Category: Disability

  • Chronically ill, disabled people have once more taken to protesting. They’re calling for funding for medical research into their disease, known as ME. It’s one that the state, medical professionals, and society have neglected for decades. So, ‘millions of missing people’ came together online and in person to demand change. And they were also asking for support from one specific organisation: the Wellcome Trust.

    ME: widely misunderstood

    Myalgic encephalomyelitis (ME) is a debilitating and poorly-treated chronic, systemic neuroimmune disease that affects every aspect of the patient and their loved one’s lives. For many, the worst part is a worsening of symptoms brought on by physical activities, mental activities, or both. This is called post-exertional malaise (PEM). The latest research says it affects at least 65 million people worldwide and around 250,000 people in the UK. However, the numbers could be underestimates. Some research puts the number of undiagnosed cases at 80%. Meanwhile, other studies show a prevalence rate in the population between 0.2% and 3.48%.

    Medical professionals generally claim there is no known cure. Some doctors have managed to get patients better. However, only around 6% of people with ME have remission from the disease. The cause of it is often clear – in up to 80% of cases, people get ME following a viral infection. It’s almost as if the virus never leaves them. Some studies have shown that people with ME have a constant, increased immune system response. It’s like the person’s body thinks it’s constantly fighting a virus which isn’t there.

    However, funding for this chronic disease has been scant. As the Canary previously reported, between 2007 and 2015, UK funding (including government-based) per patient, per year was just £4.40 – compared to £82.20 for multiple sclerosis. The government itself directly funded a mere £558,333 a year between 2012 and 2017 for ME research. Meanwhile, people with ME are disbelieved, stigmatised, given incorrect treatment, or told it’s ‘all in their heads’. So, one campaign group has once again challenged this chronic underfunding.

    Millions still missing after all these years

    ME Action UK held its latest ‘Millions Missing’ event on Parliament Square on Tuesday 18 October. The name ‘Millions Missing’ is significant. It references the millions of people living with ME who are effectively missing from life. This year, the focus was on research funding  – when in previous years it had been on raising awareness of the disease. Given that the campaign has severely chronically ill people at its heart, who are often house-or-bedbound, the physical turnout on the day was good

    Various guests spoke to the crowd of about 50 people, plus the online audience. Hayley Valentine-Howard is a midwife whose daughter lives with ME. She explained how it affects pregnancy, and its implications on delivery and the postnatal period – including the fact that there is hardly any research into this aspect of the disease.

    An image of the Millions Missing demo

    As one protester showed, ME can often affect whole families – hence the importance of genetic research.

    A person with a placard on his back at the Millions Missing protest

    Professor Douglas Kell is an academic from Liverpool University. He spoke about his microclot research and the links between ME and long Covid. Kell said:

    If you want to solve scientific and medical problems you need to invest in the necessary scientific and medical research. If adequate research funds had been invested in ME research in previous decades, as people with ME have asked for, we would have been in a much better position to help people with Long Covid. Funders really need to come forward now to help us find the causes of the various flavours of ME and consequently effective treatments for them.

    People at one point formed a red ribbon arc that linked everyone at the protest:

    People at a Millions Missing demo linking together with a red ribbon

    The point of this was to show that the ME community is connected and as one, despite geographical restrictions and so many members of it being house or bedbound. However, it needs far more support from those outside it.

    Wellcome Trust: people with ME need you

    Overall, the day was crucially centred around funding. Denise Spreag of ME Action said:

    We are asking all our supporters, people with ME and people with other complex chronic conditions to start this campaign by lobbying the Wellcome Trust, the biggest funder of medical research in the UK, to commit significant funding to ME. The Wellcome Trust have approximately £29 billion of funding available.

    Decode ME is currently performing a genetic study on ME. It needs 25,000 participants with the disease to take part, and is still looking for people. You can find out the details and apply here. Claire Tripp from Decode ME said:

    Doctors can’t tell you much about ME. They can’t tell you why you have it, why you can’t get better or even if you’ll ever recover. Without more research into ME we’ll never have the answers we need.

    The Canary asked the Wellcome Trust for comment. We specifically wanted to know if it would consider meeting with ME Action to discuss funding, whether it would consider funding ME research, and how such money could be made available. It had not responded at the time of publication.

    The real-world impact of ME

    The real-world impact of ME is perhaps the most heart-rending reason why so much more funding is needed. Maeve Boothby-O’Neill died of ME in 2021, aged just 27. There is currently an inquest into her death after alleged failings by medical professionals. Her mother, Sarah Boothby, spoke at the Millions Missing event. She said:

    My daughter died. The system does not work…. We have had four decades of very good political support. MPs who know about this situation fully support us. We don’t have a problem with the politics. We have a problem with the medical establishment.

    Boothby said that as a movement and individually, people with ME:

    For decades we’ve been asking for change. And why has it not come about?

    She continued, talking about Maeve:

    She was my only child. [Doctors said] there was nothing wrong with her – she was ‘too healthy to be treated’… I can see she’s dying. She knows she’s dying. How can that be? I want the medical establishment to answer that question.

    The protest was a quiet and lowkey affair, contrasted by a Just Stop Oil roadblock that was going on at the same time. But it’s results that matter – if ME Action can engage with the Wellcome Trust, and hopefully secure funding, then perhaps answers will eventually come for the millions of missing people and their loved ones before it’s too late for anyone else.

    Watch the full livestream of the UK Millions Missing event:

    Featured images and additional images via the Canary 

    By Steve Topple

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • The Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) has released its latest claimant complaints figures. The Canary has crunched the numbers. They show a sudden increase this year, coupled with a steady increase in the previous year. However, this seems like news to the DWP – when the Canary asked the department about the issue, it got the figures wrong.

    DWP: complaints up this year

    Claimants can complain about the DWP to the department itself. Alternatively, they can lodge a complaint with the Independent Case Examiner (ICE) – a separate government body from the DWP. Then, the DWP tracks complaints with rolling totals every three months of the financial year. In 2017, 2018, 2019, 2020 and 2021, this rolling total almost consistently reduced every three months, when compared to the same period the prior year. There was also an overall fall in 2019. This was partly due to the DWP refusing to take complaints about the women’s state pension age. Now, however, the DWP’s latest figures show a sudden increase compared to previous years.

    From 1 April to 30 June:

    • 4,999 people complained to the DWP.
    • The ICE looked at 1,138 of these complaints.
    • It began formally investigating 416 of them.

    Compared to the same period in 2021, these figures are a 29% rise in overall complaints and a 33% rise in the number of cases ICE is investigating. This represents 37% of all cases the DWP passed to ICE – the highest for this quarter since 2017.

    Complaints also up on previous years

    A DWP spokesperson told the Canary:

    We work to support claimants as best we can, and whenever we receive a complaint we take it seriously and seek to follow appropriate processes. The number of complaints received by DWP has fallen for two consecutive quarters.

    This is not correct. The number of complaints received hasn’t fallen for two consecutive quarters. From 1 October to 31 December 2020, people lodged 4,881 new complaints to the DWP. For the same period in 2021, the number was 5,388 – a 10.4% increase. 1 January to 31 March 2021 versus 1 January to 31 March 2022 saw a 17.6% increase, from 4,462 to 5,249 complaints. Prior to that, complaints had been falling – for example, from 1 July to 30 September 2020 compared to the same period in 2019.

    This rise in complaints may well be driven by one social security entitlement: Personal Independence Payment (PIP).

    PIP: explaining increased DWP complaints?

    The number of households claiming Universal Credit went down by 3.7% in April 2022 compared to April 2021. However, the number of claimants of PIP went up by 10.9% in June 2022 versus June 2021.

    Alongside this has come increased DWP chaos with the social security payment. For example, the Guardian reported that since the start of 2021, 59% of successful PIP claimant appeals were because the DWP made wrong decisions. Then, you have waiting times for results of claims consistently increasing since 2015. Citizens Advice said on 6 July:

    the waiting list for an assessment now stands at 327,000 Disabled people, with an average waiting time of five months. Citizens Advice projects this means £294 million of payments that would be awarded are being held up.

    The possibility of an increase in complaints to the DWP being related to PIP also fits with ICE data. This shows there was around a 49% increase in 2020/21 versus 2019/20 for complaints about disability benefits the DWP passed to ICE. ICE said that the “majority of cases” were about PIP.

    DWP: still not fit for purpose

    The DWP has historically either handled claimants’ complaints badly or attempted to deal with them behind closed doors. ICE has sometimes not performed much better.

    The DWP overhauled its complaints procedures recently. However, this doesn’t appear to have affected the culture of it treating claimants so badly that they feel the need to complain. With new chancellor Jeremy Hunt expected to announce more austerity, and with the trajectory of complaints already rising, things will likely get worse.

    Featured image via Wikimedia

    By Steve Topple

    This post was originally published on Canary Workers’ Co-op.

  • Power has a way of hiding its points of origin. This is what power does: it obfuscates the responsibility that it plays in oppressing individuals and groups. It is a tactic that blames those who are targets of its machinations.

    In his book, Black Skin, White Masks, philosopher and anticolonial theorist Frantz Fanon powerfully cast this dynamic of blaming the victim as similar to how a conventional doctor views varicose veins as a condition caused by “constitutional weakness” in the varicose walls of a worker’s legs, when in fact the condition follows from exploitative conditions of overwork under which a person is “compelled to spend ten hours a day on [their] feet.” According to this insight, it is not the worker who has the problem. Rather, it is the network of social relations in the form of oppressive labor extraction that causes the problem.

    Feminist philosopher, disability theorist and biomedical ethicist Christine Wieseler similarly argues that medical models of disability “blame the victim” by identifying individual bodies as “problem bodies,” emphasizing the idea of a medical cure that is underwritten by a conception of embodied normativity. In contrast to medical models of disability, she argues, social models of disability rethink ways of “helping people to figure out how to live with impairments and chronic illnesses.”

    For Wieseler — an assistant professor in the Department of Philosophy at California State Polytechnic University, Pomona — the social model of disability is linked to the counter-hegemonic assertion that disabled people “are capable of living worthwhile lives” and that they have important epistemic contributions to make within a world that negates their capacity for knowledge production. Within this context, Wieseler troubles the arrogance of those who are nondisabled and also challenges bioethicists who presume to know the lived experiences of those who are disabled.

    In this interview, Wieseler provides a veritable primer for understanding disability studies and the deep implications for disability justice.

    George Yancy: I think that there are many who conceptualize persons with disabilities/disabled people as having something “wrong” with their bodies or their embodiment. In this way, the “wrongness” of the body is said to be intrinsic to the body. It seems to me, however, that such a move deflects from disability studies’ commitment to social justice work. In your engaging article, “Challenging Conceptions of the ‘Normal’ Subject in Phenomenology,” you differentiate between the concept of impairment and disability. Please elaborate on how that distinction might help us to rethink the ways in which the latter concept (disability) brings undeniable attention to issues of injustice within the context of disability studies.

    Christine Wieseler: Disability rights advocates coined the phrase the “medical model of disability” to refer to the conception of disability as an individual biomedical condition. This model focuses on bodies as the sole origin of any disadvantages individuals may face; thus, those who subscribe to this model recommend development of medical cures, treatments and methods for normalization of bodies with functional limitations. Examples include medication; psychiatric treatment; surgical intervention; prosthetics; and speech, occupational and physical therapy. Some characterizations of the medical model add to this description that it considers disability to be a personal tragedy that warrants pity, and, in some cases, charity. One way in which the labeling of this model as “medical” is misleading is that its influence extends far beyond medical contexts. This way of thinking about disability tends to be treated as common sense in how disabled people are portrayed in the media, for example.

    Your question articulates the exact reason that disability activists posited a distinction between “impairment” and “disability”: to challenge the assumption that there is something wrong with the bodies of individuals and to shift attention to what is wrong with society insofar as it is oppressive to disabled people. The Union of the Physically Impaired Against Segregation introduced the impairment/disability distinction, defining “impairment” as “lacking part of or all of a limb, or having a defective limb, organ or mechanism of the body.” You will notice that this is a fairly narrow definition; the term “impairment” has come to be used to refer to a broad array of atypical forms of appearance and ways of functioning. The Union of the Physically Impaired Against Segregation argued that social — not biological — factors caused many of the obstacles people with impairments face. Disability rights activists conceived of the status of disabled people as that of an oppressed minority. The Union of the Physically Impaired Against Segregation says the following about “disability”:

    Disability is something imposed on top of our impairments by the way we are unnecessarily isolated and excluded from full participation in society. Disabled people are therefore an oppressed group in society. It follows from this analysis that having low incomes, for example, is only one aspect of our oppression. It is a consequence of our isolation and segregation in every area of life, such as education, work, mobility, housing, etc.

    The Union of the Physically Impaired Against Segregation focused on increasing the economic resources available to disabled people. Yet, members of this organization recognized that poverty among disabled people was intertwined with (and the consequence of) other social obstacles. [In The Politics of Disablement: A Sociological Approach] Michael Oliver coined the term, “the social model of disability,” to name this way of thinking about impairment and disability. This model has remained especially influential amongst disability activists and theorists in the U.K., though some aspects of it have been adopted in many parts of the world.

    My sense is that people generally think about disability as consisting of a physical or cognitive “deficit.” This raises all sorts of questions related to, for example, “epistemic oppression” — a form of oppression that occurs when people in positions of power assert that those who are disabled will only benefit from the people they deem as having epistemological expertise and as possessing “genuine” knowledge (very often those who are deemed “able-bodied”). And while it is important not to conflate the dynamics of epistemic oppression within the context of anti-Black racism, I think that it is important that we challenge the differential ways in which knowledge possession is assumed to be devoid vis-à-vis those who are disabled. Could you elaborate on how you understand epistemological oppression within the context of disability studies, and discuss how you conceptualize disabled knowers and the richness and complexity of their knowledge, and how their knowledge can transform epistemic forms of arrogance and hegemony?

    There is a long history of disabled people being denied epistemic authority in regard to our own bodyminds and experiences. (I use Margaret Price’s term “bodymind” to emphasize the inextricability of the body and mind and the fact that many impairments are not readily apparent.) The Disability Rights Movement’s slogan “Nothing About Us without Us” is, in part, a challenge to epistemic oppression — which entails the assumption that disabled people are unable to make contributions to shared knowledge, as well as ways in which the disabled people’s knowledge claims are actively undermined. In spite of good intentions, nondisabled “experts” on disability have sometimes made the lives of their patients or students worse by privileging normalization. In other words, health care professionals and educators attempted to get their patients/students to look and function as closely to a mythical “normal” bodymind as possible (e.g., prohibiting D/deaf children from using sign language or forcing children with polio to walk rather than using a wheelchair). There is still an overemphasis on cure rather than helping people to figure out how to live with impairments and chronic illnesses.

    Disabled people and our allies continue to demand epistemic justice. I would suggest that a central assumption of disability studies is that disabled people are capable of living worthwhile lives and that we have important contributions to make — including epistemic ones. Unfortunately, these assumptions still seem to go against the grain, and this is readily apparent within philosophy.

    When I first read philosophy containing false assertions about the lives of disabled people, I thought that this should be easy to fix. Philosophers are concerned with truth and engaging in just epistemic practices, right? I thought that this lack of knowledge could be corrected through engagement with empirical research and testimonies of disabled people. However, it turns out that the problem is much deeper and more difficult to address. Certain bioethicists, in particular, are so sure that they know about the lives of disabled people that they dismiss any claims that challenge the views they hold, sometimes paying lip service to the positions of disability theorists/activists, but then going on to contradict them. The epistemic arrogance is truly astounding. I now believe that epistemic humility is a necessary condition for the knowledge of disabled people to make any difference in the beliefs of nondisabled knowers such as these bioethicists. Encountering the richness and complexity of this knowledge is not enough; having an openness to being wrong (i.e., demonstrating epistemic humility) and valuing the knowledge of disabled people are both necessary.

    My thinking on how disabled people are subject to epistemic oppression is heavily indebted to the work of both feminist theorists who are interested in ways that sexism and racism manifest in epistemic practices, and feminist theorists examining how ableism informs epistemic practices. While I agree with you that it is important not to conflate how epistemic oppression occurs in the context of anti-Black racism and ableism (in part, because these forms of oppression intersect with each other as well as sexism and other forms of oppression), there is much to be gained from considering different manifestations of epistemic oppression together.

    As I discuss in “Epistemic Oppression and Ableism in Bioethics,” how folks go about trying to learn about disabled people’s experiences matters, because the type of approach determines whether one is promoting epistemic justice or undermining it. Drawing on the work of Toni Morrison, Audre Lorde and Iris Marion Young, feminist philosopher Nora Berenstain uses the term “epistemic exploitation” to refer to the phenomenon of privileged people pressuring members of marginalized groups to educate them, especially regarding their experiences of oppression. As Berenstain puts it, “The dominantly situated feign engagement with the marginalized but refuse to listen to them.” This form of epistemic labor is problematic, in part, due to the asymmetry between the social positioning of knowers but also because it (1) is an unfair demand on marginalized people; (2) is unlikely to be recognized; and (3) stands little chance of receiving proper epistemic uptake. I would suggest that it is better for those who want to gain a better understanding of disabled people’s experiences to engage with the work of folks who have chosen to take on this type of labor rather than asking disabled people they happen to encounter. This might sound obvious, but, in my experience, it isn’t.

    One theme I return to within disability theory is that knowing is a communal project. This is an important corrective in the face of pressure to represent “the disability community.” (Sidenote: there are many diverse disability communities, and there are likely to be disagreements on some issues even within a single disability community.) We need affirmation from others in the face of dominant narratives that fail to accurately portray our experiences, and we need to learn from others when our experiences and understandings differ. We all have limitations in what we notice and how we make sense of the world.

    There are a number of different concepts that have been developed to refer to knowledge accumulated within disability communities. I will mention a few of the more recent developments here. Leah Lakshmi Piepzna-Samarasinha, a self-described sick and disabled femme of color, notes that the terms “crip skills” and “crip science” are used by members of these communities to refer to ways that disabled people figure out how to navigate environments that have been designed largely around the presumption of typical bodyminds and knowledge grounded in lived experiences of disabled people.

    Disability theorist Rosemarie Garland-Thomson suggests that we — disabled and nondisabled people alike — should develop “disability competence” with the following five components: biomedical decision-making, disability culture and history, accessible technology and design, disability legislation and social justice, and disability cultural competence research. Most of us do not receive any kind of formal education about disability, much less one informed by a critical disability studies perspective. Recognizing this personal and societal knowledge gap is an important starting point for being a participant in the communal project of knowing about disability.

    Returning to the question of epistemological oppression, your work brings critical attention to the gaps that exist within the field of biomedical ethics in relationship to its failure to understand disabled people. When I think about biomedical ethics, I tend to think about euthanasia or end-of-life care, etc., but not deep and probing issues regarding disability studies. Of course, that might be a function of my ignorance. So, what problematic assumptions do you think undergird biomedical ethics vis-à-vis disability studies? Also, in what way do your critical insights regarding this important issue help those who teach courses in biomedical ethics, and also help those who are health care professionals?

    When I started examining bioethics textbooks, I realized that beneath the disagreements on a number of issues that disproportionately impact disabled people (e.g., selective abortion and prenatal genetic diagnosis, organ transplantation policies and other forms of health care rationing, debates about health care policy, physician aid-in-dying, euthanasia), there tended to be shared assumptions about disability. Specifically, I noted that many bioethicists assume that the medical model of disability provides a sufficient way of conceptualizing “disability,” that disabled people, on average, automatically have a significantly lower quality of life solely on the basis of their bodyminds, and that genetic determinism and reductionism provide adequate scientific accounts for making sense of genetic information. All of these assumptions are either questionable or false, but collectively, they contribute to the devaluation of disabled people and deliberations on moral issues that fail to take into consideration the experiences of the very people whose well-being and lives are at stake. Relatedly, the bioethics literature tends to treat disabled people as objects of knowledge rather than subjects.

    Some may question if it is even worth trying to transform bioethics given the aforementioned problems. I believe that progress has already been made insofar as there are increasing numbers of disabled and nondisabled philosophers whose work is informed by critical disability studies challenging ableism in bioethics, whether this involves clinical ethics consultations, research, teaching, or a combination of these areas. As Jackie Leach Scully pointed out in Disability Bioethics: Moral Bodies, Moral Difference, experiences of disability may impact “perceptions, interpretations, and judgments of what is going on in moral issues, especially moral issues that have direct relevance to disability.” This is the starting point for disability bioethics, which is emerging as a field. In some ways, we are still figuring out what that means. In The Disability Bioethics Reader, Joel Michael Reynolds and I posit these three criteria as necessary for disability bioethics:

    • a critical relationship to common narratives and “common sense” claims about disability;
    • theory and practice rooted in critical disability scholarship, with an emphasis placed on testimony by and work from disabled people, as well as emphasis placed on participatory models of research and practice;
    • inquiry committed to increasing justice and equity for people with disabilities.

    Disability bioethics is a crucial part of promoting disability justice, which I will discuss in my response to your final question of this interview.

    I have personally witnessed the transformational power of teaching bioethics in a way that centers the experiences of disabled people. For example, I have taught portions of More than Ramps: A Guide to Improving Health Care Quality and Access for People with Disabilities, by Lisa Iezzoni and Bonnie O’Day to medical students in order to illustrate ways that “compliance” with the Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990 can be insufficient for creating accessible, welcoming clinical environments.

    Narratives from disabled people about their experiences related to health care show the ways that problematic assumptions compromise the care they receive. Here are just a few examples: that disabled people are unable to speak for themselves; that all patients are able to hear their names being called in the waiting room; that disabled people are asexual and/or unable to have children; and that it is always appropriate to have a patient’s personal attendant in the exam room. The harms of practices centered around these assumptions include: undermining trust, patients missing their appointments, lack of or inadequate sex education and reproductive care, and missing the chance to stop abuse. Thus, even relatively minor changes in orientation toward disabled people and better communication can improve experiences in health care settings and prevent harm. Of course, large structural changes are also needed to combat ableism in medicine and to expand health care access for disabled people, but there are actions, such as teaching disability bioethics, that can make a difference.

    How might disability studies speak generatively to questions of racialized embodiment within the area of critical philosophy of race or vice versa? For example, within the context of the history of white supremacy, whiteness signifies “beautiful bodies,” perhaps even “symmetrical bodies” (think here of racist assumptions within the areas of phrenology and physiognomy). Conversely, within white supremacy Blackness is seen as signifying “monstrous,” “ugly,” “inferior,” “uncivilized” bodies. In fact, it might be argued that white supremacy deems Black bodies (in virtue of their Blackness) as manifesting forms of disability; that is, racialized Blackness is a sign of dysfunctionality or as a site of aberration.

    Before I respond directly to your question, I think it is important to provide a bit of context regarding disability studies and critical philosophy of race. Although this is changing (and there are exceptions), there has been a tendency for disability theorists to ignore race, implicitly centering the experiences of white disabled people. Critical race theorists have often focused on race without reference to ability status, which has had the effect of privileging nondisabled people’s experiences. It is worth noting that these dynamics are related. For example, along with the stigmatization of disability, the presumed whiteness of disability activism and studies was likely a factor in influencing some philosophers and other theorists of color to not identify as disabled. In addition, let’s face it: analyzing and responding to either ableism or racism is a daunting task. However, there are many examples that suggest that understanding how racism or ableism function requires understanding how they are intertwined with each other as well as with other forms of oppression, such as sexism.

    Eli Clare’s Brilliant Imperfection: Grappling with Cure provides powerful illustrations of how different forms of oppression function together. For example, he analyzes the ableist notion of “defectiveness” and how it has been used in conjunction with sexism, racism, heteronormativity and white supremacy to frame a wide variety of bodyminds as inferior, having implications for practices including slavery, immigration policy, ex-gay conversion therapy, involuntary institutionalization and/or sterilization, and racism in psychiatry. Although it is essential to recognize that the harms are not equivalent, there is value in examining these social practices together to understand the broader picture.

    In my research, I am attempting to bring together insights from critical philosophy of race, feminist theory and disability theory. As crucial as the impairment/disability distinction has been for disability activism and theory, in my work I have suggested that the term “impairment” is insufficient for the richness of embodied experience. We need to move beyond this way of conceptualizing the body to what phenomenologists such as Maurice Merleau-Ponty call the Oday “lived body,” which captures what it is like to be in the world in/as a particular bodymind.

    As I discuss in “Challenging Conceptions of the ‘Normal’ Subject in Phenomenology,” I am increasingly convinced that very few of us consistently experience what Garland-Thomson calls “material anonymity,” which entails one’s bodymind fitting so well with the material and social environment that one is able to pursue their projects without having to attend to their body or other peoples’ responses to it. I claim that phenomenologists of illness and disability have tended to assume that healthy folks experience material anonymity. I suggest that this assumption fails to take into consideration ways that gender and race matter for lived experiences and implies that “normal” people are white and male. I do not think that the philosophers I critique intentionally did so. Nonetheless, analyses that focus on one aspect of social identity are limited and tend to obscure the role of intersectionality in day-to-day life. (In case anyone is unfamiliar with this concept, Kimberlé Crenshaw coined the term “intersectionality” to capture the need to examine how racism and sexism converge in discrimination against Black women. Intersectionality has come to be used more expansively to indicate that we are impacted by how we are classified across multiple social categories.)

    I include examples from your work as well as that of Iris Marion Young, Sandra Bartky, Lisa Iezzoni and Bonnie O’Day, and Tommy Curry, in order to show that: (1) within the context of racism and sexism, many healthy people are compelled to carefully attend to others’ perceptions of our bodies in the attempt to avoid harm; and (2) gender and race shape the experiences of disabled people. When we center the experiences of privileged people and treat them as the norm, we miss most people’s lived experiences.

    As a Black philosopher studying critical philosophy of race, my work has never been an abstract process or an abstract philosophical pursuit. I say this because I am racialized as Black, I have skin in the game. Doing this kind of philosophy brings all sorts of dangers, especially in the form of white racist backlash. This partly raises again the issue of epistemological oppression. White philosophers and white scholars, more generally, fail to understand the ways in which their whiteness obfuscates their understanding of processes of racialization, processes of anti-Black racism. As “able-bodied,” I would like to think that I possess a certain degree of epistemological humility not to speak on behalf of those who are disabled. Given the insidious nature of ableism, however, I am sure that I have not only failed at this humility but have failed at giving the sort of social justice attention and philosophical energy to issues of disability studies and disabled persons. Could you speak to the ways in which your engagement with disability studies overlaps with your own location within the world as disabled?

    First, I want to mention that I existed as a disabled person for over seven years before I thought about disability as being political in nature or became part of any sort of disability community. I had no knowledge of disability activism or theory until I happened to get a job at a center for independent living (a nonprofit that provides services for people with disabilities, at which at least 51 percent of the board and staff must comprise people with disabilities).

    In part, I went to college in an attempt to overcome having an impairment (i.e., get a degree so that I could get a job compatible with having an impairment), and I immersed myself in philosophy with the idea of having a life of the mind so that I could escape thinking about my body. In short, I was grappling with internalized ableism as well as a society designed in such a way that there are many obstacles to thriving as a disabled person.

    Having grown up in a rather racially homogenous place where people mostly did not talk about race, college also pushed me to learn about racism and how I benefit from white privilege. In graduate school, I became increasingly interested in how philosophers addressed (or failed to talk about) embodiment. I was hesitant to pursue philosophy of disability because I worried not only about calling attention to my status as disabled but also about being able to get a job in philosophy.

    Students and colleagues noticed my impairments regardless of whether I brought them up. For example, I taught a unit on thinking critically about disability in an introductory-level philosophy class and discussed some of my own experiences. After this disclosure, a student informed me that the class “had been waiting” for me to talk about being disabled. (It is strange to be going about my life with a body about which people expect me to give an account — an experience I know many people experience in different ways.)

    In the end, I decided that I would rather do research I thought was important and interesting than research that I thought would make me more “marketable.” I’ve been fortunate enough to be employed full-time in philosophy in the years since I finished my Ph.D. The discipline of philosophy has improved in terms of thinking about accessibility (of conferences, for example) and starting to recognize philosophy of disability as a legitimate area of philosophy, but there is still much progress to be made.

    What new conceptual or institutional directions do you think disability studies must take as it continues its fight against ableism and social injustice?

    Disability bioethics must continue to build on the insights of disability justice, which some have called a second wave of disability rights founded by disabled folks who identify as queer, trans, Black, Indigenous, and/or people of color. The disability justice primer, Skin, Tooth, and Bone: The Basis of Movement is Our People by Sins Invalid (a disability justice performance project) states:

    Disability justice activists, organizers, and cultural workers understand that able-bodied supremacy has been formed in relation to other systems of domination and exploitation. The histories of white supremacy and ableism are inextricably entwined, created in the context of colonial conquest and capitalist domination.

    I would highly recommend this primer, as well as Shayda Kafai’s wonderful book, Crip Kinship: The Disability Justice & Art Activism of Sins Invalid. I consider it to be essential for disability bioethics to center intersectionality and to form bridges between disability studies, bioethics, and areas, such as philosophy of race, feminist philosophy, fat studies, trans philosophy, aging studies and animal studies. This was the starting point for The Disability Bioethics Reader (2022), which I co-edited with Joel Michael Reynolds. We are excited about the ways that our contributors have brought together these areas to consider the opportunities for the development of disability bioethics, and we hope this text will provide an excellent introduction to disability bioethics.

    This interview has been lightly edited for clarity and length.

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • The Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) paid staff over £1.2m in bonuses in August alone. This comes as Liz Truss’s Tory government has refused to commit to increasing social security rates next year. So social security claimants would be forgiven for thinking the DWP is taking the piss as it pays staff bonuses for plunging them into horrific poverty.

    DWP: more benefit cuts coming

    As the Herald reported, the government could potentially scrap the inflation-linked rise in social security next April. This was originally committed to by former chancellor Rishi Sunak. Truss said:

    In terms of benefits uprating, that is something the Work and Pensions Secretary is looking at and she will make an announcement in due course as is the normal practice, for the autumn.

    Coventry Live reported that the DWP would do this to save money. It said that the Tories might do this by changing how the DWP works out benefit rates. As the article noted, chancellor Kwasi Kwarteng:

    refused to say that Universal Credit and other benefits will be increased to match inflation – which could go over 10%. Instead the benefits are expected to rise by just 5.4% – meaning in real terms they will be cut because the amount they increase will be much lower than the rate at which everything is getting more expensive.

    The 5.4% would be the case if the DWP increased social security by average earnings, not inflation. Think tank the Resolution Foundation tweeted that if the government did this it would actually mean a cut to benefits:

    Given the Tories might be hitting the poorest families with cuts of up to £500 a year, you’d think they’d at least try and save money elsewhere. Clearly not – as the DWP has also just released its latest staff bonus figures.

    Bonuses for following DWP orders

    Figures from the DWP show that in August, it paid over £1.2m in “non-consolidated performance payments”. However, this dwarfs the figure for this financial year’s total. DWP civil servants get two types of bonuses – ones every month and also a full year one, paid the following July after the end of the financial year in April. This means the DWP have paid staff the following bonuses so far this year:

    This makes a total since April of £14.6m. July’s £12.2m for the previous year was an increase of nearly £2m on 2021. Plus, bosses got tens of thousands of pounds in individual bonuses in 2021/22. So, while the DWP is planning to cut social security it’s still paying out millions in bonuses. Effectively, it’s rewarding its staff for following its orders to make people destitute.

    As the Resolution Foundation said:

    Cutting working-age benefits by £5 billion next year would be done in the context of household incomes already falling in real-terms, and would therefore deepen – and extend – the cost-of-living crisis well into next year, and possibly beyond that.

    Yet still, the DWP is paying bonuses. While the issue isn’t new, the context is even worse now. With inflation still set to rise higher, the poorest people are facing a catastrophe. The DWP paying itself bonuses is just another sick twist of the knife for them.

    Featured image via the Guardian – YouTube, Richard Townshend – Wikimedia, cropped under licence CC BY 3.0, and Wikimedia

    By Steve Topple

    This post was originally published on Canary Workers’ Co-op.

  • Earlier in September, UK tabloid the Daily Mail caused uproar with an article about chronically ill and disabled people. It targeted severely ill women and smeared them as somehow making their conditions up for social media influence. So, The Canary spoke to several chronically ill women about their experience. These are stories that shine a light into their lives, and their grief.

    Chronic illness under attack

    On 7 September, the Daily Mail ran an article called:

    Addicted to being sad: Teenage girls with invisible illnesses – known as ‘Spoonies’ – post TikToks of themselves crying or in hospital to generate thousands of likes

    It was based around a piece published on the right-wing website Common Sense. The Daily Mail version discussed chronically ill women sharing their stories and experiences on social media. It used screengrabs of some people’s posts, but it was not sympathetic. The Daily Mail and journalist Emma James heavily implied that these women’s stories were not entirely real.

    The Daily Mail and the wandering womb

    The overall thrust of the Daily Mail article was either that:

    a) these women were faking or exaggerating their chronic illnesses for likes on social media;

    or

    b) they’re part of an “internet-induced wave of mass anxiety” which is causing their symptoms.

    Media and medical professionals claiming women are making up their physical illnesses, or that their physical symptoms from mental/emotional distress aren’t real, isn’t new. Yet the Daily Mail article in question was particularly unpleasant: lifting images from people’s social media, and publishing them out of context without going to them for comment.

    But of course, this was the Daily Mail. So the article was littered with inaccuracies.

    Inaccuracies

    For example, the article stated that the women in question were:

    part of a new community – called ‘Spoonies’. Thousands of teens are banding together on social media as part of the movement

    But the term spoonie is not “new” – nor is the community. It was coined by writer Christine Miserandino years ago and has been widely adopted by the chronic illness community ever since.

    Chronic illness: not really rare

    Then, the Daily Mail claimed that some of the illnesses the women lived with were:

    harder to diagnose such as polycystic ovary syndrome (PCOS), Rheumatoid arthritis (RA), endometriosis and postural orthostatic tachycardia syndrome (POTS).

    This is not true. PCOS is diagnosed by an ultrasound and blood tests, RA by clinical examination and blood test and POTS via a multitude of simple tests. So, these conditions and others are not usually hard to diagnose.

    But ask many people living with them and they’ll tell you what the real problem is: doctors invariably know little about these conditions, think they’re rare when they’re often not, and end up diagnosing people with something else. For example, doctors initially misdiagnose 83% of people living with some form of autonomic dysfunction – like POTS – with an anxiety or a panic disorder instead.

    The problem isn’t the patient

    The Canary spoke to chronically ill women affected by, or featured in, the Daily Mail‘s story. It’s important to note that none of the women The Canary spoke to were teenagers, contrary to the Daily Mail article. One of the women the paper featured is actually 35.

    Amy, from the UK, lives with premature ovarian insufficiency (POI). She told The Canary:

    I think the Daily Mail article is disgusting and offensive to those who live with a chronic illness. As a 29-year-old woman who has been diagnosed with premature ovarian Insufficiency and is going through premature menopause. I don’t just struggle daily with the physical and psychological symptoms of my condition, but I also have to fight to be heard and get the right medical care. I am regularly dismissed despite advocating and wanting the best for my health. This article supports the injustice and misogyny of the women’s health system as we are dismissed as being ‘too needy’ or ‘neurotic’.

    The problem isn’t the patient! The problem lies with the medical professionals who aren’t given the appropriate training for these conditions.

    But the Daily Mail‘s most damaging inaccuracies concerned the women it used social media posts from – without permission.

    No-context screengrabs

    The Canary spoke to Amani, 35, who the Daily Mail featured. She lives with:

    • Inflammatory arthritis
    • Endometriosis
    • Interstitial cystitis
    • Chronic migraine
    • Loin pain haematuria syndrome
    • Neurogenic bladder and bowel
    • Costochondritis
    • Traumatic brain injury
    • POTS
    • Post-sepsis syndrome
    • Surgical menopause
    • Non-epileptic seizures

    The article shared an image from her social media. The Canary is choosing not to reshare it. However, Amani had written as a caption:

    POV: Tell me you have chronic pain, without telling me you have chronic pain

    Dealing with 10/10 pain at home alone everyday cos you know you’ll get dismissed + gaslit if you go to hospital

    The Daily Mail captioned her image with:

    Healthy people have unlimited spoons while sick people, the spoonies, only have a few and have to be ‘strategic’ about how they use them – often by doing everyday tasks. A lot of the girls will post theor [sic] lowest moments on social media in an attempt to show how they struggle

    ‘Writhing in pain’

    This loses the entire context of the image. Amani told The Canary that the article’s caption:

    was completely incorrect. It didn’t have my explanation of that moment. And I know other people that have been included in the article who were either fighting severe depression, feeling really scared or in hospital really, really sick. And the Daily Mail used an image from them – and they felt exactly the same.

    The moment captured in Amani’s TikTok post was, she said:

    an image of me, in bed, writhing in pain. I don’t often share those moments. So it was a big deal for me to have shared it.

    But this undermining of chronically ill people was exactly what the Daily Mail article was trying to do – and it did this at the expense of some very sick people.

    ‘Angry and disappointed’

    Josie is 32 and lives with pre-menstrual dysphoric disorder, premature ovarian insufficiency and functional neurological disorder (FND). She told The Canary that the Daily Mail article:

    made me feel angry and disappointed. That a whole supportive community of people would be painted in such a derogatory way. As someone who has fought her whole life to be seen, heard and acknowledged, this just proves that society is so built on the ‘proof’ of illness being important in the way we treat others. I was truly hurt by the article and it was completely untrue.

    We shouldn’t expect constant “proof” to accept people are chronically ill. Because people like Amani really are seriously unwell.

    “95% of my life lying down”

    Amani told The Canary:

    I spend like 95% of my life lying down – and the rest of it at hospital appointments or doing the basics at home, which I can barely do anyway.

    So, the privilege of living with like your health is that there are certain things in the day you don’t even think about doing – like brushing your teeth, making food, getting dressed or whatever. And for someone like me, every single tiny thing in the day is a massive effort.

    And you have to prioritise. Do I get up and go to the toilet or do I get up and go and get food or do I get up and get dressed or do I make this phone call that I have to make about my health? Or do I…? It’s like a constant mathematical equation all day long, of how to spend your very limited energy.

    I’m bed bound most of the time. Last year I was hospitalised on 21 occasions for long periods of time. Since 2016, I’ve spent almost every month in hospital. There’s been two periods of time where I’ve had six months out of that.

    But that’s not what society often thinks.

    Real-world effects

    Amani said there is a huge problem with medical professionals and society disbelieving patients. She recounted an incident with the NHS which has now led to her being severely disabled – all because doctors didn’t believe she was ill:

    In 2012, I prolapsed two discs in my back. I lost control of my bladder suddenly overnight and that’s a sign that you’ve got nerve damage from the prolapsed discs. So you’re supposed to go straight to A&E because it’s this condition called cauda equina syndrome – and it’s really serious; It can paralyse and leave lifelong nerve damage to the bladder and bowel.

    Five times I went to A&E because I kept losing control of my bladder and I was 25. And each time they said it was anxiety, that I was just attention seeking and I just needed to go home…

    Fast forward three years and suddenly I had to have a catheter. It turns out that the nerve damage that had been caused by my prolapsed discs (that they dismissed) was now neurogenic bladder and bowel. So I’ve been told I’m going have kidney failure at some point in my life. I’m going to have a colostomy bag at some point in my life –  all because they didn’t do anything about it and said it was anxiety.

    Amani’s story sounds horrific, but it’s not an uncommon one in the chronic illness community. Another chronically ill woman The Canary spoke to was sectioned under the Mental Health Act because doctors accused her of making her genetic, hereditary illness up. She is now bed-bound much of the time.

    “I just want to give up”

    Aniko is 33 and from London. She lives with endometriosis and chronic migraines. Aniko told The Canary:

    The way some people see me is that I don’t live and I’m just boring – because I need rest and I know what happens if I don’t get my rest. And I am constantly exhausted, so I just want to go home and sleep. After a while, you are just invisible – to the people around you and to the system that is supposed to look after you. My day centres around making sure I take all the pills I need to take and drink all the meds I need to drink. It’s a very lonely place to be and the fact that any publication thinks it’s okay to support and approve an article like that is beyond me.

    Not only is it upsetting, it makes you livid and if anyone living with a chronic condition reads it on a particularly bad day – that could be just that last straw between giving up and keeping going.

    Because some days I feel that I just want to give up because what is the point?

    Grieving for life

    When you live with chronic illnesses, sometimes the hardest part is the grief. Amani said:

    A big part of living with severe chronic illness is grieving the life that you either thought you would have, that you did have, or that you could have. There’s so much unspoken grief.

    There’s a lot of shame that comes through with chronic illness because of our ableist society – and also because you want to be living the life that you want to fucking live. Through social media, my grief is a lot more processable, if that makes sense – through the solidarity that I get from connecting with other people.

    It’s also more than grief. There’s often narratives within the chronic illness community about “acceptance” – sometimes pushed largely by the same people who want us to believe that some people’s illnesses were ‘all in their heads’. But Amani doesn’t wholly buy into this. She told The Canary:

    I’m not at peace with my situation because it’s fucking shit. And I don’t want to accept this situation. Everyone talks about acceptance. But for me, I’m angry. I want to feel better. But now, I allow for it more and I’m more gentle with myself. I used to just give myself the hardest time and I would be silent about my chronic health issues. Ultimately, I was ashamed of them and I thought it was my fault, and I’d done something wrong.

    Social media and chronic illness

    Social media plays a huge role for chronically ill people. It brings them together and gives them access to the outside world. As Amani explained:

    without social media, I would be so much more depressed. I would be so much more in a hole with my grief and with my shame. Writing about it online and connecting with other people in my situation – that shame is still there a bit, but oh my god, it’s so much less. And I feel like sharing your experiences with other people that are in the same position as you just helps you feel so much less alone; so much less ashamed. You are able to grieve, which enables you to then have patience and gentleness with yourself – rather than just berating yourself all the time.

    Steph, 34 and from Bristol, echoed Amani’s comments. She told The Canary:

    The online chronic illness community is how I found my diagnosis, it’s given me some of the best advice I’ve found to empower me in managing my health, and I’m hugely grateful to the chronic illness influencers who stick their head above the parapet to do the work they do, often unpaid or with very little financial remuneration.

    Yet the Daily Mail decided to undermine not only people’s physical and mental health but also their social media – which is one of the few outlets chronically ill people have to be heard. The effects of this for Amani were devastating.

    Medical PTSD

    She told The Canary:

    What’s not talked about enough with chronic illness is medical PTSD. So I have like severe medical PTSD because I’ve been hospitalised so much; gas-lit by medical professionals endlessly, and dismissed. And so for me and my immediate response was I just like started shaking. It was so triggering and I didn’t realise I was part of it initially, so I didn’t read it. I just was like, fuck this. And then I got tagged in a bunch of shit and I was like, oh right, okay. I felt violated because all of the images they picked are my most raw and vulnerable moments that we are choosing to share.

    Amani was not the only one affected like this. The Daily Mail article’s impact was country-wide and global.

    Consciously stigmatising chronic illness

    Liv Loo is 32 and from San Francisco. She was diagnosed with rheumatoid arthritis aged four and uveitis aged eight – and the Daily Mail also hit her hard. She told The Canary:

    First I was angry. I feel protective of all my fellow chronic illness warriors. The reality is, we are stronger together. The very thing they wrote about is actually what brings us closer together… They targeted a community already fighting to be heard due to the invisible nature of our conditions – our symptoms change daily and don’t always require assisted devices. Our pain is most often experienced in silence with a deep fear of being misunderstood or not believed at all.

    It’s sad that in a world where we strive to normalise mental and physical health, they consciously chose to stigmatise it. I hope the author, editors and beyond can learn from this, take on new perspectives and be students of their own experience. May there only be growth.

    ‘Tiring and upsetting’

    Steph said:

    The Daily Mail article was tiring and upsetting… The attitude that young women are just pretending for attention is so horribly pervasive. It gives people permission to police my sickness and judge me as to whether I deserve help. I feel like I have to pretend to be some perfect sick person, which takes all the energy I don’t have. In my healthy moments and my sickest moments it even makes me question myself. There are times when I should have gone to hospital, but I didn’t because I didn’t have the energy or the willpower in those moments to navigate that performance, and I didn’t want notes on my record suggesting I was hysterical or a hypochondriac.

    Chronic illness: “indescribably hard”

    Amani said that if she could sum up chronic illness it would be:

    indescribably hard and frequently misunderstood.

    Many chronically ill people would probably agree. Steph summed it up by saying:

    Being sick is a full time, excessively boring and traumatic job. And staying home all the time sucks – people should remember that from lockdown. The person who wrote that article is either a very spiteful human being who needs to work on their misogyny and ableism, or the publication is asking them to write borderline hate crime articles for anger fuelled clickbait. Either way, it stinks.

    The Daily Mail chose to smear, violate and abuse chronically ill people, mainly women. It’s par for the course that people don’t believe you’re ill when you live with invisible illnesses. But an international tabloid using people’s disabilities for clickbait fodder is a massive step too far – and has caused untold damage to individuals and the wider community.

    Featured image via Nenad Stojkovic – Flickr; cropped to 770×403 pixels, licensed under CC by 2.0

    By Steve Topple

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • The agency tasked with overseeing the $30 billion National Disability Insurance Scheme (NDIS) has a new chief executive and chair after going several months without its two most senior executives. NDIS minister Bill Shorten on Monday announced Rebecca Falkingham as the National Disability Insurance Agency’s (NDIA) new chief executive, while Kurt Fearnley will become the…

    The post NDIA gets a new CEO and chair, Napthine returned to board appeared first on InnovationAus.com.

    This post was originally published on InnovationAus.com.

  • The Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) has already screwed up the next round of so-called cost of living payments. This time, it’s chronically ill and disabled people who are affected. But the situation begs the question: how can the DWP mess up something so simple?

    DWP: insulting payments

    On Tuesday 20 September, the DWP was due to send out £150 one-off payments to around six million people who got certain disability/health social security entitlements. It’s part of the government cost of living support packages. According to the government’s website:

    The payment will help disabled people with the rising cost of living, acknowledging the higher disability-related costs they often face

    Of course, £150 is an insult to chronically ill and disabled people. In 2019, they already faced extra costs of £583 a month on average, compared to non-disabled people. Now, that figure would be nearer £650 – less than the monthly highest Personal Independence Payment (PIP) rate. So, £150 is hardly something to shout about. But it is still extra money that people wouldn’t otherwise have.

    So, with inflation and interest rates rocketing and the poorest people struggling more than ever, what does the DWP do? Screw up paying the £150.

    Enter Martin Lewis

    As Martin Lewis and his Money Saving Expert (MSE) website reported, the DWP told it:

    that “operational issues” have led to delays in sending out the money. DWP said the operational problems meant it has so far only been able to send out a limited number of payments

    Lewis’s own, albeit unscientific, research said otherwise – with thousands of people telling him on Twitter and Facebook they hadn’t got the payment yet. It was a similar story in another Twitter thread. On social media, those affected were furious:

    As Twitter user Thomas pointed out:

    It’s not clear what the “operational issues” are that meant the DWP has already messed up the £150 payments. As The Canary previously reported, despite the government claiming it couldn’t, the DWP can change its IT systems to make payments to people virtually whenever it wants.

    DWP: doesn’t care

    A DWP spokesperson “assured” MSE that everyone would get their £150 by the “30 September”. But this is not good enough. It had months to plan a roll out to six million people already on its system. Yet the DWP still couldn’t manage it.

    This doesn’t show operational issues. It shows the DWP is utterly negligent towards chronically ill and disabled people, and other claimants. Because clearly the department just couldn’t be bothered to get this right – at a time when millions of people are relying on it to.

    Featured image via the Guardian – YouTube and Wikimedia

    By Steve Topple

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • The police killing of Chris Kaba has been pushed out of the headlines by the death of the queen, Elizabeth Windsor. His life of 24 years was no less valuable than hers of 96, despite what the state and the media lead us to believe. Police killed Chris in south London after a car chase. However his death cannot be viewed in isolation. Because ultimately, the state itself has his blood and that of tens of thousands of others on its hands. And it’s the state that is also trying to make us forget.

    Chris Kaba: say his name

    Police shot Chris in Streatham, south London, on Monday 5 September. He wasn’t carrying a firearm. BBC News reported the Independent Office for Police Conduct’s (IOPC) excuse for Kaba’s death as being that the car he was driving was linked to a previous firearms incident. Chris’s father, Prosper, said his son’s killing was “racist” and “criminal”. It’s hard to disagree with him.

    The death of Chris is in many respects like the killings of Oladeji Omishore, Mark Duggan, Dalian Atkinson, Trevor Smith, Joy Gardner and countless others, including when the victims were in contact with, or detained by, police. That is, the entrenched structural and institutional racism that pervades UK policing meant police killed them because they were Black and Brown people. It’s also likely some of the officers involved were racist as well.

    Ultimately, the state can only function through its continual killing of Black and Brown people.

    Contemporary racism

    The state would prefer us to have a sanitised version of Chris’s death. It would suit its agenda. But the historical and social context of Kaba’s death, and the killings of countless others, is crucial. Professor Farzana Shain wrote in 2020 that:

    Cultural theorists in the UK have… employed the term the ‘new racism’ to describe the phenomenon that emerged in public and political discourse from the 1970s. This new ‘cultural racism’ did not entirely displace the racism based on biologically defined race hierarchies or the doctrine of racial typology, that was created to justify the exploitation and plunder of colonial lands during the period of European expansion. However, the ‘new racism’ has become the more dominant, acceptable and therefore embedded form of racism in the UK…

    Ultimately, this ‘new racism’ of course stemmed from, and was emboldened by, the colonial racism that had existed for centuries. But as always, the state creates and uses this along with the ‘new racism’ for its own agendas.

    As Shain wrote:

    Notions of ‘cultural difference’ enabled successive UK governments from the 1950s and 1960s to pursue racialised containment strategies. This was primarily through a series of restrictive immigration controls but also through education policies such as Prevent… and most recently ‘British Values’ education… these policies have enabled governments to manage and contain dangerous ‘others’ – the categories of people that are most often, the most affected by the fall out of economic and political change but are at the same time, instrumentalised as scapegoats for the negative impacts of this social change.

    All this means that not only is society toxified by this ‘new racism’, but the state still directly employs colonial-era racist tactics for the control and maintenance of Black and Brown people.

    Kaba, Omishore, Gardner and other Black and Brown people killed by the police have been these “dangerous others” and “instrumentalised” “scapegoats” Shain refers to. Chris was shot because of systemic racism that labelled him as “other”. As The Canary‘s Maryam Jameela recently alluded to, issues of class and socioeconomic status are also at play with the state’s agendas. The system forces more Black and Brown people into poverty than nearly any other demographic. So, on top of the racist othering you have the state viewing them as expendable to capitalism too.

    State-sanctioned killing of disabled people

    The state has killed chronically ill and disabled people in their tens of thousands. The UK’s social security body, the Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) has subjected claimants to, according to the UN, “grave” and “systematic” human rights violations – leading to a “human catastrophe”. In the 2010s, at least 35,000 chronically ill and disabled people died on the DWP’s watch. At least 600 people killed themselves after the department removed their social security. The day before Windsor’s death, the website Disability News Service (DNS) reported on Sophia Yuferev, a claimant who starved to death in the UK after the DWP stopped their social security.

    Moreover, as Jameela previously wrote, the state further others Black and Brown people too. It disproportionately subjects them to poverty and institutionalises them in social security. Yet the data excludes Black and Brown people from research on anything other than ethnicity. As Jameela wrote:

    It is not an accident of practicalities in data that disabled People of Colour are missed out. It is a manifestation of white supremacist and racist standards in society.

    So, like the deaths of Chris and others, the deaths of social security claimants are not some accident. The chair of the UN committee said the UK government, DWP and the media “have some responsibility” for society seeing disabled people as “parasites, living on social benefits… [living on] the taxes of other people”. And she said these “very, very dangerous” attitudes could “lead to violence… if not, to killings and euthanasia”. 

    Eugenics: old prejudice reimagined

    Disability politics and anti-race politics are, clearly, one and the same. Therefore, the state killing chronically ill and disabled people stems from a similar ‘othering’ to that of Black and Brown people. As the website Drake Music wrote, the late 19th and first half of the 20th century:

    Eugenics Model is the framework that came to characterise disability as we understand it today in the modern, Western world. The base logic of the theory of eugenics is that people are either fit or unfit. To be unfit is to be genetically inferior. The theory posits that efforts should be made to decrease all elements of genetic inferiority from the human race until they no longer exist. This categorisation laid the foundations for how we understand people to be disabled or non-disabled today.

    Eugenics is very much colonial. So, much like the ‘new racism’ the state’s current othering of social security claimants as parasites stems from much older prejudice – while being utilised to inflict suffering and sometimes death on its victims today. Furthermore, like the police officer who killed Chris Kaba, DWP staff who cut people’s social security, leading to their deaths, is a direct result of the state’s othering.

    The state sanctioned Kaba’s death. Don’t allow it to make us forget.

    It seems perverse that in the week when the state’s police force killed yet another Black person, that same state is now encouraging us to memorialise its now-dead figurehead. But that is, of course, how othering and scapegoating works. The state cannot function without the complicity of its citizens. That includes often unconscious, but sometimes conscious, social policing. It matters who we grieve and how, and at The Canary we’re grieving Chris Kaba, Sophia Yuferev, and the countless others who have been killed by the state. We refuse to be distracted by the bread and circuses offered up to us.

    To keep Kaba, Yuferev and every other person they’ve killed to the back of our minds, the state will attempt to make us forget about, and not question, these deaths. It may be encouraging us to focus on Windsor. But, Chris’s death is a tragedy. We must make sure that he is not forgotten – otherwise the state will continue to get away with murdering at will.

    Featured image via Chris Kaba’s family

    By Steve Topple

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • The Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) has a new boss. PM Liz Truss has moved former minister for disabled people, Chloe Smith, into Thérèse Coffey’s old job. So, what does this mean for social security claimants? It’s going to be years more abuse, wilful neglect and human rights abuses.

    DWP: talking about Smith is a waste of column inches

    I was going to write a takedown of Smith. Her bullshit former job as a “management consultant” makes her completely unqualified for the DWP. She only got a senior government role under David Cameron by accident (he wrongly thought she was an accountant). Years ago, instead of asking disabled people what made public transport difficult for them, she pretended to be blind to give herself “greater insight” – trivialising and disrespecting people’s lived experience.

    But what’s the point in me spending hundreds of words dragging her alone? Smith is just another talentless, terrible twat in a long line of talentless, terrible twats: over-promoted beyond their capabilities, inherently useless and yet with a nasty streak when it comes to poor and marginalised people. The reality is, of course, that with Truss’s government the Tory Party has literally scraped the dregs off the bottom of an already drained barrel.

    Truss’s government: vicious yet vacuous

    Make no mistake, though – these fools being utterly incompetent makes them more dangerous than Cameron, Theresa May and even Boris Johnson’s governments. The three of them were just as unpleasant as this lot. But the former two at least had some skill at governing to their toxic agendas, regardless of how horrible the end result was. Johnson was also incompetent but with delusions of grandeur and an ability to showboat that carried his nincompoopery. Truss’s vicious yet vacuous mob have none of this. As the Mirror’s Kevin Maguire wrote, our “clueless” PM:

    is untrustworthy and incompetent and has no plan for the country, she is shaping up to be… Johnson without the Old Etonian boorish humour

    This will mean more of the same for the rest of us; with Smith, this is particularly true for social security claimants. She has been a DWP minister since 2019. The department on her and Coffey’s watch has continued the wilful negligence, demonisation, human rights abuses and indifference to the deaths of claimants that’s happened for years. For example, Smith herself has defended not involving disabled people in policy making. And Truss has said she is going to “change the incentives” of the DWP to force more people into work. That’s the standard government-speak for ‘cuts’.

    The DWP’s hostile environment continues

    Of course, the bigger point here is that our social security system is broken and unfit for purpose. Governments based it on the toxic idea that chronically ill, disabled and non-working people are undeserving of the quality of life others have. The DWP keeps them barely living, treating them as a burden on hard-working tax payers who society should exclude because of their inability to be useful to capitalism. This mindset has pervaded successive governments.

    With Truss and Smith in charge of the DWP, this won’t change, but their collective incompetence and arrogance will make life even worse for social security claimants.

    Featured image via the Guardian – YouTube, Richard Townshend – Wikimedia (cropped under licence CC BY 3.0) and Wikimedia 

    By Steve Topple

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • The Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) has covered up a compensation deal potentially worth thousands of pounds for claimants. It relates to Employment and Support Allowance (ESA). A parliamentary watchdog told the DWP that it had to let over 100,000 claimants know about the potential payout. However, the department has refused to do so.

    The watchdog slammed the DWP for this “injustice”. Now, a social security advice service is helping people get the money the DWP owes them.

    DWP: underpaying claimants

    Benefits and Work is an advice and support service for DWP claimants. It also publishes news about social security. On 30 August, it revealed that the DWP had hidden a compensation deal from claimants.

    As Benefits and Work wrote, from 2011 the DWP began the process of moving claimants from the old Incapacity Benefit (IB) to the then-new ESA. However, during this, it was not checking whether it should’ve given people a higher rate of social security. The DWP was just giving people contribution-based ESA, which is based on a person’s National Insurance contributions. But it was not checking if they could also get the income-based payment. This is ESA based on how much you earn, the amount of savings you have, and so on. As Citizens Advice wrote:

    If you’re already getting contribution-based ESA, you might be able to add income-based ESA to it. This could mean you’ll get more money.

    The DWP gave this to claimants if, after they received contribution-based ESA, they still didn’t have enough money to live on. However, when it was moving people from IB to ESA, the DWP failed to check this for countless claimants. We now know that the DWP owes people money.

    118,000 claimants missing out?

    As Benefits and Work wrote, the DWP did a Legal Entitlements and Administrative Practices (LEAP) exercise:

    to identify claimants who had been victims of their error. This resulted in 118,000 claimants getting backdated awards of ESA, in many cases amounting to thousands of pounds. Others also got awards outside of the LEAP scheme.

    But the DWP didn’t tell claimants they could also be entitled to:

    special payments because they had missed out on other benefits or undergone hardship.

    So, one claimant complained via a welfare rights adviser to the Parliamentary and Health Service Ombudsman (PHSO). The PHSO told the DWP that it had to pay the claimant £7,500 in compensation plus interest on backdated ESA payments.

    Real-world consequences

    The PHSO wrote that the claimant, “Ms U”, was:

    a seriously ill woman [who] had her benefits payments severely cut by around £80 a week… leaving her unable to heat her home and buy food.

    It continued:

    As someone recovering from heart bypass surgery and managing multiple health problems including an autoimmune disease, severe mental health problems and hypertension, this had a devastating impact on Ms U’s health, wellbeing and finances. For five years she received only around half the amount the government says is the minimum requirement for a person with severe disability needs.

    Ms U could not afford to heat her property or buy the food she needed to stay healthy. Her mental and physical health declined drastically – her hair fell out, she lost weight and her mental health deteriorated.

    The error also prevented Ms U from getting other benefits she was eligible for, including free medical prescriptions to manage her many health issues, funding to buy a washing machine and urgently needed dental care. She was at risk of hypothermia and her arthritis got worse because she lost out on £700 in Warm Home discounts.

    Ms U’s situation may also be the case for thousands of other claimants.

    The DWP says…

    The Canary asked the DWP for comment. We specifically wanted to know why it failed to follow the PHSO recommendations and kept the information around compensation from claimants. A spokesperson told us:

    Our priority is that all people get the financial support to which they are entitled. We completed a special exercise to correct these past underpayments in ESA, ensuring that all those eligible received the arrears they were entitled to.

    The exercise concluded in June 2021. We made 118,000 benefit arrears payments in full, totalling £613m.

    Meanwhile, the PHSO had previously slammed the DWP for its actions.

    DWP: covering up

    The PHSO told the DWP that it should contact claimants who it gave backdated payments to. It said the department should tell them they could also get compensation. Of course, the DWP refused to do this. As Benefits and Work wrote, it said:

    should a claimant feel that they should receive compensation due to their individual circumstances, they can contact the department and set out their reasons. All requests received will be considered on a case by case basis.

    The PHSO was not happy. It wrote in January that the DWP had subjected claimants to an “injustice”, and:

    It is human to make mistakes but not acting to right wrongs is a matter of policy choice. In this case, that choice has been made by the very organisation that is responsible for supporting those most in need.

    That those affected are unable to claim compensation for this error is poor public policy in practice, and the situation is made worse given that they have already waited years to receive the benefits to which they are entitled.

    Benefits and Work said that:

    The DWP know very well that almost none of the affected claimants will ever discover that they might be entitled to compensation and thus they will never know to ask for it.

    Another example of the DWP’s systemic neglect

    Benefits and Work has created sample letters that claimants can send to the DWP to try and get what it owes them. You can download the letters here.

    The situation is yet another example of the DWP’s systemic neglect and wilful mistreatment of claimants. A similar situation happened with Universal Credit – despite judges ruling against the DWP, it fought to deny severely disabled people the money they were entitled to. It’s currently in an ongoing court battle over its denial of the Universal Credit £20-a-week uplift to ESA claimants, too.

    The DWP’s abuse of claimants like this is nothing new. It’s now facing another investigation by the UN over its treatment of chronically ill and disabled people. But external investigations alone are not good enough. Everyone needs to be fighting back against the DWP’s systemic abuse of social security claimants. It’s more important than ever.

    Featured image via pixabay and Wikimedia

    By Steve Topple

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • The Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) has revealed it is sanctioning more claimants than ever before. It comes as the so-called ‘cost of living crisis’ continues to worsen. And unless the DWP takes action now, the situation for countless people will become even graver – because being sanctioned means people have money deducted from their benefits.

    DWP: sanctions on the up

    On Tuesday 16 August, the DWP released new sanction figures. It said that it sanctioned 59,000 people in March 2022. The DWP noted that:

    This is the highest number of adverse sanction decisions on UC [Universal Credit] full service across the whole timeseries, and 160% larger than it was at its previous pre-pandemic peak in July 2019 (23,000).

    In the year May 2021 to April 2022, this meant the DWP sanctioned over 350,000 claimants. It also said that over 10% of these people were sanctioned more than once.

    However, there are now far more Universal Credit claimants than there were before the pandemic. So, an increase in the number of people the DWP sanctions is to be expected. However, there’s another figure which shows that the department is now truly sanctioning more people than ever before.

    Record-high sanctions

    As the DWP revealed, the percentage of total Universal Credit “full service” claimants with a sanction has also hit a record high. It now stands at just under 6%:

    DWP Universal Credit sanctions

    It noted that:

    this is up by 2.04 percentage points from February 2022 and is up by 5.78 percentage points in the latest 12 months.

    What the DWP didn’t say was that this is an increase of 136% since February 2022. Moreover, the Universal Credit sanction rate of just under 6% is huge compared to other benefits. This is also true at any point since the DWP started recording sanctions. It’s far higher than Jobseeker’s Allowance (JSA) sanctions:

    DWP JSA Sanctions

    And it’s far higher than Employment and Support Allowance (ESA) levels:

    DWP ESA Sanctions

    The DWP says…

    The DWP has tried to explain the huge jump in sanctions away. It said:

    At the beginning of the pandemic, conditionality was paused for Universal Credit claimants and face to face appointments were suspended… In July 2020, DWP reintroduced conditionality.

    DWP gradually reintroduced face to face appointments for all claimants from April 2021. The volume of claimants subject to conditionality, and therefore subject to sanctions, increased. As the return to face to face appointments was a gradual process, and claimants were only subject to sanction when they failed to meet a mandatory requirement…

    But it was also forced to admit that:

    In May 2022, 33.3% of the UC [Universal Credit] caseload were in the conditionality regimes that could be subject to sanction, compared to 45.3% in February 2020, just prior to changes made to work requirements as a result of COVID-19. May 2022 has the lowest percentage of claimants in conditionality regimes subject to sanction when compared to the timeseries from the 11 months preceding the COVID-19 pandemic.

    That is, fewer people are now subject to sanctions, but the DWP is still dishing them out at record levels.

    DWP: time for claimants to take action

    DWP social security rates are already appalling. As The Canary previously reported, the department is cutting – in real terms – at least £10bn off people’s money this year. This includes potentially stripping 400,000 people of their claims. Then, you have the department targeting over-50s who are not in work – with more potential sanctions on top of the current levels.

    The DWP denied over two million people the cost of living payments. As the Mirror reported, this also included some people whom the department sanctioned. Plus, from 26 September, a new rule around earnings for working people means the DWP could sanction yet more claimants.

    The cost of living crisis is hitting DWP claimants harder than many other people. However, it seems that the DWP is becoming more aggressive and punitive in its treatment of people on its watch. This appalling response to a crisis entirely created by the political and corporate class is nothing short of a disgrace. And while people kick-back against the energy price rises and workers strike and protest, maybe it’s time DWP claimants took action, too.

    In the last decade chronically ill and disabled people led the way on protesting government austerity. Now, with so many non-disabled people caught-up in the social security system, an alliance of claimants could stand as a powerful force against the DWP – and corporate capitalism more broadly. Now is the time for this to happen.

    Featured image via The Canary and Wikimedia 

    By Steve Topple

  • The repudiation of Roe v. Wade and Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pennsylvania v. Casey awakens fears around the repercussions of an unchecked and compromised high court. Now as a result, in a period when the protections against the deprivations of privacy and liberty are weakened, the U.S. must brace itself as the legacy of eugenics threatens to break forth.

    Recall Carrie Buck, a 16-year-old in a muggy Virginia town, almost a century ago. In the summer of 1923, Buck — who had lived her whole life under the guardianship of foster parents, John and Alice Dobbs — was raped by a Dobbs family nephew. Buck’s mother, Emma, was locked away at the Virginia State Colony for Epileptics and Feebleminded in Lynchburg under the auspices of clinical “immorality,” prostitution and the crime of having syphilis.

    Carrie Buck became pregnant as a result of the rape. In her third trimester, Buck was committed to the very same Virginia State Colony as her mother, on the basis of “mental incompetence,” “incorrigibility” and “promiscuity.” By early 1924, Virginia had passed the Eugenical Sterilization Act, meant to protect the state’s right to strip “defective” and “socially inadequate” people of their reproductive potential. Early that same year, against her will, Carrie Buck’s fallopian tubes were gutted.

    In a cruel legal wile, Buck’s attorney, Irving Whitehead, was not only a vehement eugenicist but also a close friend of the superintendent of the residential facility that had sterilized her. He called no witnesses. He made no effort to dispute claims, later revealed to be false, that questioned Buck’s intelligence and mental fortitude, nor did he challenge the idea that people’s reproductive capacity should be forcibly excised due to disability. His counsel was a sham.

    Robert Shelton, a justice of the peace who served as Buck’s guardian while she was institutionalized, appealed the Amherst County judge’s decision to side with the Virginia State Colony. By 1927, Buck v. Bell had reached the Supreme Court. Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes Jr., in an 8-to-1 decision, delivered the now-infamous majority opinion.

    The Court found that, under the Fourteenth Amendment, the State is within its right to sterilize somebody should they become institutionalized and found to be “afflicted with a hereditary form of insanity or imbecility.” The “imbecility” in the Buck case was a euphemism for her involuntary pregnancy. In his measly 1,000-word opinion, Holmes wrote, “It is better for all the world if, instead of waiting to execute degenerate offspring for crime or to let them starve for their imbecility, society can prevent those who are manifestly unfit from continuing their kind.”

    “Three generations of imbeciles are enough,” he concluded.

    It is almost a century later and Buck v. Bell, while weakened, has not been overruled. States retain the right to sterilize their citizenry on the basis of “defect” or disability. In its most pernicious interpretation, the state may determine defect to include, as it did in the 1920s, categories as unspecific and sinister as social inadequacy, immorality and promiscuity. Buck remains one of the most twisted cases in U.S. history — and today, in a world of judicial dynamism and precariousness, is a latent tool in service of the ugliest currents of society.

    With Roe v. Wade being nullified on the basis of a narrowed Fourteenth Amendment, it is imperative to remember the ways in which, when it is not providing equal protection under the law, the Fourteenth Amendment has been weaponized as a tool of oppression and state control. More than 60,000 people were forcibly sterilized in the wake of the Buck ruling. This century, under the Trump administration, immigrant women were detained and carved out through medically unnecessary hysterectomies.

    As of June 2022, a new generation has fewer constitutional rights than the one who preceded it. Justice Clarence Thomas’s concurring opinion in Dobbs v. Jackson outlines a path for rescinding a string of rights — some long protected under the Fourteenth Amendment — such as a right to contraceptives, gay marriage, sexual privacy and even interracial marriage.

    These efforts are rooted in the very same legal illogic as Buck and motivated by the same contempt for justice that Irving Whitehead harbored.

    We mustn’t forget this soft mandate, handed down by the courts, for states to intervene, not in pregnancy, but in the ability to reproduce in anybody institutionalized with anything the state deems an inadequacy. Historically, the communities that have been violated and exploited the most by this mandate include Black and Indigenous women, immigrants, trans folks — and, critically, people with disabilities.

    In a post-Roe world, the promises of societal progress and bodily liberty, long the roar of a country constantly seeking to better itself, are duller. Today, 31 states unabashedly have laws sanctioning the sterilization of disabled people. In Nevada and Iowa, these laws, only three years old, are fresh. Seventeen of these states consider disabled children eligible for forced sterilization. This most recent assault on reproductive rights, decades in the making, renders conceiving of a future free from state control of our bodies, persecution of disability and intolerance of difference markedly more difficult.

    Carrie Buck’s story reminds us that draconian laws last. It is not only a question of abortion and forced sterilization. The role that eugenics can play in an era of conservative and quasi-theological judicial activism is expansive: medical experimentation, forced institutionalization, marriage equality for people with disabilities, access to health care, and beyond. At a time when the court of the land has the appetite to obliterate half a century of precedent and progress, we are faced with immediate uncertainty. The legal apparatus that has, for over a century, functioned as a bludgeon for disabled Americans (and others) now threatens indiscriminately — and no one has the luxury of not knowing the consequences.

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • The Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) has announced when it will next review benefit levels. It will be deciding on the increase for claimants that will take affect in April 2023. But, the date it has set is not soon enough. And, moreover, the DWP could do something now if it wanted.

    DWP annual benefits review

    The DWP revealed the time of the review in response to a question. Lib Dem MP Wendy Chamberlain asked the department:

    what factors her [Coffey’s] Department will take into account when it next makes an assessment of the potential merits uprating of benefits; and whether the energy price cap will be taken into account when making that assessment.

    DWP minister David Rutley said that his boss Thérèse Coffey:

    is required to undertake an annual statutory review of benefits and pensions. She uses the Consumer Prices Index (CPI) in the year to September to measure inflation and average weekly earnings for the period May to July to measure earnings. The Office for National Statistics publish these figures in October.

    [She] must increase certain benefits by at least the increase in prices or earnings. If she considers it appropriate, having regard to the national economic situation and any other matters which she considers relevant, she may increase others by such a percentage(s) as she thinks fit.

    Her review will commence in the autumn and her decisions will be announced to Parliament in November in the normal way.

    So, what does this mean in reality for social security claimants?

    Chaos for DWP claimants

    On the face of it, if Coffey is basing her November decision on September’s inflation, then the increase in social security rates may be larger than usual. This is because the Bank of England says inflation will continue to rise this year. It may even hit 10%. However, while this may seem like an improvement for social security claimants, this is not actually the case.

    Think tank the Resolution Foundation previously said that the poorest people would see falls in income in the majority of years until 2026/27. As The Canary previously reported, with an 8.3% inflation rate April’s social security increases were going to mean a real-terms cut to people’s money. This would have taken rates to their lowest level since the mid-1980s. Now, with inflation actually standing at 9.4%, the situation for millions of people will be even worse.

    In practice, even a 10% rise in social security rates in 2023 would barely make up for the real-terms cut in 2022. On top of this, the DWP has made claimants suffer years of benefit freezes. So, Coffey merely following procedure would still leave claimants in a disastrous situation.

    Failing to act

    Of course, the DWP can do what it wants with social security rates. As The Canary previously reported, Coffey could change the controversial benefit cap whenever she wanted. Moreover, as we saw with the £20 Universal Credit uplift during the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic, Coffey can do the same for all social security – but she chooses not to.

    The poorest people are already in a dire position. The DWP saying that it will review social security rates in November will not improve things. Only a realistic assessment of the situation followed by an immediate increase in the rate will avoid further disaster.

    Featured image via The Canary and Wikimedia

    By Steve Topple

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • The Canary can reveal that the Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) will be denying around 1,520,000 people the upcoming cost of living payment. And to make matters worse, it hasn’t even bothered to look at how badly this could affect these people.

    DWP: cost of living payments for some

    The DWP’s cost of living payments have been all over the news. It is giving eligible claimants a payment of “£650 paid in two lump sums of £326 and £324“. The DWP will start paying around eight million people the first sum from 14 July – but it will give some claimants nothing.

    Labour MP Thangam Debbonaire asked DWP boss Thérèse Coffey on 1 July:

    what assessment she has made of the potential impact of the decision to not provide the cost of living payment to claimants of new-style Employment and Support Allowance [ESA] on those claimants.

    DWP minister David Rutley answered, saying:

    Non-means tested benefits are not eligible benefits for the Cost-of-Living Payment in their own right because people claiming these benefits may have other financial resources available to them.

    The DWP says that claimants it gives the following social security to won’t get the payments:

    New Style Employment and Support Allowance, contributory Employment and Support Allowance, or New Style Jobseeker’s Allowance [JSA], unless you get Universal Credit.

    It also won’t apply to people who are only claiming Housing Benefit and some Carer’s Allowance and Personal Independence Payment (PIP) (therefore also Disability Living Allowance (DLA)) claimants. People solely on the latter two are just getting £150. As Rutley recently said:

    The UK Government is rightly targeting the £650 cost of living payment support at low-income households in receipt of qualifying means-tested benefits.

    So, how many people is this?

    1.5 million people abandoned

    The Canary has crunched the numbers of people who won’t get the payments. Overall, the number of people the DWP is abandoning includes:

    • 433,000 Housing Benefit claimants
    • 523,000 Carer’s Allowance claimants
    • 568,000 PIP/DLA claimants

    It is not possible to work out the number of ESA/JSA claimants not entitled to the payment as the figures aren’t publicly available. So, overall, around 1.5 million social security claimants will not be entitled to cost of living payments. But as Rutley revealed in his answer to Debbonaire, the DWP seems unconcerned by these people’s circumstances.

    DWP minister wrings hands

    Rutley said:

    Many claimants of contributory and new style Employment and Support Allowance are also in receipt of a means tested benefit. For example, as of November 2021 there were around 400,000 claimants getting both income and contributory Employment Support Allowance, and around 100,000 claimants getting Employment Support Allowance and Universal Credit.

    If someone in receipt of a contributory or new style benefit makes a successful claim to an eligible benefit made after the initial qualifying date, they may qualify for the second, £324 cost-of-living payment in the Autumn.

    Contributory and new style Employment and Support Allowance claimants may also benefit from other parts of the Cost-of-Living package of support announced by the Chancellor, including the £400 rebate for domestic energy customers provided through the Energy Bills Support Scheme.

    A shrugging of shoulders

    However, none of this answers Debbonaire’s original question on “what assessment” the DWP had made of the “potential impact” of these claimant’s exclusion from the payments. This could take the form of a regulatory impact assessment (RIA), in which the DWP would look at how the policy would affect all of the people on its watch. It appears that the DWP has not done this.

    The Treasury did perform an “illustrative analysis of the impact” of the cost of living payments. It in part looked at what the financial implications would be for the people the DWP gave them to. But the Treasury did not look at the impact for the 1.5 million plus people who aren’t getting it.

    So, it seems the DWP has not made any assessment of this. Not that Rutland seemed to want to admit that.

    The Canary asked the DWP for comment. We specifically wanted to know if it had done an RIA on the policy. A spokesperson pointed us to Rutland’s answer.

    The DWP: regressive, at best

    For the DWP to give cost of living payments only to some people while ignoring 1.5 million others is highly regressive. Many of the people it is ignoring may well be no financially better off than those who are entitled to the payments. This is contrary to what Rutland claimed. For example, councils only give housing benefit to low-income people. Yet the government is refusing to support the 433,000 people who, for whatever reason, only claim this. For 1.5 million people, it’s regressive DWP policy at best – and intentional toxicity at worst.

    Featured image via Sky News – YouTube and Wikimedia

    By Steve Topple

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • The Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) has not launched a “secret inquiry” into deaths of social security claimants – contrary to what media reports have said in recent days. It’s doing what it has done for years: investigating deaths behind closed doors with no accountability. One Labour MP has called the situation the “tip of the iceberg“. And as The Canary previously documented, the DWP should be looking at tens of thousands of deaths.

    DWP: “secret inquiry”?

    The Mirror reported that the DWP has launched a:

    Secret inquiry… into deaths of 140 disability claimants under Boris Johnson

    A screengrab of a Mirror article on the DWP

    However, this is not strictly what’s happening. What the DWP is doing should not be considered inquiries; rather, it is carrying out things called ‘internal process reviews’ (IPRs).

    Investigating itself

    IPRs are local DWP investigations which take place when a claimant takes their own life. They also happen when a vulnerable claimant complains to the DWP. John Pring at Disability News Service (DNS) has been investigating IPRs for years. As he co-reported for the Mirror, the DWP has launched 140 IPRs during Johnson’s time as PM:

    The DWP started its secret probes in 2012 – and they are on the rise. The latest three-year figure is higher than the 126 over the previous five years.

    The DWP does not publish the results of IPRs. It even admitted to destroying some of the reports. And while it has launched a Serious Case Review panel to monitor them, so far it has done little. The panel’s most recent minutes show it did not discuss IPRs. Moreover, as The Canary first reported in 2020, the majority of the panel is now made up of civil servants. This raises questions over its independence.

    Regardless, IPRs are very different to the “secret inquiry” that the Mirror‘s headline stated.

    35,000 dead on the DWP’s watch

    IPRs have, since 2012, only looked at a few hundred deaths on the DWP’s watch. Yet as The Canary previously reported, between 2011 and 2018 alone nearly 35,000 DWP claimants died. They died either waiting for the DWP to sort their claims or after it said they were well enough to work or start moving towards work. To put this into context, in one month during that time period, it would mean over 700 people could have died on the DWP’s watch. Also, in 2018 alone there were at least 750 (if not more) people who took their own lives while claiming from the DWP.

    Moreover, the Mirror stated that Labour MP Debbie Abrahams has “now”:

    called for a public inquiry into… [IPRs] over tragedies including suicides.

    But as Abrahams tweeted:

    It is good that the Mirror is working with Pring and reporting on IPRs. But it must also be clear in what it’s saying. The DWP is not holding an inquiry – it is investigating itself. These toothless IPRs will never see the light of day, and effectively absolve the DWP of responsibility. As Abrahams said, and has been saying for years, nothing short of a public inquiry will do.

    Featured image via David Long – Geograph, resized to 770×403 and colour-changed under licence CC BY-SA 2.0, and Wikimedia 

    By Steve Topple

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • Social Security, one of the nation’s oldest welfare programs, is set to start running out of money in about a decade — and Americans want Congress to take action, new polling finds.

    In a poll of about 1,300 likely voters, Data for Progress found that a bipartisan majority of Americans — 84 percent — are “very” or “somewhat” concerned that Social Security won’t be able to pay out full benefits to future generations. Eighty-three percent of voters, also on a bipartisan basis, support raising Social Security benefits in order to match current cost of living standards, and to ensure that everyone who has paid into the program will be able to access its full benefits when they’re of retirement age.

    Plans to expand Social Security by taxing the rich are also popular. When asked about lawmakers’ bills that would raise taxes for Americans making more than $400,000 a year in order to pay for expansions of the program, 76 percent of respondents, including 83 percent of Democrats and 73 percent of independents and Republicans, said they “strongly” or “somewhat” support the proposal.

    One such bill is the Social Security Expansion Act, introduced by Senators Bernie Sanders (I-Vermont) and Elizabeth Warren (D-Massachusetts) last month. The bill would increase Social Security payments by $2,400 a year, and would fully fund the program for the next 75 years, until 2096.

    It would also create more parity in the tax system, as it would eliminate the cap for Social Security payments for people making over $250,000. Currently, the income cap for Social Security taxes is $147,000, meaning that people making more than that stop paying into the program by the time they’ve made that amount of income in the year; for instance, people making a salary of $1 million stop paying into the program by February each year.

    Thanks in part to Republicans’ refusal to raise taxes, the program is set to be insolvent by 2033, meaning that it will have to start paying out only 75 percent of the benefits, which are already low. Though GOP lawmakers likely wouldn’t say it out loud, due to the program’s popularity, right-wingers have been working behind closed doors and in think tanks for years to slash Social Security, often with the goal of privatization.

    This is an unpopular idea, however. Data for Progress found that 68 percent of likely voters oppose privatizing the program, including 75 percent of Democrats and 70 percent of Republicans. Economists also agree that privatizing Social Security would be harmful and lead to yet more poverty — and that what’s truly needed to ensure that the seniors and disabled people who are most in need have the funds they need to survive is a large expansion of the program.

    Meanwhile, when presented with the statement that Democrats are trying to expand the program and the GOP is trying to end it, 55 percent of voters say they would vote for a generic Democrat running for Congress, with 22 percent of self-identified Republicans agreeing as such.

    As it is, Social Security is failing to provide enough funding for many seniors to live off of, as Sanders pointed out in a Senate Banking Committee hearing in June. Over half of seniors are living on incomes of less than $25,000 a year, while many of those same seniors don’t have any retirement savings.

    “Our job, in my view, is not to cut Social Security, is not to raise the retirement age, as many of my Republican colleagues would have us do,” Sanders said at the time. “Our job is to expand Social Security so that everyone in America can retire with the dignity that he or she deserves and that every person in this country with a disability can retire with the security they need.”

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • The Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) is facing another potential legal challenge to its policy. This time, it’s over what a claimant alleges is its failure to meet his accessibility needs. The claimant says that the department has been a “nightmare”.

    DWP: not meeting accessibility needs?

    Dr Yusuf Ali Osman is a blind, self-employed worker. His job only entails a small amount of work. So, he also claims Employment and Support Allowance (ESA) and Personal Independence Payment (PIP). Given his disability status as blind, you’d think that the DWP would take his accessibility needs into consideration as standard – but this has not been the case.

    Law firm Leigh Day is representing Osman. It said in a press release that the DWP has repeatedly failed to send him accessible letters and documents. This would be either in braille or in a form that text-to-speech AI could interpret. Leigh Day noted that Osman has asked the DWP to use these methods:

    but instead they frequently use printed hard copy letters or scanned PDFs attached to email, which are not accessible.

    [The DWP should] either send the communication in the body of an email, or attach it as either a Word document or as a PDF with selectable text. If the PDF does not contain selectable text, it cannot be accessed by Screenreaders which blind and visually impaired people rely on to read out the text of a document. Instead, the DWP has sent Dr Osman documents that they have scanned in and attached to an email. These PDFs are not compatible with Screenreaders and are therefore inaccessible.

    The DWP’s failures have, according to Leigh Day, caused Osman to ‘miss vital communications and deadlines’. So, he is asking the Royal Courts of Justice for a judicial review of the situation.

    A potential judicial review

    Leigh Day said that Osman’s grounds for a judicial review are that the DWP has failed to:

    • “Make reasonable adjustments in sending disability and employment benefits communications”. This may breach the Equality Act.
    • “Provide individual communications in an accessible format in breach of Article 14 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR)”.
    • “Have regard to the Accessible Information Standard, under section 250(6)(a) of the Health and Social Care Act 2012, which requires that certain communications, which are related to health and social care, are sent in an accessible form”.

    The Royal National Institute of Blind People (RNIB) is supporting Osman’s case. Its legal adviser Samantha Fothergill said in a press release:

    In our view, the systems and processes being operated by the DWP to secure the provision of accessible information to blind and partially sighted people are simply not fit for purpose. Time and again we receive complaints from blind and partially sighted individuals which show that lessons from the past decade have not been learned and that the Department continues to fail to meet its legal obligations.

    DWP: a “nightmare”

    Osman himself said of the situation:

    It has been a nightmare trying to get the DWP to communicate with me in a way that I can actually read and understand. I have tried asking on the telephone and in written letters but the problems have continued which is why I have now resorted to legal action. The consequences of not knowing, or not understanding the DWP’s rules can be significant – ultimately the loss of benefits – which are my means of survival.

    As The Canary has documented, claimants have repeatedly taken the DWP to court across many years. They have had varying degrees of success. Osman’s case is only in the early stages. However, if it’s successful, it could result in a court ruling that the DWP has acted unlawfully – and force it to change its policies.

    Featured image via Dan Perry – Flickr, resized to 770×403 pixels under licence CC BY 2.0, and Wikimedia 

    By Steve Topple

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • The Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) will have new powers like the police. The government will allow it to arrest claimants and issue fines over alleged fraud. But crucially, the DWP won’t even have to take people to court to issue fines. This new agenda from the government can only be described as corporate fascism – and ministers aren’t even trying to hide it, either.

    The DWP: powers of the police

    On Thursday 19 May the government announced its new “Fighting Fraud In The Welfare System” plan. DWP boss Therese Coffey and minister Jacob Rees-Mogg are behind it. The DWP has made no secret of just what the plan involves. It clearly stated on its website that it will give social security staff the power to:

    • “Undertake arrests”.
    • “Execute warrants”.
    • “Conduct searches”.
    • “Seize evidence”.
    • Issue a “new type of civil penalty” (fine).

    Coffey dressed the announcement up with far-right populist language. Her intention is clearly to sell it to the public under the guise of ‘benefit cheats cost you, the hardworking taxpayer, money’. She said:

    The welfare system is there to help the most vulnerable. It is not a cash machine for callous criminals and it’s vital that the government ensures money is well spent.

    Fraud is an ever-present threat and before the pandemic, our efforts brought fraud and error close to record lows… we can keep up with fraud in today’s digital age and prevent, detect and deter those who would try to cheat the system.

    “Criminals”; “money-well spent” and “cheat” could almost be from a Daily Mail front page. However, the reality behind the DWP’s claims over fraud doesn’t match its rhetoric.

    Fraud: the actual figures

    The Mirror reported that:

    benefit overpayments due to fraud and error rocketed to a record £8.3bn in 2020/21. But this includes errors by the department or claimants – not just deliberate fraud.

    Sadly, the Mirror couldn’t be bothered to actually look into the figures. If it had, it would have found that the £8.3bn figure is still a tiny amount of the DWP’s overall expenditure.

    Government figures show that the total overpayment rate in 2020/21 was 3.9% of the DWP’s £211bn total spend. In this:

    • Fraud was 3%.
    • DWP error accounted for 0.4%.
    • Claimant error was 0.6%

    But crucially, it seems much of the fraud may not be from actual claimants.

    Made-up billions

    As ITV News reported, in May 2020 the DWP “prevented” £1.9bn of fraud by “organised criminals”. The DWP’s own data shows that this involved 152,000 claims. This has nothing to do with claimants as it was, in the DWP’s own words:

    fraud risks from organised crime groups [where the DWP was] detecting and shutting down systematic attacks.

    Moreover, all the other data is not fully evidence-based. For example, the DWP’s own methodology organises fraud into various categories. It states that:

    Any Fraud that is Causal Link (Low Suspicion) has been recategorised to a new category of “Failure to provide evidence/fully engage in the process”. Cases with an error in this new category have forgone their full benefit entitlement rather than engage in the benefit review process. We therefore make the assumption that the claim was fraudulent, even though the reason for their non-engagement is not clear.

    So, the DWP assumes this category is fraud  – without any evidence to back it up. Its own figures show that this accounted for over half a billion pounds in 2020/21:

    A table showing DWP fraud figures

    Making assumptions

    Then, you have “high suspicion” causal link cases. The DWP defines these as where:

    • Shortly after review the claimant terminates their claim (rather than send in evidence)
    • The claimant told us at the review of a change of circumstances, but we cannot confirm that the change occurred prior to (or in) the assessment period checked
    • Post-review, the claimant made a change of circumstances that cannot be confirmed as starting after the assessment period checked
    • When asked to send in more information or to clarify further queries on evidence sent in, the claimant stops engaging

    So again, the DWP does not have evidence of fraud. It’s working around the idea that the claimant has, in its eyes, done something suspicious. In terms of figures, the DWP would include things like “living together” and “housing costs” under so-called change of circumstances – and people terminating claims could be for any reason. The point being there is potentially more billions in alleged fraud that doesn’t actually happen.

    Then, the DWP bases all this on a sample of 2,750 claims – out of nearly 4.7m new ones in 2020/21.

    Creeping corporate fascism

    So, much of the £8.3bn the DWP promotes as fraud (and that the media dutifully laps up) is just based on assumptions and guesswork. In 2020/21, 152,000 claims the DWP valued at £1.9bn were not even real claimants. Yet the government is using this as an excuse to push-through the most authoritarian powers the DWP will have ever had.

    As The Canary previously wrote, corporate fascism is:

    a form of oppressive regime that removes civil liberties while handing corporations huge wealth from the public purse as well as giving them power and control over all of us.

    Then, authoritarianism is:

    the concentration of power in the hands of a few people – where a government has power over the public, does what it wants, removes people’s basic freedoms and fails to act in the best interests of the majority.

    As shown with new laws like the Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Bill and the Nationality and Borders Bill, the UK government is an increasingly authoritarian, corporate fascist one. The DWP’s new powers to effectively police claimants are another example of this.

    When a government pushes through new, highly regressive rules that will oppress a whole section of society – and it does it off the back of ideology not evidence – it can only be called corporate fascism. We must resist the DWP’s authoritarian new powers by any means possible.

    Featured image via 5 News – YouTube and Wikimedia 

    By Steve Topple

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • A charity has seen a doubling in the number of people seeking help for Long Covid. And it warned that NHS services are failing to meet demand.

    Long Covid

    Asthma and Lung UK said around half a million people have visited its Long Covid advice web pages or called its helpline for support in the last six months. The number of people viewing the web pages nearly doubled from September to March, as cases of Omicron rose across the UK, it said.

    Latest figures from the Office for National Statistics (ONS) show that an estimated 1.8 million people in UK households (2.8% of the population) were experiencing Long Covid as of 3 April – the most recent data available. In these self-reported cases:

    • 382,000 (21%) first had, or suspected they had, coronavirus less than 12 weeks previously;
    • 1.3 million people (73%) had it at least 12 weeks previously;
    • 791,000 (44%) at least one year previously;
    • And 235,000 (13%) at least two years before.

    Fatigue is the most common symptom reported (51% of those with Long Covid). This is followed by shortness of breath (33%), loss of sense of smell (26%), and difficulty concentrating (23%). Some 1.2 million people (67% of those with Long Covid) say symptoms stop them doing some or all of their normal activities.

    According to Asthma and Lung UK, many callers to its helpline are at crisis point. And some have asked for advice on buying oxygen to manage their Long Covid breathlessness. This can be dangerous if it’s not issued on prescription.

    People have also called the helpline to get information on private healthcare providers, because they’re struggling to get NHS help. The latest data from NHS Long Covid clinics in England shows 30% of people waited more than 15 weeks for an initial appointment as of March/April. Data on the overall number of people still waiting for first appointments is not published by the NHS.

    A hidden problem

    Asthma and Lung UK said many more thousands of people could be waiting to access care.

    Sarah Woolnough, its chief executive, said:

    As we near the grim milestone of two million people living with long Covid, there is still a dismal lack of treatments for this disabling condition, which is leaving people fighting for breath and devastating every aspect of their life, health, work and relationships.

    Coupled with a lack of support and long wait times for specialist care, hundreds of thousands of people are turning to charities like Asthma and Lung UK, desperate for vital advice and support.

    With cases only rising, the problem is not going to go away.

    The Government must invest in more research into possible treatments and staffing for long Covid clinics to help people with this new and unpredictable condition to get their lives back on track.

    A NHS spokesperson said:

    Since the pandemic began, the NHS has invested over £220 million and opened 90 specialist clinics and 14 hubs for children and young people to help people with long Covid, so we urge anyone who is concerned about long-lasting symptoms after having coronavirus to get in touch with their GP practice or visit the NHS ‘Your Covid Recovery’ website for further advice on the support available.

    By The Canary

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • The Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) is currently the subject of an inquiry. It is about the department’s controversial health and disability assessments. The inquiry is ongoing, and it’s still asking people to submit evidence. So far, people have given some damning testimony.

    DWP: under the spotlight

    Parliament’s Work and Pensions Select Committee is investigating the DWP. As it stated, its inquiry will be looking at:

    the assessment processes for health-related benefits. These include Personal Independence Payment (PIP), Employment and Support Allowance (ESA), Disability Living Allowance (DLA), Attendance Allowance and Industrial Injuries Disablement Benefit. The Committee is focusing on how the… [DWP] can improve the application and assessment processes for these benefits.

    We’re focusing on:

    • How DWP could improve the quality of its assessments;
    • Lessons from the pandemic, including whether changes DWP made to the assessment processes then should continue;
    • How DWP could make applying for benefits more straightforward for claimants

    The DWP makes people do these assessments to judge how ill or disabled they are. It then decides what rate of health/disability-related social security it will give them. However, the assessments have been controversial.

    Assessment controversies

    As The Canary has documented, the DWP’s assessments – both the Work Capability (WCA) and health ones – have been linked to at least 590 people taking their own lives. Around 90 people a month died between December 2011 and February 2014 after the DWP said these people were fit for work, often after a WCA. In 2016, the UN said of the DWP assessments process:

    the needs, views and personal history of persons with disabilities, and particularly those requiring high levels of support such as persons with intellectual and/or psychosocial disabilities, were not properly taken into account or given appropriate weight in the decisions affecting them.

    There are also the individual cases. Stephen Smith died of pneumonia, weighing just six stones and barely able to walk. At that time, the DWP had said he was fit for work. Smith had to get a pass to leave hospital so he could challenge the DWP’s decision. He is just one of countless deaths on the DWP’s watch.

    More evidence

    Now, the committee wants to look into the assessments further.

    So far, it has held several meetings and gathered evidence. It held a meeting on Wednesday 11 May where the committee heard evidence from:

    • The British Medical Association.
    • Charity Carers UK.
    • Marie Curie.
    • Disability Benefits Consortium.

    And the evidence people have already given the committee is damning.

    DWP: “inaccurate assessments and unfair decision making”

    For example, the campaign group Chronic Illness Inclusion gave its thoughts on the processes. It represents people living with conditions like myalgic encephalomyelitis (ME), a chronic neuroimmune disease. ME is often classed as being an energy-limiting condition (ELC). Chronic Illness Inclusion said of the DWP’s assessments:

    ELCs limit both cognitive and physical activity in relation to work and daily living activities. But the descriptors for mental, cognitive and intellectual function in the WCA, like the activities of communication in PIP, can only be applied to certain diagnoses, according to the published guidance for assessors. This means assessments are effectively based on a person’s diagnosis, not on how their condition affects them, which is contrary to the stated aim of a functional assessment. This leads to inaccurate assessments and unfair decision making.

    The committee still wants more evidence. It has a list of questions it would like people to answer, which you can read here.

    DWP assessments have been failing chronically ill, sick and disabled people for years. The committee’s inquiry marks another battle in the ongoing class war meted out by the department. The more people give the committee evidence, the better the overall inquiry will be. However, if you wish to get involved, you only have until 19 May to do so.

    Featured image via Maurice – Wikimedia, resized to 770×403 under licence CC BY 2.0, and Wikimedia 

    By Steve Topple

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • The Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) has claimed that it can’t pay people more social security above this year’s real-terms cut of £10bn because its IT system are too old. Problem is, this is an outright lie. The Canary spoke to a former IT contractor for the department, who confirmed that its excuses were “horseshit”.

    DWP: computer says ‘no’

    The Times reported on the story. It said that “Whitehall sources” told the Treasury that “creaking government IT systems” meant that legacy benefits like Jobseeker’s Allowance (JSA) could not be increased more than once a year. This comes as the DWP has put up social security by just over 3%. Because of rocketing inflation, this means that it is actually cutting people’s money – to the tune of around £10bn.

    The Times noted:

    It has emerged that Sunak discussed raising payments only to be told by officials that it would be impossible. Whitehall sources said that the antiquated payments system could increase certain payments only once a year. “There were definitely discussions about how you could raise benefits but the message came back that you could only do it once a year and this was not the time of year that you could do it,” a government source said. “The system was simply not built to be flexible.”

    It also said that:

    hundreds of thousands of people remain on the old benefits system administered using an inflexible IT system operating since the 1980s.

    It is set up to change benefit levels automatically at the start of the new financial year in April.

    The Guardian also ran the story – repeating the DWP’s claims about the “antiquated” IT system. Here’s why the department is lying.

    “Creaking” IT that’s only a year old?

    The DWP began upgrading its IT infrastructure for legacy benefits in 2016 and it now works off a new system. It’s called VME-R. Without getting too technical, a case study on the issue by Micro Focus noted:

    Also, the VME-R system can now rapidly change the way benefits work. This admission comes from Mark Bell, the deputy director responsible for the project. He told Micro Focus:

    Thanks to the flexible and agile new environment we could quickly make government-mandated policy changes to allow for COVID-19, such as increasing our capacity for additional users, and supporting quicker benefit processing changes.

    DWP: 800 updates a year – just not to pay claimants more

    Perhaps the most crucial factor is the number of changes the DWP can now make a year under VME-R. The Times article claimed that the DWP said it could only change benefit rates once a year. But as Bell himself admitted in a DWP blog:

    At last count we had already delivered over 800 updates across the various platforms in the last year thanks to a more flexible implementation system. Previously we planned two major releases a year on each system.

    So, it seems that the claims by the DWP that it can’t make changes to benefit rates appears to be nonsense.

    Stopping change

    The Canary spoke to a former outsourced contractor from the original Department for Social Security (DSS) systems who designed code for the now-replaced IT. They told us:

    The DWP had a two year planning cycle to get to know how to do things quickly. So two years of learning to be faster at code and system changes. Which means, as an organisation the DWP is now more capable of rapid response.

    That two years of planning at the tail of a decade of work brings valuable skills and experience into the DWP. It could be kicked out the door in the next “reorganisation”. So, again, the DWP has no great interest in saying that “we trained people up in the DWP to make changes really fast”. Because that might oblige it to… make changes really fast.

    No technical barriers

    Overall, they told The Canary that, as an example, the moving of Winter Fuel Payments to the VME-R system in 2016:

    shows proof of concept for rapid change which can be driven by political will not technical constraints. If you can change Winter Fuel Payments in 24 hours then rerating legacy payments of any kind loses the technical barrier.

    In other words, Winter Fuel Payment transference to VME-R demonstrates something beyond the technical. The civil service is capable of delivering the technical infrastructure rapidly. It has been able to conceptually do that since 2016 and not only conceptually but practically since 2020.

    But there is one issue, this time with Employment and Support Allowance (ESA), which doesn’t come under VME-R. The Canary‘s source told us that because ESA did not exist in the 1980s, it’s already operating off modern IT anyway. They said:

    It’s effectively the code standards that the VME-R programme is updating to… so is not really requiring the VME-R process. In theory, any code for ESA should already be adaptable.

    The DWP says…

    The Canary asked the DWP for comment. Specifically, we wanted to know why the DWP is claiming its IT cannot update legacy benefit rates more than once a year. Because this appears not to be the case. A spokesperson said:

    Universal Credit is a dynamic system which adjusts as people earn more or less, and simplifies our safety net for those who cannot work. It makes it easier for people to claim support they are entitled to, is more generous overall than the old benefits, and it successfully met the demands of the pandemic in 2020.

    Parliament voted to end the complex web of six legacy benefits in 2012, and as this work approaches its conclusion in 2024 we are fully transitioning to a modern benefit, suited to the 21st Century.

    We recognise the pressures people are facing with the cost of living, which is why we’re providing support worth £22 billion across the next financial year including our Household Support Fund. Parliament voted in March 2022, to uprate benefits by the usual measure.

    They pointed The Canary to the fact that legacy benefits’ changes take “several months” to process (contrary to what the Times reported as once a year). Under Universal Credit the DWP can make the same changes in weeks. The DWP cited the volume of new claims to Universal Credit during the pandemic as being one such example.

    “Useless fuckers”

    The former DSS contractor summed the situation up:

    • DWP systems can be uprated at a technical level three times a day.
    • It requires parliament to instruct the DWP if the change involves money.
    • The parliamentary process of legislation cannot make three changes a day.
    • The decision to uprate yearly was made in 1970’s.
    • The technical systems have supported that since then VME-R simply makes faster change possible.
    • The rate of changing of benefits is limited by Parliament not the Civil Service.
    • The story is horseshit.

    Overall, they said that the story may show several things:

    First, it suggests that ministers do not really understand technology. No surprise there. They are not understanding just how rapidly they can change technical support for policies. Winter Fuel Payments being changed in 24 hours is a technical change. But it could equally be a technical change that reflects a policy change. Technology could be used to support policy.

    Second, it suggests that the civil service are not really supporting the government, technically. Because the government has no idea what support it actually needs. It is now technically possible to update Winter Fuel Payments in 24 hours. So that technical update needs the government to be able to formulate policy in 24 hours. That is a radical disconnect between ministerial ability and technical delivery.

    So, third, it suggests the government are actually very much out of their depth. Not from an ideological point of view but just from being useless fuckers. They’ve failed upwards as far as they can. That makes it dangerous for them – and us.

    It’s one thing for the DWP to lie about its IT systems. It’s another for the Guardian and Times to repeat the lie like it’s a statement of fact. But it’s entirely heinous that the DWP thinks it can lie to make excuses for not paying social security claimants more during a time of state-sanctioned class war.

    Featured image via Johnny Magnusson – Free Stock Photos and Wikimedia 

    By Steve Topple

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • The pay gap between people with disabilities and those without grew last year, new data show.

    The Office for National Statistics revealed that the average employee with a disability was paid 13.8% less than their peers in 2021.

    It was a small increase from 13.5% the year before, and the pay gap was nearly a fifth wider – or 2.1 percentage points – than it had been in 2014.

    ‘A living standards emergency’

    This means that those with disabilities are earning £1.93 less every hour than their non-disabled counterparts, adding up to £3,500 a year in a full-time job.

    Trades Union Congress general secretary Frances O’Grady said the Government should force companies with more than 50 staff to publish their disability pay gaps.

    She also called for funding for the Equality and Human Rights Commission to help it enforce the rights that workers with disabilities have. These include the expectation that their employer will make reasonable adjustments quickly and effectively.

    O’Grady said:

    Disabled workers were among the hardest hit during the pandemic.

    And now millions of disabled workers face a living standards emergency – with lower pay than non-disabled workers, but higher energy and transport costs.

    She added:

    Disabled workers deserve better. It’s time for big employers to be forced to publish their disability pay gaps, to help shine a light on poor workplace practices that fuel inequality at work.

    ‘No one gives a second thought’

    The data show that those who listed autism as their main disability are paid a third less than non-disabled employees, making them the worst-hit group.

    They were followed by those who identified their main disability as “severe or specific learning difficulties” (29.7%) and epilepsy (25.4%). This was before controlling for other aspects, such as age or where people lived.

    Malcolm Baker, office manager at Wisbech-based Halo Beauty and Holistic Therapy, who uses a wheelchair, said there is still a lot of discrimination against those with disabilities in the UK labour market.

    Because of the needs of disabled employees obviously being greater than that of their more able-bodied colleagues, businesses will often stick with people who won’t require them to make physical adaptions to the workplace.

    If you’re lucky enough to get employed, then comes the holding back of pay rises because the disabled person probably had two incidences of illness and absence.

    It feels like no one in Government gives a second thought to disabled people.

    Just look at the Personal Independence Payment and how thousands of people are denied things they are entitled to.

    By The Canary

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • The Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) has revealed that it’s stripping 400,000 people of their social security entitlements. It’s also admitted that some 900,000 people are going to be even worse off than they are now – on top of £10bn of cuts to claimants’ money. At the centre of the DWP’s latest scandal is Universal Credit and its plans to force claimants onto the benefit.

    Managed migration

    The DWP is starting the process of forcing people onto Universal Credit. This will be for claimants who are currently on so-called “legacy benefits”, such as Employment and Support Allowance (ESA). The DWP calls this “managed migration”. It was originally supposed to start this in 2019. However, after the chaos with Universal Credit, the DWP delayed the rollout of managed migration – before saying on Monday 25 April that it’s going to restart it.

    The DWP has released a document laying out how managed migration will work. It states on its website that it will move all claimants:

    over to Universal Credit by the end of 2024.

    Claimants can volunteer to move to Universal Credit. However, the DWP noted that it will start managed (forced) migration:

    on 9 May and will be carefully managed.

    Overall, the full document shows that managed migration will be disastrous for many people.

    The DWP: cutting yet more claimants’ money

    The headline figures from the DWP’s document show that under managed migration:

    • 400,000 legacy benefit claimants will no longer be entitled to any social security.
    • Overall, 900,000 will technically be worse off – with potentially half a million of them being sick and disabled people.

    The DWP has also revealed that Universal Credit barely makes a difference to getting people into work. It said that after nine months on Universal Credit, the employment rate was just two percentage points higher than under Jobseeker’s Allowance (JSA).

    Transitional protections are part of managed migration. The DWP had to put these in place because people would be worse off under Universal Credit. For example, it took two claimants numerous legal challenges to finally get the DWP to admit that severely disabled people would be worse off under the new system. It has now put in place these transitional protections. The DWP will give claimants money to make up for the shortfall of moving to Universal Credit.

    Yet despite these transitional protections, some people will once again be worse off anyway.

    Cuts by stealth

    The DWP will not be increasing transitional protection payments. Instead, they will stay the same while Universal Credit increases every April with inflation. Essentially, the DWP will be cutting up to 900,000 people’s money each year until it overtakes its value with the transition payments included. Of course, the DWP doesn’t call this a cut. It says:

    The transitional protection element will erode over time with increases in UC.

    Moreover, the department is making a further cut. Once the DWP stops transition payments, it’s only taking claimants back to the level of payment they were on under legacy benefits years earlier. This won’t account for increases in inflation. As such, the DWP will actually be making a real-terms cut.

    Plus, the DWP’s draft legislation for managed migration has a further cut within it. Disabled activist Gail Ward found it, and Disability News Service (DNS) reported the story. The DWP will put some sick and disabled people it moves to Universal Credit from legacy benefits like ESA into the Limited Capability for Work group. It will give them transitional protection payments. But if these people’s health conditions or disabilities worsen they may move into the higher-paid Limited Capability for Work and Work-Related Activity group. Then, the DWP will cut their transitional protection payments by the extra amount they get for being in the new group. Ward said the cut was “absolutely a disgrace”.

    Managed chaos

    The process of managed migration has been fraught with chaos.

    After delays, the DWP did a trial of the process which started in 2019, in Harrogate. However, the DWP halted the pilot in early 2020 due to the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic. By this time, it had only moved 13 households onto Universal Credit from a cohort of 10,000. Fast-forward to January 2022 and the DWP was refusing to answer Freedom of Information (FOI) requests about the details of the Harrogate pilot. It said that it would restart the pilot in April 2022.

    Now, it will start managed migration without even finishing the Harrogate pilot. This is in direct contradiction of its own position when it launched the pilot. Former DWP minister Alok Sharma said in 2019:

    The Government will report on our findings from the pilot before bringing forward legislation to extend managed migration.

    Still, it’s pushing ahead with it anyway.

    The DWP says…

    DWP boss Thérèse Coffey said:

    Over five million people are already supported by Universal Credit. It is a dynamic system which adjusts as people earn more or indeed less, and simplifies our safety net for those who cannot work. Parliament voted to end the complex web of six legacy benefits in 2012, and as this work approaches its conclusion we are fully transitioning to a modern benefit, suited to the 21st century.

    Yet countless people and organisations have repeatedly warned about managed migration. As DNS reported, documents the DWP released under FOIs revealed that charities and campaign groups told it that managed migration would see claimants:

    fall between the cracks and suffer hardship.

    Clearly, the DWP ignored these warnings. Now, the true effects of managed migration are clear. It’s cutting the social security of hundreds of thousands of people with little evidence to guide its actions. In the middle of a class war (framed as a cost of living crisis), this further attack by the DWP will push countless people who are already struggling further over the edge. There needs to be an immediate and sustained campaign to stop the DWP rolling out managed migration – before more people suffer.

    Featured image via The Canary and Wikimedia

    By Steve Topple

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • The government’s statistics body has intervened in a long-running scandal involving the Department for Work and Pensions (DWP). It’s about its refusal to provide figures on the Universal Credit system for chronically ill and disabled people. However, the intervention is just the tip of the iceberg. For years, the DWP has been burying figures which could expose the harsh reality of Universal Credit.

    Universal Credit and the WCA

    As Disability News Service (DNS) reported, the Office for Statistics Regulation (OSR) has written to the DWP. This happened after DNS founder and editor John Pring wrote to the OSR, asking it to act over the DWP’s failure to publish figures on Work Capability Assessments (WCAs) on Universal Credit. The DWP uses WCAs to decide what social security people are entitled to. But for years, it’s been mired in scandal: from the conduct of the private companies that run them to the deaths of claimants who WCAs said were “fit for work”.

    The DWP started using WCAs for Employment and Support Allowance (ESA), and has released figures on them since 2010. However, it has never done the same for Universal Credit. So now, the OSR has stepped in.

    The DWP: the OSR steps in

    The OSR’s deputy director for regulation Mary Gregory has written to the DWP. She said:

    Since the transition to Universal Credit in 2018, most new claimants are not included in the ESA WCA statistics as ESA and Universal Credit claimants are in separate systems. The lack of Universal Credit WCA statistics leaves a gap in the information available on workplace capability assessments.

    Gregory noted that the DWP said in 2017 that it would look into collating WCA data and publishing it. However, it said at the time that:

    It is not possible to provide a precise timescale or definitive list of additional breakdowns [WCA statistics] at this stage.

    So, Gregory – albeit politely – told the DWP it needs to sort this out. She said there is:

    a continued and unfulfilled need for WCA statistics since the rollout of Universal Credit as most new claimants are excluded from the ESA WCA statistics. It is not clear from what is publicly available, what, if any, plans are in place to address this and when they are anticipated to be completed. We expect statistics producers to be clear and transparent in their decision making, and to include reasons why gaps in reporting remain.

    The DWP told DNS that it:

    will respond to the Office for Statistics Regulation in due course. The response will be published.

    But will it listen? Based on the historical evidence, this is unlikely.

    Years of deception?

    The department’s lack of figures and analysis over Universal Credit has been a brewing scandal for years. As The Canary reported in 2020, at the time the DWP was:

    • Not assessing whether the five-week wait for a first payment causes poverty.
    • ‘Burying’ its own investigation into whether the benefit caused increased foodbank use.
    • Not regularly working out what percentage of new claimants have five-week wait advances.
    • Failing to record what claimant’s health conditions were.

    Perhaps most worryingly, the DWP was not publicly collating data on claimant deaths on Universal Credit. It also repeatedly avoided giving these figures to people making Freedom of Information (FOI) requests. More recently, the DWP pushed through the controversial £20-a-week cut to Universal Credit without assessing how it would impact claimants.

    Most of the points above remain true. The DWP has, for example, released figures around five-week wait advances when MPs pushed ministers to. However, it still routinely does not publish comprehensive data on this or other aspects of Universal Credit.

    Wilful negligence?

    The exact reasons for the DWP’s huge lack of data on Universal Credit are unclear. But Ken Butler, from Disability Rights UK, explained one of the consequences to DNS:

    The DWP is beginning the forced ‘managed’ migration of ESA claimants to Universal Credit. Scrutiny of how those already on Universal Credit are being treated in terms of work capability assessment referrals and outcomes is essential. Any lack of DWP transparency can only reinforce ESA claimants’ worries about having to leave the benefit.

    As The Canary previously wrote, the DWP’s lack of public data on Universal Credit shows:

    At best, it cannot cope with a complex system running away from it. But at worst, it shows wilful negligence.

    But whether it is burying the data or just refusing to compile it, the DWP is, perhaps intentionally, stopping scrutiny of Universal Credit.

    DWP: burying damning evidence?

    This is not surprising when the evidence surrounding its use of the WCA in ESA is so damning. As far back as 2015, researchers linked the process to nearly 600 cases of people taking their own lives. The DWP’s own figures show that between December 2011 and February 2014, around 90 people a month who it said were fit for work were dying.

    Then, a 2016 report from the UN accused the UK government of “grave” and “systematic” violations of disabled people’s human rights. It also said that the WCA “processed rather than listened to or understood” claimants. It also noted that:

    the needs, views and personal history of persons with disabilities… were not properly taken into account or given appropriate weight in the decisions affecting them.

    The UN found that the WCA failed to keep disabled people informed about the process they were going through. This resulted in significant “anxiety” and “financial, material and psychological hardship”. In fact, the committee found that the WCA process had caused people’s mental health to “severely deteriorate”.

    It is likely that the same things are happening with the WCA and Universal Credit. Currently, except for claimant’s testimonies, we don’t know. The evidence suggests this is an intentional cover-up by the DWP, and one the OSR is right to question. Now, the DWP must start to compile and then release all of the data is has on the WCA. Proper public scrutiny of this controversial element of social security must take place.

    Featured image via Videoblogg Productions/The Canary 

    By Steve Topple

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • At The Canary, we’ve been busy amplifying the voices of a new generation of young, working-class journalists. And now, we’re also doing the same for chronically ill and disabled people. We need you, our readers, to help carry this groundbreaking work on – we’re about to amplify more voices that really need to be heard.

    Journalism for the rich

    The UK media is stuffed with middle and upper class journalists. 75% of everyone who works in the industry had a parent in one of the three highest occupational groups – they’re middle and upper class, you could say. It’s no wonder then that the rest of us feel like the media doesn’t really speak for us – because just 8% of journalists come from the poorest backgrounds. The impact of this is that the media ridicule working-class people and ignore their concerns. 

    Now, it’s time for change. The Canary wants to be on the frontline. As an outlet, we’re proud that the majority of our staff are working class. So, we’re really aware of the systemic barriers people from our backgrounds face.

    That’s why we’ve launched Amplify – a mentoring and training programme for marginalised voices.

    Welcome to Amplify

    The first round, aimed at working-class 16-25 year olds, happened between January and March 2022. Our young participants took part in workshops covering many aspects of media work. Then, a member of The Canary team mentored them to produce a piece of work. We wanted the young people involved to amplify their own and their peers’ voices. So, the topic of the work was entirely up to them – whatever they felt passionate about. Now, they’ve finished! 

    There’s a dedicated page on our website to showcase and celebrate the work that’s come out of Amplify. You can read and watch our young people’s amazing work here. This is what one of our participants, NJ, thought of Amplify:

    We’ve already recruited over 20 participants for round two – which starts in April. This time, chronically ill and disabled people of any age, who are not in work applied as well. 

    All the training and mentoring is free. The Canary staff are currently doing this on a voluntary basis. But we want to pay the participants for their finished work and the mentors for their support. That’s where you, our readers and members, come in.

    Help us make systemic change in the media

    We want to raise £1,500 to be able to pay the participants in Amplify a fair amount – and to secure funding for the project moving forwards. We want to be able to run Amplify again and again: pay the team, make it bigger and better, and benefit more people. 

    This is a great opportunity for you to be involved in a project that will prepare tomorrow’s generation to take on the entrenched privilege of today’s media. Your donation will go directly to a participant for their work, inspiring them to change the media and society. 

    You can donate to our crowdfunding here.

    So, if you want to help The Canary amplify the voices of the people who we all need to hear from, then please support us:

    Featured image via

    By Steve Topple

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • A disabled person has launched a furious response to the government. It’s over the so-called ‘cost of living crisis’. But her anger points to the fact that systemic attacks on chronically ill, disabled and poor people are a long-term issue. And it shows that actually, this is less a cost of living crisis and more of a class war.

    The Spring Statement: “surviving or dying”

    Paula Peters is a disability rights activist. She is a member of Disabled People Against Cuts (DPAC) and Unite Community. On Sunday 27 March she was on the online, left-wing programme Not The Andrew Marr Show. Peters used her appearance to give a heartfelt but angry plea on behalf of chronically ill, disabled, older and poor people.

    She said:

    We’re in a position of… not being able to eat or heat. We can’t afford to do either. We are in a position now of barely surviving or dying.

    Chancellor Rishi Sunak’s Spring Statement did nothing for the poorest people. In fact, he just made their lives worse.

    As I previously wrote, around 10 million households are facing at least a £290 cut in real terms to their social security. This is on top of things like the benefit cap, which has caused persistent child poverty. The National Insurance threshold rise won’t do anything for chronically ill and disabled people who can’t work, unpaid carers, those on Jobseeker’s Allowance, and part-time workers who didn’t meet the threshold in the first place.

    So, what can we do?

    “We’ve got to work collectively”

    Peters said:

    We’ve got to work collectively. And we’ve got to support one another’s campaigns.

    Currently, groups like the People’s Assembly are organising demos. There are ones happening across the country on Saturday 2 April:

    You can find all the details here.

    But there are two problems with this. Firstly our resistance has to go beyond occasional marches to looking at how we engage in practical and effective solidarity on a daily basis. And secondly, government persecution of chronically ill and disabled people isn’t new.

    Where’s the support been?

    Peters said, becoming tearful:

    I’m fucking angry. I’ve had fucking enough. And I’m fucking pissed off to see disabled people die… when we have action, there’s not enough support. That’s got to fucking change. Solidarity isn’t a word. It’s something we fucking do.

    Groups like DPAC have been fighting government attacks on chronically ill and disabled people for years. Yet often they have not received much support. This is despite bodies like the UN saying that the UK government had committed “grave” and “systematic” violations of disabled people’s human rights. It’s despite tens of thousands of claimants dying on the Department for Work and Pensions’ (DWP’s) watch, when it told them they were fit for work or ready to start looking or preparing for work.

    Even so, here we are. People are calling protests about a ‘cost of living crisis’ that for chronically ill, disabled and poor people isn’t new. Because successive governments have either frozen or cut their social security for years. So, as Peters said:

    more people are going to die in the winter. More people are going to die now.

    The government knows this. So, let’s start calling the cost of living crisis what it actually is: class war, pure and simple.

    Watch Peters’ full speech:

    Featured image via Not The Andrew Marr Show – YouTube and The Canary

    By Steve Topple

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • A study by one chronically ill and disabled person reflects the lived experience of countless people. She’s conducted groundbreaking research on herself – and countless other people could benefit – because she’s tracked how many hours a year she’s lost to living with chronic illness. And the results are staggering.

    Living with ME

    Cat Fraser has lived with myalgic encephalomyelitis (ME), a chronic systemic neuroimmune disease, since she was 24. The Canary has been documenting the illness. As we previously wrote, ME:

    affects every aspect of the patient and their loved one’s lives. For many, the worst part is a worsening of symptoms brought on by physical activities, mental activities, or both. This is called post-exertional malaise (PEM). In layman’s terms, every time a person living with ME does any form of exertion, they get even sicker. It’s one of the cruellest parts of the disease, because tasks most people thinks of as ‘normal’ – like washing up – can make a person with ME really ill.

    But what’s often lacking in narratives surrounding ME, chronic illness, and disability more broadly is research and evidence about the financial and time costs of living with health conditions. So Fraser, a purpose-led entrepreneur who also works for Lloyds Bank, has started to change this with a groundbreaking study. And the results are fascinating and concerning in equal measure.

    “Well-Less” with chronic illness

    Fraser has launched a project called Well-Less. She coined the term as a way of describing some people’s experience of chronic illness. As the website says, Well-Less is:

    The invisible, middle ground on the health spectrum, that until Covid we weren’t talking about. …

    Living, but never being or feeling fully ‘well’.

    The project is a data-led study which Fraser describes as looking at:

    the impact of a lack in medical care for the energy-impaired, on a patient over the course of an entire year.

    The report measures the enormous amount of money, time, work and energy a typical patient is forced to spend on trying to get medical answers, care and support, in order to make up for a severe lack of understanding by the medical profession and a corollary gap in the NHS.

    While data-led, her reasons for starting the Well-Less project were very personal.

    “Alone and flailing”

    Fraser told The Canary:

    By summer 2020, as the first lockdown began to end, for me, history started repeating itself. Long Covid triggered the onset of my ME all over again. But this time I was 36 not 24, and it came with more frequent and severe symptoms that were getting worse not better, with medication. I was more aware now of my reality, thanks to all the media coverage of people experiencing symptoms that had become my normal over the years. So, I was simultaneously processing the last 10 years for what felt like the first time properly  – and re-living all the grief and trauma that comes with living with post-viral chronic illness day in day out, a second time around.

    On top of that was the realisation that there was still no help and support available. I was still a patient in a broken healthcare system, alone and flailing. The sad knowledge that the people closest to me still didn’t really know what these new symptoms meant for me and why I was so frightened of another ten years of this existence, was too much. I had made it to an (almost) full recovery phase of ME pre-Covid. But in the summer 2020 I came to a logical conclusion that 1. nothing had changed and 2. I couldn’t live another decade like this. Then, I was feeling suicidal for the first time ever and I wanted out.

    This emotional tsunami and chronic depression lasted for several weeks, I involved my whole family in a way I hadn’t felt I couldn’t before and I took time off work to start try to heal and find a way through.

    But Fraser did find a way through.

    Well-Less is born

    Her employer, Lloyds Bank, was accommodating. She returned to work on reduced duties and her boss let her change her ways of working to fit around her health. But Fraser still wasn’t well. So, she decided to start tracking her energy levels in a quantifiable way, to see the difference between her and her colleagues. This led to Fraser coming up with a far bigger idea. She told The Canary:

    It made me think about all the other possible pieces of information that I might have that could help me bring to life other parts of this invisible patient world to life (chronic illness). Despite now being in a privileged position… I still had no answers, and I had possibly sacrificed my chances of recovery, just by using all my available energy trying.

    So I started emailing the Zoe Covid App for all my symptom data; it took six months until I heard back from them. I manually collated all my bank transactions related to my health. Finally, I spent hours identifying every single email, mobile, SMS and calendar entry about my health and built a table totalling 400 rows of healthcare interactions.

    At this stage, I spoke to my data colleagues about the huge quantity of data that I now had to work with and my initial findings, they encouraged me to keep exploring and visualising it to see what else came out.

    So, Well-Less was born.

    Assessing the cost of ME

    Fraser broke the study down into four “chapters”:

    1. MONEY
    What was the financial cost?

    2. TIME
    How much time was lost?

    3. WORK
    How much work was required?

    4. ENERGY
    How did it impact recovery?

    Then, Fraser collected data across 2020 on each of these areas. The resulting report collated the information. And the results were shocking.

    Five years lost to chronic illness

    She told The Canary:

    It was the first time I had ever thought about my life with ME in that way and why. When I added it all up, all the random days/ weeks/ months I had spent bedbound or housebound with this illness, it would in fact add up to somewhere in the region of five full years. I reflected that I often felt like I hadn’t had 36 years life experience and that I was closer to my sister’s age. Yet, as my body pains increased I also felt like it had lived 90 years and I was older than my parents.

    It seems crazy now, but I had never listed all my daily health symptoms before in the way the Zoe App enabled everyone to do at the same time, as a country. Nor did I really have any idea how much money I was spending (just that I had to) and how much time I spent emailing and calling doctors (most mornings, lunchtimes and afternoons).

    Money spent

    First, Fraser looked at the financial cost for her as a patient. She found that:

    • £3.1K self-funded and £2.5K private healthcare to manage and investigate new symptoms in 2020.
    • 84% of total items were self-funded, including off-plan private healthcare, and all holistic therapy (e.g. reflexology, massage, ayurveda consultation).
    • Advanced nutrition, including energy supplements, probiotics and specialist gut support accounted for almost £2K spend.
    • On average in April, 22 symptoms per day was recorded in the Zoe Covid Tracking app. By October, this had increased to 30.

    As Fraser’s symptoms increased, so did the costs:

    A graph showing money spent by Fraser on her health

    By far and away the biggest cost was nutrition, which included probiotics and specialised gut support – none of which the NHS provides her with:

    A graph showing what Fraser spent money on

    Time spent Well-Less

    Next, Fraser looked at how often she had symptoms and what they were. She said she:

    had to manage up to 30+ symptoms a day, ranging from those affecting her throat, stomach and head to chronic insomnia, chronic fatigue and depression.

    And her:

    own healthcare team consisted of 35 different healthcare practitioners (including medical secretaries, labs and clinics) across seven different therapy areas.

    Fraser found that from July there was an increase in symptoms, which then waxed and waned for the rest of the year. Still, Fraser found that overall there were no weeks between April (when she started tracking) and December where she was symptom-free:

    A chart showing the number of symptoms Fraser had in 2020

    An increase in symptoms was followed by an increase in medical appointments. This meant Fraser experienced the most symptoms in July but her highest number of medical appointments came in September and October:

    A graph showing Fraser's number of symptoms per month with the number of medical appointments

    This waxing and waning of symptoms (“flares”) is common in chronic illness. But Fraser’s data provides an interesting insight into the delay of treatment/care versus the onset of a flare.

    Work and chronic illness: a job in itself?

    Fraser also looked at work: i.e. the time she spent on her health. She found that she had:

    • 56 outbound phone calls to the GP surgery- call backs received 16 times along with 12 SMS messages.
    • Appointments with x10 different GP Doctors, x1 Nurse and GP Reception – every GP in the surgery, at least once.
    • Treated by 12 unique health specialists (3 non-medical) across 8 different Therapy Areas (TAs).
    • Required interactions with a total of 35 unique healthcare specialists – including labs, clinics and medical secretaries.

    Within the data, “outbound” refers to visits to medical professionals; “inbound” means incoming calls to Fraser from medical professionals. She spent a total of 60 hours in medical appointments or on calls:

    A graph showing the time Fraser spent in medical appointments

    Another interesting thing from Fraser’s data was that the majority of her time was spent in holistic therapy and psychology. Time spent in neurology, ear, nose and throat (ENT) and osteopathy was all less than five hours per area:

    A graph showing the time Fraser spent in specific medical appointments

    But perhaps the most striking figures were the overall hours she spent on her health.

    Energy: limited to the extreme

    Fraser looked at the time she spent on her health. Then, Fraser calculated how much time this equated to when you factor in how ME limits her energy. Finally, she worked out the overall time lost when she included recovery time from using the initial energy in the first place. Overall, Fraser found she lost 600 hours of time in just one year either dealing with her health or recovering from dealing with it:

    A graph showing how much time Cat Fraser lost on health issues in 2020

    As she told The Canary:

    This idea that if 60 hours of just working solely on my own healthcare could impact the next 90 days of my life… Well, just imagine what the rest of life’s demands that have not been designed for people who don’t recover from a virus, can do to the injured? To me?

    This kind of data – covering just how much time people lose to chronic illness – is rare. But Fraser wants to change that. She wants to start getting “Well-Less” put into the language used around chronic illness:

    I’d also love to see a national ad campaign for this (potentially called ‘Chronic Lives’) with charities coming out of their silos and working together to inform the public about chronic illness as a whole. I’ve put the callout to my network. But if any other creatives are looking for a pro-bono project please get in touch!

    Crucially, Fraser wants to develop a “tool” (possibly app) where all chronically ill people can have access to the tools she’s created.

    Tangible evidence

    Fraser told The Canary:

    I’m now looking for investors to enable the development of a patient data and innovation tool. It would allow people with chronic illnesses to track and measure their total patient journey. We know this type of record for patients would help validate their experiences… I’m sure it would also be a useful medical educational tool to see what is really going on underneath the bonnet. Yes we are grateful for the NHS. But the system needs to seriously address the issue that it is causing an unnecessary extra level of patient pain and trauma.

    The data and insights will also enable patients to, as a community, identify new products, services, policies that they need. Of course this would all be co-created with patients. So, I’d love to hear from those who would like to be involved in the design stage!

    A much-needed study

    Overall, Fraser told The Canary she hopes that her work and future endeavours will lead to a sea-change; one which will:

    show the impact of post-viral disease to the public and also get the science out there about ME and Covid, too.

    Fraser’s study and work could be groundbreaking for chronically ill people. As it stands, apart from keeping diaries, they don’t have a quantitative way of tracking everything that happens with their health and the results. But with Fraser’s work, they could do. This could potentially change how everyone involved in chronically ill people’s lives views them – from doctors, to family, to the DWP.

    But crucially, it would present the lived reality of living with a chronic illness in the round, like never before. Well-Less could be a game-changer.

    Featured image via Cat Fraser

    By Steve Topple

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • The number of patients in hospital in Scotland with recently confirmed Covid-19 has reached a record high for a fourth consecutive day with 2,322 people in hospital, according to latest figures. This was an increase of 65 on the 2,257 reported the day before, with 26 in intensive care, up one.

    Scotland has recorded 50 coronavirus linked deaths and 13,564 new cases of Covid-19 in the past 24 hours, according to data published by the Scottish Government on Thursday.

    The number of people who have died within 28 days of testing positive for Covid-19 has risen to 11,246.

    Disabled people are calling out the government’s Covid Policy

    Disability advocates Disabled People Against Cuts tweeted about an attempt to challenge the government’s Covid-19 policy through the courts:

    Fleur Perry is a law student who has been shielding for the past two years because of a muscle weakening condition that means she needs to use a ventilator. She is classed as Clinically Extremely Vulnerable to Covid-19.

    Perry is fundraising to take the government to court over their decision to remove many of the UK’s Covid-19 restrictions. At the time of publication they had raised almost £6,500. Fleur wrote on her crowdfunding page:

    When making important decisions that affect disabled people, the government need to think carefully about the consequences of their plans, and talk to disabled people before choosing what to do.

    Nothing about us without us!

    We don’t think that happened, and so we think the decision isn’t within the law. If we’re right, they have to rip up their plan and start again.

    We’ve got a lawyer. We’ve got our facts and data. We’ve got the passion and guts to do this, as we’re talking about the lives of ourselves and the people we love. All we need is you.

    By The Canary

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • Rishi Sunak’s Spring Statement just confirmed that most people claiming social security from the Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) are, in his eyes, worthless. Because the chancellor has done nothing for millions of people on so-called benefits. In fact, Sunak has further consigned them to the ‘digital workhouse’: entrenching poverty and misery under the DWP system.

    A Spring Statement for the rich

    The Spring Statement contained no new measures on social security. The one mention of it was to say what the government did in 2021. Sunak failed to address the fact that around 10 million households are facing at least a £290 real terms cut to their social security. This is on top of things like the benefit cap which has caused persistent child poverty.

    Sunak has also done nothing about energy prices for poor people – unless you can afford to install solar panels or heat pumps. So, most households will see a £1,300 increase in their energy bills by October 2022. The Spring Statement did take 5p a litre off fuel duty. But again, that means nothing for the poorest households – 35% of whom have cars versus 93% of the richest ones.

    A big announcement of bullshit

    Sunak’s main announcement was an increase in the threshold at which people start paying National Insurance. It’s now the same as income tax – so £12,570, an increase of £3k. Overall, this is supposed to mean an average £330 extra in people’s pockets. But again, this is nonsense for the poorest people – among them chronically ill and disabled people who can’t work; unpaid carers; those on Jobseeker’s Allowance, and part-time workers who didn’t meet the National Insurance threshold in the first place.

    Moreover, it means little for those who do pay National Insurance but also have to claim Universal Credit. This is because the 55% Universal Credit taper rate at which the DWP cuts your social security payment will swallow much of the £330 back-up anyway.

    The digital workhouse expands

    All Sunak’s Spring Statement has done is to continue an ideological drive by the Conservatives. As I previously warned in 2018, the Tories designed Universal Credit with a Victorian mindset of the ‘deserving’ and ‘undeserving’ poor:

    Sick, disabled, unemployed and low earning people would no longer be different, distinct benefit groups. They would become one, homogeneous ‘underclass’ of people. And… the state would give minimal support to these people. Instead, charities and communities should carry the burden of this workless/underemployed group.

    In May 2019, UN rapporteur Philip Alston called Universal Credit a ‘digital workhouse‘. Sunak’s Spring Statement has now cemented that vision. He’s done nothing to support the poorest people amid the worst cost of living crisis in decades. Instead, Sunak has locked millions of low-paid workers, social security claimants, and chronically ill and disabled people into this digital workhouse. Their incomes will continue to fall behind everyone else’s – trapping them in poverty and misery. And sadly, there seems no way out of the digital workhouse on the horizon.

    Featured image via Wellcome Images – Wikimedia, cropped to 770×403 under licence CC BY 4.0, Wikimedia and Sky News – YouTube

    By Steve Topple

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • The sharp increase in energy bills is now just weeks away. On 1 April, prices will go up by 54% – potentially sparking chaos for many people. So, a grassroots campaign group is calling on everyone to take direct action against the energy companies by joining the #BigPowerOff.

    Disabled People Against Cuts (DPAC) is a grassroots disability rights campaign group. It’s been prominent for over a decade. Now, its Sheffield branch is asking people across the UK to join the #BigPowerOff on 1 April 2022.

    The #BigPowerOff

    DPAC Sheffield are asking people not to use mains powered things. For example, it said in a press release people can:

    • Turn the heating down.
    • Use a slow cooker to prepare hot food rather than an oven.
    • Skip having a bath or shower.
    • Not use the washing machine.
    • Not use equipment that emits heat, eg. hair straighteners, hair dryers.
    • Eat cold foods or pre-prepared meals that you can heat.
    • Stop watching TV.
    • Not switch lights on.
    • Turn off non-essential electrical items at the plug.
    • Just drink cold drinks.

    It would be wrong not to mention that there are probably countless households already having to do lots of these things. Because for many, the cost of living crisis is already biting. But DPAC Sheffield want those that may not be currently struggling to take a stand for those that are.

    David Hayes of DPAC Sheffield said:

    You don’t even have to go outside. You can protest from home. We want to show power suppliers that we the people have the potential power to turn off the profits that make them and their shareholders obscenely wealthy whilst millions of people across the UK can’t even afford to cook our teas.

    Rachael will join the #BigPowerOff:

    Other action you can take

    The group is, however, aware these actions may not be possible for some people. DPAC’s Jennifer Jones said:

    We acknowledge that some people have no option at the moment to eat cold foods… many people absolutely must keep their heating and various equipment on in their homes due to disabilities, and in no way should anyone be made to feel shamed into doing this or that they’re not doing their part if they can’t commit to using less or no gas or electricity. 

    So, for people who cannot stop using energy, DPAC Sheffield want you to post selfies displaying the campaign slogan, and make #BigPowerOff banners using up-cycled materials where possible. Also, on social media the group wants people post their stories:

    • Will the rises cause you to go without other essentials?
    • For what reasons are a warm home and food important to you and your family?
    • How much are your own bills increasing by?
    • Are you even in a position to be able to afford to pay the predicted bills…?

    Make energy suppliers listen

    DPAC Sheffield is also aware that some people want to take further direct action by refusing to pay their bills. But as it explains in this video, for people reliant on social security, this is not possible:

    David Hayes of DPAC Sheffield said:

    With the rise in living costs millions of people now face the choice between living or dying in order to feed the insatiable greed of the ruling class. We won’t get anything done waiting for politicians, ‘celebrities’ or unions to fight back

    Energy suppliers are set to put prices up again in October. So, DPAC Sheffield say that #BigPowerOff on 1 April will be the first of many rolling household protests.

    Featured image via DPAC Sheffield 

    By Steve Topple

    This post was originally published on The Canary.