which was acceptable to a white theatre-going audience.’ (76)” In a 1982 BBC interview, Welles said, “By all odds my great success in my life was that play.”

    Another famous FTP performance project Shapiro features is the staging of Sinclair Lewis’s 1935 best-selling novel, It Can’t Happen Here, about the rise of a fascist dictatorship in America. Adapted by Lewis with John C. Moffitt, twenty-one productions were viewed by over half a million people from its opening “in eighteen cities on the evening of October 27, 1936. (102)” “In the Yiddish production in New York, seen by over 25,000 playgoers in all, the future film director Sidney Lumet played young David [Greenhill, a character seduced by the propaganda of the Minuet Men, a private militia similar to the SS and SA in Hitler’s Germany], and several playgoers, perhaps refugees from Nazi persecution, fainted during the concentration camp scene (103).”  By the end of its run, nearly 500,000 people had seen a production of It Can’t Happen Here. Hallie Flanagan described the play’s mixed critical reception: “There were stories and editorials for and against from one end of the country to another. Some people thought the play was designed to re-elect Mr. Roosevelt; others thought it was planned in order to defeat him. Some thought it proved Federal Theatre was communistic; others that it was New Deal; others that it was subconsciously fascist. (96) Sinclair Lewis stated “It is propaganda for an American system of Democracy. Very definitely propaganda for that. (96)”

    In 1938, Congress appointed Representative Martin Dies, a Republican from East Texas, as Chairman of the Committee to Investigate Un-American Activities, later renamed the Committee on Un-American Activities. Popularly known as the Dies Committee, their task was to investigate if Communist Party members or sympathizers had infiltrated New Deal programs. Although basically created by Dies to provide a forum to heighten his own profile and power, he pioneered the right-wing political playbook now called “culture wars.” Even then, a surprising three-quarters of the American public supported the Dies Committee’s investigation of the WPA and their debate about “the place of theater in American democracy (242).”  When the committee found that un-American Communist activities existed within WPA meetings and activities, Representative John Martin of Colorado denounced their report, saying, “This committee is having the effect of identifying in the public mind New Dealism, liberalism, and labor, with radicalism and Communism…If it keeps on, it will dig more graves for Democrats than for Communists.” (248).

    Shapiro writes that what “…conservative commentator Jeane J. Kirkpatrick later said about Senator Joseph McCarthy’s war on Communism was even more true of Dies’s battle with Flanagan: McCarthyism was not so much about Communism as it was a struggle for ‘jurisdiction over the symbolic environment….What was at issue was who would serve as the arbiter of culture and whose narrative would prevail. (238)”

    In the 1930s, the anti-arts focus centered around cutting funding for the WPA’s Federal Theatre Program. By June 1939, it was the first and only WPA project whose funding was eliminated. All appropriations for other WPA activities were cut by 1943, mainly due to US engagement in World War II, besides the efforts of Dies’ Committee on Un-American Activities. Our nation has never been able to replicate the WPA programs’ expansive vision in support of the arts.

    The National Endowment for the Arts (NEA), established in 1965 during the Johnson administration along with the National Endowment for the Humanities, became the nation’s successor to the WPA’s arts programs. Learning from the WPA’s administrative history, NEA administrators recognized that offering Federal Theatre projects in just twenty-seven states was a weakness to avoid, as the more states their programs touched, the more likely it would be that their Congressional representatives would defend funding these programs. Although, over the years, conservative Congressional attacks slashed the NEA’s budget to a fraction of its original size, starting in 1981 with the Ronald Reagan administration (266), this strategy has helped the NEA continue to exist as a line item in every federal budget.

    However, motivated by both extreme right grassroots and political agendas, the arts have continued to be the first culture wars’ scapegoat. The 1990s was an especially virulent time, when the bugaboo was the NEA’s funding to individual visual artists. Citing their themes of sexuality, gender, subjugation, and personal trauma, Congress ruled that some artists’ works were criminally obscene. The Congressional campaign to cut certain individuals’ grants also extended to cutting funding of museums that exhibited their works. Four solo performance artists–Karen Finley, John Fleck, Holly Hughes, and Tim Miller–sued the NEA and its chair, John Frohnmayer, for violating their constitutional right to freedom of expression. Although the four artists won a partial out-of-court settlement, Congress stopped the NEA’s funding of individual artist programs. The four performance artists continued their legal challenges when Congress amended the federal funding statute for the arts with a “decency clause.”  In 1998, the Supreme Court ruled that the language of the “decency clause” was “advisory” rather than “obligatory.”

    In the 2020s, writers, teachers, and librarians are being targeted through book bans, focusing on removing from the curriculum or library shelves any books considered “sexually explicit,” containing “offensive language,” or material “unsuited to any age group,” such as books with LBGTQ+ characters and people of color, and those presenting the factual history of slavery, Reconstruction, the Jim Crow era, or the WW II Holocaust. The 2021 Virginia gubernatorial candidate, Glenn Youngkin, featured banning Nobel prize winning author Toni Morrison’s novel Beloved from school curriculums as a central talking point of his successful campaign. Although students and teachers have waged protests and publishers and librarians have filed lawsuits to defend their First Amendment rights, by 2023, 4,240 unique titles were prohibited nationwide. Libraries that shelved these titles have received bomb threats, and librarians, parents, teachers, and school board members have been doxed, threatened, and even sued or fired for challenging these bans.

    Shapiro closes his book with cautionary examples of how, in recent years, theater has again become a hot-button issue. School districts across the country have canceled high school productions of plays, such as The Crucible by Arthur Miller in Fulton, Missouri, after community complaints about theater encouraging “immoral behavior”; August Wilson’s Fences, in Iowa, for not including white characters; The Laramie Project, in Texas, for its subject of the 1998 murder of a gay student in Wyoming. Florida’s 2023 Parental Rights in Education Act demands the removal of any material concerned with gender identity and sexual orientation from classrooms. Even readings of some Shakespeare plays, long a standard subject of College Board exams, have been censored: A Midsummer Night’s Dream is completely banned in Florida’s middle school classrooms and only excerpted scenes from Romeo and Juliet are allowed to be taught. The plays are not even permitted to be shelved in Florida’s school libraries (268).PEN America reported that during the 2023 to 2024 school year,  more than 10,000 books were banned in U.S. public schools. This tally is nearly triple the amount from the previous year, although the actual number of books banned is higher than those reported. []

    Conservatives’ treatment of the arts is a harbinger of their attitudes toward other aspects of American life. The Dies Committee’s 124-page official report to Congress caused the termination of the Federal Theatre Project funding in 1939, although the FTP was barely mentioned in their report (248). Flash forward to the conservative think-tank, the Heritage Foundation, funded by Gulf Oil, which has tried to eliminate the NEA for many years, issuing “Ten Good Reasons to Eliminate Funding for the National Endowment for the Arts” in 1997.  This review mentions right-wing tactics to ban books and plays during the Biden administration years. Were the arts culture wars waged in some part to prepare the nation for instigation of the policies proposed during the 2024 Trump/Vance campaign and those goals discussed in the Heritage Foundation’s Project 2025, an agenda prepared in partnership with 140 former Trump administration staffers? It includes: raids and mass deportations in immigrant communities; targeting of protestors and journalists who question Federal law enforcement practices; criminalization of standard voting processes; censorship of school curriculums with warnings that infringements will result in cuts in federal funding if discussions of race, gender, and our nation’s historical practices of systemic oppression are presented; and mass firings and even incarceration of bureaucratic, political and judicial adversaries. By reminding people that these tactics have a long history, The Playbook is right on time, confirming the maxim, frequently invoked by both Republicans and Democrats, that liberty must constantly be fought for and defended by each generation. Shapiro’s 69-page bibliographical essay documenting his research offers readers sources to go deeper into the culture war stories he explores in his book–of idealistic dreams to make the arts accessible to all Americans juxtaposed with the often-successful strategies to stop these efforts.

    The right wing comes for the arts first, the most vulnerable of American institutions. Then they go on the prowl for other targets.

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