Category: Democracy

  • Hundreds of workers are crowded into a high-school gymnasium. Their union leaders carefully go through each article of their employer’s last, best and final offer. Hands are raised, questions are asked and answered, and members share their thoughts with their officers and with each other.

    In the previous two months of negotiations, the union negotiating committee has been seeking language to help curb the company abuses that have become rampant in the plant. The company has not agreed. Each union member weighs whether they will take the company’s offer, and accept ongoing problems in the workplace in exchange for modest economic improvements, or reject the offer and strike for a better deal.

    The post Member-Run Unions appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

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  • COMMENTARY: By Refaat Ibrahim

    Palestinians have always been passionate about learning. During the Ottoman era, Palestinian students travelled to Istanbul, Cairo, and Beirut to pursue higher education.

    During the British Mandate, in the face of colonial policies aimed at keeping the local population ignorant, Palestinian farmers pooled their resources and established schools of their own in rural areas.

    Then came the Nakba, and the occupation and displacement brought new pain that elevated the Palestinian pursuit of education to an entirely different level.

    Education became a space where Palestinians could feel their presence, a space that enabled them to claim some of their rights and dream of a better future. Education became hope.

    In Gaza, instruction was one of the first social services established in refugee camps. Students would sit on the sand in front of a blackboard to learn.

    Communities did everything they could to ensure that all children had access to education, regardless of their level of destitution. The first institution of higher education in Gaza — the Islamic University — held its first lectures in tents; its founders did not wait for a building to be erected.

    I remember how, as a child, I would see the alleys of our neighbourhood every morning crowded with children heading to school. All families sent their children to school.

    When I reached university age, I saw the same scene: Crowds of students commuting together to their universities and colleges, dreaming of a bright future.

    This relentless pursuit of education, for decades, suddenly came to a halt in October 2023. The Israeli army did not just bomb schools and universities and burn books. It destroyed one of the most vital pillars of Palestinian education: Educational justice.

    Making education accessible to all
    Before the genocide, the education sector in Gaza was thriving. Despite the occupation and blockade, we had one of the highest literacy rates in the world, reaching 97 percent.

    The enrolment rate in secondary education was 90 percent, and the enrolment in higher education was 45 percent.

    One of the main reasons for this success was that education in Gaza was completely free in the primary and secondary stages. Government and UNRWA-run schools were open to all Palestinian children, ensuring equal opportunities for everyone.

    Textbooks were distributed for free, and families received support to buy bags, notebooks, pens, and school uniforms.

    There were also many programmes sponsored by the Ministry of Education, UNRWA, and other institutions to support talented students in various fields, regardless of their economic status. Reading competitions, sports events, and technology programmes were organised regularly.

    At the university level, significant efforts were made to make higher education accessible. There was one government university which charged symbolic fees, seven private universities with moderate to high fees (depending on the college and major), and five university colleges with moderate fees.

    There was also a vocational college affiliated with UNRWA in Gaza that offered fully free education.

    The universities provided generous scholarships to outstanding and disadvantaged students.

    The Ministry of Education also offered internal and external scholarships in cooperation with several countries and international universities. There was a higher education loan fund to help cover tuition fees.

    Simply put, before the genocide in Gaza, education was accessible to all.

    The cost of education amid genocide
    Since October 2023, the Zionist war machine has systematically targeted schools, universities, and educational infrastructure. According to UN statistics, 496 out of 564 schools — nearly 88 percent — have been damaged or destroyed.

    In addition, all universities and colleges in Gaza have been destroyed. More than 645,000 students have been deprived of classrooms, and 90,000 university students have had their education disrupted.

    As the genocide continued, the Ministry of Education and universities tried to resume the educational process, with in-person classes for schoolchildren and online courses for university students.

    In displacement camps, tent schools were established, where young volunteers taught children for free. University professors used online teaching tools like Google Classroom, Zoom, WhatsApp groups, and Telegram channels.

    Despite these efforts, the absence of regular education created a significant gap in the educational process. The incessant bombardment and forced displacement orders issued by the Israeli occupation made attendance challenging.

    The lack of resources also meant that tent schools could not provide proper instruction.

    As a result, paid educational centres emerged, offering private lessons and individual attention to students. On average, a centre charges between $25 to $30 per subject per month, and with eight subjects, the monthly cost reaches $240 — an amount most families in Gaza cannot afford.

    In the higher education sector, cost also became prohibitive. After the first online semester, which was free, universities started requiring students to pay portions of their tuition fees to continue distance learning.

    Online education also requires a tablet or a computer, stable internet access, and electricity. Most students who lost their devices due to bombing or displacement cannot buy new ones because of the high prices. Access to stable internet and electricity at private “workspaces” can cost as much as $5 an hour.

    All of this has led many students to drop out due to their inability to pay. I, myself, could not complete the last semester of my degree.

    The collapse of educational justice
    A year and a half of genocide was enough to destroy what took decades to build in Gaza: Educational justice. Previously, social class was not a barrier for students to continue their education, but today, the poor have been left behind.

    Very few families can continue educating all their children. Some families are forced to make difficult decisions: Sending older children to work to help fund the education of the younger ones, or giving the opportunity only to the most outstanding child to continue studying, and depriving the others.

    Then there are the extremely poor, who cannot send any of their children to school. For them, survival is the priority. During the genocide, this group has come to represent a large portion of society.

    The catastrophic economic situation has forced countless school-aged children to work instead of going to school, especially in families that lost their breadwinners. I see this painful reality every time I step out of my tent and walk around.

    The streets are full of children selling various goods; many are exploited by war profiteers to sell things like cigarettes for a meagre wage.

    Little children are forced to beg, chasing passersby and asking them for anything they can give.

    I feel unbearable pain when I see children, who just a year and a half ago were running to their schools, laughing and playing, now stand under the sun or in the cold selling or begging just to earn a few shekels to help their families get an inadequate meal.

    About optimism and courage
    For Gaza’s students, education was never just about getting an academic certificate or an official paper. It was about optimism and courage, it was a form of resistance against the Israeli occupation, and a chance to lift their families out of poverty and improve their circumstances.

    Education was life and hope.

    Today, that hope has been killed and buried under the rubble by Israeli bombs.

    We now find ourselves in a dangerous situation, where the gap between the well-to-do and the poor is widening, where an entire generation’s ability to learn and think is being diminished, and where Palestinian society is at risk of losing its identity and its capacity to continue its struggle.

    What is happening in Gaza is not just a temporary educational crisis, but a deliberate campaign to destroy opportunities for equality and create an unbalanced society deprived of justice.

    We have reached a point where the architects of the ongoing genocide are confident in the success of their strategy of “voluntary transfer” — pushing Palestinians to such depths of despair that they choose to leave their land voluntarily.

    But the Palestinian people still refuse to let go of their land. They are persevering. Even the children, the most vulnerable, are not giving up.

    I often think of the words I overheard from a conversation between two child vendors during the last Eid. One said: “There is no joy in Eid.” The other one responded: “This is the best Eid. It’s enough that we’re in Gaza and we didn’t leave it as Netanyahu wanted.”

    Indeed, we are still in Gaza, we did not leave as Israel wants us to, and we will rebuild just as our ancestors and elders have.

    Refaat Ibrahim is a Palestinian writer from Gaza. He writes about humanitarian, social, economic and political issues related to Palestine. This article was first published by Al Jazeera and is republished under Creative Commons.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • By Colin Peacock, RNZ Mediawatch presenter

    In 1979, Sam Neill appeared in an Australian comedy movie about hacks on a Sydney newspaper.

    The Journalist was billed as “a saucy, sexy, funny look at a man with a nose for scandal and a weakness for women”.

    That would probably not fly these days — but as a rule, movies about Australian journalists are no laughing matter.

    Back in 1982, a young Mel Gibson starred as a foreign correspondent who was dropped into Jakarta during revolutionary chaos in The Year of Living Dangerously. The 1967 events the movie depicted were real enough, but Mel Gibson’s correspondent Guy Hamilton was made up for what was essentially a romantic drama.

    There was no romance and a lot more real life 25 years later in Balibo, another movie with Australian journalists in harm’s way during Indonesian upheaval.

    Anthony La Paglia had won awards for his performance as Roger East, a journalist killed in what was then East Timor — now Timor-Leste — in December 1975. East was killed while investigating the fate of five other journalists — including New Zealander Guy Cunningham — who was killed during the Indonesian invasion two months earlier.

    The Correspondent has a happier ending but is still a tough watch — especially for its subject.

    Met in London newsrooms
    I first met Peter Greste in newsrooms in London about 30 years ago. He had worked for Reuters, CNN, and the BBC — going on to become a BBC correspondent in Afghanistan.

    He later reported from Belgrade, Santiago, and then Nairobi, from where he appeared regularly on RNZ’s Nine to Noon as an African news correspondent. Greste later joined the English-language network of the Doha-based Al Jazeera and became a worldwide story himself while filling in as the correspondent in Cairo.

    Actor Richard Roxburgh as jailed journalist Peter Greste in The Correspondent, alongside Al Jazeera colleagues Mohammed Fahmy and Baher Mohammed.
    Actor Richard Roxburgh as jailed journalist Peter Greste in The Correspondent alongside Al Jazeera colleagues Mohammed Fahmy and Baher Mohammed. Image: The Correspondent/RNZ

    Greste and two Egyptian colleagues, Baher Mohamed and Mohamed Fahmy, were arrested in late 2013 on trumped-up charges of aiding and abetting the Muslim Brotherhood, an organisation labeled “terrorist” by the new Egyptian regime of the time.

    Six months later he was sentenced to seven years in jail for “falsifying news” and smearing the reputation of Egypt itself. Mohamed was sentenced to 10 years.

    Media organisations launched an international campaign for their freedom with the slogan “Journalism is not a crime”. Peter’s own family became familiar faces in the media while working hard for his release too.

    Peter Greste was deported to Australia in February 2015. The deal stated he would serve the rest of his sentence there, but the Australian government did not enforce that. Instead, Greste became a professor of media and journalism, currently at Macquarie University in Sydney.

    Movie consultant
    Among other things, he has also been a consultant on The Correspondent — now in cinemas around New Zealand — with Richard Roxborough cast as Greste himself.

    Greste told The Sydney Morning Herald he had to watch it “through his fingers” at first.

    Australian professor of journalism Peter Greste
    Australian professor of journalism Peter Greste …. posing for a photograph when he was an Al Jazeera journalist in Kibati village, near Goma, in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo on 7 August 2013. Image: IFEX media freedom/APR

    “I eventually came to realise it’s not me that’s up there on the screen. It’s the product of a whole bunch of creatives. And the result is … more like a painting rather than a photograph,” Greste told Mediawatch.

    “Over the years I’ve written about it, I’ve spoken about it countless times. I’ve built a career on it. But I wasn’t really anticipating the emotional impact of seeing the craziness of my arrest, the confusion of that period, the claustrophobia of the cell, the sheer frustration of the crazy trial and the really discombobulating moment of my release.

    “But there is another very difficult story about what happened to a colleague of mine in Somalia, which I haven’t spoken about publicly. Seeing that on screen was actually pretty gut-wrenching.”

    In 2005, his BBC colleague Kate Peyton was shot alongside him on their first day in on assignment in Somalia. She died soon after.

    “That was probably the toughest day of my entire life far over and above anything I went through in Egypt. But I am glad that they put it in [The Correspondent]. It underlines … the way in which journalism is under attack. What happened to us in Egypt wasn’t a random, isolated incident — but part of a much longer pattern we’re seeing continue to this day.”

    Supporters of the jailed British-Egyptian human rights activist Alaa Abd el-Fattah take part in a candlelight vigil outside Downing Street in London, United Kingdom as he begins a complete hunger strike while world leaders arrive for COP27 climate summit in Sharm el-Sheikh, Egypt.
    Supporters of the jailed British-Egyptian human rights activist Alaa Abd el-Fattah take part in a candlelight vigil outside Downing Street in London, United Kingdom, as he begins a complete hunger strike while world leaders arrive for COP27 climate summit in Sharm el-Sheikh, Egypt, in 2022. Image: RNZ Mediawatch/AFP

    ‘Owed his life’
    Greste says he “owes his life” to fellow prisoner Alaa Abd El-Fattah — an Egyptian activist who is also in the film.

    “There’s a bit of artistic licence in the way it was portrayed but . . .  he is easily one of the most intelligent, astute and charismatic humanitarians I’ve ever come across. He was one of the main pro-democracy activists who was behind the Arab Spring revolution in 2011 — a true democrat.

    “He also inspired me to write the letters that we smuggled out of prison that described our arrest not as an attack on … what we’d actually come to represent. And that was press freedom.

    “That helped frame the campaign that ultimately got me out. So, for both psychological and political reasons, I feel like I owe him my life.

    “There was nothing in our reporting that confirmed the allegations against us. So I started to drag up all sorts of demons from the past. I started thinking maybe this is the universe punishing me for sins of the past. I was obviously digging up that particular moment as one of the most extreme and tragic moments. It took a long time for me to get past it.

    “He’d been in prison a lot because of his activism, so he understood the psychology of it. He also understood the politics of it in ways that I could never do as a newcomer.”

    “Unfortunately, he is still there. He should have been released on September 29th last year. His mother launched a hunger strike in London . . . so I actually joined her on hunger strike earlier this year to try and add pressure.

    “If this movie also draws a bit of attention to his case, then I think that’s an important element.”

    Another wrinkle
    Another wrinkle in the story was the situation of his two Egyptian Al Jazeera colleagues.

    Greste was essentially a stranger to them, having only arrived in Egypt shortly before their arrest.

    The film shows Greste clashing with Fahmy, who later sued Al Jazeera. Fahmy felt the international pressure to free Greste was making their situation worse by pushing the Egyptian regime into a corner.

    “To call it a confrontation is probably a bit of an understatement. We had some really serious arguments and sometimes they got very, very heated. But I want audiences to really understand Fahmy’s worldview in this film.

    “He and I had very different understandings of what was going … and how those differences played out.

    “I’ve got a hell of a lot of respect for him. He is like a brother to me. That doesn’t mean we always agreed with each other and doesn’t mean we always got on with each other like any siblings, I suppose.”

    His colleagues were eventually released on bail shortly after Greste’s deportation in 2015.

    Fahmy renounced his Egyptian citizenship and was later deported to Canada, while Mohamed was released on bail and eventually pardoned.

    Retrial — all ‘reconvicted’
    “After I was released there was a retrial … and we were all reconvicted. They were finally released and pardoned, but the pardon didn’t extend to me.

    “I can’t go back because I’m still a convicted ‘terrorist’ and I still have an outstanding prison sentence to serve, which is a little bit weird. Any country that has an extradition treaty with Egypt is a problem. There are a fairly significant number of those across the Middle East and Africa.”

    Greste told Mediawatch his conviction was even flagged in transit in Auckland en route from New York to Sydney. He was told he failed a character test.

    “I was able to resolve it. I had some friends in Canberra and were able to sort it out, but I was told in no uncertain terms I’m not allowed into New Zealand without getting a visa because of that criminal record.

    “If I’m traveling to any country I have to say … I was convicted on terrorism offences. Generally speaking, I can explain it, but it often takes a lot of bureaucratic process to do that.”

    Greste’s first account of his time in jail — The First Casualty — was published in 2017. Most of the book was about media freedom around the world, lamenting that the numbers of journalists jailed and killed increased after his release.

    Something that Greste also now ponders a lot in his current job as a professor of media and journalism.

    Ten years on from that, it is worse again. The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) says at least 124 journalists and media workers were killed last year, nearly two-thirds of them Palestinians killed by Israel in its war in Gaza.

    The book has now been updated and republished as The Correspondent.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.


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  • This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

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  • Seg2 fatima hassouna

    Fatma Hassona, the 25-year-old Palestinian photojournalist and subject of the upcoming documentary film Put Your Soul on Your Hand and Walk, was killed with her family Wednesday by an Israeli missile that targeted her building in northern Gaza. The strike occurred just one day after she learned that the film centered around her life and work had been selected to premiere at the ACID Cannes 2025 film festival. Director Sepideh Farsi remembers Hassona for her talent, integrity and hope. “I can’t tell you how devastated I am,” says Farsi. She shares that Hassona had joyfully accepted the invitation to Cannes but had emphasized her desire to return to Gaza and remain on her family’s land. Farsi adds that there is a chance that Hassona’s building had been targeted, “given the high number of journalists and photographers in Gaza who have been killed by the Israeli army.” In tribute to Hassona’s work, we play the trailer to Put Your Soul on Your Hand and Walk and share a selection of her photography and poetry.


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  • Seg1 rfk dr hotez

    “These were otherwise healthy school-age children who didn’t have to die.” We speak to the world-renowned pediatrician, virologist and vaccine expert, Dr. Peter Hotez, about the dangerous anti-vaccine agenda of Secretary of Health and Human Services Robert F. Kennedy Jr. Amid a growing number of measles cases in the United States, RFK Jr. has promoted skepticism of the efficacy of the MMR vaccine, which protects against measles, mumps and rubella. At least two unvaccinated children have died from measles, a highly contagious disease that had been effectively eliminated in the U.S. in the past few decades. Hotez, the father of a child on the autism spectrum, also debunks RFK Jr.’s claims that vaccines are linked to autism, and criticizes his “deeply offensive” statements about people living with autism. Evoking eugenic beliefs, the HHS secretary, who now holds the power to determine healthcare policy in the United States, “shows this consistent lack of intellectual curiosity, this kind of simplistic way of thinking and talking about autism,” says Hotez.


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  • Democracy Now! 2025-04-18 Friday

    • Headlines for April 18, 2025
    • "Absolute Nonsense": As Measles Cases Soar & Kids Die, Expert Slams RFK Jr. on Vaccine-Autism Link
    • Cannes Selects Film on Gaza Photographer Fatma Hassona; A Day Later, She's Killed in Israeli Strike

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  • Friday Democracy Now! show for rebroadcast – HD


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  • COMMENTARY: By John Hobbs

    In the absence of any measures taken by the New Zealand government to respond to the genocide being committed by Israel in Gaza, Green Party co-leader Chloe Swarbrick is doing the principled thing by trying to apply countervailing pressure on Israel to stop its brutal actions in Gaza and the Occupied West Bank, including East Jerusalem.

    New Zealand is a state party to the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (1948).

    As a contracting party New Zealand has a clear obligation to respond to a genocide when it is indicated and which it must “undertake to prevent and to punish”.

    The International Court of Justice (ICJ) in January 2024, deemed that a “plausible genocide” is occurring in Gaza. That was a year ago. Thousands of Palestinians have died since the ICJ’s determination.

    The New Zealand government has failed its responsibilities under the Genocide Convention by applying no pressure to influence Israel’s military actions in Gaza. There are a number of interventions New Zealand could have chosen to take.

    For example, a United Nations resolution which New Zealand co-sponsored (UNSC 2334) when it was a non-permanent member of the Security Council in 2015-16 required states to distinguish in their trading arrangements between Israeli settlements in the Occupied West Bank and the rest of Israel.

    New Zealand could have extended this to all trading arrangements with Israel.

    Diplomatic pressure needed
    Diplomatic pressure could have been put on Israel by expelling the Israeli ambassador to New Zealand. Finally, New Zealand could have shown well-needed solidarity with Palestine by conferring statehood recognition.

    In contrast, Swarbrick is looking to bring her member’s Bill to Parliament to apply sanctions against Israel for its ongoing illegal presence in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (West Bank, East Jerusalem and Gaza).

    The context is the UN General Assembly’s support for the ICJ’s recent report which requires that Israel’s illegal occupation of the West Bank and East Jerusalem comes to an end.

    New Zealand, along with 123 other general assembly members, supported the ICJ decision. It is now up to UN states to live up to what they voted for.

    Swarbrick’s Bill, the Unlawful Occupation of Palestine Sanctions Bill, responds to this request, in the absence of any intervention by the New Zealand government. The Bill is based on the Russian Sanctions Act (2022), brought forward by then Foreign Minister Nanaia Mahuta, to apply pressure on Russia to cease its military invasion of Ukraine.

    While Swarbrick’s Bill has the full support of the opposition MPs from Labour and Te Pāti Māori she needs six government MPs to support the Bill going forward for its first reading.

    Andrea Vance, in a recent article in the Sunday Star-Times, called Swarbrick’s Bill “grandstanding”. Vance argues that the Greens’ Bill adopts “simplistic moral assumptions about the righteousness of the oppressed [but] ignores the complexity of the conflict.”

    ‘Confict complexity’ not complicated
    The “complexity of the conflict” is a recurring theme which dresses up a brutal and illegal occupation by Israel over the Palestinians, as complicated.

    It is hardly complicated. The history tells us so. In 1947, the UN supported the partition of Palestine, against the will of the indigenous Palestinian people, who comprised 70 perent of the population and owned 94 percent of the land.

    Palestine's historical land shrinking from Zionist colonisation
    Palestine’s historical land shrinking from Zionist colonisation . . . From 1947 until 2025. Map: Geodesic/Mura Assoud 2021

    In 1948, Jewish paramilitary groups drove more than 700,000 Palestinian people out of their homeland into bordering countries (Lebanon, Jordan, Egypt, Syria, the UAE) and beyond, where they remain as refugees.

    Finally, the 1967 illegal occupation by Israel of the West Bank, East Jerusalem and Gaza. This occupation, which multiple UN resolutions has termed illegal, is now over 58 years old.

    This is not “complicated”. One nation state, Israel, exercises total power over a people who have been dispossessed from their land and who simply have no power.

    It is the unwillingness of countries like New Zealand and its Anglosphere/Five-Eyes allies (United States, United Kingdom, Canada and Australia) and the inability of the UN to enforce its resolutions on Israel, which makes it “complicated”.

    Historian on Gaza genocide
    One of Israel’s most distinguished historians, Emeritus Professor Avi Shlaim at Oxford University, in his recently published book Genocide in Gaza: Israel’s Long War on Palestine, now chooses to call the situation in Gaza “genocide”.

    In arriving at this position, he points to the language and narratives being adopted by Israeli politicians:

    “Israeli President Isaac Herzog proclaimed that there are no innocents in Gaza. No innocents among the 50,000 people who were killed and nearly 20,000 children.

    “There are quotes from [Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu] that are genocidal, as well as from his former Minister of Defence, Yoav Gallant, who said we are up against ‘human animals’.

    “I hesitated to call things genocide before October 2023, but what tipped the balance for me was when Israel stopped all humanitarian aid into Gaza. They are using starvation as a weapon of war. That’s genocide.”

    There is growing concern among commentators about the ability of international rules-based order to function and hold individuals and states to account.

    Institutions such as the UN, the ICJ and the ICC are simply unable to enforce their decisions. This should not come as a surprise, however, as the structure of the UN system, established at the end of the Second World War was designed to be weak by the victors, with regard to its enforcement ability.

    Time NZ supports determinations
    It is time that New Zealand supported these same institutions by honouring and looking to enforce their determinations.

    Accordingly, New Zealand needs to play its part in holding Israel to account for the atrocities it is inflicting on the Palestinian people and stand behind and support the Palestinian right to self-determination.

    Swarbrick is absolutely right to introduce her Bill.

    At the very least it says that New Zealand does care about the plight of the Palestinian people and is willing to stand behind them. It is the morally correct thing to do and incumbent on the government to provide support to Swarbrick’s Bill — and not just six of its members.

    John Hobbs is a doctoral candidate at the National Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (NCPACS) at the University of Otago. This article was first published by the Otago Daily Times and is republished with the author’s permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.


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  • Despite much lofty rhetoric portraying the United States as a democracy (in which the people rule), this nation, in fact, has often resembled a plutocracy (in which the wealthy rule).

    The confusion owes a great deal to the fact that the United States, at its founding, was somewhat more democratic than its contemporaries.  In the eighteenth century, European nations, governed by kings, princes, and other wealthy hereditary elites, usually provided a contrast to the more unruly, less hidebound new nation, where some Americans even had the vote.

    Even so, the overwhelming majority of Americans didn’t have the vote, which was largely confined to property-owning or tax-paying white males―about 6 percent of the U.S. population in 1789.  Women (comprising about 50 percent of the population) were, with very few exceptions, denied voting rights.  And slaves (about 18 percent of the population) lacked both voting rights and citizenship.

    Wealthy Americans maintained firm control of the U.S. and state governments.  The Founding Fathers were rich white men―in many cases, owners of massive plantations dependent upon slave labor.  And the first President of the United States, George Washington, was one of the wealthiest Americans of his time.  Women and slaves had no governing role at all.

    Another reason for the association of the United States with democracy is that, over the course of its history, the country has gradually grown more democratic―although only by overcoming determined opposition from its traditional economic elites.

    During most of the nineteenth century, the struggle for democracy was difficult, indeed.  Although white male suffrage expanded, campaigns for women’s rights and, especially, for the abolition of slavery met fierce resistance.  The wealthy planter class of the South resorted to a bloody Civil War rather than accept limits on slavery―an overplaying of its hand that, ironically, led to slavery’s abolition and voting rights for the former slaves.  And thanks to the postwar enfranchisement of millions of African Americans, Reconstruction governments injected elements of political, economic, and social equality into Southern politics.  Horrified, the old planter elite launched a counter-revolution―a terror campaign spearheaded by the Ku Klux Klan that deprived African Americans of voting rights and public office, while riveting white supremacy into every aspect of Southern life.

    In the North, the rising industrial magnates of the late nineteenth century, deploying the enormous wealth of their giant corporations, fastened their grip on governance during what became known as the Gilded Age.  Enjoying lives of unprecedented opulence and power, corporate titans easily bought the allegiance of politicians or acquired public office themselves.  Indeed, the U.S. Senate became known as a “millionaire’s club.”  Meanwhile, masses of impoverished immigrants, drawn to jobs in the new factories, crowded into big city slums.  Although “Panics” (economic depressions) periodically swept through the nation, producing massive unemployment and hunger, neither the federal nor state governments enacted relief measures.  Instead, most politicians―ignoring widespread poverty, the suppression of Black voting rights, and a growing women’s suffrage campaign―concentrated on serving the new corporate titans by passing pro-corporate legislation.

    With the governments of North and South subservient to the economic elites of the late nineteenth century, radical movements emerged outside the two-party system.  Angry farmers organized the Populist Party to take back the nation from the plutocrats, and for a time enjoyed substantial electoral success.  Bitter strikes and workers’ struggles convulsed the nation.  Perhaps the best known of them, the nationwide Pullman Strike of 1894, was broken only when the federal government stepped in to destroy the American Railway Union and arrest its leaders.

    The pent-up popular outrage at plutocracy finally broke through in the early twentieth century.  Capturing portions of both the Democratic and Republican parties, the Progressive movement succeeded in limiting some of the more flagrant abuses of rule by the wealthy.  Its reforms included the direct election of Senators, a constitutional amendment authorizing a progressive income tax, workers’ rights measures, and a constitutional amendment guaranteeing women’s right to vote.

    Although World War I and the return of conservative Republican rule in the 1920s undermined the struggle for democracy, it revived dramatically after the onset of the Great Depression and the beginning of the New Deal.  Drawing upon an overwhelming majority in Congress, the Democrats passed legislation sharply raising taxes on the wealthy, establishing the right of workers to union representation, inaugurating massive relief projects, and establishing Social Security, minimum wage laws, maximum hours laws, and other measures designed to serve “forgotten” Americans.  Despite bitter opposition from the Southern elite, even the civil rights issue made an appearance, in the form of President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s executive order establishing a Fair Employment Practice Committee.

    These popular egalitarian initiatives were supplemented in the 1960s by major voting rights and other civil rights legislation, immigration reform legislation, Medicare and Medicaid, and measures to reduce poverty, advance educational opportunity, and create public broadcasting.

    Today, of course, we are witnessing a new counter-revolution, led by billionaires like Donald Trump and Elon Musk, to reduce public access to the vote, intimidate their opponents, and, more broadly, return the U.S. government to its earlier role as a guardian of political, economic, and social privilege.  Bernie Sanders and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, in their current barnstorming tour, refer to this program as “Oligarchy” (rule by the few).  And they are correct.  But, more specifically, it is plutocracy (rule by the wealthy), designed to serve the interests of the wealthy.

    Although the United States has never been a thoroughgoing democracy, there are many indications that, over the centuries, it has made significant progress toward that goal.  And the question today is:  Will we scrap that progress and return to the Gilded Age―or worse?

    This is an historic moment―one that provides an opportunity for Americans to defend what Abraham Lincoln lauded as “a government of the people, by the people, [and] for the people.”  It would be a shame if Americans abandoned that democratic vision.

    The post Democracy or Plutocracy? first appeared on Dissident Voice.

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  • This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

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  • This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

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  • This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

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  • I had a friend tell me recently that if they could time travel to the past, they would live under a feudal system of government. No more tedious emails, vacationing half the year while the land isn’t workable, and never having to deal with bureaucratic institutions like the Department of Motor Vehicles are some enticing arguments. However, we won’t change the system if we ignore the things we don’t like.  Just looking at the good parts of history will never give us the full picture. We need to examine people, production, and how those things interact if we want to really understand any point in history. 

    Groups of people with a similar relation to production are called a class. Class isn’t determined by how much income you make or how big your house is. Class is about who owns production and who must work to make a living. If you must work for a wage, you are working class. If you own private property and make money off other people’s labor, you are part of the owning class. 

    Serfs living under a feudal lord have less freedom to travel and less access to education. They’re required to produce a certain amount of goods and pay taxes through a medieval bureaucratic system. And the cushy life as a lord was only slightly better. They didn’t have access to any modern luxuries, no cars, or phones. The industry and infrastructure that keep society supplied with all our modern amenities aren’t easy to set up or maintain. It’s easy to criticize capitalism today, but it did solve many of the problems that plagued feudalism. 

    Our class determines our manner of life, not just that workers have less money and owners have more. Our society is structured to be adversarial toward the working class. Media guilts working class folks into feeling bad about their carbon footprint while the rich create more emissions in a single private jet trip than I will in my lifetime. New York’s subways are crawling with police looking to make a bust, while the cops don’t bother white collar criminals at their country clubs and yacht parties.  

    A state is a tool one class uses to suppress another. Therefore, every institution of the state we deal with is designed to be antagonistic toward us. From state governments that mismanage DMVs and other services, to the federal government and agencies like the IRS, this has led both critics and supporters of capitalism alike to have an overwhelmingly negative opinion of bureaucracy, the driving force behind every successful government. 

    Bureaucracy is a tool, just like education, money, or guns. As a tool, we must use it to our advantage. We talk about organizing but rarely does this lead to actual radical organization. Organizations need direction and participation; bureaucracy is the most efficient way to direct groups of people over long periods. Bureaucracy can enforce attendance at meetings and group activities. I can’t tell you how many groups I’ve been a part of that have fizzled out because attendance declined, causing those of us who did show up to question whether we should keep coming at all, resulting in a downward spiral that leaves the group completely inactive. I’ve seen this happen to clubs as well as radical organizations. 

    Before we can understand the modern American bureaucratic system, we must understand its historical context. It is impossible to have any meaningful conversation about the shape of the United States government’s decision-making process without going back to its origin: the American Revolution. 

    While the currency lost all value and the late colonies refused to ratify even the most rudimentary governing legislation, the Articles of Confederation, the revolutionary army was almost disbanded due to its own mismanagement. Without proper funding, they resorted to plundering the very country they were fighting to protect. After the war, it became clear that a strong federal government with the ability to fund itself and enforce its own attendance would be the only way to control the new country. By examining how weak and ineffective the Articles of Confederation were, we can begin to understand today’s society. 

    If we believe textbooks manufactured by the ruling class, then the American Revolution was about freedom and democracy for all. When we apply a class analysis, we can see that the wealthy landowning class required a state to enforce their private property rights. Slaves did not gain their freedom; the slave owners gained the freedom to rule however they wanted. The founding fathers needed a system to keep slaves and free workers suppressed so they could maintain their newly found dominance. Wealthy land and slave owners had developed into a ruling class when they took state power; they knew it was possible for workers to do the same. The entire system was designed from the ground up to stifle working class development. 

    Understanding why bureaucracy is necessary for the function of large groups, as well as its limits and flaws, allows us to create a more efficient and productive form of political organization. It may be difficult to swallow; it can seem counterintuitive to see the value in something we’ve told ourselves you hate again and again. But it is crucial to remember that the biggest bureaucracy we’ve dealt with has been one specifically designed to oppress us. 

    If we examine a system that helps the working class rather than suppresses it, we can see drastic improvements to the quality of life for its inhabitants. The USSR was created at a time when communication over long distances consisted of handwritten letters delivered on horseback; they were decades behind the world’s industrial powers. A small group was able to organize the masses in such a way that in 40 years they caught up and became an industrial power that pioneered space travel years ahead of those other powers. Through organizing crop yields, they ended the cycle of famine that had plagued Eastern Europe for centuries. They drastically reduced infant mortality and all but eliminated illiteracy. The capitalist mode of production and the bureaucracy that had governed that system previously had no way to solve these problems and, in fact, usually exacerbated them. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, we saw a lot of that progress reversed by capitalists. 

    Only through our collective labor will the working class be a match for the ruling class, and to that end, we need to use every tool at our disposal. This means we don’t have the luxury of discarding powerful methods of organization like bureaucracies just because we think they are boring. The revolution isn’t all explosions and fighting; it might be long, boring meetings and reading long, boring documents. 

    Without any specific lens to examine the world around us, our brains will default to the way the ruling class conditioned us to think. Mental conditioning isn’t science fiction, where they shoot lasers at your eyes and reprogram your brain. Mental conditioning is just repeating a narrative over and over until people forget to think critically about it. It’s having kids say the Pledge of Allegiance every day; being shamed into recycling while corporations spew poison left and right; every show about cops or the military portraying them as heroes. 

    Even when we want to escape capitalism and time travel to the past, our conditioning as workers under a capitalist mode of production haunts us. We weren’t taught our relationship to production and how that determines our class. We always need to look at things through a class lens. The effects of class are everywhere if we look for them. Even somewhere as mundane as the DMV makes more sense once you look at it through a class perspective. On one hand, we can’t have people who are unfit to drive behind the wheel of a car. On the other hand, the DMV is a terrible place where even the people working there don’t seem to know what’s going on. Those long lines and confusing paperwork are meant to be a hassle for us. The US government can put a man on the moon, they could easily create an efficient DMV. They deliberately waste our time and energy instead.  

    Class analysis isn’t the only lens needed to understand society. Things like racism and transphobia also need to be understood. Combining other world views with class analysis gives us a more thorough understanding of everything. A black worker is more likely to be harassed by the police than a black business owner, but they are both more likely to be harassed than their white counterparts. Illinois Black Panther chairman Fred Hampton put it perfectly when he said, “no matter what color you are, there are only two classes”.  

    The ruling class wants us fighting each other over our frustration with life under capitalism. The best thing we can do is learn together and understand how the mechanisms of bureaucracies work. Only when we as a class understand how they operate will we be ready to take control and use them to benefit workers instead of against us. Class analysis isn’t just about analyzing history and understanding the present; it’s hope for the future. We will see a better world, and it starts with understanding the one we live in right now. 

    Zeta Mail

    This post was originally published on Real Progressives.

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    We speak with the award-winning author and journalist Omar El Akkad, whose new book about the war on Gaza is titled One Day, Everyone Will Have Always Been Against This. The book expands on a viral tweet El Akkad sent in October 2023, just weeks into Israel’s genocidal assault on the Palestinian territory, decrying the muted response to the carnage and destruction unfolding on the ground. He wrote, “One day, when it’s safe, when there’s no personal downside to calling a thing what it is, when it’s too late to hold anyone accountable, everyone will have always been against this.” He joins Democracy Now! and says the book explores how people respond to injustice and grapple with their own role in it. “It’s in large part trying to figure out my place in this society,” says El Akkad. “I happen to live on the launching side of the missiles, and as a result, it’s very, very easy for me to look away. And what happens when you decide you’re not going to look away?”


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    President Trump’s Africa envoy Massad Boulos has finished a tour of several East African nations, including the Democratic Republic of the Congo, where he discussed a peace deal that could involve the U.S. tapping the country’s rich mineral resources, including cobalt and lithium. Several Western mining companies are already reportedly lined up to take part in the U.S.-backed mineral resources partnership. “These people are among the poorest in the world,” says Jan Egeland, secretary general of the Norwegian Refugee Council. “They live on top of the incredible mineral riches that have been plundered by so many companies, so many colonial powers, so many of the neighbors of DRC. I hope the U.S. will really make sure there is an equitable deal, but that can really only happen if there is a peace agreement.”


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    Sudan is facing the world’s largest humanitarian crisis after two years of war between the Sudanese army and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces, or RSF. Thousands have died, and some 13 million have been forcibly displaced. There are also widespread reports of sexual and ethnically motivated violence and a worsening hunger crisis. Emtithal Mahmoud, a Darfurian refugee and humanitarian activist, describes how the violence has impacted her own family, including in a recent RSF attack on the Zamzam refugee camp where fighters killed and tortured many civilians. “They kidnapped 58 of the girls in my extended family, and we are still searching for them,” says Mahmoud. “We need the world to pay attention.” Unlike the Darfur crisis of the early 2000s, when it was on the agenda of many world leaders, the current conflict is being largely ignored by the international community, says Jan Egeland, secretary general of the Norwegian Refugee Council. “It is by far the worst displacement crisis in the world,” notes Egeland.


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    Vince Warren, executive director of the Center for Constitutional Rights, joins us as President Trump’s defiance of the courts is pushing the United States toward a constitutional crisis, with multiple judges weighing whether to open contempt proceedings against his administration for ignoring court orders. On Wednesday, U.S. District Court Judge James Boasberg criticized officials for continuing to stonewall his inquiry into why planes full of Venezuelan immigrants were sent to El Salvador last month even after he ordered the flights halted or turned around midair. Boasberg noted in his order that Trump officials have since “failed to rectify or explain their actions,” giving the administration until April 23 to respond. This comes as Maryland Senator Chris Van Hollen traveled to El Salvador but was blocked from seeing or speaking to Kilmar Abrego Garcia, a Maryland father who was sent to CECOT on the March flights in what the Department of Homeland Security has admitted was an “administrative error.” Both the Trump administration and the government of Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele have refused to release and return Abrego Garcia. This week, federal Judge Paula Xinis said the administration had made no effort to comply with the order, and said she could begin contempt proceedings. “The government is providing no information, not even the most basic factual information about what’s been happening,” says Warren.


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