Category: Culture

  • View of the ceiling paintings in the Sala del Consiglio dei Dieci, partially by Paolo Veronese, 1554-1556 (Palazzo Ducale, Venice).

    Sometimes one’s best ideas are simple. At the end of the twentieth century, I spent the academic year in residence as a Getty Scholar in Los Angeles, writing about the art museum. I read in the vast literature the memoirs of curators and directors, the histories of various institutions, and also the theory-heavy accounts of academics. And I had the privilege of walking every working day through the Getty Museum, and so I got to know the collection. With so much right at hand to read and see, it’s no wonder that it took me a while to orient myself.

    The histories explain that the European art museums were created by moving artistic masterpieces from their original sites, churches, into these public sites. Hence the link of this institution with modernism and the French Revolution, 1789, which turned the king’s palace into a public art museum. (That, at any rate is a useful generalization.) And this movement also led to the birth of art history, which orders and interprets the collections of the public museums. (That is another useful generalization.) When an altarpiece is moved from a church to the gallery, that same object is viewed differently. Viewers no longer come to pray. Now they study the artwork, setting it in art’s history. And so the very same object is understood very differently. What may seem obvious is that so long as the physical object is preserved, so that the same artifact that was in the church is put in the museum, that the artwork has been preserved. However, starting in the late eighteenth-century and continuing more recently a great many ‘museum skeptics’ have denied that conclusion. The object, they allow, is preserved, but the sacred altarpiece is not. In arguing that we cannot understand artworks without taking into account their settings, these theorists thus are skeptical about the survival of art in this move. To put their claim in a phrase: In the museum, the altarpiece has become a work of art, a subject for art historical study.

    In my reading, I discovered that there were many museum skeptics. And I was surprised that there was no systematic critical analysis of this position. Some museum skeptics were leftist critics of the art market, while others were conservative critics of secular modernism. The name ‘museum skepticism’, which was my invention, was meant to underline the philosophical implications of this analysis. As epistemological skepticism questions our claims to have knowledge, and moral skepticism the grounds of our morality, so museum skepticism denies that art is preserved in these institutions. Philosophers have a great deal to say about skepticism. And so, when I worked out this analysis, what most surprised me was that no one had developed such a discussion. My Museum Skepticism: A History of the Display of Art in Public Galleries (2006) fully develops an analysis. At that stage, I was only interested in the very general effect of art museum settings. Then I realized that I needed to say more about the various diverse settings of artworks. I needed, first, to consider the unusual setting of the historic center of Naples. (See my In Caravaggio’s Shadow: Naples as a Work of Art (2025). And still more recently, I have discussed Venice as a site for old master art.

    Many commentators note that you cannot understand Venetian art, without talking into account its highly distinctive setting. In 1971 in his survey of sixteenth century Italian painting S. J. Freedberg said:

    Nature combined with the work of man to enhance the fascination of the sensuous world. The atmosphere of the sea-borne city heightens the existence of seen things. Color is deepened on the damp-saturated air and sharpened by the sea-reflected light, which also may make complicating interactions among colors. The air has an apparent texture which it lends to surfaces perceived through it, and the atmosphere accentuates the sensuous skin of substance.

    The situation of painting of this period in land-locked Florence and Rome was very different.

    In his more recent account, similarly, developing that idea in more detail, Paul Hills writes:

    To the Venetian patrician, the lapping of water at the walls of his palace placed his domicile in touch with the keel’s way, and reminded him of the sea-borne traffic that was carried to and fro over the horizon, moving between the visible and the out-of- sight.

    In his account of Venetian painting, John Steer noted, the distinctive features of the art are presented in the very way it depicts its subjects:

    The painters of Venice only rarely illustrated their city, and when they did they tended to seize on its permanent characteristics rather than its flux; but its unique visual qualities entered into their whole way of seeing and, fused with the decorative traditions inherited from Byzantium, determined the direction which Venetian painting took.

    And Daniel Savoy, focusing on the entry into Venice, has observed:

    the builders of medieval and early modern Venice devised a series of water-oriented urbanistic practices to shape the visual and metaphoric image of their city from the open waterway of the lagoon to the narrow canals of the island proper.

    Although these scholars offer quite diverse perspectives, they do agree about the need to understand Venice’s site. Entering Florence or Rome is a very different experience. Anyone who visits Venice, even if only briefly, is aware of these essential features of its site.

    I was (and am) interested in understanding museum skepticism for two different reasons. I thought it important to consider why the public art museum faces this inherent problem. Too often, critical discussion focuses on just sociological issues or the important political concerns. And I thought that this was an excellent way to link museum studies to more general philosophical concerns. Philosophy, as I understand it, is centrally concerned with skepticism: epistemology with Cartesian skepticism about knowledge; ethics with skepticism about reasoning for right actions; and so on. (I build upon ways of thinking associated with my teacher, the Columbia University philosopher Arthur Danto.) It’s highly worthwhile, I think, to understand what specifically philosophical problems art museums raise. And because the arguments about museum skepticism are structured like those other familiar skeptical questions, we can imagine in advance how debate should proceed.

    Museum skepticism is a general analysis the significance of whose claims need still to be understood. Should we be skeptical about the powers of museums to preserve older artworks? The answer to that question is unclear. Descartes thought that his skeptical epistemology made knowledge more secure. But other philosophers disagree. Here, however, I want to turn discussion of the implications of museum skepticism in a different direction Without offering a general conclusion about the plausibility of museum skepticism, let’s consider what this focus on the original site of artworks tells us about the art of Venice. Founded in 826, the Venetian Republic survived (and prospered) until 1797, when it was destroyed by Napoleon. The goal of philosophical aesthetics, as I understand it, should be to understand the relation of Venetian painting to this setting. And so here I offer a very tentative sketch of such an analysis.

    When art historians discuss French Impressionism, they are interested in how these painters depict their subject, contemporary urban and rural life. It’s important to observe what is literally left out of the picture. You need to discuss gender, politics and class struggle to understand these paintings. But none of our four writers are centrally interested in the ways that painters depicted the highly distinctive Venetian cityscape. Not until we get to the eighteenth-century masterworks of Canaletto and Guardi do major artists generally focus on that site. (There are some exceptions to this generalization: the narrative cityscapes of Giovanni Bellini and Carpaccio treat the city as a stage setting.) What does concern them, however, is how Venice did influence the ways of visual thinking found in painting produced there. The ever changing reflections created in the lagoons, the dematerialization of sold forms in the canal waters and the ripples produced by the constant boat traffic affect everyday experience. And as Jean-Paul Sartre notes in a marvelously mischievous essay, looking across the city baffles anyone accustomed to mainland reality,

    Those princely houses opposite are rising out of the water, are they not? It’s impossible for them to be floating — houses don’t float — or for them to be resting on the lagoon: it would sink under their weight. Or for them to be weightless: you can see they are built of brick, stone and wood, .You cannot but feel them emerging.

    Sartre’s “Venice from my window” describes how from an upper floor window, we normally expect to see the buildings in the distance, within obvious walking distance. But in Venice typically such expectations are foiled. To go across the Grand Canal, for example, we need to walk to one of the three bridges, or take a boat across. And when looking at the water in the canals, we see the buildings dematerialized, transfigured into mirrored surfaces, broken by the ripples in the canals. Venice, in short, is an extended exercise in perceptual defamiliarization. Looking around is like experiencing an exotic pictorial space—it is like seeing an artwork as has of course so often been said.

    In different, not incompatible ways all of these four scholars indicate how the very special site of the art on the lagoon heavily influences experience. Venetian painting is made in that special visual setting, where it was intended to be displayed. And that means, following our account of museum skepticism, that we need to ask how that specific setting enters into understanding these pictures. But that’s the subject for another, future essay, in which I will take up some accounts of that important concern.

    Note:

    Museum Skepticism: A History of the Display of Art in Public Galleries. S,J, Freedberg, Painting in Italy, 1500-1600; Paul Hills, Venetian Colour; John Steer, Venetian Painting: A Concise History; and Daniel Savoy, Venice from the Water: Architecture and Myth in an Early Modern City. And Jean-Paul Sartre, Venice and Rome.

    The post Museum Skepticism Revisited: the Lessons of Venice appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • REVIEW: By Sam Rillstone, RNZ News

    Disney has returned to Motunui with Moana 2, a sequel to the 2016 hit Moana. But have they been able to recapture the magic?

    This time, the story sees Moana (voiced by Auli’i Cravalho) setting out from her home island once again to try reconnect with the lost people of the ocean.

    With the help of an unlikely crew and demigod Maui (Dwayne Johnson), she must reckon with an angry god and find a way to free a cursed island.

    The first film was co-directed by John Musker and Ron Clements, two legendary writer directors from such fame as The Little Mermaid, Aladdin, Hercules, Treasure Planet and The Princess and the Frog.

    They haven’t returned for the sequel, which is co-directed by David Derrick Jr, Jason Hand and Dana Ledoux Miller.

    Moana 2 actually began as a Disney+ series before being retooled into a film earlier this year. While it moves the story of the world and the characters forward, the film feels like a slapstick and half-baked reworked TV show.

    Moana 2.     RNZ Reviews

    Thankfully, Auli’i Cravalho is still great as Moana; the vibrance and expression of her voice is wonderful. And it really is a movie centred mostly around her, which is a strength.

    Two-dimensional crew
    However, that also means that Moana’s little crew of friends are two-dimensional and not needed other than for a little inspiration here and there. Even Dwayne Johnson’s Maui feels a little less colourful this time around and a bit more of a plot device than actual character.

    There is also a half-baked villain plot, with the character not really present and another who feels undercooked. It’s not until a small mid-credits scene where we get something of a hint, as well as what’s to come in a potential sequel film or series.

    While Cravalho’s singing is lovely, unfortunately the songs of Moana 2 are not as memorable or catchy. And it certainly doesn’t help that Dwayne Johnson cannot sing or rap to save himself.

    It’s wonderful to have a Pacific Island-centric story, and it’s got some great cultural representation, but Moana 2 could have been so much better.

    While I’m obviously not the target audience, I really enjoyed the first one and I believe kids deserve good, smart movies. If there’s going to be another one, I hope they make it worth it.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Asia Pacific Report

    Palestinian diaspora poets, singers and musicians gathered today with solidarity partners from Aotearoa New Zealand, African nations — including South Africa — in a vibrant celebration.

    The celebration marked the UN International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People and similar events have been happening around New Zealand today, across the world and over the weekend.

    Images by David Robie of Asia Pacific Report.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • COMMENTARY: By Gavin Ellis

    “Flashpoint” in a foreign news story usually brings to mind the Middle East or the border between North and South Korea. It is not a term usually associated with New Zealand but last week it was there in headline type.

    News outlets around the world carried reports of the Hīkoi and protests against Act’s Treaty Principles Bill, with the overwhelming majority characterising the events as a serious deterioration in this country’s race relations.

    The Associated Press report carried the headline “New Zealand’s founding treaty is at a flashpoint: Why are thousands protesting for Māori rights?”. That headline was replicated by press and broadcasting outlets across America, by Yahoo, by MSN, by X, by Voice of America, and by news organisations in Asia and Europe.

    Reuters’ story on the hikoi carried the headline: “Tens of thousands rally at New Zealand parliament against bill to alter indigenous rights”. That report also went around the world.

    So, too, did the BBC, which reaches 300 million households worldwide: “Thousands flock to NZ capital in huge Māori protest”.

    The Daily Mail’s website is given to headlines as long as one of Tolstoy’s novels and told the story in large type: “Tens of thousands of Māori protesters march in one of New Zealand’s biggest ever demonstrations over proposed bill that will strip them of ‘special rights’”. The Economist put it more succinctly: “Racial tensions boil over in New Zealand”.

    In the majority of cases, the story itself made clear the Bill would not proceed into law but how many will recall more than the headline?

    An even bleaker view
    Readers of The New York Times were given an even bleaker view of this country by their Seoul-based reporter Yan Zhuang. He characterised New Zealand as a country that “veers sharply right”, electing a government that has undone the “compassionate, progressive politics” of Jacinda Ardern, who had been “a global symbol of anti-Trump liberalism”.

    Critiquing the current government, The Times story stated: “In a country that has been celebrated for elevating the status of Māori, its indigenous people, it has challenged their rights and prominence of their culture and language in public life, driving a wedge into New Zealand society and setting off waves of protests.”

    Christopher Luxon may have judged “limited” support for David Seymour’s highly divisive proposed legislation as a worthwhile price to pay for the numbers to give him a grip on power. For his part, Seymour may have seen the Bill as a way to play to his supporters and hopefully add to their number.

    Did either man, however, consider the effect that one of the most cynical political ploys of recent times — giving oxygen to a proposal that has not a hope in hell of passing into law — would have on this country’s international reputation?

    Last week’s international coverage did not do the damage. Those outlets were simply reporting what they observed happening here. If some of the language — “flashpoint” and “boiling over” — look emotive, how else should 42,000 people converging on the seat of government be interpreted?

    The damage was done by the architect of the Bill and by the Prime Minister giving him far more freedom than he or his proposal deserve.

    Nor will the reputational damage melt away, dispersing in as orderly manner like the superbly organised Hīkoi did last Tuesday. It will endure even beyond the six months pointlessly given to select committee hearings on the Bill.

    Australia’s ABC last week signalled ongoing protest and its story on the Treaty Principles Bill would have left Australians bewildered
    Australia’s ABC last week signalled ongoing protest and its story on the Treaty Principles Bill would have left Australians bewildered that a bill “with no path forward” could be allowed to cause so much discord. Image: AJ screenshot APR

    Alerted to the story
    International media have been alerted to the story and they will continue to follow it. Many have staff correspondents and stringers in this country or across the Tasman who will be closely monitoring events.

    Australia’s ABC last week signalled ongoing protest and its story on the Treaty Principles Bill would have left Australians bewildered that a bill “with no path forward” could be allowed to cause so much discord.

    “The Treaty Principles Bill may be doomed,” said the ABC’s Emily Clark, “but the path forward for race relations in New Zealand is now much less clear.”

    So, too, is New Zealand’s international reputation as a country where the rights of its tangata whenua were indelibly recognised by those that followed them. Even though imperfectly applied, the relationship is far more constructive than that which many colonised countries have with their indigenous peoples.

    We are held by many to be an example to others and that is part of the reason New Zealand has a position in the world that is out of proportion to its size and location.

    Damage to that standing is a very high price to pay for giving a minor party a strong voice . . . one that will be heard a very long way away.

    Gavin Ellis holds a PhD in political studies. He is a media consultant and researcher. A former editor-in-chief of the New Zealand Herald, he has a background in journalism and communications – covering both editorial and management roles – that spans more than half a century.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Bronze Horse, 1983, Jesus College. Still from Peter Bach’s “Flanagan’s Wake.”

    Someone recently watched a film I was lucky enough to make about the late artist and sculptor Barry Flanagan. They asked me how the idea came about and I told them that 16 years ago I was travelling from Kabul to Helmand via Kandahar and Camp Bastion on my way to Lashkar Gah, staring out of a Chinook at a dry universe unimproved in the end by any of the Western weapons and soldiers there. I said I had been dreaming not only of a safe return to my young family in London but of finding a long-term project that had nothing to do with war.

    I travelled with my family to Paris where outside our hotel stood this tall, mysterious Barry Flanagan sculpture. As I knew Barry, I made a note to tell him of this coincidence once back in London. Before I did, however, Barry got in touch, ominously saying he had just been diagnosed with motor neurone disease. I felt so bad for him. He said he wanted to lunch with me at The Ivy and hear all about Afghanistan. I was more concerned about him than the latest promise of more troops for Afghanistan.

    Over dessert with Barry and his partner Jessica, I discussed the idea of filming a kind of picaresque homage, visiting as many of his public works as possible, speaking to lots of different people. Barry took to this and promptly introduced me to gallerist Leslie Waddington for a breakdown of their different locations worldwide. At Barry’s nearby hotel on Regent Street, I met his son Alfred, and spent the rest of the week reading up on the many books given me by Leslie Waddington, before Barry departed with Jessica back to Ibiza where they lived.

    Official filming began in Wiltshire at the Barry Flanagan exhibition at Roche Court, where friends, family and collectors gathered in Barry’s absence. As a filmmaker more used to hostile environments at the time, I hid behind my kit, quietly recording Barry’s legacy, while flitting from work to work and person to person like a grasshopper with a lens. A second visit was made to Roche Court with Shakespearian actor Peter Hamilton-Dyer who let me film him down a long country lane by two giant bronze hares seven meters high. Another day in Cambridge, I filmed late poet John James, a friend of Barry’s who recalled them both working at a local Bristol bakery in their youth and Barry ‘sculpting’ the dough. He even described him as shamanistic. This was followed at with an interview, also in Cambridge, with writer, pilot, organist and academic Michael Bywater by Barry’s well loved San Marco Horse in a wisteria-clad First Court at Jesus College.

    The film found its feet. Next up was a trip to the US for the first time since I lived there for five years in the 1980s. I met up with gallerist Paul Kasmin and picked up on our 25 year-old conversation about Bruce Chatwin. The next day I shot and interviewed writer Adrian Dannatt who was recounting bumping into Barry in New York one late summer night while Adrian was wearing pyjamas and a dressing gown in the street after popping out to post some letters. I travelled south to Washington DC to the National Gallery where I discovered Barry to be Hillary Clinton’s favourite artist.

    It was as good a moment as any to travel to Ibiza with my family to see and film Barry, and to show my loosely edited footage from across the Atlantic. I filmed him viewing this first batch. Unfortunately Barry’s speech had deteriorated badly. His movements were much slower. But his mind was sharp as a silver dart. Poignantly, he communicated on camera with handwritten notes— ‘It’s a bugger!’—which I also filmed. Even the loops of his lettering felt oddly substantial. One day we visited his second Ibizan home deep in olive-green countryside where he suggested my family enjoy a swim in the pool. I was too busy filming but was made by Barry to promise to swim there next time I visited. ‘Naked,’ I joked. He laughed.

    Filming continued. In Belgium after Ghent, I was on my way to the dunes in Knokke-Heist to capture the holidaying activities of tourists around one of Barry’s vast hare sculptures there. This was at the sight of a former World War Two gun emplacement that had once pointed to England. I was next in Strasbourg. In Madrid, I met an Australian, a former soldier, who so gelled with Barry’s work outside the British Council that he planted his face in front of the camera one time with two raised thumbs and a brazen message for Barry: ‘Go Bazza!’ he said. ‘You’re a good bloke!’ I was then all of a sudden in Dublin, a city dear to Barry’s heart. His work was everywhere.

    I returned to the US for a filmed road journey through the midwest. I was driven by underground writer Peter Nolan Smith. It was like having Neal Cassady at the wheel. After Chicago, we took in Barry’s public works in St Louis, Kansas City, Des Moines, Minneapolis, then Chicago again. Native American reservations were visited. The spirit of the hare was matched with the freedom of the buffalo. Fireworks were purchased and let off in Barry’s honour in the middle of nowhere. We ate doggy-bags of cold ribs by wild rivers. We were stopped one time by a polite state trooper and plans were made for a further trip to the West coast. I was quietly planning on Japan and Armenia too.

    The important backdrop to all this however was Barry’s worsening health. The film became a race against time. I badly wanted Barry to see this homage. Academic and curator Jo Melvin pointed me in the direction of Venice where I filmed two curiously organic marble works of Barry’s in the Peggy Guggenheim Collection next. But I was by now feeling oddly restless. It was not just the swine flu. I had this rotten feeling in my gut. In fact, as soon as I returned to London I heard Barry had died.

    I filmed the memorial service on Ibiza, the wake afterwards too, where I fulfilled my secret promise to Barry to swim naked in the pool. Finally, I made one last trip to Paris, where I interviewed a more introspective Adrian Dannatt this time. He was outside the hotel where I had stayed with my family. I eventually finished the edit. A director’s cut was selected by the Irish International Film Festival in Dublin. It showed at various film festivals in the end. The BBC bought it and changed the name to The Man Who Sculpted Hares—Barry Flanagan, A Life. (I had called it Flanagan’s Wake.) Barry never did get to see it. Maybe you can see it for him. As the Australian said, he was good bloke.

    The director’s cut of Peter Bach’s film Flanagan’s Wake is available for free on YouTube

    The post Letter from London: Barry Flanagan’s Wake appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • Household appliances used to be a safe conversation topic, if a boring one. But these days, many Republican politicians see gas stoves, refrigerators, dishwashers, and laundry machines as symbols of the government meddling in people’s lives. Earlier this year, lawmakers in the House passed the “Hands Off Our Home Appliances Act” to make it harder for the Department of Energy to create new energy-saving standards, though it stalled in the Senate. Other appliance-related bills proposed this year included the “Refrigerator Freedom Act” and “Liberty in Laundry Act.”

    The uproar over efficient appliances is just one of the ways that deepening polarization threatens efforts to cut carbon emissions. On the campaign trail, President-elect Donald Trump revived longstanding complaints about energy-efficient dishwashers and showerheads and also railed against clean technologies, falsely claiming that wind turbines break down when exposed to saltwater and that hydrogen-powered cars are prone to blowing up like bombs. 

    A growing portion of the public appears to share some of Trump’s reservations. Four years ago, 84 percent of Republicans supported new solar farms; by this spring, the number had slumped to 64 percent, according to polling from Pew Research Center. Wind power saw a similar dip in support, and the share of Americans who say they would consider buying an electric vehicle for their next purchase dropped from 38 percent in 2023 to 29 percent this year.

    Dislodging climate change from the culture wars might feel nearly impossible. But scientists have found ways to talk about the changing weather that resonate with Fox News fans, a segment of the population that many climate advocates consider a lost cause, by taking a “just the facts” approach. 

    “If you’re talking about just pure observations, there’s nothing political about that,” said Keith Sietter, a lecturer at the College of the Holy Cross and executive director emeritus at the American Meteorological Society. Telling people that hurricanes are intensifying more rapidly because they’re sitting over record-warm ocean water, for instance, lets them come to their own conclusions about how the world is changing.

    Climate Central, a nonprofit that aims to be “scrupulously non-advocacy and non-partisan,” provides localized data and graphics to help newspapers, online news sites, meteorologists, and TV and radio programs explain the science behind our increasingly weird weather, from warming winters to longer allergy seasons. The organization has had success working with right-leaning media, like Fox affiliates, because of its apolitical approach, according to Peter Girard, Climate Central’s vice president for external communications.

    “Audiences, regardless of what their political stripes are, want to know what the science is telling them about the weather and climatological experiences that they’re having in their backyards,” Girard said.

    Yet even as fires, floods, and heat waves become noticeably worse, Democrats and Republicans are further apart on the science of human-caused global warming than almost any other issue. Some observers have noted that the resistance to accepting climate science might not be about the science at all, but what attempts to fix the problem might entail. An experiment in 2014 found that Republicans who read a speech about the United States using environmentally friendly technologies to fuel the economy, versus a speech about enacting stringent environmental regulations and pollution taxes, were twice as likely as other Republicans to agree with mainstream climate science. In other words, it might be easier to just ignore a problem if you don’t like the proposed solution.

    This concept of “solution aversion” might help explain how the culture war over climate solutions started. In the early 1990s, with the public freshly alerted by scientists that global warming had already begun, momentum began building for global action, with countries considering mandatory requirements to reduce greenhouse gas emissions.

    Corporations that had a stake in continuing to burn fossil fuels — oil companies, utilities, automakers, railroads, and steelmakers — saw this as an impending disaster and organized a counter-offensive. Conservatives began casting doubt on climate science and arguing that shifting away from fossil fuels threatened the economy and the American way of life. A gulf grew between Republicans and Democrats on a subject they used to mostly agree on, with congressional Republicans increasingly voting against environmental measures.

    Climate change “became the stand-in for everything that’s wrong with the government,” said Aaron McCright, a sociologist at Michigan State University, in an interview with CNN last year. “‘You can’t tell me what I can and can’t do on my land. Federal government — stay away from me.’” Between 1992 and 2012, the gap in support for environmental action between Democrats and Republicans widened from 5 percent to 39 percent, according to Pew polling. 

    The fault lines have deepened in recent years. When progressives pushed for a Green New Deal in 2019, Republicans falsely claimed, “They want to take away your hamburgers.” It became a refrain, with the right warning that Democrats were coming for your cars and your gas stoves. “This is all part of an agenda to control you, and to control your behavior,” said Florida Governor Ron DeSantis in a speech last year, delivered in front of an oil rig in West Texas. “They are trying to limit your choices as Americans.”

    Photo of Ron Desantis speaking in front of a large oil rig
    Florida Governor Ron DeSantis speaks at the Permian Deep Rock Oil Company site in Midland, Texas, in 2023. Brandon Bell / Getty Images

    There have been efforts to position climate action in a way that appeals to conservative values, tying it to patriotism, innovation, or competition with China. But Kenneth Barish, a psychologist and the author of the upcoming book Bridging Our Political Divide: How Liberals and Conservatives Can Understand Each Other and Find Common Ground, says that in practice, conservatives might reject this kind of framing outright, because they feel like they haven’t been listened to. His formula for depolarization starts with a one-on-one conversation between two people who disagree. The goal is to learn why your discussion partner feels the way they do, and then work together to find solutions that address both of your concerns. 

    This kind of dialogue creates opportunities for creative, pragmatic workarounds — perhaps ones that manage to reduce greenhouse gas emissions while limiting the government’s power over household decisions. Matthew Burgess, an environmental economist at the University of Wyoming, said it’s possible that simply making electric stoves more responsive to temperature adjustments, or making electric vehicles cheaper and charging stations more readily available, would dissolve some of the resistance to those technologies. 

    “When you make this shift from having an opinion to understanding the concern that underlies the opinion, it’s really a different kind of conversation,” Barish said.

    The approach is reminiscent of “deep canvassing,” an outreach method developed by LGBTQ+ advocates that involves listening to people’s worries without judgment and helping them work through their conflicted feelings. Personal conversations like these have been shown to change people’s minds, with lasting effects.

    In one experiment in British Columbia, volunteers hoping to convince local governments to shift to 100 percent renewable energy kept running into roadblocks in the rural town of Trail, home to one of the world’s largest lead and zinc smelting plants. They spoke to hundreds of residents, listening to their concerns about lost jobs and working to find common ground. In the end, 40 percent of residents shifted their beliefs, and Trail’s city council voted in 2022 to move to 100 percent renewable energy by 2050.

    It’s evidence that breakthroughs can happen, but also suggests there’s a lot of work for climate advocates ahead. Knee-jerk reactions are fast and easy; engaging in meaningful dialogue is slow and difficult. Barish said that better conversations require acknowledging that complex problems like climate change need to be seen from different perspectives. “If we come at someone who is opposing certain interventions and try and convince her why we’re right and she’s wrong, then we’re probably not going to get anywhere.”

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline How to take climate change out of the culture wars on Nov 26, 2024.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • You live in Los Angeles now, where you’ve been for three years. Can you tell me about being born and raised in Iowa and the experience of discovering your love for movement as a first love? Was that encouraged in your family and community?

    I was born on a farm about 15 minutes outside of Iowa City. My dad still lives on that farm and so I still get to go back there and a lot of my family is out there. I grew up kind of all over the US with my mom because my parents divorced when I was quite young. So my experience of Iowa itself was mostly in relation to taking trips out there and spending downtime on the farm, in the fields.

    In terms of movement, my mom really likes ballet and so I did have the experience of taking some classes when I was in middle school, but then with trying to figure out my gender and sexuality and stuff towards the end of middle school and high school, I just kind of shut down physically in my body in terms of wanting to be in that kind of creative movement at all. It wasn’t until I moved to New York City for college when I was 17 that I had the space to re-evaluate what I wanted to spend my time doing, what I wanted to explore, and I decided to just start taking classes at the dance program of Hunter College.

    My understanding is that you moved to New York at 17, so that seems to be where you got engaged with music, trans activism, acting, and modeling. Was EmergeNYC a big part of that?

    Oh, yeah. That was a program that I was a part of right after I graduated from college. Around that time, I was very much figuring out how I wanted to deal with my own [gender] transition, and to own the way that I needed to relate to the world.

    [The EmergeNYC] program was definitely a big stepping stone for me to start to think about the ways that my presence in the world could do things to change it. Or, to use my art practice, that was centered in movement at the time, to try to really affect people with the way that I use my body and put my body in a public space, because we did public performances and staged performances, too.

    At that time, I was thinking a lot about the way that trans bodies get dehumanized in daily interactions. In that program, I was trying to figure out how to use my body, just make my body be in public, in a way that was a response to that dehumanization. I wanted to stop people in their tracks to [push them to] consider the way that they would register a body that they perceive as male, but it’s engaging in feminine truth.

    What sort of timeframe are we looking at for those performances, early 2000s?

    That was 2014 and 2015. Then, the trajectory of my life did change a lot where I got wrapped up in dealing with my transition, and getting these surgeries that I needed to feel in my body. It was after getting those gender-affirming surgeries, and needing to take a break for months from life basically, because of recovery time and things like that.

    I ended up shifting a lot of the way that my life was structured, and I ended up randomly getting connected to this Mother [Agency, NYC] agent, Timothy Rosado, who I had met through someone else who was part of that EmergeNYC program. And Timothy asked me, “Do you want me to act as your agent, and help you model or something like that?” And I was just so raw and unsure of myself at that point in my life. I was just like, “Okay, I’ll just do whatever. This seems like a thing that I shouldn’t pass up the opportunity to try.” So, modeling became my main work and thing that I was known for.

    I know that you went to New York to dance initially, and you got involved in the public performances, then you went through the transition and modeling entered the picture. At what point did music enter the picture, because I’m going to ask about TRANSA?

    I have always played music, and always loved music, and that’s always been a part of my life from when I was very little. When I was living in New York, which was up until 2020, I would go to things, and I had a lot of friends and community who made music, and stuff like that.

    I’ve put so much of my heart into this huge musical project that is TRANSA. That happened because I had all this space and time in my life around 2020 and 2021 where I was not in the daily grind of New York, and I had time to consider working with Red Hot [Organization] and with [executive director of Red Hot and co-producer on TRANSA] Dust [Reid] specifically, who asked me to work with them on this project, TRANSA.

    How did it begin? Was it an email, or a phone call, or a text? And had you worked with Dust on anything before that?

    We met on this short film shoot [in 2020]. I was in this short film [City Bird] about the idea of returning to nature, and connecting with a sense of ourselves beyond just being in the grind of city life. That was on NOWNESS [in 2021], and Dust was friends with the filmmakers. He was on set as a playlist and vibes curator. It was really cute actually, because that whole day I was just talking with Dust about the beauty of the music that they had put together, and a lot of the songs were from artists that were my favorite artists. It was people like Beverly Glenn Copeland, who ended up as one of the key pillars of TRANSA, that we connected on really deeply.

    So, we met on that and then stayed in touch. It was in the beginning of 2021, after the passing of [music producer, and trans activist] SOPHIE, that Dust reached out to me and was like, “Hey, I’ve had the idea of doing something that relates to the trans community through Red Hot.” Dust had made a project with Red Hot before and just reached out to me to see if I would want to concept this thing with them, and pitch this to Red Hot, and try to make it with them. In the beginning of 2021, we started working on that.

    How do you like to work on artistic projects? Are you naturally a collaborator or do you like having control over every aspect? And on top of that, how do you deal with conflicting ideas or plans?

    I love collaborating. I think that, in my life, I’ve had the experience of having a really strong, almost spiritual vision of something that I want to make, or that I need to see happen in the world. I’ve often been through a kind of meditative listening to my inner heart, and that’s been a defining process for me.

    In the context of working on this project, I spent a lot of time thinking about it in that same meditative way, but it was this different experience of going in with Dust initially, to kind of concept this whole thing out, and ultimately to do that kind of collaborative work.

    In the process of making this project, we really wanted all the music that we asked for, from specifically the trans artists that we asked, on the project to be something that came from their dreams, and hopes, and desires. So, it was a lot of working with them to just make a dream happen, which is such a beautiful process.

    Once you and Dust committed to TRANSA, how did you approach artists? And if any of them said no, was it difficult not to take that personally?

    Doing something like this is such a crazy, unique thing to be working on, where you’re doing all these levels of outreach and communication, and trying to field things to so many different artists. Our approach with each artist was to have a different way that we thought would be best to approach them. [We might do that] through personal connections we had to each artist, or where we had certain kind of connections to different parts of artists’ management, or teams, or things like that. For every artist, it was a different tactic. We did have to be tactical about this project, because it’s hard to convince management, teams, and people who are trying to make money that it’s meant to be raising awareness about, and supporting, trans people. That’s the reality of being an artist in capitalism, where it’s hard to get enthusiasm about a non-profit project.

    What was your hit rate like? Were there many people who said no?

    For the most part, we actually had a lot of “yes’s,” and you can see evidence by the sheer breadth and scope of the project, which is amazing. We did get definite “no’s”, which a lot of the time were [teams or managers] saying that “this person’s not available,” or “they’d love to, but they don’t have the time,” which is fine.

    I’m familiar with that as a freelance writer, I assure you.

    Oh my god, I’m sure. But it is interesting to think about that in this context where we are asking for something that is related to an—unfortunately—controversial topic, in some way. It was hard not to sometimes think about the reasonings behind why certain artists might not be available, and we did actually have some notes from trans artists, too, who didn’t want to be part of a project that really centered around transness, which is totally so understandable because I’ve been in places in my life where I didn’t want to talk about, or relate things, to my transness because it can be really vulnerable and kind of a difficult thing to talk about at times.

    And I would assume that people don’t want to contain their identity right down to this one aspect of who they are.

    Right. Yes. But, in my thinking, or in my feeling, at least in the way that I relate to it personally, that aspect of my identity has been this really beautiful font of creativity and connection, and one of the most magical things that I am so grateful for, ultimately.

    Dust is older than you. He’s had a longer career. What did you learn from him during the years of working together?

    I appreciate you bringing it up because I think I’ve thought a lot about how, in the context of the music industry, it is still in many ways a guy’s club. It is an industry that has historically been really dominated both by men in general, but also by a kind of paternalistic attitude towards women, specifically, and this way of talking down to women. I am so grateful to have had Dust help me learn how to navigate all these peculiarities and specificities of the music industry.

    How heavily were you involved in the technical elements and were there practical skills as far as production and making a music album that were new to you? How’d you go with that?

    I have some degree of experience with running live sound, and these different things that are part of the technical side of the industry. I hadn’t gotten the opportunity to be in a professional, very well set-up recording studio before. And so that has been a beautiful thing to be able to be brought into as part of this project. I think that is something that a lot of specifically trans artists, and artists who don’t have a lot of resources, or are marginalized in different ways, often have a lot of trouble just being able to be in rooms like that, where you have a $10,000 piece of recording equipment that creates this beautiful sound.

    What skills or methods, maybe it’s something relating to time management or ways of communicating or dealing with conflict, did you absorb during those years of working on TRANSA with so many artists who would’ve had, I assume, really different approaches to making music or working with other people? And in addition, were those skills something that you were able to use in modeling and acting?

    I think one of the big things that I’ve learned over the years of working on this project, in terms of communication, is to approach everyone with a lot of grace about what they’re coming to the table with. I mean, you never know what is going on with the process of an artist trying to make a recording happen, in terms of things being delayed, or difficult, or things like that. I had to accept that, in some ways, in working with so many different people, my communication wouldn’t be perfect.

    And, particularly in working on something that is meant to be this celebration of trans people, and this nonprofit venture, I wanted to take the utmost care with every little bit of communication that I could.

    I’ve tried to do that, but I’ve also had to be able to let go in some ways, and be like, “I am trying very hard with how I handle communication with a hundred different artists.” You can’t be perfect, and I think I’ve learned that that’s something that comes with working on a larger-scale project. It’s not something that I’ve necessarily reconciled in myself.

    Things will be late, and deadlines will get missed, but I think the thing that makes it harder for me is that I’m on this project as a trans person who is very familiar with the ways that any kind of media industry is very quick to exploit and discard trans people. I know we’re not doing that in working on this project. I know that everyone who’s touched this project has given so much of their heart to it, but I also know that none of us are perfect, and we will miss an email, or something will happen that we weren’t able to figure out in time for making a recording happen, or we didn’t have the right outreach to the right artists at the right time.

    Massima Bell Recommends:

    The Territory, a documentary from 2022 that focuses on the fight of the Uru-eu-wau-wau people of the Amazon rainforest against white settlers. In the middle of filming, COVID hits and the Uru-eu-wau-wau themselves take over the cinematography out of necessity, and what results is the most powerful example I’ve seen of taking control of your own narrative and flipping the usual Western documentary script.

    The Faggots & Their Friends Between Revolutions by Larry Mitchell, illustrations by Ned Asta, a gay manifesto emerging from communal living in the 1970s that takes you into a fairytale polemic of a new way of life molded in the husk of American empire. The blueprint of possibility.

    Jackie Shane Live — It is a tremendous gift to the world that this most transcendent soul singer, Jackie Shane, recorded this live album in 1967, and in these nine songs you can hear her spirit soar—at a time when it was unthinkable to be out as a trans person.

    El secreto del río (The Secret of the River, 2024) — A beautiful new Mexican drama on Netflix that revolves around a young trans kid and her relationship to the muxes of Oaxaca, beautifully shot and tenderly told.

    Woman and Nature — Reconciliation between humanity and nature won’t be possible until we reckon with the legacy of patriarchy and its disembowelment of (feminine) spirit in every aspect of our society, infused in all the technologies that structure it, from strip mining to the speculum, and in this seminal feminist text from 1978, Susan Griffin lays out in an epic prose poem the intimate connection between women and nature.

    This post was originally published on The Creative Independent.

  • By Mosese Raqio in Suva

    Two out of three women in every church in Fiji experience physical or sexual violence in their lifetime — and there are “uncomfortable truths” that need to be heard and talked about, says a Pacific church leader.

    This was highlighted by Pacific Conference of Churches (PCC) general secretary Reverend James Bhagwan while delivering his sermon during the “Break the Silence” Sunday at Suva’s Butt Street Wesley Church.

    Reverend Bhagwan said in this sacred and safe space, “we have to hear about the brokenness of our world and our people which includes both the victims and the perpetrators”.

    He said that if parishioners had a hard time talking about sexual violence perpetrated against mere human beings, then understandably it might be hard thinking about the sexualised connotations of the crucifixion of Jesus Christ.

    Reverend Bhagwan said if people could break the silence about what was happening in their communities, and if they could break the silence about what had happened to Jesus, then they could start to talk about these issues in their faith communitie

    Reverend Bhagwan said he hoped that people not only talked about Jesus Christ in their prayer breakfast but also “talk about these issues”.

    He talked about how men and women were crucified back in Jesus Christ’s time.

    Humiliation of execution
    He added that they were made to carry their cross to their place of execution as a further humiliation, and then they were hung naked on the cross in public.

    Reverend Bhagwan said that enforced public nakedness was a sexual assault and it still was today.

    He said the humiliation of Jesus Christ was on clear display and he was able to walk without shame among people, even though he knew they had seen his naked shame.

    Reverend Bhagwan said it is in God’s promise that people were urged to break the silence, remove the gags of shame that were placed on victims of violence, and instead “echo their call for justice”.

    He added that hope and healing could only be offered if  people were willing to hear and bear the burden of wounds of trauma and abuse.

    Today marks the beginning of what is known as 16 Days of Activism Against Gender-Based Violence, an international campaign used by activists around the world as an organising strategy to call for the elimination of all forms of gender-based violence.

    ‘Break the Silence’
    While Christian communities have supported the “16 Days of Activism” in various ways, it was not until 2013 that churches began to observe Break the Silence Sunday in Fiji and around the Pacific.

    This was an initiative of the Christian Network Talanoa.

    It is a Fiji-based ecumenical network of organised women and Christian women’s units seeking to remove the culture of silence and shame around violence against women, especially in faith-based settings.

    In 2016, the Fiji Council of Churches committed to observing Break the Silence Sunday.

    The Pacific Conference of Churches is rolling out this campaign to all its 35 member churches and 11 National Councils of churches.

    Republished from Fiji Village with permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • RNZ Pacific

    The United Nations climate change summit COP29 has “once again ignored” the Pacific Islands, a group of regional climate advocacy organisations say.

    The Pacific Islands Climate Action Network (PICAN) said today that “the richest nations turned their backs on their legal and moral obligations” as the UN meeting in Baku, Azerbaijan, fell short of expectations.

    “This COP was framed as the ‘finance COP’, a critical moment to address the glaring gaps in climate finance and advance other key agenda items,” the group said.

    COP29 BAKU, 11-22 November 2024
    COP29 BAKU, 11-22 November 2024

    “However, not only did COP29 fail to deliver adequate finance, but progress also stalled on crucial issues like fossil fuel phase-out, Loss and Damage, and the Just Transition Work Plan.

    “The outcomes represent a catastrophic failure to meet the scale of the crisis, leaving vulnerable nations to face escalating risks with little support.”

    The UN meeting concluded with a new climate finance goal, with rich nations pledging a US$300 billion annual target by 2035 to the global fight against climate change.

    The figure was well short of what developing nations were asking for — more than US$1 trillion in assistance.

    ‘Failure of leadership’
    Campaigners and non-governmental organisations called it a “betrayal” and “a shameful failure of leadership”, forcing climate vulnerable nations, such as the Pacific Islands, “to accept a token financial pledge to prevent the collapse of negotiations”.

    PICAN said the pledged finance relied “heavily on loans rather than grants, pushing developing nations further into debt”.

    “Worse, this figure represents little more than the long-promised $100 billion target adjusted for inflation. It does not address the growing costs of adaptation, mitigation, and loss and damage faced by vulnerable nations.

    “In fact, it explicitly ignores any substantive decision to include loss and damage just acknowledging it.”

    Vanuatu Climate Action Network coordinator Trevor Williams said developed nations systematically dismantled the principles of equity enshrined in the Paris Agreement at COP29.

    “Their unwillingness to contribute sufficient finance, phase out fossil fuels, or strengthen their NDCs demonstrates a deliberate attempt to evade responsibility. COP29 has taught us that if optionality exists, developed countries will exploit it to stall progress.”

    Kiribati Climate Action Network’s Robert Karoro said the Baku COP was a failure on every front.

    ‘No meaningful phase out of fossil fuels’
    “Finance fell far short, Loss and Damage was weakened, and there was no meaningful commitment to phasing out fossil fuels,” he said.

    “Our communities cannot wait for empty promises to materialise-we need action that addresses the root causes of the crisis and supports our survival.”

    Tuvalu Climate Action Network’s executive director Richard Gokrun said the “outcome is personal”.

    “Every fraction of a degree in warming translates into lost lives, cultures and homelands. Yet, the calls of the Pacific and other vulnerable nations were silenced in Baku,” he said.

    “From the weakened Loss and Damage fund to the rollback on Just Transition principles, this COP has failed to deliver justice on any front.”

    PICAN’s regional director Rufino Varea described the outcome of the meeting as “a death sentence for millions”.

    He said the Pacific Islands have been clear that climate finance must be grants-based and responsive to the needs of frontline communities.

    “Instead, developed countries are handing us debt while dismantling the principles of equity and justice that the Paris Agreement was built on. This is a betrayal, plain and simple.”

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • RNZ News

    For almost six decades photographer John Miller (Ngāpuhi) has been a protest photographer in Aotearoa New Zealand.

    From his first photographs of an anti-Vietnam War protest on Auckland’s Albert Street as a high school student in 1967, to Hīkoi mō te Tiriti last week, Miller has focused much of his work on the faces of dissent.

    He spoke of his experiences over the years in an interview broadcast today on RNZ’s Culture 101 programme with presenter Susana Lei’ataua.

    John Miller at RNZ with his camera
    John Miller at the RNZ studio with his Hīkoi camera. Image: Susana Lei’ataua/RNZ

    Miller joined Hīkoi mō te Tiriti at Waitangi Park in Pōneke Wellington last Tuesday, November 19, ahead of its final walk to Parliament’s grounds.

    “It was quite an incredible occasion, so many people,”  74-year-old Miller says.

    “Many more than 1975 and 2004. Also social media has a much more influential part to play in these sorts of events these days, and also drone technology . . .

    “I had to avoid one on the corner of Manners and Willis Streets flying around us as the Hīkoi was passing by.

    “We ended up running up Wakefield Street which is parallel to Courtenay Place to get ahead of the march and we joined the march at the Taranaki Street Manners Street intersection and we managed to get in front of it.”

    Comparing Hīkoi mō te Tiriti with his experience of the 1975 Māori Land March led by Dame Whina Cooper, Miller noted there were a lot more people involved.

    “During the 1975 Hīkoi the only flag that was in that march was the actual white land march flag — the Pou Whenua — no other flags at all. And there were no placards, no, nothing like that.”

    1975 Land march in Pōneke Wellington
    The 1975 Māori Land March in Pōneke Wellington. Image: © John M Miller
    Black and white image of Maori land rights activist Eva Rickard
    Māori land rights activist Tuaiwa Hautai “Eva” Rickard leads the occupation of Raglan Golf Course in February 1978. Image: © John M Miller
    1975 Land march
    The 1975 Māori Land March Image: © John M Miller

    There were more flags and placards in the Foreshore and Seabed March in 2004.

    “Of course, this time it was a veritable absolute forest of Tino Rangatira flags and the 1835 flag and many other flags,” Miller says.

    “Te Mana Motuhake o Tuhoe flags were there, even Palestinian flags of course, so it was a much more colourful occasion.”

    Tame Iti on the 1975 Land March
    Activist Tame Iti on the 1975 Māori Land March. Image: © John M Miller

    Miller tried to replicate photos he took in 1975 and 2004: “However this particular time I actually was under a technical disadvantage because one of my lenses stopped working and I had to shoot this whole event in Wellington using just a wide angle lens so that forced me to change my approach.”

    Miller and his daughter, Rere, were with the Hīkoi in front of the Beehive.

    “I had no idea that there were so many people sort of outside who couldn’t get in and I only realised afterwards when we saw the drone footage.”

    The Polynesian Panthers at a protest rally in the 1970s.
    The Polynesian Panthers at a protest rally in the 1970s. Image: © John M Miller

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • A person standing in front of a sign Description automatically generated
    A person standing in front of a signDescription automatically generated

    Shaboozey puts the pedal to the metal on his way past the big Billboard of fame and fortune. (YouTube screenshot)

    Released only the day before the election, will.i.am’s sonic squib, “Yes She Can,” was the final political misfire of the musical campaign, the cannon’s weak report barely heard as evening fell on Kamala Harris’s presidential campaign and the routed troops fled her standard.

    But there is another mournful melody that continues to waft across early November’s electoral battlefield soaked in blue blood. Carrying over the vanquished candidates’ carcasses is Shaboozey’s “A Bar Song (Tipsy),” his lament not for dead donkeys and their fallen riders but for decimated purchasing power, ransacked consumer confidence, and savaged aspirations to luxury. The song is now enjoying its eighteenth straight week atop the Billboard charts. If it holds its position for another few days, it will match the all-time record of nineteen weeks still tenuously held by Lil Nas X’s “Old Town Road.”

    “A Bar Song (Tipsy)” claimed the no. 1 ranking the week before doddering Joe Biden announced that he wouldn’t run for a second term after all, the sitting President kicked down the White House backstairs by an Entertainment Industry cabal led by Democratic loyalist turned putschmeister, George Clooney. Kamala Harris mounted the war donkey and curveted ahead in the polls.

    Shaboozey’s hit spanned Harris’s heady weeks in command of Democratic forces and resounds still in the aftermath of her political demise. Like a colorizing gloss applied to a vintage Civil War daguerreotype, the guitar strumming and hollow whistling impart an elegiac finish to the singer’s reverb-boosted plaint, one that lulled Democrats into the complacent assurance that the song was cooly apolitical. Obama put it on his summer playlist, but he wasn’t really listening to it either. Like the buzzards above, the harmonies and auto-tuned incantation circle endlessly, even aimlessly. The song will be on perpetual replay until, and probably after, Disney buys up the entire site and sound of the Democratic Debacle.

    It can be no coincidence that both contenders for the dubious honor of longest stretch at Billboard no. 1 are basically country songs by Black artists whose music is inflected by, even reliant on, Hip Hop sensibilities and diction.

    Lil Nas X’s nineteen-week Billboard run traversed the summer of 2019. His “Old Town Road” begins with a ten-second tribute to Blind Lemon Jefferson, then clip-clops ahead into a sing-song, rattle-snake-ratchet-driven beat backing a navel-gazing catalog of the accessories of the urban cowboy lyricist riding his horse through the hood: “Hat is matte black / Got the boots that’s black to match.” The musician didn’t need to say that he was Black too.

    Lil Nas X delivers the raps, while the country singing is done by diehard Trumper, Billy Ray Cyrus, who arrives in the video in his MAGA-red Maserati. Lil Nas X ditches the nag and hops in the convertible and the unlikely pair head to a barn dance in a strip mall in which Black and white (though mostly white) are united by music, movement, illusion, and love of luxury brands mashed-up with the everyday:

    My life is a movie
    Bull riding and boobies
    Cowboy hat from Gucci
    Wrangler on my booty

    The track’s constricted melody was similarly spare of ideas. Its default misogyny matched the mores of Trump 1.0. Never mind that another Lil Nas X song, “Donald Trump,” imagines the president in the trunk of a car—maybe that Maserati—and its unclear whether he’s dead or alive, though it’s probably the former. Neither that image nor the song’s rampant gunfire and exploitation (“Got a bad bitch with a thick ass / She a stripper ho, yeah, she get cash”) got the “artist” called up on terrorism charges. But in “Old Town Road” there is no talk of “niggas” and “bitches” and “Glocks” but instead of “tractors” and “horses” and “babies.” Shaboozey wisely kept his no. 1 hit clean.

    It wasn’t an upscale Italian sports car Lil Nas X drove through the border wall separating Country from Hip Hop. It was a bulldozer. Beyoncé then rode the white steed of Cowboy Carter through that gap and to the top of the Billboard in March of 2024: the first Black woman to have a no. 1 hit on both the Country and Pop charts. Shaboozey ascended to the top spot after her, and he now sits at the controls of the bulldozer. The dismantling of that border wall has been fabulously lucrative for all three.

    With melody and chords unable to get out their own way, the “A Bar Song (Tipsy)” captures, if gently, the feeling of claustrophobic despair at closing time. That fear of having to leave and head out into the night and towards working reality can quickly tip towards panic if not for the balm alcohol.

    “Someone pour me up a double shot of whiskey
    They know me and Jack Daniels got a history
    There’s a party downtown near Fifth Street”

    The artist couldn’t help but write his own name into the bar ballad: “I’ve been Boozey since I’ve left,” he croons, the Shaboozey brand as sonic reflux.

    In concentrating on the genre-busting strategies of these Black musicians who have so smoothly crossing over into Country and up the Pop charts too, commentators, including me, failed to note the predictive punch of Shaboozey’s seemingly unthreatening mega-hit.

    At the Democratic National Convention in August the bosses thought that their political triangulations would be enhanced by the usual musical kill coordinates: soulful stalwarts Stevie Wonder and John Legend balanced against country contributions from Maren Morris and Jason Isbell with a few rounds of Springsteen thrown in to soften up the targets.

    Shaboozey would have seemed a likely fieldpiece to add to these howitzers of hope. A child of Nigerian immigrants, he grew up in the Washington, DC suburbs. His stage handle is a transliteration of his family name, Chibueze. From early on he was a musical omnivore whose inclusive appetites allow him the ease with which he moves between and mixes together styles. At the time of the DNC he was well into his no. 1 run, his song offering sounding proof that the winner-take-all American Dream is real. Shaboozey’s dominance on Billboard was a potential harbinger of a Harris victory.

    After Taylor Swift endorsed Harris in September, Shaboozey was asked at the MTV Music Video Awards what he thought of her declaration of support for the Democratic candidate. He extolled his celebrity colleague’s music, thus proudly displaying his own catholic tastes, but deflected the interviewer’s attempts to lay bare his own political affiliations: “I’m a huge Swfitie,” he beamed, “And she should walk in her truth.” His “truth” remained hidden. Could it be that Shaboozey didn’t want to make waves in Nashville, sink his standing on the charts and his future prospects? Could he have been one of the many young Black men who went red? One could easily think so after watching the video of “A Bar Song (Tipsy).”

    Whatever the case, the opening stanza, delivered in no-fault auto-tune, was a declaration of disaffection, and though unnamed, Democrats were clearly the ones responsible for the people’s plight:

    My baby want a Birkin, she’s been tellin’ me all night long
    Gasoline and groceries, the list goes on and on
    This 9 to 5 ain’t workin’, why the hell do I work so hard?
    I can’t worry ’bout my problems, I can’t take ’em when I’m gone, uh

    The rich, Shaboozey among them, buy $40,000 Hermès handbags while working folk—Black, brown or white—can’t even afford the basics. They don’t turn to the ballot box but to the bottle.

    All through the summer and into the fall a Black man sang from the pinnacle of Pop of discontent, inflation, wage slavery, and consumer envy. Yet tone-deaf Democrats only wanted to hear their own in-house music. The Legends and Wonders of make-believe sang of joy instead of jobs.

    If Kamala heard Shaboozey’s hit, she didn’t hear its message. Does she hear it now as she nurses her electoral wounds and her political hangover?

    There are more lessons to be learned from the bitter medicine of this deceptive, easy-listening anthem than the most obvious one: that it’s easier for a Black singer to succeed in White Country than for a Black woman to win the White House.

     

     

    The post The Song Remains the Same: Detuning the Democratic Defeat appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • Image from the Reap What You Sow playbill, courtesy of Robert Shetterley.

    In mid-November, New York’s Catholic Worker community, located in lower Manhattan, opened their sizable auditorium to host “Reap What You Sow: Don’t Lose Heart!” a two act play with two actors which debuted, for two nights, on the Maryhouse stage.

    Prior to the performance, preparations included selecting the sturdiest wooden chairs for audience seating, carefully cleaning furniture and floors, and rearranging the space so the next issue of the Catholic Worker newspaper, stacked and ready to mail, wouldn’t interfere with access to the theater. Producers created a set which included curtains made of sheets, an assemblage of donated lights, and a small coffeemaker complete with loud gurgles.

    Above were the exposed beams of a building which once functioned as a music school in turn-of-the-century New York City before Dorothy Day and Peter Maurin, founders of the Catholic Worker, appropriated it for works of mercy, feeding hungry people and, as much as possible, housing people in the building’s former musical practice rooms.

    It was a fitting spot for the play’s debut. Jack Gilroy, the main author, had created earlier versions. Now the play, authored by Gilroy, zool Zulkowitz, and Olivia Gilroy incorporates the dynamics of “living theater” as actors and activists have fed Gilroy their edits.

    The audience were mainly elders who knew one another. Catholic Workers welcomed  Maryknoll Mission sisters, Veterans For Peace, Raging Grannies, and people from Peace Action, World BEYOND War, Code Pink and FOR.

    A sprinkling of students from Columbia U. and Fordham, along with a prof from Manhattan College, accompanied by his small son, were also in attendance.

    Before the play began, producer zool Zulkowitz played the Beatles’ iconic song, Imagine. Following this came Olivia Rodrigo’s song, Brutal.

    Ellie (played by Grazia Saporito) then broke into athletic, riveting dance moves to open the play.

    She and her mother, Major Mom, (played by Pat Russell), were winning characters. Tears glistened on Major Mom’s cheeks when she spoke of her experiences as a mother, a widow, and a woman warrior who deeply regretted having killed civilians during missions in which she piloted weaponized drones. The audience learns she was married to Lieutenant Colonel Sean Golden, a marine who died during combat in Iraq. The Major eagerly awaits a promotion to full “Bird Colonel.”

    Showing remarkable patience, Major Mom listens to Ellie divulge childhood disappointments, teenage angst, and her current rage over the roles her parents played in “service” to the U.S. military. At one point, Major Mom says “Whoa,” and accuses Ellie of going too far in her accusations.

    But Ellie, a debate team champ, doesn’t back down. She has evidence to show that her mom’s “arsenal of democracy” rhetoric and revitalization of World War II themes don’t stand up to actual events in the recent past.

    In a way, the play’s two characters are each proxies for fully developed viewpoints. Major Mom represents the Merchants of Death who develop, store, sell and use vast arsenals of weaponry. Ellie champions viewpoints laid out in Howard Zinn’s comprehensive historical outlay, “A People’s History of the United States.”

    With Ellie rebelling against revival of World War II rhetoric, the play becomes quite timely. She insists that the good Germans who supported Nazis have counterparts in the U.S. militarists who “take out” women and children in multiple war zones. The claim, “I was only following orders,” eerily enters the script.

    Many of the people in the audience have, in the past, supported activists who were recently imprisoned in U.S. federal lockups for having trespassed at a U.S. base harboring nuclear weapons. One of the activists, Carmen Trotta, came to both performances. Plowshares activists literally beat swords into plowshares, damaging nuclear weapons and pouring their own blood over the decommissioned weapons. They believe in making sacrifices, themselves, on behalf of nonviolence, a theme which recurs in Gilroy’s play.

    During a dynamic talk back session, actors, producers, and audience members grappled with questions about conscience and pragmatic steps forward. Ellie, still acting in character, urged people to use their imagination and practice empathy. Art, she said, will be the force that carries us through to a new, safe time. Major Mom, (Pat Russell) pointed to the damage caused by structural and systemic violence. Audience members repeatedly voiced outrage over U.S. support for Israel’s genocidal attacks against Palestinians, noting that democrats dared to warn of fascist encroachment while at the same time enabling and provisioning Israel’s mass killing spree, across the Middle East. Israel’s usage of weaponized drones prolongs and exacerbates a war waged by a racist, far-right, nuclear armed, apartheid regime, one to which the U.S. continues to pledge unwavering support.

    It seemed all could agree that, as Adam Tooze, writing for the London Review of Books observes:

    “We should be under no illusion: there has been nothing like this level of threat since the dangerous final phase of the Cold War in the early 1980s. With China committed to a rapid buildup of its nuclear arsenal, we are well on the way to an unprecedented 3-way nuclear standoff.”

     The characters in Reap What You Sow recognized pivots in their relationships and their interactions, and they assiduously preserved caring relationships. Powerful elites in our world have comprehensively failed to find means for collaboration, opting instead to demonize enemies for their own political gain, pouring energy and resources into the coffers of people whose “top crop” is weaponry. President Biden refuses to negotiate with Putin, and Ukraine has already fired long range missiles, supplied by the U.S., into Russia, sowing ominous seeks which Putin has stated could yield a nuclear exchange.

    I hope the play will awaken numerous people, in audiences across this country and beyond, to the crucial question: how can we learn to live together without killing one another? And the follow-up: how can we abolish war?

    Reap What You Sow, Don’t Lose Heart is the first production of the Rising Together Talkback Theater Company. The production is available, for FREE, to churches, schools, peace and justice organizations, and other community groups. The company is booking dates for a Summer 2025 “Reap!” Tour. For more information, contact Zool (zoolTheArtAndPolitics@hotmail.com) or text 718-964-7643.

    The post On the Maryhouse Stage: Power Politics and War appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • School Girl, St. Croix, 1963 (Detail), by Consuelo Kanaga. Brooklyn Museum.

    If you’re like many of my friends and neighbors in liberal Democratic San Francisco, you may be shaking your head in disbelief and muttering that you don’t understand the results of the election. If that description fits you, you might chill or gaze at the photographs of Consuelo Kanaga which are now in an exhibit titled “Catch the Spirit” at SFMOMA. “See the Work of This Critical Yet Overlooked Figure in the History of Modern Photography,” the museum’s website proclaims.

    Kanaga’s indelible photos are also reproduced in a book titled Consuelo Kanaga: An American Photographer, which offers snippets of her biography which began in Astoria, Oregon in 1894 and ended in Yorktown Heights, New York in 1978. At her death, her entire estate was valued at $1,345, her name largely erased from the annals of photography, though she had been a contemporary and a friend of luminaries such as Imogen Cunningham, Tina Modotti, Alfred Stieglitz, and Dorthea Lang. No major exhibit of Kanaga’s work took place until 15 years after her death when she began to be appreciated as an artist, and not simply as a documentary photographer of archival interest.

    With a name like Consuelo Kanaga you might think she was a Latino or a Native American. In fact, she was descended from old European stock. She had as much talent and as much energy as her better known peers and also a unique style with the camera. She took extreme close-ups of the people she photographed, especially the poor and African Americans as though she wanted to enter their lives, merge with them and share their plight, perhaps because she was born to privilege.

    Kanaga’s father worked as a lawyer and judge, her mother as a real estate agent, but by the time she was in her early 20s she shifted from the world of her parents and worked as a reporter, feature writer and freelance photographer with exceptional darkroom skills for The San Francisco Chronicle, the paper owned by newspaper baron, William Randolph Hearst.

    In the 1920s she moved back and forth restlessly from California to New York and then back to California, searching for a place where she might put down roots, and find a man with whom she might feel sympatico. Married three times she survived a canceled engagement. Her restlessness took her across America and to Europe and to North Africa.

    In the late 1930s she joined the Photo League, a cooperative of New York photographers that was placed on a Justice Department blacklist. She worked for the Works Progress Administration (WPA) and sold pictures to the lefty publications of the day including the New Masses, the Labor Defender and the Sunday Worker, the paper of the US Communist Party, which she joined and embraced some of its causes. In one photo, which might be described as socialist realism, she depicted three heroic workers: one Black, one white and another Asian, all of whom gaze into the distance. The caption might read “Unite and Fight.”

    Her best known photo, which isn’t overtly political, is titled “She is a Tree of Life to Them.” It depicts a poor Black woman who holds her children close to her own body. It was included in the 1955 exhibit Family of Man. Kanaga photographed white immigrants from Russia and white workers but she was drawn to Black men and Black women, to black bodies and black faces, and to Black writers such as Langston Hughes whom she befriended.

    Near the end of her life she said, “I wasn’t in a group, nor did I belong to anything ever. I wasn’t a belonger.” Her biography and her work suggests otherwise; indeed for decades she meant her work to convey messages to the masses. Art for art’s sake was never part of her credo.

    Kanaga noted of the famed photographer, Edward Weston, “His whole life was built around his work. I was much more interested in living.” She did live, and lived to the fullest, whether she was in California, New York or North Africa, and yet it seems fair to say that her life was inseparable from her work and her work inseparable from her life. Intensely political throughout her life, but not ideological, she joined the Sixties civil rights movement and was arrested in Albany, Georgia.

    A decade or so before her death, her photos of protesters were included in a book titled Prison Notes by Barbara Deming, a feminist and a non-violent activist who traveled to Hanoi during the Vietnam War. Kanaga remained true to her ideals until the end of her life, though in some of her late work she seemed to turned away from realism to symbolism and photographed sunflowers and old wagon wheels, one of which she titled “The End of an Era.” Perhaps she recognized that she had survived the era that had informed her best work which honors the beauty and the dignity of Black Americans.

    Had she been Black she might have enjoyed more fame and prestige than she did. Like the novelist and short story writer, Tillie Olsen, and like Sanora Babb, who wrote about Dust Bowl refugees in her novel, Whose Names are Unknown, Kanaga’s work was eclipsed by male photographers until women teachers and critics like Sally Stein came along and recognized her originality and her artistic compassion. In the wake of Trump’s victory at the polls, we might remember Kanaga’s resilience and endurance all through the crisis of 20th century capitalism. She’s a role model for our own spirited times.

    The post Photographer Consuelo Kanaga in Black and White: a Role Model for the Age of Trump appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • Still from Hard Truths.

    According to its mission statement, “AFI FEST… showcase[es] the best films from across the globe to captivated audiences in Los Angeles. With a diverse and innovative slate of programming, the film festival presents a robust lineup of fiction and nonfiction features and shorts… along with panels and conversations featuring both master filmmakers and new cinematic voices.” The American Film Institute’s annual film fete is taking place through October 27 at the TCL Chinese Theatre (that iconic movie palace formerly known as Grauman’s Chinese Theatre, with stars’ cement footprints in its famed courtyard) and the nearby TCL Chinese 6 Theatre, located beside Hollywood Blvd.’s fabled “Walk of Fame.”

    Mike Leigh: The Truth About Hard Truths is that It’s Hard to Take

    This year my AFI Fest-going got off to a promising, auspicious start with my very first movie of the Festival, Hard Truths by Mike Leigh, one of Britain’s best filmmakers ever. With few exceptions – notably 1999’s Topsy-Turvy, about the fabled Gilbert and Sullivan musical team, and 2014’s Mr. Turner, about the great painter J.M.W. Turner – Leigh’s outstanding oeuvre has focused on ordinary people and working class heroes/heroines. A prime example of Leigh’s admirable emphasis on everyday people is 1996’s sublimely beautiful Secrets & Lies, which received five Oscar nominations, including for Best Picture and Best Director.

    In 2015 I was lucky enough to catch up with Leigh at the Zurich Film Festival and asked the maestro: “Hollywood movies largely feature superheroes and movie stars. Why are the protagonists of your films about common people?” Dismissive of Tinseltown’s film franchise fetish and obsession with comic book characters, Leigh defiantly replied: “Everybody has a story to tell.”

    Truly an admirable, egalitarian sentiment, bit if true, this doesn’t necessarily mean that every single individual’s saga is worthy of their personal story being told and dramatized for the public at large, onscreen or onstage or on the page, et al. Along these lines, a strong case, alas, could be made against Hard Truths, which is a sort of thematic follow up to the infinitely superior Secrets & Lies, which also stars the excellent actress Marianne Jean-Baptiste (co-star of the FBI TV series Without a Trace), who was Academy Award-nommed for Best Supporting Actress for the stellar Secrets & Lies.

    Related by title (I’m sure that’s quite intentional), whereas Secrets & Lies was a poignant film full of hope and love, Hard Truths is a dark, dreary, depressing drama. Eighty-something writer/ director Leigh’s downer opens with Pansy (Jean-Baptiste) awakening with a start – in fact, for some reason, she does so three times throughout the movie that feels much longer than 97-minutes. To make a long story short, the homely, stocky Pansy has a totally negative disposition and is universally critical of everyone she encounters, from her long-suffering husband Curtley (whom she is indeed very curt to, as played by a tearful David Webber) and her 22-year-old son Moses (Tuwaine Barrett), to total strangers.

    The disputatious Pansy becomes embroiled in completely unnecessary arguments with cashiers and fellow shoppers on line with her, employees at a furniture store, and even her dentist and doctor, who Pansy has made appointments with in order to try explain and solve her unending series of aches and pains. Her kvetching is so annoying and unwarranted that characters in the drama actually laugh at her for being so absurdly ridiculous – but make no mistake about it, Hard Truths is no comedy, indeed far from it.

    Viewers can’t figure out if Pansy’s infinite agonies are due to her resoundingly negative disposition or the other way around. The film provides precious little background to explain her woes, although there’s some dialogue with his younger sister Chantelle (Michele Austin) that intimates Pany had an unhappy childhood. (Well, you certainly don’t have to be Sigmund Freud to deduce that.) BTW, Chantelle is an upbeat person (except when fretting about her miserable big sister) and there’s a scene or two between the solo mom and her exuberant, full of life daughters Aleisha (Sophia Brown) and Kayla (Ani Nelson) goofing around that may seem gratuitous at first, but in retrospect totally fit. Chantelle’s lively adult children are in stark contrast to the glum, withdrawn, videogame-playing, bullied, perpetually headphone-wearing Moses, always trying to distance himself from his hyper-critical mother and the misery she has inflicted upon her household.

    Why is Pansy (who is unable to work) so unhappy? The entire milieu of Hard Truths is the contemporary British Black middle class. The hard-working if, as said, long-suffering Curtley seems to make a decent living as a plumber, providing decently for his family, who live in the three-story attached house with a backyard that Leigh’s melodrama opens and closes with. Leigh has made moving movies about the underdog, such as his previous fact-based historical epic about a proletarian rebellion, 2018’s Peterloo. But – unless because I am a Caucasian American and not finely tuned to British Blacks – as far as I could discern, there’s only one scene in Hard Truths that seems to explicitly deal with racism and the ethnic power hierarchy: When Kayla’s white female boss is rudely dismissive of her pitch of a product to push at the company where she works (and tellingly lies about later over drinks with her sister).

    As suggested, Pansy’s backstory is largely untold. Where did her forebears come from before they alighted in England? The Caribbean? Africa? Who knows? What made Secrets & Lies so superb and such a joy to behold (in repeat viewings, BTW) is that while those characters had problems, there was a quite beautiful resolution. No, not a phony-baloney “happily-ever-after” one, but a very, profoundly human denouement, with an affirmation of life, love and family that’s largely lacking in Hard Truths. British cinema was known for Kitchen Sink Dramas, realistic depictions of working class existence, and for “Angry Young Man” movies, like 1959’s Look Back in Anger and 1962’s The Loneliness of the Long Distance Runner. Pansy is a lonely middle-aged woman who, for some reason viewers smarter than I may be able to explain to me, is ceaselessly suffering.

    I suspect that sitting through this hard to take cry-fest requires super powers found in those flicks Leigh scorns and is mainly for hardcore Mike Leigh fans (among them this critic), fans of tragedies, and people interested in the contemporary conditions of the British Black middle class.

    For info about AFI Fest see: https://fest.afi.com/.

    The post Mike Leigh Sings the Blues appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • Pacific Media Watch

    New Zealand’s leading daily newspaper has joined the debate about the haka that stunned Parliament and the nation last week, defending the youngest MP for her actions, saying she is a “product of her forebears” and “shining a light” on the new national conversation about the 1840 Treaty of Waitangi.

    That haka has been criticised by some conservative politicians and civic leaders as “appalling behaviour” and led to Te Pāti Māori’s 22-year-old Hana-Rāwhiti Maipi-Clarke being “named” by the Speaker and suspended from the House for 24 hours.

    However, among many have rallied to her support across the nation, with The New Zealand Herald declaring in an editorial on Tuesday that her haka “shines the light on a new conversation growing louder daily and describing where many Māori are at politically”.

    In light of the haka performed in Parliament, The Herald said, it was “important to understand what was on show” 184 years after the signing of Te Tiriti o Waitangi by the British Crown and more than 40 Māori chiefs as the founding document for New Zealand.

    The haka protest came as thousands joined a massive nine-day Te Hīkoi mō te Tiriti that marched the 1600km length of the country from north and south ending at Parliament in an impressive show of solidarity against the unpopular bill.

    “Culturally, haka is the ability to express thoughts and views in a way that provides clarity with the thoughts of those who deliver it. Haka can be delivered and invoked in many different ways and many different times,” said The Herald.

    “It can be delivered at the beginning of a kaupapa (cause) — like the All Blacks’ pre-match haka — or delivered near the end as a tangi when a tūpāpaku (body) is being taken to its final destination.”

    The newspaper said that when Maipi-Clarke broke into that haka in Parliament, it was her way of expressing her “absolute disgust and loathing of David Seymour’s Principles of the Treaty of Waitangi Bill”.

    Unapologetically Māori
    “Toitū Te Tiriti, the kōhanga reo generation and unapologetically Māori whānau are intertwined. Their whakapapa is the same,” The Herald said.

    “Toitū Te Tiriti says Te Tiriti will endure no matter what. The first of the kōhanga reo generation – the babies brought up in kōhanga reo over 40 years ago, like Te Pāti Māori co-leader Rawiri Waititi – and casting their leadership across te ao Māori.

    “They have been in the workforce for 20+ years, using te reo Māori and mātauranga Māori (Māori intelligence) as their north compass.

    “Maipi-Clarke is part of all three groups. She is a product of her forebears.

    “Maipi-Clarke looks at the world through a kaupapa Māori lens. The things which drive her are Māori-centric, first and foremost. That is who she is and what defines her. The new Māori Queen, Nga wai hono i te po, is of the same ilk.

    “Unapologetically Māori is a statement that serves as a declaration to the world about who Maipi-Clarke and those of her generation are, their truth and how to act from a holistic Māori world view.”

    ‘Their very identity threatened’
    The newspaper said Maipi-Clarke, her Te Pāti Māori colleagues and other politicians in the House “reacted when they felt their very identity was threatened”.

    “They acted the only way they believed was appropriate, with class and with mana.”

    The Herald said Maipi-Clarke, like many Māori and non-Māori, were angry with the progression of this bill.

    “She responded to it as she was taught by her predecessors and peers with a haka,” the paper said.

    “That’s the way Māori of the kōhanga reo generation were brought up to voice their concerns.”

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • An overview for our international readers of Asia Pacific Report.

    BACKGROUNDER: By Sarah Shamim

    A fight for Māori indigenous rights drew more than 50,000 protesters to the New Zealand Parliament in the capital Wellington yesterday.

    A nine-day-long Hīkoi, or peaceful march — a Māori tradition — was undertaken in protest against a bill that seeks to “reinterpret” the country’s 184-year-old founding Treaty of Waitangi, which was signed between British imperial colonisers and the Indigenous Māori tangata whenua (people).

    Some had also been peacefully demonstrating outside the Parliament building for nine days before the protest concluded yesterday.

    On November 14, the controversial Treaty Principles Bill was introduced in Parliament for a preliminary first reading vote. Māori parliamentarians staged a haka (a traditional ceremonial dance) to disrupt the vote, temporarily halting parliamentary proceedings.

    So, what was the Treaty of Waitangi, what are the proposals for altering it, and why has it become a flashpoint for protests in New Zealand?

    Maori protest
    Thousands of marchers protesting government policies that affect the Māori cross the Auckland Harbour Bridge on day three of the nine-day journey to Wellington. Image: AJ

    Who are the Māori?
    The Māori people are the original residents of the two large main islands now known as New Zealand, having lived there for several centuries.

    The Māori came to the uninhabited islands of New Zealand from East Polynesia on canoe voyages betweemn 1200 and 1300. Over hundreds of years of isolation, they developed their own distinct culture and language. Māori people speak te reo Māori and have different tribes, or iwi, spread throughout the country.

    The two islands were originally called Aotearoa by the Māori. The name New Zealand was adopted by the colonisers who took control under the Treaty of Waitangi in 1840.

    While Dutch explorer Abel Tasman was the first European to “discover” New Zealand in 1642, calling it Staten Land, three years later Dutch cartographers renamed the land Nova Zeelandia after the Dutch province of Zeeland.

    British explorer James Cook later anglicised the name to New Zealand.

    New Zealand became a “dominion” under the British crown in 1907 after being a colony.

    It gained full independence from Britain in 1947 when it adopted the Statute of Westminster.

    However, for a century the Māori people had suffered mass killings, land grabs and cultural erasure at the hands of colonial settlers.

    There are currently 978,246 Māori in New Zealand, constituting around 19 percent of the country’s population of 5.3 million. They are partially represented by Te Pāti Māori — the Māori Party — which currently holds six of the 123 seats in Parliament.

    INTERACTIVE - New Zealand Indigenous Maori-1732000986
    New Zaland Māori demographics. Graphic: AJLabs/Al Jazeera/CC

    What was the Treaty of Waitangi?
    On February 6, 1840, the Treaty of Waitangi, also called Te Tiriti o Waitangi or just Te Tiriti in te reo, was signed between the British Crown and around 500 Māori chiefs, or rangatira. The treaty was the founding document of New Zealand and officially made New Zealand a British colony.

    While the treaty was presented as a measure to resolve differences between the Māori and the British, the English and te reo versions of the treaty actually feature some stark differences.

    The te reo Māori version guarantees “rangatiratanga” to the Māori chiefs. This translates to “self-determination” and guarantees the Māori people the right to govern themselves.

    However, the English translation says that the Maori chiefs “cede to Her Majesty the Queen of England absolutely and without reservation all the rights and powers of Sovereignty”, making no mention of self-rule for the Maori.

    The English translation does guarantee the Māori “full exclusive and undisturbed possession of their Lands and Estates Forests Fisheries”.

    “The English draft talks about the British settlers having full authority and control over Māori in the whole country,” Kassie Hartendorp, a Māori community organiser and director at community campaigning organisation ActionStation Aotearoa, told Al Jazeera.

    Hartendorp explained that the te reo version includes the term “kawanatanga”, which in historical and linguistic context “gives British settlers the opportunity to set up their own government structure to govern their own people but they would not limit the sovereignty of Indigenous people”.

    “We never ceded sovereignty, we never handed it over. We gave a generous invitation to new settlers to create their own government because they were unruly and lawless at the time,” said Hartendorp.

    In the decades after 1840, however, 90 percent of Māori land was taken by the British Crown. Both versions of the treaty have been repeatedly breached and Māori people have continued to suffer injustice in New Zealand even after independence.

    In 1975, the Waitangi Tribunal was established as a permanent body to adjudicate treaty matters. The tribunal attempts to remedy treaty breaches and navigate differences between the treaty’s two texts.

    Over time, billions of dollars have been negotiated in settlements over breaches of the treaty, particularly relating to the widespread seizure of Māori land.

    However, other injustices have also occurred. Between 1950 and 2019, about 200,000 children, young people and vulnerable adults were subjected to physical and sexual abuse in state and church care, and a commission found Māori children were more vulnerable to the abuse than others.

    On November 12 this year, Prime Minister Christopher Luxon issued an apology to these victims, but it was criticised by Māori survivors for being inadequate. One criticism was that the apology did not take the treaty into account.

    While the treaty’s principles are not set in stone and are flexible, it is a significant historical document that upholds Māori rights.

    Generation Kohanga Reo
    Generation Kohanga Reo . . . making a difference at the Hīkoi. Image: David Robie/APR

    What does the Treaty Principles Bill propose?
    The Treaty Principles Bill was introduced by Member of Parliament David Seymour, leader of the libertarian ACT Party, a minor partner in New Zealand’s rightwing coalition government. Seymour himself is of Māori heritage.

    The party launched a public information campaign about the bill on February 7 this year.

    The ACT Party asserts that the treaty has been misinterpreted over the decades and that this has led to the formation of a dual system for New Zealanders, where Māori and pākehā (white) New Zealanders have different political and legal rights. Seymour says that misinterpretations of the treaty’s meaning have effectively given Māori people special treatment.

    The bill calls for an end to “division by race”.

    Seymour said that the principle of “ethnic quotas in public institutions”, for example, is contrary to the principle of equality.

    The bill seeks to set specific definitions of the treaty’s principles, which are currently flexible and open to interpretation. These principles would then apply to all New Zealanders equally, whether they are Māori or not.

    According to Together for Te Tiriti, an initiative led by ActionStation Aotearoa, the bill will allow the New Zealand government to govern all New Zealanders and consider all New Zealanders equal under the law.

    Activists say this will effectively disadvantage indigenous Māori people because they have been historically oppressed.

    Many, including the Waitangi Tribunal, say this will lead to the erosion of Māori rights. A statement by ActionStation Aotearoa says that the bill’s principles “do not at all reflect the meaning” of the Treaty of Waitangi.

    Why is the bill so controversial?
    The bill is strongly opposed by political parties in New Zealand on both the left and the right, and Maori people have criticised it on the basis that it undermines the treaty and its interpretation.

    Gideon Porter, a Maori journalist from New Zealand, told Al Jazeera that most Maori, as well as historians and legal experts, agree that the bill is an “attempt to redefine decades of exhaustive research and negotiated understandings of what constitute ‘principles’ of the treaty”.

    Porter added that those critical of the bill believe “the ACT Party within this coalition government is taking upon itself to try and engineer things so that Parliament gets to act as judge, jury and executioner”.

    In the eyes of most Maori, he said, the ACT Party is “simply hiding its racism behind a facade of ‘we are all New Zealanders with equal rights’ mantra”.

    The Waitangi Tribunal released a report on August 16 saying that it found the bill “breached the Treaty principles of partnership and reciprocity, active protection, good government, equity, redress, and the … guarantee of rangatiratanga”.

    Another report by the tribunal seen by The Guardian newspaper said: “If this bill were to be enacted, it would be the worst, most comprehensive breach of the Treaty … in modern times.”

    Treaty Principles Bill . . . submissions
    Treaty Principles Bill . . . submissions. Image: APR screenshot

    What process must the bill go through now?
    For a bill to become law in New Zealand, it must go through three rounds in Parliament: first when it is introduced, then when MPs suggest amendments and finally, when they vote on the amended bill. Since the total number of MPs is 123, at least 62 votes are needed for a bill to pass, David MacDonald, a political science professor at the University of Guelph in Canada, told Al Jazeera.

    Besides the six Māori Party seats, the New Zealand Parliament comprises 34 seats held by the Labour Party; 14 seats held by the Green Party of Aotearoa; 49 seats held by the National Party; 11 seats held by the ACT Party; and eight seats held by the New Zealand First Party.

    “The National Party leaders including the PM and other cabinet ministers and the leaders of the other coalition party [New Zealand] First have all said they won’t support the bill beyond the committee stage. It is highly unlikely that the bill will receive support from any party other than ACT,” MacDonald said.

    When the bill was heard for its first round in Parliament last week, Māori party lawmaker Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke tore up her copy of the legislation and led the haka.

    Is the bill likely to pass?
    The chances of the bill becoming law are “zero”, Porter said.

    He said the ACT’s coalition partners had “adamantly promised” to vote down the bill in the next stage. Additionally, all the opposition parties will also vote against it.

    “They only agreed to allow it to go this far as part of their ‘coalition agreement’ so they could govern,” Porter said.

    New Zealand’s current coalition government was formed in November 2023 after an election that took place a month earlier. It comprises the National Party, ACT and New Zealand First.

    While rightwing parties have not given a specific reason why they will oppose the bill, Hartendorp said New Zealand First and the New Zealand National Party would likely vote in line with public opinion, which largely opposes it.

    Why are people protesting if the bill is doomed to fail?
    The protests are not against the bill alone.

    “This latest march is a protest against many coalition government anti-Māori initiatives,” Porter said.

    Many believe that the conservative coalition government, which took office in November 2023, has taken measures to remove “race-based politics”. The Māori people are not happy with this and believe that it will undermine their rights.

    These measures include removing a law that gave the Maori a say in environmental matters. The government also abolished the Maori Health Authority in February this year.

    Despite the bill being highly likely to fail, many believe that just by allowing the bill to be tabled in Parliament, the coalition government has ignited dangerous social division.

    For example, former conservative Prime Minister Jenny Shipley has said that just putting forth the bill is sowing division in New Zealand, and she warned of potential “civil war”.

    Sarah Shamim is a freelance writer and assistant producer at Al Jazeera Media Network, where this article was first published.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • RNZ News

    International media coverage of Aotearoa New Zealand’s national Hīkoi to Parliament has largely focused on the historic size of the turnout in Wellington yesterday and the wider contention between Māori and the Crown.

    Some, including The New York Times, have also pointed out the recent swing right with the election of the coalition government as part of the reason for the unrest.

    The Times article said New Zealand had veered “sharply right”, likening it to Donald Trump’s re-election.

    “New Zealand bears little resemblance to the country recently led by Jacinda Ardern, whose brand of compassionate, progressive politics made her a global symbol of anti-Trump liberalism.”

    The challenging of the rights of Māori was “driving a wedge into New Zealand society”, the article said.

    Coverage in The Guardian explained that the Treaty Principles Bill was unlikely to pass.

    “However, it has prompted widespread anger among the public, academics, lawyers and Māori rights groups who believe it is creating division, undermining the treaty, and damaging the relationship between Māori and ruling authorities,” it said.

    ‘Critical moment’
    Turkey’s public broadcaster TRT World said New Zealand “faces a critical moment in its journey toward reconciling with its Indigenous population”.

    While Al Jazeera agreed it was “a contentious bill redefining the country’s founding agreement between the British and the Indigenous Māori people”.

    The Washington Post pointed out that the “bill is deeply unpopular, even among members of the ruling conservative coalition”.

    “While the bill would not rewrite the treaty itself, it would essentially extend it equally to all New Zealanders, which critics say would effectively render the treaty worthless,” the article said.

    The Hīkoi, and particularly the culmination of more than 42,000 people at Parliament, was covered in most of the mainstream international media outlets including Britain’s BBC and CNN in the United States, as well as wire agencies, including AFP, AP and Reuters.

    Across the Ditch, the ABC headline called it a “flashpoint” on race relations. While the article went on to say it was “a critical moment in the fraught 180-year-old conversation about how New Zealand should honour the promises made to First Nations people when the country was colonised”.

    Most of the articles also linked back to Te Pāti Māori MP Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke’s haka in Parliament which also garnered significant international attention.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • RNZ News

    More than 35,000 people today gathered as Aotearoa New Zealand’s Hīkoi mō te Tiriti overflowed from Parliament’s grounds and onto nearby streets in the capital Wellington Pōneke.

    Eru Kapa-Kingi told the crowd “Māori nation has been born” today and that “Te Tiriti is forever”.

    ACT leader David Seymour was met with chants of “Kill the bill, kill the bill” when he walked out of the Beehive for a brief appearance at Parliament’s forecourt, before waving to the crowd and returning into the building.


    The Hikoi at Parliament today. Video: RNZ News

    The Treaty Principles Bill architect, Seymour, said he supported the right to protest, but thought participants were misguided and had a range of different grievances.

    Interviewed earlier before Question Time, Prime Minister Christopher Luxon said it was up to Parliament’s justice committee to decide whether the select committee process on the Treaty Principles Bill should be shortened.

    The select committee will receive public submissions until January 7, and intends to complete hearings by the end of February.

    Waitangi Day uncertainty
    It means the Prime Minister will head to Waitangi while submissions on the bill are still happening.

    Luxon was asked whether he would prefer if the bill was disposed of before Waitangi Day commemorations on February 6

    “It’ll be what it will be.

    “Let’s be clear — there is a strong depth of emotion on all sides of this debate.

    “Yes, [the bill] is not something I like or support, but we have come to a compromise.”

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • In this conversation, Professor Clare Wright, Professor of History and Public Engagement at La Trobe University, talks to me (BroadAgenda editor, Ginger Gorman), about her new book, Ṉäku Dhäruk: The Bark Petitions. We explore the profound historical and cultural significance of these petitions, as well as Professor Wright’s personal connection to the Yolŋu people and their enduring struggle for land rights and recognition.

    What are the Yirrkala Bark Petitions and inspired you to write about them?

    Ṉäku Dhäruk/the Bark Petitions are a set of four documents or artefacts or artworks (they’ve been called all these things) that were sent by the Yolŋu people of northeast Arnhem Land to four Australian parliamentarians (Prime Minister Robert Menzies, Opposition leader Arthur Calwell and Labor MPs Kim Beazley Snr and Gordon Bryant) in July 1963 to protest against the incursion of mining interests on their lands.  

    The petitions, which made eight requests, were typed in two languages – Yolŋu matha and English – then pasted on to bark frames on which the traditional designs, animals, plants and ancestral beings were painted in ochre to represent the clan lands and creation stories of the Miwatj region. The petitions were signed by 9 men and 3 women who had been carefully selected by the Yolŋu elders to represent the various Yolŋu clans.

    Two of the petitions were presented to the House of Representatives, the first on 14 August 1963, the second – after the initial one was rejected by Minister for Territories Paul Hasluck – was presented and accepted on 28 August. It’s important to recognise that the petitions did not protest against mining in the region per se.  What they called for was consultation on any decisions that were made about who could come on to their lands and how their lands were to be used as well as compensation for any resources taken from those lands.  These requests accorded to Yolŋu law. Spoiler alert, but suffice to say those requests went unheeded.

    The story of Ṉäku Dhäruk/the Bark Petitions has been important to the Yolŋu descendants of those elders who struggled for their human and land rights.  It’s a story that many of today’s leaders and elders, including the strong women, wanted to have told.

    They wanted their old people remembered by the rest of Australia. My family had the unique privilege of living with the Gumatj clan in northeast Arnhem Land in 2010. Gumatj leader Dr G Yunupiŋu was particularly keen to have the story told.  

    (He had been 15 years old in 1963 and his father Mungurruway was one of the leaders of the protest action.)  I was adopted into the Yolŋu kinship by Dr Yunupiŋu’s fourth wife, Valerie Ganambarr.  I was given the Yolŋu yaku (name) Guymululu, meaning ‘special tree’. I became close to many powerful, commanding Yolŋu women. It was from within this inner circle of family and community that I was effectively tasked with writing the history of Ṉäku Dhäruk/the Bark Petitions, from the perspective of both its white and Yolŋu protagonists, male and female.

    Why are they important in terms of Australian history? 

    Ṉäku Dhäruk/the Bark Petitions were the first petitions put to the federal Parliament in an Australian language.  They were also the first petitions presented to the federal Parliament to lead directly to a parliamentary enquiry.  They are also the first petitions by Indigenous Australians to assert land rights, and as such are the direct precursor to subsequent land rights legislation as well as the paradigm-shifting native title rulings in Mabo. These factors alone make the petitions important documents in the history of the nation. 

    But more than just setting those procedural precedents, Ṉäku Dhäruk/the Bark Petitions can be seen as an attempt by the Yolŋu people to come to a form of diplomatic agreement-making between one sovereign nation and another.  In 1963, the Yolŋu people believed themselves to be nothing but the owners of their lands, acting under their own governance structures, economic autonomy and legal regimes.

    In other words, their sovereignty had never been ceded.

    Widening the frame, we can also see Ṉäku Dhäruk/the Bark Petitions as a pivotal event in the history of Australian democracy, sitting alongside the Eureka rebellion (1854, workers’ rights, Eureka Flag) and the women’s suffrage movement (1902, womens’ rights, Women’s Suffrage Banner).

    That’s why this book is the third instalment of my Democracy Trilogy. The trilogy turns on the material heritage of Australian democracy – flag, banner, bark – but also demonstrates that each moment was about disenfranchised people demanding the right to be heard, to be counted.  Each of these moments/movements was about Voice.

    Cover of Naku Dharuk: The Bark Petitions. Picture: Supplied

    Cover of Naku Dharuk: The Bark Petitions. Picture: Supplied

    You discuss the Yolngu Bark Petitions as emblems of Indigenous Australians’ confidence in their land rights. Has this been impacted by The Voice referendum?

    The Yolŋu people had no reason to expect their requests for recognition of their political sovereignty and land rights would not be respected. They had been trading and agreement-making with ‘outsiders’ for centuries, strangers who abided by Yolŋu laws.  Their confidence was only truly scorched by losing the Gove Land Rights case which followed on from Ṉäku Dhäruk/the Bark Petitions.  

    I started researching and writing this book over a decade ago. The Uluru Statement from the Heart and the Voice referendum were not, therefore, political agendas that were anywhere near my consciousness. I had no barrow to push, just an incredible, unforgettable (yet largely forgotten) story to tell. As the political and social dimensions of those movements played out from 2020, it became clear to me how many similarities there were between the 1963 Ṉäku Dhäruk/the Bark Petitions campaign and the present-day struggles for the right to be heard, the right to meaningful consultation and consent.

    Indeed the referendum for a constitutionally enshrined First Nations Voice to Parliament was held in the 60th anniversary year of Ṉäku Dhäruk/the Bark Petitions.  It is heart-breaking that the majority of Australians – including the Coalition parties – are still not prepared to listen to what our First Australians want to say about their everyday needs as well as their historical and contemporary experiences, inspirations and ambitions.

    You mention Dr G Yunupingu’s encouragement for you to hold “crook people” accountable. How do you navigate the balance between accountability and honoring the resistance of the Yolngu people?

    This was easy: I wrote from the archives up.  The bad actors in this story made themselves pretty well known to me from the primary sources long before Dr G Yunupiŋu identified them by name to me!

    You employ a unique narrative style that blends various voices and perspectives. What inspired you to adopt this ‘spiral’ approach?

    I think my narrative style is perhaps only unique to scholarly history writing.  My literary influences are drawn far more from fiction of screen writing than academic discourse.  First, I write narrative non-fiction: the beats are story-driven, not argument-driven.  I also focus on character and write on the heels of the very many characters who contributed to the story of Ṉäku Dhäruk/the Bark Petitions; if they don’t know what’s going to happen next as protagonists, neither do we as readers.

    I think this approach is more reflective of the way that people live their lives, people then and people now.  I hope it shows that people (ie: us) make history every day in the choices they make, the alliances they form, the values they honour, the rights and liberties they struggle for, the way they act as either ‘enlargers’ or ‘punishers’, to borrow from Manning Clark.

    I think that it’s also important to amplify the symphonic nature of the past.  There were/are a lot of voices, trying to communicate their hopes, aspirations, grievances and principles.  Drawing only from the colonial/national archive tends to lower the volume on this polyglot, polyvocal past.  Finally, in Ṉäku Dhäruk/the Bark Petitions I have also tried to insert the imperatives of Yolŋu history-making and storytelling, which tend to embrace temporalities that loop and spiral and return rather than only western enlightenment ideas of time and space, which tend to follow chronological, teleological ideas of progress: beginning, middle, end.

    Professor Wright spent thousands of hours working with Yolngu Elders while she wrote and researched her book. Picture: Supplied

    Professor Wright spent thousands of hours working with Yolngu Elders while she wrote and researched her book. Picture: Supplied

    You mention that the bark petitions are sometimes seen as “colonial trophies.” How can we shift the narrative to ensure that their significance is fully understood and respected in today’s context?

    It was a huge turning point in my thinking, years into the research for this book, when I thought to ask Dr G’s what the Bark Petitions were called in Yolŋu Matha.  It had never occurred to me before that the Yolŋu would have their own language.  His answer took some time to fully digest: Ṉäku Dhäruk.  Ṉäku, meaning ‘bark’, for the material that is used for bark painting.  And Dhäruk, meaning ‘the word’ or a ‘message’ or a meeting out of which a collective message or outcome will be decided.

    There was no sense of a ‘petition’ at all.  We understand petitioning as a means by which a subservient people requests something  a higher power.  ‘Your servants humble pray’ is part of the desiterata of the Westminster petition.  But the Yolŋu had no such hierarchies in mind.  They saw themselves as equals, on the same level, negotiating across, not begging up.  Understanding Ṉäku Dhäruk/the Bark Petitions as gifts of diplomacy changes the whole power dynamic of the situation. And gives us hope, I think, that such anti-colonial relationships of political equality might exist between First Australians and settler Australians again.

     

    The post The Yirrkala Bark Petitions: A story of sovereignty and resistance appeared first on BroadAgenda.

    This post was originally published on BroadAgenda.

  • You’re a writer, you’re a wellness facilitator, you are a community architect. I really want to know, how did you come to define the titles for yourself? Was it a process of intentional self-discovery, or did these roles reveal themselves to you over time?

    I think the roles just kind of revealed themselves to me. I’ve always loved to write, but I never really considered myself to be a writer until I embarked on the journey of writing this book and realized that I was pretty good at it.

    And then that was also a moment for me to just be like, “Well, why didn’t you claim that before? And why were you so nervous to consider yourself a writer? What was the metric that I was kind of using to make myself feel like I was or was not?” And I think I’m still trying to unpack that because I think I should have been leaning into it a lot more. And obviously I was writing throughout all these years and publishing my little things,

    And then the role of community architect, it revealed itself to me as I realized that I was gifted in certain things and folks kept mirroring to me that I made them feel a certain way, and that when they were in spaces that I would put together, they felt something. They felt like they were really in the presence of community. And then I realized, “Oh my gosh, I think I’m a community architect.” I think I would never have considered myself this had it not been revealed to me through the words of other people. But now that I think about it, I actually see it. And so that’s how I came to claim that title as well.

    You built this amazing community with Goddess Council, while wearing so many different hats. What were some things you learned about yourself both as a leader and a person navigating her own journey and still creating spaces?

    In retrospect, something that I learned is that I really do appreciate solitude. And I think that the more alone time that I have, the better I can be for other people. And that’s not something I think I would’ve been fully clear about had I not taken two years to just tuck myself away and really make sense of my life. But I think that it’s in the solitude that I’m able to clarify the things that I eventually bring back to people, like the words or the experiences, the feelings.

    And so I think when I was running Goddess Council, that was one thing that I didn’t prioritize, which in part led to my burnout. The fact that I thought I could just keep running like a machine and not really take time for myself while I showed up for other people.

    You built something great and then it had to close. How has the grief of that reshaped your understanding of self and your work within community?

    Well, I think that the grieving process of that was also part of why I had to go away for two years. I think it was so fundamental to my growth to understand what went wrong and what went right, so that I could understand what I didn’t want to replicate in the future. It transformed me. As a community leader, there are ways that you can show up that are really well-intentioned. Everything I’ve always done has been well-intentioned, but it doesn’t necessarily mean that your approach is sustainable, it doesn’t necessarily mean that it is the most effective, and it also doesn’t necessarily mean that you are sticking to the mission of why you began to do something. Things can change along the way, and part of being a leader and part of being aware is being able to course-correct as you go along. And I don’t think that’s a skill that I had up until now really.

    If I was to do all that again, I would be very different. But at the time, I started that when I was 26 years old, and it started to peak at the start of the pandemic. And there are just so many factors at play that it was impossible for me to try to course-correct as the world was crumbling.

    The thing that I learned the most is that there needs to be an honesty with self along the way and there needs to be a flexibility to say this is not working anymore, and name it and say it out loud and point to it, versus trying to avoid the reality of what it is, trying to preserve something that is no longer. And that as a leader, it’s your responsibility to say the hard thing and to say the thing out loud, even if that means that a lot of things are going to have to change as a result of that new truth coming to light. But if that truth means that the business isn’t going to function anymore or the community has to transform and change, then it’s okay. It doesn’t mean it’s a failure, it just means that there is a new thing that wants to come through, and that’s okay.

    I really would love to know when did you realize that the “setback” with Goddess Council would serve as a guide for future efforts, as something to help others?

    I would say about seven months after I closed down the business. I just had so much to process for myself that I knew that writing would help me make sense of what I had just done or what I had just gone through. So it started off as something for me to just be able to put it away, to be like, “Okay, we’ve processed this, we’ve made sense of everything.” And then I was like, “Well, what if this is bigger than you? What if this isn’t just a writing process for you to make sense of this but, instead, is an offering that you can share from this chapter of your life that would allow people to make more sense of your story, to fill in some gaps that maybe were left behind?”

    Never a failure, always a lesson. So that was an opportunity for me to also change the way I framed that whole experience of it being a failure and instead it being a lesson. And then I was going to make a book out of the lesson, and by doing so, end that chapter with a more progressive, forward-thinking, positive attitude versus one of shame.

    What were some other practical steps that helped you maintain resilience?

    Journaling. I will say that a million times over. When I wasn’t writing the book, I was writing in my journal, I was filling up journals left and right because I needed to synthesize the feelings that were coming about every day. Every day was different. There was a new realization, there was a new grief point, a new thing that I realized, and I wanted to try my best to not dump any of that on people that loved me. I didn’t want to share that online prematurely. And I also wanted to make sure that I documented that whole process because one day I’ll look back on all of those journals and see the actual healing happening in real time, and that’ll be nice to just be able to reflect on my own journey in private. And so journaling was a big one for me.

    And opening up space for play and for open-ended living. I know that’s a privilege to be able to do that, but I think being able to live a life for the past few years where I didn’t have a schedule and I was able to lean into play and into art and just take in the beauty of the world and things that other people create also allowed me to remember that life is bigger than just a moment or a point of grief. There’s a lot more that goes into all of this life thing. And I wanted to make sure that I was diving into that and allowing my life to be as colorful as possible.

    And I think that, not that it distracted me, but it just constantly reminded me that it was bigger than me. Everything’s bigger than me. There’s more out there and I don’t have to go into my shell and be depressed about things. I can be sad, but I can also experience joy and wonder and awe at the same time. And so I think embracing the duality of that all really allowed me to just shake up my life and stop looking at it as such a one dimensional experience, and instead just be able to look around and lean into all of the other experiences that were available to me too.

    I like that you mentioned the word play, because you talk about that a lot on how important play is in your creative process, but what are the signs that it’s time to sit down and just make the thing?

    For me, it’s always when I have an idea that keeps following me at random parts of the day, whether it’s the first thing I wake up or washing dishes and it comes back to me. It’s like the idea is persistent and it’s kind of nagging at you, I don’t know, like a puppy would that you don’t play with. How they’re pawing at you and they’re like, “Pay attention to me. Pay attention to me.”

    I’m only going to ask you so many times before I just find somebody else that’ll play with me, and the idea will float to someone else. And Elizabeth Gilbert talks about that in Big Magic, how ideas will stay with you and see if you’re the person that’s going to bring them to life. And if it’s not you, it’ll float to somebody else who will give it the time. That’s kind of how I’ve come to realize that my ideas are, I think of the idea as having its own mind and its own energy.

    And so it’s a balance of telling that idea and reaffirming that you’re not neglecting it, but you’re trying to make sure that you set everything up so that you can give it the perfect amount of time. And so even just being able to jot certain things down or give some attention to it along the way, until you get to that point where you’re like, “Okay, I’m sitting down for X amount of time and I’m doing the thing.”

    Also, just in case those ideas don’t come to you as freely when you’re finally at the computer to sit down, you can go and source them and be like, okay, what was that thing I wrote down that one day? Ah, okay, this is what I’m going to write about, blah, blah, blah. Instead of being at the computer like, “Well, what am I going to write about today?”

    I definitely get that. And I remember throughout your book you emphasizing your why for Goddess Council, Chats With Cat and all these other amazing endeavors. So how do you handle a situation where your original purpose, your why changes, and then you become misaligned?

    Well, in the past I handled it in a way that was like, well, I got to go. I have to just leave all of this. And that’s because I didn’t listen to myself along the way. But now I think I would kind of handle it by communicating the feeling of things changing as soon as possible with other people instead of allowing time to pass. Because I think informing is very important, it is one of the best tools that you can lean into when it comes to communication. A lot of times ruptures and confusion happen because somebody feels like they were left out of the loop or they were informed too late or things like that.

    Something I’m trying to emphasize and work on in my relationships in general is to just, the moment I feel something is off, try to name it and try to say it as soon as I can. But obviously after I’ve thought about it and I’ve had an ability to articulate my feelings, instead of it just being a rambling thought and then I need to bring this to the people that it is going to impact in some way. And I found that people appreciate when you let them know sooner than later about things.

    Even earlier in our conversation, you talked about being burnt out, and in your book you explored it in a way that I’ve never really seen before. What drove you to explore the topic in such depth, and how has it changed your approach to self-care?

    I decided to actually investigate and do research about burnout because I was feeling something I’d never felt before. And I thought it was burnout, but the way that everybody had talked about it, I was just like, “Oh, this feels more serious than how people talk about it. So is this burnout or is it not?”

    That word was used so casually that I was like, “No, I think this might be something more serious than that.” I realized that burnout exists on a spectrum, and I had reached the pit of it. And I have to be mindful of that because I’m the only person navigating this body. If I don’t take care of myself, then I’m not going to be able to do anything that I want to do. This led me to rethink my self-care and slow down, setting firmer boundaries to protect my health. I try to move in a way that makes more sense, and that oftentimes leads to me saying no to a lot of things and not feeling aligned with certain jobs even. And that comes with its own consequences.

    But these days I’m like, “Okay, the stakes are my health.” The stakes are high, and it’s that if I continue to do things that are not aligned with me, then I’m going to go back to that place, which I never want to get back to. So, I’m working on creating income streams that align with my energy flow, allowing me to contribute without burning out. So I can be well while I show up to things that also excite me.

    That’s a good way of putting it. Shortly after your move to Mexico City, your space got broken into and your computer that contained all your work got stolen. How have you adapted your creative process when these types of external circumstances change things drastically, especially being in the middle of creating something?

    I hope to never be in a situation like that again, but I don’t know. Moments like that just kind of teach you that you have a plan and then God has a plan. I used to be somebody who I think was very kind of obsessed with control as much as I could be. And I think that also led to my burnout because I was so restrictive with wanting things to be a certain way. And I’m really grateful that I was held during that time, that there were people that showed up for me.

    I think in terms of going with your creative flow, that was obviously one of those things that I was not expecting. I didn’t work for a month because I didn’t have a computer. And that was a big turning point for me. And it’s never a setback. I know in the moment it doesn’t feel like that, but that happened over a year ago at this point. And I’m reflecting on where I was at that time, and I’m like, “Wow I still did the thing. It didn’t prevent me from moving forward.” And I think it’s just a matter of being the master of your own mind and telling yourself that it is not a sign that you’re not supposed to keep going, but instead maybe an opportunity to see if you’re really serious about how badly you want it.

    What are some tips that you can offer other people who are going through a similar transition?

    I think it’s a test. I think it’s a test to see what you’re made out of. And I think so many of us have already had tests to see how resilient we are, so it’s not like many of us feel like we need more of those resiliency tests, but life will throw it at you, and it is just a matter of holding on. You can’t give up.

    I’m saying this as somebody who has many moments where I’m like, “Maybe this is it.” And I’m like, “No, you have to keep going.” It’s not that I’m perfect or that I constantly am confident or I know that everything’s going to be okay. It’s just in the end, you just know that you don’t have any other choice but to try. And as long as you keep doing that, the answers will reveal themselves like they always do. It always happens. You just have to stay in the game and trust that you have what it takes to figure it out.

    Being resourceful is key—whether it’s writing by hand, borrowing a computer, or using a library. And don’t hesitate to ask for help, you never know who might have the solution you need. Just keep doing whatever it takes to stay in the game.

    So finally, how has being part and also leading a community impact your own self-discovery process?

    Oh, so much. I’ve come to realize that we are way more alike than we are different. People just want to feel seen. People want to feel cared for. And part of my own self-discovery and realizing what I’m here for is just understanding that I’m just here to enhance the human experience for other people and for myself. The more I discover parts of myself, the more I discover parts about other people, because we are all one and the same. And the more I talk about my human experience, the more others feel safe to talk about theirs.

    It’s a reminder that we’re all connected, with shared layers of experience and feelings. Sometimes, it just takes one person to voice something vulnerable for others to feel they can, too. Embracing the role of openness, I recognize that my feelings aren’t unique, they’re shared by many. When I feel nervous or exposed, this sense of unity grounds me and reminds me of the universal connection in being human.

    Cat Lantigua Recommends:

    Ashwagandha supplements to help soothe through particularly anxious moments

    Lavender to help regulate your nervous system (I love putting a dropper full of it in my water bottle and sipping it throughout the day)

    The A La Sala album by Khraungbin

    These incense match sticks that are perfect to pack along during your travels

    This is the perfect herbal cough medicine to soothe your lungs during the winter months

  • ACT leader David Seymour has spoken out on Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke’s haka in Parliament as a Hīkoi against his controversial Treaty Principles Bill converges on Wellington.

    The Te Pāti Māori MP was suspended for 24 hours and “named” for leading the haka during the first reading of the bill last Thursday.

    Seymour told reporters the haka “was designed to get in other people’s faces”, to stop the people who represent New Zealanders from having their say, particularly because those doing it left their seats.

    The action was a serious matter, and if a haka was allowed one time, it left the door open for other disruptions in Parliament at other times.

    Labour’s vote against the decision to suspend Maipi-Clarke from the House was an indication it thought such behaviour was appropriate.

    People should be held accountable for their actions, Seymour added.

    Asked by reporters if Seymour should speak to the Hīkoi, Te Pāti Māori co-leader Debbie Ngarewa-Packer said his voice had already been heard, and described Māori feeling “a sense of betrayal”.

    The bill should never have come into the House, she said.

    A ferry carrying protesters from the South Island is now on its way across the Cook Strait as final preparations are made in the capital for tomorrow’s gathering at the Beehive.

    In Wellington, commuters are being warned to allow extra time for travel, and add one or even two hours to their trips to work on Tuesday even as extra buses and train carriages are put on.

    Māori Queen to join Hīkoi
    A spokesperson for the Kiingitanga movement said although this was a period of mourning in the wake of the death of her late father, the Māori Queen would be joining the Hīkoi in Wellington.

    Te Arikinui Kuini Nga Wai Hono i te Po confirmed late last night she planned to be at Parliament tomorrow.

    Speaking to RNZ’s Midday Report, spokesperson Ngira Simmonds said while it was uncommon for a Māori monarch to break the period of mourning, Kuini Nga Wai Hono i te Po would be there to advocate for more unity between Māori and the Crown.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • By Georgia Brown, Queensland University of Technology

    Fijian newsrooms are under pressure to adapt as audiences shift away from traditional media such as newspapers, radio, and television, in favour of Facebook and other social media platforms.

    Asia Foundation research showed that Fijians ranked Facebook as their third most significant source of information about covid-19 during the pandemic, surpassing newspapers and “word of mouth”, despite recognising social media as their least trusted choice.

    Radio and television still exceeded Facebook, but surveys during the pandemic reveal the increasing significance of Facebook and other social media, such as Twitter, YouTube and TikTok as widely used sources of news, particularly for Fijians younger than 45.

    A survey revealed that of Fiji’s 924,610 population, 551,000 were social media users in January 2023. Facebook, the country’s most popular platform, limits access to people aged 13 and older. Of those eligible in Fiji to create an account in 2023, 71 percent used Facebook.

    Australian National University researcher Jope Tarai attributes the rise in social media usage in the 2010s to the 2006 coup and subsequent change in Fijian leadership, suggesting it “cultivated a culture of self-censorship”.

    “The constrained political context saw the emergence of blogging as a means of disseminating restricted information that would have conventionally informed news reporting,” Tarai says.

    Tarai says concerns about credibility of blogs meant this avenue was replaced by Facebook, “which was more interactive, accessible via handheld devices and instantaneous”.

    Increased media freedom
    With the increased media freedoms that have arisen following Fiji’s change in government at the end of 2022, newspapers and other traditional newsrooms should be poised to reassert themselves, but they face significant challenges due to the global shift in how people consume information.

    As audiences migrate to newer digital platforms, newsrooms that have traditionally depended on physical newspaper sales and advertising revenue are now under increasing pressure to adapt.

    Fiji Times editor-in-chief Fred Wesley says news outlets are struggling to capture the attention of younger audiences through conventional formats, prompting a shift towards social media platforms to enhance audience engagement and boost traffic.

    “Young people are not going to news websites or reading physical papers,” he says. “Young people are getting their news from social media.”

    The University of the South Pacific’s technical editor and digital communication officer, Eliki Drugunalevu, says he has observed a growing preference among the general Fijian population for receiving news through social media as opposed to traditional outlets.

    “When people refer to a certain news item that came out that day or even the previous day, they just go to their social media pages and search for that news item or even go to the social media page of that particular news outlet to read/access that story,” he says.

    Drugunalevu identifies two contributors to this shift.

    ‘At your fingertips’
    “Everything is just at your fingertips, easily accessible,” he says. “Internet charges in Fiji are affordable now so that you can pretty much be online 24/7.”

    Newsrooms across Fiji are not oblivious to this shift. Editors and journalists are recalibrating their strategies to meet the demands of a digital audience.

    Islands Business managing editor Samantha Magick says the abundance of readily available online content has resulted in young people refraining from paying for it.

    “I think there’s a generational shift. My daughter would never pay for any news, would never buy a newspaper to start with. She would probably never think about paying for media, unless its Netflix,” she says.

    However, Magick believes social media can be leveraged to fulfil evolving audience demands while offering fresh advantages to her organisation.

    “Social media for us is a funnel to get people to our website or to subscribe,” she says. “Facebook is still huge in the region, not just in Fiji [and] that’s where a lot of community discussions are happening, so it’s a source as well as a platform for us.”

    Magick says incorporating social media in her organisation requires her to stay more vigilant on analytics, as it significantly influences her decision-making processes.

    ‘Understanding content’s landing’
    “There’s all that sort of analytic stuff that I feel now I have to be much more across whereas before it was just generating the content. Now it’s understanding how that content’s landing, who’s seeing it, making decisions based on that,” she says.

    Fiji TV digital media specialist Edna Low says social media data analytics like engagement and click-through rates provide valuable insight into audience preferences, behaviours and demographics.

    “Social media platforms often dictate what topics are trending and what content resonates with audiences, which can shape editorial decisions and coverage priorities,” she says.

    Fiji TV’s director of news, current affairs and sports, Felix Chaudhary, echoes this.

    “We realise the critical importance of engaging with our viewers and potential viewers via online platforms,” he says. “All our new recruits/interns have to be internet and social media savvy.”

    Transitioning his organisation to a fully online model is the path forward in the digital era, Chaudhary says.

    “Like the world’s biggest news services, we are looking in the next five to ten years to transitioning from traditional TV broadcast to streaming all our news and shows,” he says. “The world is already moving towards that, and we just have to follow suit or get left behind.”

    As TikTok gains increasing popularity among younger Fijians and social platforms introduce initiatives to combat misinformation, it seems possible that social media could snatch the top spot for Fijian’s primary news source.

    It is clear that newsrooms and journalists must either navigate the evolving digital trends and preferences of audiences or risk becoming old news.

    Catrin Gardiner contributed research to this story. Georgia Brown and Catrin Gardiner were student journalists from the Queensland University of Technology who travelled to Fiji with the support of the Australian Government’s New Colombo Plan Mobility Programme. This article is published in a partnership of QUT with Asia Pacific Report, Asia Pacific Media Network (APMN) and The University of the South Pacific.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • RNZ News

    New Zealand’s hīkoi against the Treaty Principles Bill could be one of the largest rallies that the capital has seen for years, Wellington City Council says.

    The Hīkoi mō te Tiriti will arrive in Wellington tomorrow, and locals are being warned to expect disruption and plan ahead.

    Yesterday, about 5000 people filled the square in Palmerston North before the convoy headed south, stopping for a rally in Levin.

    Thousands of supporters were then welcomed at Takapūwāhia Marae, in Porirua, north of Wellington.

    They will have a rest day in Porirua today before gathering at Wellington’s Waitangi Park on tomorrow morning, and converging on Parliament.

    “There is likely to be some disruption to roads and highways,” the council said in a statement.

    ‘Plan ahead’ call
    “Please plan ahead if travelling by road or rail on Tuesday, November 19, as delays are possible.”

    The Hīkoi will start at 6am, travelling from Porirua to Waitangi Park, where it will arrive at 9am.

    It will then depart the park at 10am, travelling along the Golden Mile to Parliament, where it will arrive at midday.

    The Hīkoi will return to Waitangi Park at 4pm for a concert, karakia, and farewell.

    State Highways 1 and 2 busier than normal.

    Police said no significant issues had been reported as a result of the Hīkoi.

    A traffic management plan would be in place for its arrival into Wellington, with heavier than usual traffic anticipated, particularly in the Hutt Valley early Tuesday morning, and on SH2 between Lower Hutt and Wellington city.

    Anyone living or working in the city should plan accordingly, Wellington District Commander Superintendent Corrie Parnell said.

    Police ‘working with Hikoī’
    “Police have been working closely with iwi and Hīkoi organisers, and our engagement has been positive.

    “The event as it has moved down the country has been conducted peacefully, and we have every reason to believe this will continue.

    “In saying that, disruption is expected through the city centre as the hīkoi makes its way from Waitangi Park to Parliament.

    “We’ve planned ahead with NZTA, Wellington City Council, Greater Wellington Regional Council, local schools, retailers and other stakeholders to mitigate this as best possible, but Wellingtonians should be prepared for Tuesday to look a little different.”

    Protesters in Dannevirke during day 6 of Hīkoi mō te Tiriti.
    Riders on horseback have joined the Hīkoi along the route. Image: RNZ/Pokere Paewai

    Wellington Station bus hub will be closed, with buses diverted to nearby locations.

    Metlink has also added extra capacity to trains outside of peak times (9am-3pm).

    Police said parking was expected to be extremely difficult on Tuesday, especially around the bus hub, Lambton Quay and Parliament grounds.

    Wellingtonians were being to exercise patience, particularly on busy roads, Parnell said.

    “We ask you to allow more time than normal to get where you are going. Plan ahead by looking at how road closures and public transport changes might affect you, and expect that there will be delays at some point throughout the day.”

    PM: ‘We’ll wait and see’
    Prime Minister Christopher Luxon said he was playing his approach to the Hīkoi “by ear”.

    He has been at his first APEC meeting in Peru, but will arrive back in New Zealand today.

    He said he was open to speaking with members of the Hīkoi on Tuesday, but no plans had been made as yet.

    “We haven’t made a decision. We’ll wait and see, but I’m very open to meeting, in some form or another.

    “It’s obviously building as it walks through the country and gets to Wellington, and we’ll just wait and see and take it as it comes.”

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • RNZ News

    A former New Zealand prime minister, Dame Jenny Shipley, has warned the ACT Party is “inviting civil war” with its attempt to define the principles of the 1840 Te Tiriti o Waitangi in law.

    The party’s controversial Treaty Principles Bill passed its first reading in Parliament on Thursday, voted for by ruling coalition members ACT, New Zealand First and National.

    National has said its MPs will vote against it at the second reading, after only backing it through the first as part of the coalition agreement with ACT.

    Voting on the bill was interrupted when Te Pāti Māori’s Hauraki Waikato MP Hana-Rāwhiti Maipi-Clarke tore up a copy of the bill and launched into a haka, inspiring other opposition MPs and members of the public gallery to join in.

    Dame Jenny, who led the National Party from 1997 until 2001 and was prime minister for two of those years, threw her support behind Maipi-Clarke.

    “The Treaty, when it’s come under pressure from either side, our voices have been raised,” she told RNZ’s Saturday Morning.

    “I was young enough to remember Bastion Point, and look, the Treaty has helped us navigate. When people have had to raise their voice, it’s brought us back to what it’s been — an enduring relationship where people then try to find their way forward.

    “And I thought the voices of this week were completely and utterly appropriate, and whether they breach standing orders, I’ll put that aside.

    “The voice of Māori, that reminds us that this was an agreement, a contract — and you do not rip up a contract and then just say, ‘Well, I’m happy to rewrite it on my terms, but you don’t count.’

    Te Pāti Māori MP Hana-Rawhiti Maipa-Clarke led a haka in Parliament after the first reading of the Treaty Principles Bill
    Te Pāti Māori MP Hana-Rāwhiti Maipa-Clarke led a haka in Parliament and tore up a copy of the Treaty Principles Bill at the first reading in Parliament on Thursday . . . . a haka is traditionally used as an indigenous show of challenge, support or sorrow. Image: RNZ/Samuel Rillstone

    “I would raise my voice. I’m proud that the National Party has said they will not be supporting this, because you cannot speak out of both sides of your mouth.

    “And I think any voice that’s raised, and there are many people — pākeha and Māori who are not necessarily on this hikoi — who believe that a relationship is something you keep working at. You don’t just throw it in the bin and then try and rewrite it as it suits you.”

    Her comments come after Prime Minister Christopher Luxon called the bill “simplistic” and “unhelpful”, and former Treaty Negotiations Minister Chris Finlayson — who negotiated more settlements than any other — said letting it pass its first reading would do “great damage” to National’s relationship with Māori.


    The Treaty Principles Bill reading vote.    Video: RNZ News

    Dame Jenny said past attempts to codify Treaty principles in law had failed.

    “While there have been principles leaked into individual statutes, we have never attempted to — in a formal sense — put principles in or over top of the Treaty as a collective. And I caution New Zealand — the minute you put the Treaty into a political framework in its totality, you are inviting civil war.

    “I would fight against it. Māori have every reason to fight against it.

    “This is a relationship we committed to where we would try and find a way to govern forward. We would respect each other’s land and interests rights, and we would try and be citizens together — and actually, we are making outstanding progress, and this sort of malicious, politically motivated, fundraising-motivated attempt to politicise the Treaty in a new way should raise people’s voices, because it is not in New Zealand’s immediate interest.

    “And you people should be careful what they wish for. If people polarise, we will finish up in a dangerous position. The Treaty is a gift to us to invite us to work together. And look, we’ve been highly successful in doing that, despite the odd ruction on the way.”

    She said New Zealand could be proud of the redress it had made to Māori, “where we accepted we had just made a terrible mess on stolen land and misused the undertakings of the Treaty, and we as a people have tried to put that right”.

    “I just despise people who want to use a treasure — which is what the Treaty is to me — and use it as a political tool that drives people to the left or the right, as opposed to inform us from our history and let it deliver a future that is actually who we are as New Zealanders . . .  I condemn David Seymour for his using this, asking the public for money to fuel a campaign that I think really is going to divide New Zealand in a way that I haven’t lived through in my adult life. There’s been flashpoints, but I view this incredibly seriously.”

    ‘Equal enjoyment of the same fundamental human rights’
    In response, David Seymour said the bill actually sought to “solve” the problem of “treating New Zealanders based on their ethnicity”.

    “Te Pāti Māori acted in complete disregard for the democratic system of which they are a part during the first reading of the bill, causing disruption, and leading to suspension of the House.

    “The Treaty Principles Bill commits to protecting the rights of everyone, including Māori, and upholding Treaty settlements. It commits to give equal enjoyment of the same fundamental human rights to every single New Zealander.

    “The challenge for people who oppose this bill is to explain why they are so opposed to those basic principles.”

    On Thursday, following the passing of the bill’s first reading, he said he was looking forward to seeing what New Zealanders had to say about it during the six-month select committee process.

    “The select committee process will finally democratise the debate over the Treaty which has until this point been dominated by a small number of judges, senior public servants, academics, and politicians.

    “Parliament introduced the concept of the Treaty principles into law in 1975 but did not define them. As a result, the courts and the Waitangi Tribunal have been able to develop principles that have been used to justify actions that are contrary to the principle of equal rights. Those actions include co-governance in the delivery of public services, ethnic quotas in public institutions, and consultation based on background.

    “The principles of the Treaty are not going away. Either Parliament can define them, or the courts will continue to meddle in this area of critical political and constitutional importance.

    “The purpose of the Treaty Principles Bill is for Parliament to define the principles of the Treaty, provide certainty and clarity, and promote a national conversation about their place in our constitutional arrangements.”

    He said the bill in no way would alter or amend the Treaty itself.

    “I believe all New Zealanders deserve tino rangatiratanga — the right to self-determination. That all human beings are alike in dignity. The Treaty Principles Bill would give all New Zealanders equality before the law, so that we can go forward as one people with one set of rights.”

    The Hīkoi today was in Hastings, on its way to Wellington, where it is expected to arrive on Monday.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Maori MPs perform war chant in parliament (VIDEO)Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke performs a Haka in parliament in Wellington, New Zealand, November 14, 2024 ©  X / @StrayDogNZ

    New Zealand’s parliament was suspended on Thursday after lawmakers from the Maori Party tore up a copy of a controversial bill on tribal rights and performed a traditional war chant in the legislature.

    For nearly two centuries, the 1840 Treaty of Waitangi has guided relations between New Zealand’s native Maori people and its white settlers. The treaty promised the natives that they would keep their lands and customs in exchange for accepting British rule, and has since been interpreted by parliament and courts to guarantee the Maori a broad range of rights – including hiring quotas and financial reparations.

    The libertarian ACT party, part of the country’s governing coalition, has argued that that the treaty discriminates against non-Maori people, and has put forward a bill that would dramatically narrow its interpretation.

    During a vote on the bill on Thursday, Maori Party MP Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke tore up a copy of the legislation before breaking into a Haka, a traditional Maori war chant. Maipi-Clarke’s colleagues rose from their seats and joined in the chant, as did opposition lawmakers and spectators in the gallery.

    Unable to quiet the shouting MPs, Speaker Gerry Brownlee cut the hearing short and suspended Maipi-Clarke from parliament for a day.

    Despite the Maori Party’s opposition, the vote passed and the bill will now proceed to a public consultation process. Prime Minister Christopher Luxon opposed the bill, but his National Party voted to support it under the terms of an agreement signed with ACT last year. The National Party is the largest faction in New Zealand’s coalition government, with ACT and New Zealand First serving as junior partners.

    Thursday was not the first time that Maori Party MPs have broken into Hakas in parliament. Back in 2021, party co-leader Rawiri Waititi was ejected from the legislature for performing the ceremonial chant after a National Party MP argued that implementing a separate healthcare system for the Maori community was discriminatory.

    The post Maori MPs Perform War Chant in Parliament first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • By Lillian Hanly, RNZ News political reporter, Craig McCulloch, RNZ deputy political editor, and Te Manu Korihi

    Te Pāti Māori’s extraordinary display of protest — interrupting the first vote on the Treaty Principles Bill — has highlighted the tension in Aotearoa New Zealand between Māori tikanga, or customs, and the rules of Parliament.

    When called on to cast Te Pāti Māori’s vote, its MP Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke instead launched into a haka, ripping a copy of the legislation in half.

    She was joined by other opposition MPs and onlookers, prompting Speaker Gerry Brownlee to temporarily suspend Parliament and clear out the public gallery.

    Brownlee subsequently censured Maipi-Clarke, describing her conduct as “appallingly disrespectful” and “grossly disorderly”.

    Maipi-Clarke was named and suspended, barring her from voting or entering the debating chamber for a 24-hour period. She also had her pay docked.


    Te Pāti Māori about to record their vote.   Video: RNZ/Parliament
    ‘Ka mate, ka mate’ – when is it appropriate to perform haka?

    The Ngāti Toa haka performed in Parliament was the well-known “Ka mate, Ka mate,” which tells the story of chief Te Rauparaha who was being chased by enemies and sought shelter where he hid. Once his enemies left he came out into the light.

    Ngāti Toa chief executive and rangatira Helmut Modlik told RNZ the haka was relevant to the debate. He said the bill had put Māori self-determination at risk – “ka mate, ka mate” – and Māori were reclaiming that – “ka ora, ka ora”.

    Haka was not governed by rules or regulation, Modlik said. It could be used as a show of challenge, support or sorrow.

    “In the modern setting, all of these possibilities are there for the use of haka, but as an expression of cultural preferences, cultural power, world view, ideas, sounds, language – it’s rather compelling.”

    Modlik acknowledged that Parliament operated according to its own conventions but said the “House and its rules only exist because our chiefs said it could be here”.

    “If you’re going to negate . . .  the constitutional and logical basis for your House being here . . . with your legislation, then that negates your right to claim it as your own to operate as you choose.”

    He argued critics were being too sensitive, akin to “complaining about the grammar being used as people are crying that the house is on fire”.

    “The firemen are complaining that they weren’t orderly enough,” Modlik said. “They didn’t use the right words.”

    Robust response expected
    Modlik said Seymour should expect a robust response to his own passionate performance and theatre: “That’s the Pandora’s Box he’s opening”.

    Following the party’s protest yesterday, Te Pāti Māori co-leader Rawiri Waititi told reporters “everyone should be proud to see [the haka] in its true context.”

    “We love it when the All Blacks do it, but what about when the ‘blackies’ do it?” he said.

    Today, speaking to those gathered for the Hīkoi mō te Tiriti in Rotorua, Waititi said the party used “every tool available to us to use in the debates in that House”.

    “One of those tools are the Māori tools we take from our kete, which is haka, which is waiata, which is pōkeka — all of those things that our tīpuna have left us. Those are natural debating tools on the marae.”

    What does Parliament’s rulebook have to say?
    Parliament is governed by its own set of rules known as Standing Orders and Speakers’ Rulings. They endow the Speaker with the power and responsibility to “maintain order and decorum” in the House.

    The rules set out the procedures to be followed during a debate and subsequent vote. MPs are banned from using “offensive or disorderly words” or making a “personal reflection” against another member.

    MPs can also be found in contempt of Parliament if they obstruct or impede the House in the performance of its functions.

    Examples of contempt include assaulting, threatening or obstructing an MP, or “misconducting oneself” in the House.

    Under Standing Orders, Parliament’s proceedings can be temporarily suspended “in the case of any grave disorder arising in committee”.

    The Speaker may order any member “whose conduct is highly disorderly” to leave the chamber. For example, Brownlee ejected Labour MP Willie Jackson when he refused to apologise for calling Seymour a liar.

    The Speaker may also “name” any member “whose conduct is grossly disorderly” and then call for MPs to vote on their suspension, as occurred in the case of Maipi-Clarke.

    Members of the public gallery can also be required to leave if they interrupt proceedings or “disturb or disrupt the House”.

    ‘Abusing tikanga of Parliament’
    Seymour has previously criticised Te Pāti Māori for abusing the “the tikanga of Parliament,” and on Thursday he called for further consequences.

    “The Speaker needs to make it clear that the people of New Zealand who elect people to this Parliament have a right for their representative to be heard, not drowned out by someone doing a haka or getting in their face making shooting gestures,” Seymour said.

    Former Speaker Sir Lockwood Smith told RNZ the rules existed to allow rational and sensible debate on important matters.

    “Parliament makes the laws that govern all our lives, and its performance and behaviour has to be commensurate with that responsibility.

    “It is not just a stoush in a pub. It is the highest court in the land and its behaviour should reflect that.”

    Sir Lockwood said he respected Māori custom, but there were ways that could be expressed within the rules. He said he was also saddened by “the venom directed personally” at Seymour.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • RNZ News

    An estimated 10,000 people have marched through Rotorua today as part of Hīkoi mō te Tiriti protesting against the controversial Treaty Principles Bill.

    Due to the size of the group, Fenton Street was blocked temporarily as the Hīkoi went through, police said.

    It is anticipated that this afternoon the main Hīkoi will travel via Taupō to Hastings, where participants will stay overnight.

    Meanwhile, in Gisborne, a smaller hīkoi of around 80 people left Te Poho-O-Rāwiri Marae this morning heading south, accompanied by several vehicles.

    There have been no problems reported at any of these locations.

    Hīkoi activation events have now concluded for Te Waipounamu South Island ahead of their convoy to Parliament.

    Tuesday, November 19 will mark day 10 of the Hīkoi mō te Tiriti and kotahitanga o Ngā Iwi ki Waitangi Park — everyone will meet at Waitangi Park on Wellington’s waterfont before walking to the steps of the parliamentary Beehive.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


    Hīkoi treaty bill protest heads south from Rotorua. Video: RNZ News

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • ANALYSIS: By Alexander Gillespie, University of Waikato and Claire Breen, University of Waikato

    With the protest hīkoi from the Far North moving through Rotorua on its way to Wellington, it might be said ACT leader David Seymour has been granted his wish of generating an “important national conversation about the place of the Treaty in our constitutional arrangements”.

    Timed to coincide with the first reading of the contentious Principles of the Treaty of Waitangi Bill yesterday — it passed with a vote of 68-55, the hīkoi and other similar protests are a response to what many perceive as a fundamental threat to New Zealand’s fragile constitutional framework.

    With no upper house, nor a written constitution, important laws can be fast-tracked or repealed by a simple majority of Parliament.

    As constitutional lawyer and former prime minister Geoffrey Palmer has argued about the current government’s legislative style and speed, the country “is in danger of lurching towards constitutional impropriety”.

    Central to this ever-shifting and contested political ground is te Tiriti o Waitangi/Treaty of Waitangi. For decades it has been woven into the laws of the land in an effort to redress colonial wrongs and guarantee a degree of fairness and equity for Māori.

    There is a significant risk the Principles of the Treaty of Waitangi Bill would undermine these achievements, as it attempts to negate recognised rights within the original document and curtail its application in a modern setting.

    But while the bill is almost guaranteed to fail because of the other coalition parties’ refusal to support it beyond the select committee, there is another danger. Contained in an explanatory note within the bill is the following clause:

    The Bill will come into force if a majority of electors voting in a referendum support it. The Bill will come into force 6 months after the date on which the official result of that referendum is declared.

    Were David Seymour to argue his bill has been thwarted by the standard legislative process and must be advanced by a referendum, the consequences for social cohesion could be significant.

    The referendum option
    While the bill would still need to become law for the referendum to take place, the option of putting it to the wider population — either as a condition of a future coalition agreement or orchestrated via a citizens-initiated referendum — should not be discounted.

    One recent poll showed roughly equal support for and against a referendum on the subject, with around 30 percent undecided. And Seymour has had success in the past with his End of Life Choice Act referendum in 2020.

    He will also have watched the recent example of Australia’s Voice referendum, which aimed to give a non-binding parliamentary voice to Indigenous communities but failed after a heated and divisive public debate.

    The lobby group Hobson’s Pledge, which opposes affirmative action for Māori and is led by former ACT politician Don Brash, has already signalled its intention to push for a citizens-initiated referendum, arguing: “We need to deliver the kind of message that the Voice referendum in Australia delivered.”

    The Treaty and the constitution
    ACT’s bill is not the first such attempt. In 2006, the NZ First Party — then part of a Labour-led coalition government — introduced the Principles of the Treaty of Waitangi Deletion Bill.

    That bill failed, but the essential argument behind it was that entrenching Treaty principles in law was “undermining race relations in New Zealand”. However, ACT’s current bill does not seek to delete those principles, but rather to define and restrain them in law.

    This would effectively begin to unpick decades of careful legislative work, threaded together from the deliberations of the Waitangi Tribunal, the Treaty settlements process, the courts and Parliament.

    As such, in mid-August the Tribunal found the first iteration of ACT’s bill

    would reduce the constitutional status of the Treaty/te Tiriti, remove its effect in law as currently recognised in Treaty clauses, limit Māori rights and Crown obligations, hinder Māori access to justice, impact Treaty settlements, and undermine social cohesion.

    In early November, the Tribunal added:

    If this Bill were to be enacted, it would be the worst, most comprehensive breach of the Treaty/te Tiriti in modern times. If the Bill remained on the statute book for a considerable time or was never repealed, it could mean the end of the Treaty/te Tiriti.

    Social cohesion at risk
    Similar concerns have been raised by the Ministry of Justice in its advice to the government. In particular, the ministry noted the proposal in the bill may negate the rights articulated in Article II of the Treaty, which affirms the continuing exercise of tino rangatiratanga (self-determination):

    Any law which fails to recognise the collective rights given by Article II calls into question the very purpose of the Treaty and its status in our constitutional arrangements.

    The government has also been advised by the Ministry of Justice that the bill may lead to discriminatory outcomes inconsistent with New Zealand’s international legal obligations to eliminate discrimination and implement the rights of Indigenous peoples.

    All of these issues will become heightened if a referendum, essentially about the the removal of rights guaranteed to Māori in 1840, is put to the vote.

    Of course, citizens-initiated referendums are not binding on a government, but they carry much politically persuasive power nonetheless. And this is not to argue against their usefulness, even on difficult issues.

    But the profound constitutional and wider democratic implications of the Principles of the Treaty of Waitangi Bill, and any potential referendum on it, should give everyone pause for thought at this pivotal moment.The Conversation

    Dr Alexander Gillespie is professor of law, University of Waikato and Claire Breen is professor of Law, University of Waikato. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons licence. Read the original article.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Kremlin critics fear move is part of Russia’s efforts to whitewash Soviet past and shut independent cultural institutions

    Moscow’s award-winning Gulag History Museum announced its surprise closure on Thursday, a move critics attribute to the Kremlin’s ongoing efforts to whitewash Russia’s Soviet past.

    The closure was officially put down to alleged violations of fire safety regulations but comes amid an intense campaign by Russian officials against independent civil society and those who question the state’s interpretation of history.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.