Category: environment

  • In today’s rapidly shifting political landscape, key issues such as super-profits taxes, wealth inequality, environmental protections, and housing affordability dominate the headlines. Yet, with every critical issue comes political gridlock, a clash of ideologies, and a struggle to find equitable solutions. New Politics explores these pressing matters, dissecting the debates, and cutting through the noise to explore what’s really happening behind the scenes.

    The conversation around a super-profits tax is heating up, with increasing calls for corporations and the ultra-wealthy to pay their fair share. Should we introduce a wealth tax to even up the scales? We take you beyond the headlines, unpacking how governments have wrestled with these ideas over the years and what’s keeping us from achieving a more just taxation system. Politics!

    But taxes aren’t the only issue up for debate. Environmental policies are also under the spotlight, as Australia’s national environmental protection measures face the risk of being watered down in favour of short-term political gains. Why is the government negotiating with a Liberal Party that consistently opposes environmental protections? Why are new coal mines and gas projects being green-lit despite the clear environmental risks? We explore not just the failures in environmental governance, but the political motives that continue to block meaningful reform.

    Of course, no conversation about current politics is complete without discussing housing affordability. With millions of Australians locked out of the property market or struggling under ever-rising rents, what can be done? Whether it’s the Australian Greens’ proposed National Renters Protection Authority, or the government’s Housing Australia Future Fund, or the Coalition’s push to let superannuation funds be used for home purchases, we dig into the myriad policy proposals being floated and how they play into the wider political landscape as the nation inches closer to the next federal election.

    We bring you the unvarnished truth about what’s happening in Australia’s political scene, with a fearless approach to tackling the big issues and intersection of policy, politics, and public interest. This is New Politics, where the real conversations happen, and where politics is more than just a headline.

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    The post Behind the gridlock on fair taxes, environment protection and housing appeared first on New Politics.

    This post was originally published on New Politics.

  • Image by Bruce Warrington.

    It was only 3 years ago when a group of distinguished climate scientists led by Erin C. Pettit (Oregon State University) said Thwaites Eastern Ice Shelf of the Thwaites Glacier/Antarctica, aka: Doomsday Glacier, could collapse “within as little as 5 years.” (Source: C34A-07 Collapse of Thwaites Eastern Ice Shelf by intersecting fractures, American Geophysical Union, December 15, 2021)

    Assuming they nail it, what happens around the year 2026? Sea levels start rising more than previously but nobody is sure by how much as millions of people could be impacted by flooding. According to the Pettit study: “TEIS (Thwaites Eastern Ice Shelf) has the potential to increase the contribution of Thwaites Glacier to sea level rise by up to 25%.” TEIS buttresses one-third of the world’s widest glacier at 75 miles across. It is a big deal, a very big deal. All of which prompts the question whether it further destabilizes all of Thwaites? The answer seems to be “yes, it probably would.”

    However, there are studies only two years later (2023) that claim the loss of Thwaites Eastern Ice Shelf will not impact sea level rise as much as suggested by the Pettit study. For example: Limited Impact of Thwaites Ice Shelf on Future Ice Loss From Antarctica., Geophysical Research Letters, 2023.

    Today, there is plenty of research about Thwaites that runs the gamut from a UN climate change panel’s worst-case scenario that collapse would cause global sea levels to drastically rise by three feet by 2070, 10 feet by 2100 to a recent study by Dartmouth College researchers, which disputes the UN panel’s modeling, claiming Thwaites will not see that type of collapse this century. Yet, the Dartmouth report “says retreat is still dire.” (Source: Study Finds Highest Prediction of Sea-Level Rise Unlikely, Dartmouth.edu, August 21, 2024)

    The Doomsday Glacier is located at the northern edge of the West Antarctica Ice Sheet. It drains into the Amundsen Sea. And it is big! It’s the world’s widest glacier at 75 miles across. And it is one of the most talked about glaciers in the world. It has its own study group: The International Thwaites Glacier Collaboration, which consist of UK and US scientists investigating one of the most unstable glaciers in the world. For perspective purposes, there are more than 500 named glaciers in Antarctica and many thousands more not named. But Thwaites stands out as the most notorious and most celebrated glaciology superstar.

    Thwaites Glacier is like a sore that does not heal; it constantly throbs, drawing attention because it is a real threat to every coastal megacity on the planet. Alas the newest news is that ocean temperatures are skyrocketing, suddenly turning straight up like never before, starting within the past two years. In turn, that’s what works underwater at loosening up Thwaites for collapse. For example, a NYT headline d/d February 27, 2024, says it all: “Scientists Are Freaking Out About Ocean Temperatures.” And, there’s this: Live Science d/d May 21, 2024: Warm Ocean Water is Rushing Beneath Antarctica’s ‘Doomsday Glacier,’ Making Collapse More Likely.

    With record-breaking ocean temperatures at rates nobody expected, how long will it take for the Doomsday Glacier to melt completely? According to Eric Rignot, Senior Research Scientist NASA Jet Propulsion Laboratory, when interviewed by USA Today d/d May 20th, 2024: “It will take many decades, not centuries… part of the answer also depends on whether our climate keeps getting warmer or not which depends completely on us and how we manage the planet.”

    But low-lying metropolises like Miami Beach are not as concerned about melting taking “many decades, not centuries” as they are concerned about which decade starts the major melting process. This is where the rubber meets the road for low-lying megacities of the world, according to a UN report: New York City, Cairo, Mumbai, Jakarta, Shanghai, Copenhagen, London, Bangkok, Buenos Aires, Lagos, and Los Angeles are all at risk.

    So, which decade does it start with full force? Nobody knows but Thwaites is tipsy. That much is known, and that’s why Thwaites has its own study group. Conceivably, the initial decades of collapse could be disastrous.

    The risks of collapse have never been higher. Here’s why: Climate change mitigation efforts across the globe have been feeble as CO2 and global warming in parallel have set new all-time higher records in both 2023 and 2024. These are the highest records in human history. People that truly understand the implications are extremely edgy about the prospects of unexpected climate-related shocks over the near-term, meaning not 2050 and not 2100 and not some distant fantasy, but within society’s current generations.

    Forget Net Zero Emissions by 2050 (“NZE”), that’s a crapshoot that creates false hope.

    “Despite many pledges and efforts by governments to tackle the causes of global warming, CO2 emissions from energy and industry have increased by 60% since the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change was signed in 1992… pledges by governments to date – even if fully achieved – fall well short of what is required to bring global energy-related carbon dioxide emissions to net zero by 2050 and give the world an even chance of limiting the global temperature rise to 1.5 °C.” (Source: Net Zero by 2050, International Energy Agency, 2024) This report also claims: “As the major source of global emissions, the energy sector holds the key to responding to the world’s climate challenge.” The report offers solutions.

    In that regard, of special note and concern, according to Copernicus Climate Change Service (C3S), global temperatures exceeded 1.5°C (2.7°F) above preindustrial for the first time in human history for a 12-month period from July 2023 to June 2024, when it averaged 1.64°C. According to the UN climate report, sustained temperatures above 1.5C pre-industrial triggers major tipping points like breakdown of ocean circulation systems and others, but that one alone is all it takes for all hell to break lose.

    Human Rescue Plan

    The gravity of the global situation is only too obvious when a group of glaciologists feels compelled to organize a plan to “Save the Doomsday Glacier” led by John Moore, Research Professor, Arctic Centre, Lapland University/Finland. Within the next two years the group intends to test a prototype fixit in a Norwegian fjord. ultimately installing a giant submarine curtain, up to 50 miles across, that seals off glaciers like Thwaites from Antarctic warm currents. The costs for erecting a curtain across the Amundsen Sea would be $80 billion to see if human intervention really works in the most challenging, treacherous region of the world.

    “The proposal calls for a series of giant overlapping plastic or fiber curtains tethered to concrete foundations. To hold the warm current at bay, the curtain would stretch for 50 miles across the entrance to the Amundsen Sea and extend upwards for much of the 2,000 feet from the sea floor to the surface.” (Source: Fred Pearce, As ‘Doomsday’ Glacier Melts, Can an Artificial Barrier Save It? YaleEnvironment360, August 26, 2024)

    Thus, human ingenuity is called into action for one of the biggest assignments of all time. Equally significant to the herculean human effort to put a big human thumb in the Antarctic dyke, is the significance of what this says about how far and how fast global warming has progressed. And, even more important, what’s to stop it? And how many doomsday scenarios can humanity handle?

    Thwaites is not only a threat, but also an omen, a forewarning of what’s to come.

    Every year 195 nations gather for their annual UN climate meeting to make declarations about what’s happened and what they plan on doing, but no tangible results since 1992 when they started. Instead, CO2 and global temps are setting new record highs by the year every year. This is directly opposite the stated objectives of UN climate conferences ongoing for over 30 years.

    The next meeting this November is in Baku, Azerbaijan, an oil and gas country, similar to last year’s meeting in Dubai. And since oil and gas CO2 emissions are the principal cause of global warming, which, in turn, is the reason Thwaites threatens coastal megacities with flooding; why are oil and gas producing countries the focus for holding meetings about the problems of global warming?

    Have Oil Producers hijacked UN climate conferences?

    Answer: Yes, they have hijacked UN COPs (Conference of the Parties). Oh please! It’s blatantly obvious. COP28 was held in Dubai. The serving president of the climate conference COP28 was Sultan bin Ahmed Al Jaber, who’s chair of Dhabi National Oil Company and who publicly stated there is “no science” behind calls for a phase out of fossil fuels. But he conveniently overlooks reams, and reams, of long-standing scientific evidence of CO2 emissions directly linked to global temperature levels. It’s established science, period.

    As of today, there are plenty of public statements by the fossil fuel industry that it has decided to ignore the climate change issue and move ahead full blast with increased production. This is reality. For example, The Guardian d/d April 2024: World Set to Quadruple Oil and Gas Production by 2030, Led by New US Projects. Fasten seat belts it’s blast-off time, meaning hotter and hotter, faster and faster, as Thwiates totters.

    One can only hope that (1) geoengineering massive glaciers (how many more are there and will it even work?) and (2) geoengineering to remove CO2 from the atmosphere (extremely questionable as to proficiency of scale?) can save the day because an overkill of CO2 emissions is coming like there’s no tomorrow. Oh, by the way, the fossil fuel industry is also banking on technology to save the day.

    But there are as many question marks as there are hopeful proposals and too little certainty. Alas, the world is riddled with sharp divisions over: (1) reality of climate change (2) how to tackle the biggest threat in human history (3) and, then, there’s this: Bloomberg News headline: Right-Wing Populist Backlash Is Threatening Climate Fight d/d June 20, 2024: “The green revolution is in trouble. The rise of the nationalist right in much of the Western world has placed huge question marks over commitments to transition out of fossil fuels to fight climate change. Donald Trump in the US and other populist politicians have vowed to jettison low-carbon policies and downplayed the impact of global warming.”

    Meanwhile, the global-warming-timebomb is ticking faster than ever, working overtime, not waiting for some kind of universal resolution for the only issue, other than nuclear, that threatens to bring our own self-destruction.

    The Thwaites protective curtain will hopefully be in place sometime by 2040, hmm.

    The post Humans Rescue Doomsday Glacier? appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • Plastic waste is pummeling the South Pacific, polluting coral reefs and lagoons, washing up in tons on sandy shores and accumulating in a giant mass in the ocean. Ocean currents put Pacific Island nations at the front lines of the global plastic pollution crisis, even though the islands’ 2.3 million inhabitants contribute less than 1.3 percent of the world’s plastic waste. In just five years…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • Undertones star-turned-water campaigner Feargal Sharkey is still scratching his head over Labour doing – checks notes – exactly what it said it would do on sewage pollution.

    Now the sewage-mongers in blue ties are out, Sharkey has turned his ire to slimy Starmer’s sewage stooges in red ties instead.

    Of course, it’s the same Labour Party he was cosying up to ahead of the election and encouraging the public to vote for.

    Sewage pollution saga continues

    Fresh from its parliamentary summer holibobs, the new Labour government has announced its new bill to tackle the sewage spoiling UK waterways.

    On 5 September, it introduced its flagship Water (Special Measures) Bill in a policy statement. This will:

    • block bonuses for executives who pollute our waterways
    • bring criminal charges against persistent law breakers
    • enable automatic and severe fines for wrongdoing
    • ensure monitoring of every sewage outlet

    It’s doubtful any of Starmer’s ministers took a little holiday dip at a shit-infested UK beach this summer. If they had, they’d know how woefully inadequate the new measures will be in halting the tide of water company crimes.

    Prolific anti-sewage campaigner Feargal Sharkey had something to say on it:

    In particular, he blasted the new government’s plans for doing nothing more than what existing laws already do:

    Alongside this, he highlighted the party’s double standards:

    And as some have pointed out, these bankers have also been complicit in the failed neoliberal sham of water privatisation:

    While Sharkey made some important points, his outrage was also astonishingly hypocritical. Because, as some reminded him – this was the Labour government that he himself voted for and backed at the recent election:

    It was all there in the manifesto

    Of course, the Canary has already pointed this out too. At the launch of Sharkey’s new clean water coalition, we listed a damning rapsheet of his repeated suck-ups to Labour.

    It’s as if Sharkey had no idea what was coming. Here’s the thing though, this isn’t the case of another Labour U-turn blindsiding the public. Although I would argue those were just as predictable. The Labour Party literally had these exact plans in its manifesto, which stated:

    Labour will put failing water companies under special measures to clean up our water. We will give regulators new powers to block the payment of bonuses to executives who pollute our waterways and bring criminal charges against persistent law breakers. We will impose automatic and severe fines for wrongdoing and ensure independent monitoring of every outlet

    In fact, Sharkey was also gushing over these very plans during the election campaign mere months ago. And he’s been doing it since 2022. Fortunately, the internet has kept the receipts.

    In December 2022, here he is lauding Labour’s plans to fine water company bosses:

    Fast forward to the election run-up, and Sharkey had this to say about just such measures as Labour has plopped into its new bill:

    So from “now we’re talking” to “this is not it” in less time than it takes to water companies to pump drinking water full of parasites, Sharkey is well and truly taking the piss.

    How much can change in just a matter of months. Not the dire state of water company pollution in UK seas and rivers. Nor the Labour Party’s half-assed plans for dealing with them. So that’s just Sharkey’s ill-fated love affair with Labour then?

    If Labour’s vapid “change” slogan had Sharkey hook, line, and floater, he only has himself to blame.

    Because at the end of the day, Labour’s slippery slate of sewage shills-turned-MP candidates, and criminal private water company ties were clear for all to see. A damn sight clearer than the UK’s shit-plagued seas at least.

    Feature image via Youtube – Good Morning Britain

    By Hannah Sharland

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • A field of grass and treesDescription automatically generated

    Aspen in Sagebrush Steppe on Kiesha’s Preserve, Idaho. (No livestock grazing for 27 years) Photo: John Carter.

    The Aspen Decline

    What will our forests in the west be like in fall without those golden yellow leaves shining in the sun? Aspen forests in the Intermountain West support levels of biodiversity only exceeded by riparian (stream) communities. In this time of Climate Breakdown, aspen have been declining due to drought and temperature stress, with die-offs of large areas in the Western US in recent decades. Water stress during drought creates air bubbles in the water transport system of aspen, blocking flow of water and leading to mortality. Forest dieback during drought was simulated under a high emissions climate scenario showing that drought stress will exceed the mortality threshold for aspen in the Southwestern US by the 2050s.

    Climate Breakdown

    We hear slogans such as “net zero by 2050”, meaning we store as much carbon as we release. But the facts reveal that this goal will not be met. The world growth in energy demand, meat production, and population almost certainly will cause exceedance of the mortality threshold for aspen. Triage in the form of major changes in western land management is a must if we are to have a chance to save aspen, other western plant communities, and the wildlife that depend upon them.

    Technologies such as Artificial Intelligence and crypto currency with their large data centers consume huge amounts of energy. AI consumes 33 times more energy than traditional computing systems. Barclay’s estimated that the global demand for oil would increase by 15% by 2050 despite adoption of electric vehicles and potential efficiency gains, air travel would place greater demand on oil, and petrochemicals will be the biggest contributor to oil consumption as demand continues to grow. In their “Deadlock” scenario, Barclay’s predicted that the world will fall way short of the goals of the Paris Agreement. This is due to the inability to decarbonize and lack of political will. Livestock production emissions are currently estimated at 11.1 – 19.6 percent of global emissions while global consumption of meat is expected to increase by 90% by 2050.

    The U.S. Energy Information Administration acknowledges this. “Our projections indicate that resources, demand, and technology costs will drive the shift from fossil to non-fossil energy sources, but current policies are not enough to decrease global energy-sector emissions. This outcome is largely due to population growth, regional economic shifts toward more manufacturing, and increased energy consumption as living standards improve.” The UN Environment Programme also: “The world is in the midst of a triple planetary crisis of climate change, biodiversity loss and pollution and waste. The global economy is consuming ever more natural resources, while the world is not on track to meet the Sustainable Development Goals.”

    Livestock Exacerbate Aspen Decline in the Western US

    This is a dire situation exacerbated by the grazing of livestock on hundreds of millions of acres of our public and private lands in the Western US. Approximately 70 percent of National Forest and 90 percent of Bureau of Land Management managed lands are leased for livestock grazing. Other public lands managed by the Fish and Wildlife Service, National Park Service, States, and localities also permit livestock grazing.

    A review of livestock grazing effects shows that livestock trample and compact the soil, leading to accelerated runoff and decreased infiltration of water into the soil. They remove the ground covering vegetation that shades the soil, thus increasing soil temperatures and evaporation. These factors combine to reduce soil water and elevate the water stress in plants already stressed by drought. Agencies and landowners must manage livestock to protect aspen stands so they and the wildlife that depend upon them have a chance to persist. Here, we use National Forests in southern Idaho and Utah as examples of failure in this respect but this failure is west-wide when it comes to addressing this major stressor of our ecosystems.

    The Ashley National Forest Plan to Save Aspen

    The Ashley National Forest is a diverse area with high peaks, forests, meadows, lakes and streams. It includes part of the High Uintas Wilderness. It contains habitat for a variety of birds and animals including Canada lynx, black bears, northern goshawk, Rocky Mountain bighorn sheep, deer, elk, moose, native cutthroat trout and others.

    In an October 2023 Decision the Ashley NF approved the Ashley National Forest Aspen Restoration Project. This project was planned to “treat” up to 177,706 acres that would include any aspen community in the Forest. The treatments included prescribed burning, logging, mastication, chainsaws, girdling conifers, and ripping aspen roots with heavy equipment. These destructive measures were intended to stimulate regeneration of aspen stands. Eighty-three percent of the project would be carried out in roadless areas. The Forest Service uses an Orwellian twist on language to describe destructive activities such as logging and burning as “restoration” as if these forests didn’t do just fine before we came along with our livestock and destructive machines.

    The Environmental Assessment produced by the Ashley NF noted, “Many aspen populations across the west are declining due to drought, browsing by large animals such as cattle, elk and deer, and lack of disturbance, particularly fire, requiring active restoration efforts to maintain and improve aspen forest health in the region.” We mapped the fire history and use of prescribed fires in the past in the project area.

    Significant areas had already been subjected to fires, so why the decline in aspen? There was no analysis of this fact by the Forest Service as they proposed more burning, and to date, Ashley NF has not addressed the major issue, that of livestock grazing.

    A map of a forest Description automatically generated

    Portion of the Ashley NF showing aspen stands (green) superimposed on livestock grazing allotments (pink). Most of the Forest is divided up into 91 of these allotments.

    We provided in-depth comments and an objection to this project using best available science asking that the effects of livestock grazing, stocking rates, and suitability of grazing these areas be addressed. Their response to detailed public input such as this was to deflect. In this case, the Decision Notice stated, “Other comments such as range capabilities are not described in detail in this decision due to the fact that many of the concerns were outside of the scope of this project.”

    So, a major stressor, livestock grazing, is outside the scope of the project. This is typical of responses we receive from the Forest Service when we ask that well established principles of range science be applied so livestock grazing is managed within the capacity of the land and is balanced with the needs of wildlife, plant communities, and watersheds as the governing laws and regulations require.

    The problem for the Forest Service is that if these principles were applied, stocking rates and numbers of livestock would be greatly reduced. This is not politically tolerable, so it is better to deflect and deny or not address the issue at all. Our team filed litigation against the Forest Service to stop this Aspen Restoration Project, resulting in it being withdrawn.

    Water Developments – Industrialization of the Forest for Livestock

    A map of the area Description automatically generated

    Map of Duchesne Ranger District in the Ashley NF with aspen stands (pink) and water developments (blue).

    Because water developments (troughs, ponds, pipelines) are used by the Forest Service and other land managers to increase the extent of livestock access into previously little used areas, we requested their data for the locations of these water developments in the Ashley NF.

    It turns out there are 1,755 of these water developments. When we mapped them and their proximity to aspen stands, there were few aspen stands that were more than a quarter mile from at least one water development, thus ensuring that livestock would have easy access to most stands. Despite this massive number, the Ashley NF had previously approved adding more of these developments which can result in adverse effects up to a mile or more away. Adding these developments is a typical response when degradation by livestock is noted, a placebo to keep the status quo in numbers of cattle and sheep. This is common across the West.

    Is the Forest Service Engaged in Willful Blindness?

    In 2000, we surveyed habitats in the Bear River Range in SE Idaho’s Caribou National Forest. The Bear River Range is part of the Regionally Significant Wildlife Corridor connecting the Greater Yellowstone Area to the Uinta Mountains and southern Rockies. In our Report, we showed how livestock grazing had degraded conditions in all habitats with the majority of 310 habitat locations including 71 aspen sites, not functioning properly (low production, lack of recruitment, barren understory).

    A dirt road with trees in the background Description automatically generated with low confidence

    Aspen stand in the Bear River Range adjacent to water troughs for sheep. Trees are stripped as high as sheep can reach and there is no regeneration or understory vegetation. Photo: John Carter.

    This is no surprise as nearly 30 years ago the Forest Service Regional Assessments pointed out that aspen regeneration had not been successful due to heavy grazing by domesticated ungulates (meaning cows and sheep).

    In the years since those assessments and our report, we have seen no action to reduce or better manage livestock grazing so plant and soil communities, stream systems, or aspen forests can recover and sustain themselves.

    Early work by Forest Service research scientists and others documented the loss of aspen recruitment due to livestock grazing. A study of over one hundred aspen stands in Nevada found that in all cases where aspen was protected from livestock, it successfully regenerated without fire or disturbance and maintained multi-aged stands. In areas exposed to livestock grazing, aspen continued to decline.

    The Pando Clone of aspen in Utah’s Fishlake National Forest is known as one of the oldest living organisms. It is suffering from lack of regeneration and disease like so many aspen stands across the west where livestock graze. In a 2019 Report, our team demonstrated that livestock (cattle) were removing most of the understory vegetation (70 – 90 percent). Yet, according to the Fishlake NF, “it is thought that the lack of regeneration is due to over browsing from deer and other ungulates. Insects, such as bark beetles, and disease such as root rot and cankers, are attacking the overstory trees, weakening and killing them. ” There is no mention of livestock as deer and other “ungulates” are blamed and no acknowledgement that insects and disease may be related to the stress from browsing and trampling by the dominant “ungulate”, cows. They predict the Pando could be lost, yet cattle still graze while they deflect.

    Agency Foot Dragging Perpetuates the Problem

    A forest with fallen trees Description automatically generated with medium confidence

    Aspen stand in the Bear River Range dying out in cattle allotment. Photo: John Carter.

    In an ongoing case, the Ashley, Uinta and Wasatch Cache National Forests in Utah have been foot dragging in addressing the grazing of tens of thousands of domestic sheep on 160,000 acres of the High Uintas Wilderness. Once again, we have engaged in detailed analysis, comments and meetings, only to have any action delayed for 10 years while the degradation continues.

    For decades I have been documenting degradation of these alpine and subalpine areas by domestic sheep. As the Forest Service continues delay, a team of volunteers gathered forage production data and we published a paper showing that if the sensitive nature of the landscape (steep slopes, highly erodible soils) and current forage production was incorporated into a new stocking rate analysis, the numbers of domestic sheep would need to be reduced by 90 percent or more. In other words, this wilderness is not ecologically appropriate for livestock grazing and to do so is to intentionally destroy the ecological integrity of this precious place so that a handful of livestock permittees can graze it with their sheep.

    Kiesha’s Preserve – An Example of What Can Be

    M:\HPBackup_8_10\My Pictures\2010_0613Coolpix\DCIM\100NIKON\DSCN0363.JPG

    Aspen stand on Kiesha’s Preserve a decade after removal of livestock. Original trees are the standing dead in the background. Regenerated stand in foreground. Photo: John Carter.

    At Kiesha’s Preserve in Idaho, deer, elk, moose, and sage grouse are there year around. When we purchased the land, aspen stands were diseased, had insect boreholes and were dying. We closed the Preserve to livestock 30 years ago and since then, the grasses and flowers and aspen have bounced back, the old aspen stands have died and new, healthy stands have grown back with no insect or disease issues. You can find no evidence of adverse effects from deer or elk because there is natural forage to support them.

    A picture containing tree, outdoor, plant, forest Description automatically generated

    Aspen stand on Kiesha’s Preserve with healthy and diverse understory years after livestock removed. Photo: John Carter.

    Deer and elk winter in large numbers on the Preserve, finding grass and shrubs beneath the snow as the plant communities have recovered from a century of livestock grazing. On adjacent public lands there is little residual forage left after the livestock leave the allotments, so when an elk or deer digs through the snow, they find no forage for the energy expended.

    The Message

    As climate heating adds stress to the landscape, increasing mortality to aspen and other forest types, livestock effectively increase the effects of drought. It is time for the Forest Service and other land managers to stop deflecting around the destruction of aspen and native plant communities by livestock and begin to address the problem by removing water developments, reducing stocking rates and providing long term rest so plant communities such as aspen have a chance to recover and are better able to withstand drought.

    For a library of books and articles on livestock grazing in the West, see Sage Steppe Wild.

    The post Climate Breakdown: Losing Our Aspen Forests in the West appeared first on CounterPunch.org.


    This content originally appeared on CounterPunch.org and was authored by John Carter.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Alpine meadows in Greater Yellowstone. Photo: Jeffrey St. Clair.

    There’s a boiling controversy right now over the future of hundreds of thousands of acres of Forest Service lands abutting Yellowstone National Park and comprising the core of the Greater Yellowstone Ecosystem. These lands are primarily in the Gallatin and Madison Ranges which are facing increasing pressures from a variety of development and recreational pressures.

    The vast majority of the area is protected by the Wilderness Study Areas in Senator Lee Metcalf’s Wilderness Study Act of 1977 which mandates that they be managed under the provisions of the Wilderness Act of 1964 until Congress decides to either designate them as “Big W” Wilderness Areas or release them for multiple abuse.

    By law, that means no mechanized access or use is allowed there any more than it’s allowed in Montana’s other much-prized wilderness areas such as the Bob Marshall, Great Bear, Selway-Bitterroot, Absarokee-Beartooth and Lee Metcalf Wilderness.

    Additionally, more than 20 years after Metcalf’s visionary law, President Clinton authorized the Roadless Rule which addresses the roadless lands outside the Wilderness Study Areas. The goal was to preserve those quickly vanishing areas of federal public lands that had not yet felt the degradation of the bulldozer’s blade.

    Taken together, it comes to a very significant 240,000 acres of virtually pristine lands with incredible value as intact forest ecosystems for wildlife, protected headwaters for fish, our best and cheapest way to pull greenhouse gases out of the atmosphere, and clean drinking water for Montanans. Those lands run from the Park all the way to Bozeman and Livingston and are the headwaters for the famed Yellowstone, Gallatin, and Madison Rivers.

    The source of the controversy is the Gallatin Conservation and Recreation Act being promoted by three big money groups: The Greater Yellowstone Coalition, The Wilderness Society, and the Montana Wilderness Association (now doing business as Wild Montana). Ironically, they use the name, but they’ve changed their game, and under their proposal these lands would be chopped up and opened for motorized, mechanical, and industrial “wreckcreation” and even more logging by the rapacious timber industry.

    They claim that commercial logging will be prohibited, but they neglect to tell the public that their loophole is big enough to drive a logging truck through and allows the Forest Service to bulldoze logging roads in watershed protection areas, if the Forest Service claims it has to log for “forest health.” The dirty little secret is that now almost every Forest Service logging proposal is for “forest health” or as retired Forest Service Gardiner District Ranger Hank Rate called it: “No tree left behind.”

    The proposal is facing significant opposition not only from long-time wilderness advocates but the former Superintendent of Yellowstone Park and a number of former staffers and board members of the groups. Since the proposal has no sponsor and has not been introduced in Congress, “act” is perhaps the most pertinent word in the title since they act like they’re protecting wilderness, but are actually throwing wilderness quality lands open to degradation from any number of uses and abuses.

    The simplest, most sensible, and least controversial way forward is to first designate the existing Wilderness Study Areas as full-on Wilderness since, by law, they’re already being managed as wilderness. If they really want to protect the Greater Yellowstone Ecosystem, they would likewise support wilderness designation  for all the remaining roadless lands as does the Northern Rockies Ecosystem Protection Act, S. 1531, which is a bill before Congress.  NREPA has 12 sponsors in the Senate and protects the vital biological corridors connecting the ecosystems in this region and ensures the continued existence of threatened animals such as wolverines, lynx, and grizzly bears for future generations.

    Please ask your member of Congress to cosponsor the Northern Rockies Ecosystem Protection Act, S. 1531.

    The post First Things First: Designate all Greater Yellowstone Wilderness Study Areas as Wilderness appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • South Sister Mountain, Three Sisters Wilderness, Oregon. Photo: Jeffrey St. Clair.

    The 1964 Wilderness Act celebrates its 60th anniversary on September 3rd. Diamonds are a gift for a 60th wedding anniversary and presumably represent strength, but from a humanitarian lens diamonds have evolved to represent consumption and exploitation.

    This duality resonates with the 1964 Wilderness Act’s diamond anniversary and provides an opportunity to reflect on where we are now and what the National Wilderness Preservation System—Wilderness—faces moving forward.

    The Wilderness Act is exceptional. Unlike the National Environmental Policy Act, which requires the government to understand the possible environmental impacts of its proposed actions, unlike the Endangered Species Act, which protects only those species close to disappearing entirely, the Wilderness Act proactively protects ecosystems by minimizing human interference. Ecosystems and organisms within Wilderness simply exist on their own evolutionary terms, sculpted by climate, weather, and wildlife.

    The Wilderness Act is our promise to restrain ourselves from consuming Wilderness in a way that degrades its future wildness. We experience Wilderness on its terms—hiking, camping, canoeing, horseback riding, hunting, and fishing. The Wilderness Act prohibits us from developing, mechanizing, degrading, or manipulating Wilderness, even with well-intentioned ideas.

    Wilderness is rare. Although Wilderness encompasses 150 distinct ecosystem types nationwide, Wilderness comprises under three percent of the contiguous United States, or about five percent including Alaska. Yet Wilderness tempts special-interest groups. Surrendering to that temptation—creating exceptions for prohibited activities, the diamonds we exploit in Wilderness—will undo the Wilderness Act. The turning point is already here.

    One group teeters on the precipice of attaining a nationwide exception. The EXPLORE Act would permit rock climbers to drill metal into Wilderness rock faces and leave these “fixed anchors” as permanent human footprints. One can hike without handrails, and one can climb without fixed anchors, but occasionally one must avoid a route that is otherwise too dangerous. But some climbers want their diamond! The House passed the EXPLORE Act and the Senate is considering it.

    Groups are lining up behind the climbers. Utah’s Senator Lee has introduced a bill that would amend the Wilderness Act to allow bicycles—mechanized transport—in Wilderness. Exceptions are a cancer that will spread if ignored. Hand gliders are mechanized like bicycles, why not them? Electric bicycles are quiet bicycles. Electric bicycles have motors, so then why not motorized bikes, too?

    Some argue that recreationists are the best wilderness advocates. But if a climber only cares about Wilderness so long as she can use fixed anchors, or a biker only cares about Wilderness insofar as he can bike there, do these folks really care about Wilderness? Or are they more enamored by the sparkly allure of a wild place to recreate with their toys?

    Recreationists are hardly the only exception-seekers. Some scientists argue for installations—which the Wilderness Act prohibits—to mine data. Installations are stationary or include tracking collars that researchers and agencies shackle onto wild animals after chasing them down with helicopters. Tracking collars disorient, chafe, and sometimes even kill animals, as one researcher discovered when he found a black bear that suffocated himself trying to remove his collar. State fish and game agencies want to tinker with animal populations for hunting or fishing. These exceptions, sought in alleged pursuit of science or conservation, degrade the lives of individual animals, ignore the role of unmanipulated control groups in scientific experiments, and undermine the Wilderness Act’s mandate for untrammeled communities.

    Without restraint, Wilderness dies. Half of the approximately 40 wilderness-related bills introduced to the current Congress create special-interest exceptions in proposed Wildernesses or amend the Wilderness Act. These exceptions allow motorized use, mechanized use, installations, and wildlife manipulation. Alternatively, these bills draw absurdly gerrymandered Wilderness boundaries so although a trail physically cuts through Wilderness, the trail itself is technically not Wilderness, and bikes can ride on through this loophole.

    When asked why a Wilderness bill allows exceptions, which normalize Wilderness-degrading activities, Congressional offices point to stakeholders. Stakeholders want to exploit Wilderness for their diamonds, and some conservation organizations—including nationally recognizable names as well as local groups—want the nominal win of a “Wilderness” designation. Perhaps these organizations fail to consider the cost to creatures and their last truly wild sanctuaries. Worse yet, perhaps these organizations understand this market and intentionally traffic in diamonds.

    We strengthen laws, follow them, or undo them. Currently, special-interest groups, abetted by Congress and some conservation organizations, are slowly undoing the Wilderness Act. This undoing leads to a future where “Wilderness” becomes an arbitrary title, bestowed without a critical look at ourselves and our ambitions.

    Unlike those whose support is conditioned on exceptions, the best Wilderness advocates understand that Wilderness is where we exercise restraint—where nature evolves without intentional human interference, where humans visit without mechanization, and where we refrain from harassing wildlife and degrading their habitat. Wilderness without special-interest exceptions should be our promise to Wilderness for the next 60 years.

    The post Please, No Diamonds for the Wilderness Act’s 60th Anniversary appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • Gallatin Range, Montana. Photo: Jeffrey St. Clair.

    In the 1930s, Bob Marshall (for whom the Montana wilderness is named) started the Wilderness Society.

    Marshall declared at the organization’s founding: “We do not want those whose first impulse is to compromise. We want no straddlers, for, in the past, they have surrendered too much good wilderness and primeval areas which should never have been lost.”

    Marshall realized long ago that wilderness designation is the gold standard for conservation. If you want to protect an area’s ecological function, wildlife and wildness, there is no better way than formal wilderness designation.

    Tragically, most of the so-conservation groups in Montana, including the Greater Yellowstone Coalition, The Wilderness Society, and Wild Montana (formerly Montana Wilderness Association), have forgotten Marshall’s admonishment.

    Today, these organizations support the Gallatin Forest Partnership, a proposal to reduce wilderness protection acreage in the Gallatin Range south of Bozeman.

    Congress gave the Gallatin Range interim wilderness status in 1977 as part of Senate Bill 393. The legislation designated the 155,000-acre Hyalite-Buffalohorn-Porcupine Wilderness Study Area.

    The Act requires that “the wilderness study areas designated by this Act shall, until Congress determines otherwise, be administered by the Secretary of Agriculture so as to maintain their presently existing wilderness character and potential for inclusion in the National  Wilderness Preservation System.”

    The word “shall” means the Forest Service has no choice but to protect the wilderness quality of the WSA. Unfortunately, the Forest Service has neglected its obligation to maintain wilderness character with the express support of the above organizations.

    Approximately 155,000 acres of the Gallatin Range are within S. 393, while the Gallatin Partnership proposal only proposes 104,000 acres for wilderness designation.

    Worst for wildlife and wildlands, the Partnership proposes changing WSA status for two of the Gallatin Range’s most important wildlife areas—the Buffalo Horn and Porcupine drainages to permit mechanical access by dirt bikes and mountain bikes permanently,

    The Gallatin Range deserves full wilderness protection for the 155,000 acres of the S. 393 WSA and up to 100,000 acres of additional roadless lands for a 255,000-acre wilderness.

    We cannot create wilderness. We can only lose it. We must acknowledge Marshall’s admonishment and keep the (fence) straddlers from compromising away one of the best wildlands in the Greater Yellowstone Ecosystem.

    The post We Can’t Compromise When It Comes to Preserving Wilderness appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • On the 30 August, the Forest Stewardship Council (FSC) announced that it had suspended the certification of notorious logging company bulldozing rainforest in the Peruvian Amazon. IT comes amid controversy over its role in harming the uncontacted Mashco Piro people.

    Company destroying the territory of the Mashco Piro people

    The company – Canales Tahuamanu – has deforested at least 120 miles into the territory of the uncontacted Mashco Piro people:

    Loggers base in Mashco Piro land cutting through rainforest.

    Loggers bridge Tahuamanu river and track cutting through rainforest.

    In July, Survival International published images proving that the area is home to a large number of uncontacted Mashco Piro people:

    About a dozen Mashco Piro people gathered on the river bank with jungle behind them.

    Two Mashco Piro people stand on the bank under rainforest, across from a wide river.

    Notably, more than 100 uncontacted people live in an area with multiple logging concessions, including the one certified by the FSC.

    Following this, Peruvian Indigenous organizations FENAMAD and AIDESEP, alongside Survival International, demanded the complete cancellation for FSC’s certification of Canales Tahuamanu’s logging operations there.

    Together, the organisations issued a statement to the FSC at the beginning of August. In this, they threatened to boycott further “pointless” negotiations with the FSC concerning the case.

    Now, the FSC has responded. It has suspended the company’s certification for eight months.

    FSC suspension not enough

    However, the groups argue this isn’t enough. Crucially, they have reiterated their demand that the FSC remove Canales Tahuamanu’s certification entirely.

    Indigenous leader Julio Cusurichi, a member of AIDESEP’s board, said:

    This is an important step, but it’s not the end of the matter. We’re going to keep up the fight until we get a historic victory.

    In particular, the three organisations have highlighted how the FSC has already conducted two previous ‘evaluations’ in 2022 and 2023. Despite this, it has continued to certify the company’s timber. What’s more, FSC has long known the company has been operating in the Mashco Piro people’s territory – since organisations had been urging it to act since 2020.

    Survival International’s director of research and advocacy, Fiona Watson, said:

    This is welcome news – but only half of what’s required. The FSC has known for years that this company was operating inside the territory of the Mashco Piro, indeed there have been more than one fatal encounter between them and the loggers.

    The massive media coverage of the images that Survival released in July, and the 15,000 emails sent to the FSC by Survival’s supporters, have clearly forced a reluctant FSC to act. It’s good that it’s suspended the company’s certification, but there’s no reason not to cancel it permanently. The Indigenous organizations and Survival will be watching closely to ensure that this isn’t just a tactic to kick the problem into the long grass.

    Under Peruvian and international law the Mashco Piro have the right to the ownership of their territory, and not to have it cut down around them. We expect the FSC to recognize this – anything less will ensure the campaign continues.

    Feature and in-text images via Survival International

    By The Canary

  • Thames Water know a thing or two about shit. Whether it is pouring it into our disgustingly over-polluted waterways, or shitting all over the public with its creaking infrastructure and crap services. It also knows a lot about taking the piss – and right now, it’s sure as hell doing that as it seeks to pile on a stinking, stonking 60% hike in bills to its customers.

    So, what is a debt-ridden, yet multi-million dividend paying company to do when it needs to mop up the mess from its many years of enormous underinvestment and profiteering? Lobby its good ol’ mates in government of course!

    Thames Water: lobbying the new Labour government

    In fact, as the Guardian reported on Friday 30 August, that’s exactly what Thames Water has been doing – and to the freshly-elected new Labour government to boot. Specifically, it revealed that:

    Advisers and board members of the beleaguered water company are understood to have met Whitehall officials in recent weeks to say that allowing it to be temporarily renationalised would have a “chilling effect” on the entire UK’s appeal to international investors, sources familiar with the discussions told the Guardian.

    Of course, Thames Water’s murky argument is not anything new nor surprising. The water industry’s main lobby body Water UK has long pumped out these same scare-mongering pile of shit anti-nationalisation lines.

    Now, the corporate media is  also lapping up Water UK’s insistence for bill hikes. For instance, ITV News was doing the Thames Water’s dirty PR work just this week, with an article on Wednesday 28 pronouncing how:

    Water bosses warn plans to cap bills will reduce industry’s ability to tackle sewage leaks

    However, what’s especially galling is Thames Water’s attempt to circumvent regulator Ofwat. The Guardian pointed out here again that:

    The call for government to intervene and potentially overrule Ofwat risks bringing into question the watchdog’s independence. The body was created in 1989, when Britain’s water and sewage services were privatised by Margaret Thatcher’s government, in order to set limits on the amounts regional monopolies could charge consumers.

    Yet, it’s also no surprise the company is appealing to the new Labour government to intervene either. That’s because the Labour Party is a festering pool of corporate capitalist stooges. Crucially, it’s filled to the brim with a veritable shitshow of water industry lobbyists and ties.

    Thames Water tight with the Labour Party

    Pre-election, the Canary identified no fewer than a dozen firms that have lobbied for the UK water sector in the last five years with significant connections to the Labour Party.

    One just so happens to be former new Labour environment minister Ian Pearson. He currently sits on the board of none other than the mess, the sinking company itself – Thames Water.

    Naturally, the links with Thames Water didn’t stop there. Multiple candidate MPs had worked for Lexington Communications. The company had former Thames Water owner and “vampire kangaroo” investment bank Macquarie as a client. We noted that:

    While owners of Thames Water, the bank leeched billions in loans and dividends from its subsidiary. When Macquarie sold the company in 2017, Thames Water was over £10bn in debt – and the investment bank itself had saddled it with a significant portion of this.

    All three candidates are now MPs.

    As well as this, we revealed that:

    Teneo, which has listed Severn Trent, United Utilities, and Thames Water among its clients as recently as at least 31 May this year. The company’s senior managing director Patrick Loughran worked closely with New Labour during its time in government. In particular, he operated as a special advisor to Tony Blair, Gordon Brown, and Peter Mandelson.

    These were just the tip of the iceberg in terms of the Labour right’s multitude of connections with the industry. Given these, it’s no surprise now that Thames Water is mounting its lobbying charm offensive on the government fresh out of the election.

    Light-touch Labour and toothless regulators

    And by all accounts, it very well might work. So far, Labour has levied a light touch approach to profiteering private water firms.

    Government regulator the Environment Agency is “considering” reforms to its flawed star rating system. This has allowed water companies to dump sewage and still rack up a full sweep of stars to their names. However, as the Canary detailed, it’s likely that:

    stripping stars will be just a sewage-spilling slap on the wrist with little to no impact.

    Of course, besides shooting down Thames Water’s bill hike plans, it’s not as if Ofwat itself has been doing much to clamp down on the parasitic company either. Despite making a song and dance on 6 August about lumping Thames Water with a “record” fine, the Canary’s Steve Topple pointed out that:

    it’s unlikely to bother the toxic water company, as the £104m fine is just 66% of its annual profits last year – never mind what it paid to shareholders.

    Most significantly though, Starmer has ruled out nationalisation – and did so just days after taking office. Ostensibly, it appears Thames Water’s lobby efforts could be taking effect.

    However, it’s goading that Thames Water is attempting to weasel out of this stonking mess of its own making even further. More to the point, it now wants to palm its costs off to the public. It’s the stinking epitome of socialising the risks, privatising the profits. Worst of all, Labour will probably let the putrid private water company get away with it. It’ll maintain the flailing legacy of water privatisation until the profits come home – for the next Labour MP-turned-Thames Water lobbyist.

    Featured image via the Canary

    By Hannah Sharland

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • In her first major interview since replacing Joe Biden on the ballot, Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris was questioned about her shifting statements on fracking, which has been linked to a surge in methane gas emissions over the past decade. Harris, who has previously made comments opposing fracking, vowed not to ban it if elected. The vice president went on to highlight the Biden…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • Dianna White Dove-Uqualla, Havasupai elder, activist, and ceremonialist. 

    “I just want to remind people that this is about nuclear war, genocide and the ongoing colonialization of our land and the ongoing takeover of our resources and we are tired of being a resource colony. We are not a sacrifice zone.”

    – Leona Morgan, Diné, co-founder of Haul No! 

     On Saturday, Aug. 24, members of neighboring tribes and environmental groups gathered near the Grand Canyon to demonstrate against the reopening of the nearby Pinyon Plain uranium mine. An estimated 250 protestors attended. The people driving up to the Canyon from Flagstaff or Williams through piñon pines and junipers in the wide solitude of the Plateau could not miss the colorful, incongruous mass of people, placards, banners, and a few horses, 10 miles north of Grand Canyon Junction. But judging by the honks of recognition, many travelers thought it was appropriate that people should be out on a Saturday morning protesting this dangerous and grotesque aberration threatening the magnificent tranquility of the place and the health and welfare of its residents.  

    Probably, few of the travelers knew what Counterpunch readers have learned about disease and death caused by nuclear waste from power plants, weapons facilities, and uranium mines. Most Americans have cultivated or inherited a patriotic ignorance about all things nuclear. It’s called National Security: Shut up; Do what you’re told; Don’t think;  Leave it to elite scientists and technologists.  

    But residents of the Colorado Plateau that stretches across northern Arizona, eastern New Mexico, and the Four Corners region, most of all the Diné (Navajo) people, have profound and intimate Insecurity about their health, amply justified by empirical proof of high rates of cancer, diabetes, kidney disease and mental retardation linked to radioactivity from mines, mine wastes, polluted aquifers and plants and animals. More than 500 of the 1,500 uranium mines on the Navajo Nation remain to be reclaimed and some residents dispute the quality of the reclamation that had been done.  

    Mine reclamation and remediation generally mean closing abandoned mines and removing or otherwise mitigating radioactive tailings (debris from the mine lying outside it) dangerous to human, animal and plant health.  

    The federal Department of Energy is responsible for mine reclamation and remediation on the Navajo Nation.  

    The demonstration was organized by Grand Canyon Sierra Club; Haul No!, a group formed to oppose trucking uranium ore through 300 miles of the Navajo Nation; Center for Biological Diversity; the Havasupai tribe, who live in the Grand Canyon and had experienced a flash flood two days before the demonstration; and others.  

    Above and behind us was Red Butte, sacred to all the tribes in the vicinity.  

    Leona Morgan, Diné, co-founder of Haul No! and Nuclear Issues Study Group.

    Halfway through the demonstration, speakers appeared and much of the group turned away from the road to listen. The mood was ironic, dignified exasperation in the face of a simple, drastic situation, and the event became a ritual of courage: brave people standing up against another assault by a federal/multinational corporate consortium for resource colonization.  

    The tears of several speakers flowed with their words. 

    Dianna White Dove-Uqualla, a Havasupai elder, said that many tribes gathered peacefully at Red Butte to gather medicinal plants, “not just the Havasupai. But now we are on the front lines.” 

    Their reservation lies immediately below the Energy Fuels Inc. Pinyon Plain Mine, which has already pierced one aquifer. The Havasupai and others believe the mine will pollute the tribe’s water source, including five beautiful waterfalls, and famous tourist attractions.  

    “When our people get sick with cancer, mental disease, or crippled, Energy Fuels, you will pay all that you owe us. You are ripping up Mother Earth. Why are you doing this? The pollution goes to Nevada and California or Colorado. They will turn this stuff into bombs.  

    “But we still have a chance because we are here as one people with one heart. 

    “The land will die. 

    “The politicians are not listening. They are so mean and hurtful, not compassionate. We have lost loving kindness, but we can regain it,” White Dove-Uqualla concluded. 

    People felt it was a great speech and there were many “a’ho’s” of agreement from the audience. 

    Carletta Tilousi, a Havasupai and a member of the White House Environmental Justice Advisory Council, said that “what we’re doing so far hasn’t stopped them. Neither the state, Forest Service, nor Park Service will stop it…wherever the groundwater is leaking, it is just leading to the death of our people.  

    “Nothing is sacred to multi-national corporations,” she said. “The Grand Canyon is one of the seven wonders of the world. This land is sacred. Thirteen tribes hold Red Butte as a sacred site.” (The mine is close enough to the butte to pollute medicinal plants – bh) 

    Manuel Pino from Grants, New Mexico, said the mines in his region have not been reclaimed.  

    “Nowhere in the world is safe from (radioactive) waste, so how is this safe? Now there are more claims for uranium in the Black Hills than there are for gold.” 

    He said the federal government wants to put the waste from the Church Rock spill (the worst uranium disaster in US history) on Navajo land. Church Rock is on Navajo land. Pino suggested the government send it elsewhere.  

    “We never had an election to decide if we wanted uranium mining,” Pino said.  

    Federal law considers Indian-reservation land public land, and the 1872 Mining Act permits miners to stake claims on public lands including reservations.  

    “The feds have never accepted responsibility for the damage they’ve done here. Now, the new speaker of the House, Mike Johnson, blocked the extension to the Radioactive Exposure Compensation Act. Will Harris continue this policy?” 

    Leona Morgan, Diné, co-founder of Haul No! and the Nuclear Issues Study Group, told the group that Energy Fuel’s White Mesa Mill in Utah, close to the Ute Mountain Utes, is being used as a waste dump for uranium and other heavy metals. Recently, it received waste from Japan and has also received waste from Estonia. The Utes also say that the mine uses too much of the region’s limited supply of water. The Utes will demonstrate at the Utah State Capitol in Salt Lake and at the White Mesa Community Center in early October, Morgan added.  

    “I just want to remind people that this is about nuclear war, genocide and the ongoing colonialization of our land and the ongoing takeover of our resources,” she said, “and we are tired of being a resource colony. We are not a sacrifice zone.” 

    Haul No! will continue to oppose the mine and hauling radioactive ore across the Navajo Nation, but they are also supporting the Utes’ attempt to close White Mesa Mill, Morgan continued.  Energy Fuels has two new mines in Utah, one in Colorado, and two in Wyoming. All those mines will feed the White Mesa Mill, she said. 

    Because the federal government recently banned the purchase of Russian uranium, domestic uranium is now the main source, Morgan explained. 

     “They’re coming for us, so we have to keep working together and supporting our grassroots people, our front-line people, and our colonial government, all working together for the protection of our water, our people, our cultural resources, our non-human relatives, and our future generations,” Morgan said.  

    The Navajo Nation and Energy Fuels Inc. have been in negotiations for a week on the transportation route for trucking uranium ore from the Pinyon Plain Mine to the White Mesa Mill. Meanwhile, a uranium mining boom is looming. 

    Federal, state and local politicians and the mining companies – laws and investments in their pockets — are coming back to the Navajo Nation and the surrounding land inhabited by Havasupai, Utes, Paiutes, Hualapai, Hopis, and other Pueblo tribes. The resource colonizers plan to mine more uranium, pollute more land and water, animals, crops, and medicinal plants, and sicken more people – in the name of “clean” energy and “security” for the many, but insecurity for residents of the mining area.  

    Support for the people who live on the uranium-rich Colorado Plateau may save your water supply, too, if you are one of the 40 million people in seven states and two Mexican states who drink Colorado River water. 

    The post Tribes and Greens Rally Against Uranium Mining Near Grand Canyon  appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • The former Conservative government’s nonsensical case for the climate-wrecking Rosebank and Jackdaw oil fields is finally dead in the water. Specifically, the new Labour government has dropped the previous Tory court defence in a key legal challenge environment groups brought against the projects.

    However, despite Labour dropping the cases, it doesn’t mean Rosebank and Jackdaw fossil fuel projects themselves are dead and gone too.

    Rosebank and Jackdaw: climate-wrecking carbon bombs

    In September 2023, the UK’s oil and gas regulator, the North Sea Transition Authority, granted the license for Equinor and Ithaca Energy to develop the notorious Rosebank oil and gas field.

    Campaigners have previously estimated that the enormous project – situated off the coast of Shetland in the North Sea – will produce over 500m barrels of oil over its lifetime. This would equate to the annual greenhouse gas emissions of the 28 lowest-income countries combined.

    Similarly, Shell’s enormous Jackdaw gas field off the the coast of Aberdeen would generate staggering emissions. Alarmingly, Greenpeace have calculated that it would produce more carbon dioxide than Ghana’s total annual emissions.

    So, environmental groups took their fight against these projects to the courts. Firstly, Greenpeace, filed a legal challenge against the government’s approval of the Jackdaw gas field in 2022.

    Then, in December 2023, Greenpeace and campaign group uplift launched another judicial review against the government over Rosebank. Crucially, this sought to overturn the government’s decision to greenlight the Rosebank project.

    Now, the new Labour government has dropped the former Tory government’s defence against these challenges.

    Labour drops the government’s legal defence

    Notably, Labour has recognised that the previous government’s approval was unlawful. This is because the government failed to take into account the impact of the projects’ downstream emissions.

    Crucially, another legal ruling may have influenced Labour’s decision:

    As the Canary reported at the time, Sarah Finch and the Weald Action Group’s victory set this crucial precedent. We noted that this could have ramifications for Rosebank and other projects:

    Not only does today’s Supreme Court ruling destroy UKOG’s plans to drill for up to 3.3m tonnes of crude oil for 20 years at its Horse Hill site, near Gatwick Airport, but also has huge implications for all future fossil fuel projects in the UK.

    Neither the Cumbrian coal mine in Whitehaven nor the Rosebank oil field in the North Sea sought consent for their projects. Nor did they provide any information on downstream emissions in their environmental statements. Both projects are the subjects of legal challenges.

    Now, it seems this has come to fruition.

    The fight over Rosebank isn’t done yet

    However, while the tone on X was largely celebratory, some were tempering their enthusiasm. Crucially, Labour dropping the case doesn’t mean the projects are sunk. For one, as the #StopRosebank campaign underscored, the fossil fuel companies could still defend the case:

    On top of this, even if they choose not to, they might still pursue the projects regardless. Uplift’s Tessa Khan explained how they could do this:

    BBC News climate and science journalist Esme Stallard argued that this would be the new government’s make or break moment:

    Labour’s money-saving motivation

    Moreover, Labour making this call isn’t necessarily anything to write home about. Notably, given the government was likely to lose the case anyway thanks to Finch’s win, pursuing it was ultimately pointless. In reality, if you read between the lines of the government’s press release, the main reason becomes apparent. In particular, in its background to the decision, the release stated that:

    This decision will save the taxpayer money.

    However, as one poster pointed out, this money-saving move doesn’t actually mean the Labour government is putting a stop to the projects:

    Again, the government’s press release made a point of this too, stating unequivocally in a clear bullet point that:

    This litigation does not mean the licences for Jackdaw and Rosebank have been withdrawn.

    Of course, Labour has repeatedly refused to ditch the Rosebank oil field. First, in September 2023, Starmer committed to honour the licences for Rosebank.

    Then, at the Labour Party conference in October, shadow decarbonisation minister Sarah Jones confirmed this again during a fringe event that fossil fuel-packed industry body Offshore Energy UK (OEUK) had sponsored. Crucially, OEUK had lobbied for the Rosebank project.

    Still a win for activists

    While this isn’t a definitive end to these climate catastrophic projects yet, it’s still a major win. However, credit must go where credit is truly due – and it isn’t to this Labour government. Instead, this victory should go to the campaigners and activists who’ve relentlessly fought these and other destructive fossil fuel projects from day one. Today belongs to them – but tomorrow, the fight continues.

    Feature image via Youtube – Sky News/the Canary

    By Hannah Sharland

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • Absence of legally binding targets for greenhouse gas reductions from 2031-49 deemed unconstitutional

    South Korea’s constitutional court has ruled that part of the country’s climate law does not conform with protecting the constitutional rights of future generations, an outcome local activists are calling a “landmark decision”.

    The unanimous verdict concludes four years of legal battles and sets a significant precedent for future climate-related legal actions in the region.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • The perfect storm of fortress conservation, Western military aid, and rampant resource extractivism for rich nations is fomenting a cycle of human rights abuses in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).

    Crucially, a new report argues that until Western nations cease military support in the name of colonial resource extraction, the violence of fortress conservation will continue.

    Democratic Republic of Congo: fortress conservation

    On 27 August, independent policy thinktank the Oakland Institute published a new report titled: ‘From Abuse to Power: Ending Fortress Conservation in the Democratic Republic of Congo’. It exposes conservation’s counterintuitive deep ties to the extraction of natural resources and abuse of Indigenous Peoples in the eastern DRC.

    Specifically, it lambasts the violent model of ‘fortress conservation’ that Western environmental organisations have imposed across the country. As the Canary has previously detailed, fortress conservation refers to:

    conservation projects that have evicted existing indigenous and local inhabitants from their traditional lands, or otherwise restricted their access to crucial resources like food, fuel, and medicinal plants.

    The report looked at a number of these projects across the DRC. One of these was Kahuzi-Biega National Park. Rights groups like Survival International and the Minority Rights Group (MRG) have previously highlighted the litany of violence so-called eco-guards have perpetuated against Indigenous communities living there. The US-based Wildlife Conservation Society (WCS) manages the park.

    Crucially, these have implicated WCS, as well as the park’s funders. Donors include German government development aid agency KfW, and the United States Fish and Wildlife Service (USFWS).

    For years, many of these communities have sought justice in domestic courts, without success. So, the Indigenous Batwa community escalated their case to the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights. In July 2024, the African Commission recognized the Batwa’s rights to their land. Significantly, it ordered the DRC government to return the land to its rightful owners, compensate them, and ensure their full protection.

    Samuel Ade Ndasi of the MRG said that:

    The decision sets a strong precedent that recognizes the value of Indigenous traditional knowledge and environmental and biodiversity conservation practices. From this point forward, no Indigenous community should be evicted in the name of conservation anywhere in Africa

    Western military aid and extractivism

    Despite this however, the report noted that demilitarising these protected areas (PAs) wouldn’t automatically resolve the rights violations of communities. The report stated that:

    Not only does the underlying situation of violence make transitioning to more just conservation models difficult, it also endangers Indigenous and local communities regardless of progress made. Like park rangers and state security forces, nonstate armed groups operating in and around DRC’s PAs have perpetrated horrific human rights abuses against local communities, killing, raping, and torturing those in their way, driving people from their customary land, and capitalizing on conservation-related hardships to forcefully recruit Indigenous and local peoples into their ranks. Efforts to demilitarize conservation and transfer the protection of land back to local populations are made incredibly difficult by these dynamics. Removing state security forces altogether would leave local communities vulnerable to the activities of armed groups, while empowering communities with the capacities to defend themselves and their land may serve to inflame tensions between different groups.

    Crucially, the report identified Western countries’ military support to the DRC’s exploitative neighbouring nations as a major barrier to this. It noted armed groups from Rwanda and Uganda are:

    extensively involved in illegal exploitation of DRC’s mineral resources

    In particular, it spotlighted Rwanda’s support for the deadly armed group March 23 Movement (M23), which has aggressively sought control over lucrative mining sites across eastern DRC. As a result, it argued that this put:

    a spotlight on decades of Western support for the two governments.

    Specifically, it honed in on the millions in US military aid and training to the two countries. Similarly, it underscored the UK’s reluctance to syphon off military aid to Rwanda, while it negotiated its migrant deportation agreement. It also highlighted how while the European Union had publicly denounced Rwanda, it too has maintained military aid.

    Given this, the report concluded that:

    The inaction of Western powers in relation to Rwanda’s support to the M23 and to DRC neighbors’ complicity in illegal extraction allows the conflict-extraction nexus to continue within and around PAs at the expense of the environment and the population.

    However, this wasn’t the only way wealthy Western nations have been propping up this nexus of violence. The report pointed to foreign companies’ capitalising on the DRC’s resources as another key factor. Significantly, it unpacked traceability schemes vulnerable to corruption which has enabled:

    corporations to protect their public image while they, in all likelihood, continue to use and profit from illicitly-sourced raw materials.

    This, it suggested, is evidenced by the fact that:

    the number of armed groups operating in DRC has not decreased as a result of ethical sourcing requirements, and instead has steadily risen over the past decade, as have human rights abuses.

    DRC Fortress conservation and colonial corporate capitalism go hand in hand

    Ironically then, while these colonial PAs are keeping Indigenous communities off the land, the same cannot be said for extractivist corporations. Far from protecting wildlife and habitats from destructive actors, this model of fortress conservation has opened the DRC up to capitalist exploitation.

    Policy director of the Oakland Institute Frederic Mousseau said:

    Removing Indigenous communities from lands earmarked as a protected area has created a political vacuum filled by outside commercial actors seeking to exploit the DRC’s natural resources. This conservation model negatively harms both biodiversity and people, while contributing to the ongoing political instability in the region

    In this way, the African Commission’s historic decision on the land rights of the Batwa alone is not enough.

    The report makes it clear that its actual implementation requires a drastic change of course. The DRC government, the conservation industry, and Western donors need to shift towards a new paradigm that respects and protects both people and biodiversity.

    Given this, Mousseau concluded that:

    Conservation goals, however, will not be reached without addressing illegal extraction of resources in Eastern DRC, which involves the country’s neighbors, as well as their business partners and financers. The US government finances environmental protection in DRC whereas it also supports the countries behind the violence and the looting of natural resources, notably in the parks. This unconditional, schizophrenic, support must end in order to protect both Indigenous communities and the country’s biodiversity.

    Ultimately, fortress conservation has cracked open vast Indigenous lands to corporate capitalism. The Oakland Institute report shows that the colonial Western conservation model harms Indigenous communities. Moreover, it reveals how this opens so-called PAs up to the most destructive industries. Crucially, it does so with the implicit support of Western governments and environmental organisations. In short, if they’re protecting anything, it’s the colonial capitalist profits of the Global North – at Indigenous peoples and nature’s expense.

    Feature image via Youtube – Wildlife Messengers

    By Hannah Sharland

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • At the Pacific Islands Forum this week the UN Secretary General stated that the Pacific needs to be provided with a bigger voice when it comes to climate change.

    But who has that voice and who is not listened to? New University of Canberra/ACIAR funded research is addressing diverse gender inclusivity in the design and implementation of climate  programs in the Pacific. It is adopting an intersectional and diverse approach to gender (consistent with the IPCC goal 3.4) to capture the voices of groups who report feeling marginalised in these programs and discussions.

    The importance of gender equality and inclusion to achieve better and more equitable outcomes in climate program is increasingly being reflected in global, regional and domestic institutional climate statements. For example, A 2023 reportby Recourse, BRICS Feminist Watch and CLEAN (Coastal Livelihood and Environmental Action Network) emphasised that principles of climate justice and rights are crucial in giving effect to the Paris Agreement on climate change:

    Given the limited scale of public investment resources for sustainable development and climate finance, it is a matter of efficiency, effectiveness and equity that it needs to set the highest bar with respect to good governance; applying, safeguarding and advancing environmental and social standards; and actively promoting social inclusion and poverty reduction, gender-responsiveness and human rights.

    Regionally, the framework for Resilient Development in the Pacific also calls for an integrated approach to gender considerations. And, in Australia, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Penny Wong, has stated Australia’s international development strategy has a “commitment to gender equality and climate action will be at the heart of the development program” and that “new targets will ensure Australian development assistance tackles climate impacts and improves the lives of women and girls”.

    The growing policy and research activity in the gender and climate space acknowledges that women, men and children experience climate impacts differently depending on how they sustain their livelihoods and the roles they play in their community.

    To be effective, and to avoid entrenching or exacerbating existing inequalities, climate programs must accommodate these differences. There is however a need for more diverse inclusion, as gender is still being used in much of the literature and development programming without considering the intersection of other identities such as diverse sexuality, disability, age etc.

    Accordingly, the Commission on the Status of Women 2022 Outcome Statement on achieving gender equality in the context of climate change called on climate adaption programs to be more inclusive – especially of people living with a disability, LGBTQ+ groups and other marginalised voices who are impacted but whose diverse needs are not taken into account in the design and delivery of climate adaptation programs.

    Linda Tabua in 2014 at a tea party.

    Linda Tabua in 2014 at a tea party. Picture: Stemoc, CC0, via Wikimedia Commons

    On top of the importance of a diverse and gender inclusive approach to climate adaptation programs, we need insight into what works ‘on the ground’ for better and more equitable and inclusive outcomes. A ‘one size-fits-all approach’ will not work. Climate adaption programs that seek to be diverse and gender inclusive need to be nuanced and context specific. Crucially, they will need to be informed and shaped by local communities developing local solutions that meet a diverse range of needs and circumstances.

    The 2024 Pacific Islands Forum Women Leaders meeting last month focused on a fuller diversity of gender responsive climate change. The Fiji  Minister for Women the Hon Lynda Tabuya noted that “achieving gender equality and gender-responsive climate resilience requires understanding of the well-being of women and girls ‘in all their diversity’.

    This emphasised that understanding requires more than an afterthought, a paragraph is a speech or a report. The 2 year University of Canberra/ACIAR elicitation of Pasifika perspectives on gender and climate change will take the time to support the design and implementation of more inclusive climate programs and broader development programs that are increasingly including a climate change element, with an emphasis on intersectional and locally-led approaches, indigenous research methodologies such as talanoa and tok story and deep listening.

    The post Who’s listening to Pacific voices on climate change? appeared first on BroadAgenda.

    This post was originally published on BroadAgenda.


  • Sunrise Dam Gold Mine open pit, Western Australia. Photo: Calistemon, CC BY-SA 4.0.

    Western governments have finally realized that the energy transition is happening—and that the resources needed are mostly in Chinese hands. Transition minerals, by some dubbed the “new oil,” are the key ingredients for renewables technologies like EV batteries, solar panels, and wind turbines that make the transition happen. A large share of those minerals are extracted in the Global South, but China controls their value chains to a large degree. China processes over 90 percent of rare earth elements, almost 100 percent of graphite, over 75 percent of cobalt and over 60 percent of lithium.  China also produces around 80 percent of the world’s solar panels and makes between 60-80 percent of the world’s electric vehicles, wind turbines, and lithium-ion batteries.

    Hardly a week goes by these days without Western governments announcing a new partnership or strategy to gain the upper hand in the minerals scramble. It’s difficult to imagine that just a few years ago an American company sold off one of the world’s biggest cobalt mines to a Chinese company. Resource nationalism has replaced the Western vision of a globalized free market for raw materials.

    From the Spanish Conquista’s gold and silver plundering to the more recent minerals booms, those unfortunate enough to live on land bearing valuable resources have often been driven away and/or seen their land polluted. In policies and press releases Western governments vow that this time it’s going to be different with declarations about projects with “respect for human rights” using “responsible practices” and declare they will follow “high” and “rigorous ESG standards.” Yet, a closer look at recent policy decisions leaves much doubt whether Western countries live up to their promises.

    Weak Regulation

    The hastily negotiated Critical Raw Materials Act from last year is the basis for the European Union’s approach to better access key raw materials. The EU vows that supported projects shall be “implemented sustainably,” particularly with regard to the “prevention and minimization of environmental…and socially adverse impacts through responsible practices” but allows at the same time the fast-tracking of permitting processes and authorities to “override” adverse impacts on the environment.

    With almost 70 percent of the world’s transition minerals extraction projects located on or near indigenous people’s or farmer’s land, their meaningful consultation is key to avoiding the environmental and social problems mining has caused in the past. And yet many mining projects are launched without properly informing affected communities, let alone obtaining their consent.

    The United States doesn’t have sufficient regulation in place to hold mining companies accountable for their overseas operations. Instead, it relies largely on the industry’s self-policing through voluntary schemes that have often failed in the past. A prominent example is the Brumadinho tailings dam that broke in 2019, killing 272 people in Brazil despite an inspection having certified the dam’s stability just four months before.

    Turning a Blind Eye to Corruption

    The extractive sector accounts for one in five cases of transnational bribery. Bribes do not only deprive the often poor population in resource-rich countries of revenues, but the massive unearned income from natural resources can also undermine countries’ democratic institutions and rule of law, a phenomenon called the “resource curse.” Past commodity booms have unleashed large waves of corruption, which is why governments’ strong stance against corruption is particularly important at this moment. But the United States and UK have sent out opposite signals.

    In December 2017, the United States sanctioned the Israeli businessman Dan Gertler for his corrupt deals in Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) through which he is alleged to have siphoned off over $1.3 billion of public funds to his companies, which Gertler denies. In a sharp turnaround, the United States has now proposed to lift the sanctions if Gertler sells off his remaining stakes in giant copper and cobalt mining operations in the country, effectively allowing him to further profit an estimated $300 millionfrom ill-gotten assets. The United States hopes that the deal will incentivize Western-leaning companies to better access the DRC’s minerals. Seventy percent of the world’s cobalt—a key ingredient for EV batteries—comes from the DRC. U.S. government officials also mentioned to the Wall Street Journal that Saudi Arabian mining companies are interested in buying stakes in Congolese cobalt and copper mines through which American companies would get some of the metals.

    In August 2023, the UK dropped a 10-year investigation into the Kazakh mining company ENRC centered on suspected bribes for cobalt and copper mining contracts in the DRC, saying it had “insufficient admissible evidence to prosecute” after facing a wave of legal proceedings from the company, which vehemently denies wrongdoing. By signaling to the mining sector that it is not under a close watch, such decisions risk spurring further corruption.

    Risky Finance

    In their quest to catch up with Chinese competitors in accessing critical minerals, Western governments are willing to prop up mining operations with big sums of money. Through export credit agencies providing government-backed loans and insurance, Western governments support projects that investors may otherwise deem too risky. The White House senior adviser for energy and investment recently admitted as much when he said, in May 2024, that “the government has a real role here of incentivizing private capital by taking more risk.”

    In the past, mining projects backed by public funds have destroyed unique habitats, used forced labor, fueled violent conflict, and heavily polluted the environment. As part of the Minerals Security Partnership, a U.S.-led coalition of allied governments, the U.S. Development Finance Corporation offered a loan of up to $150 million in November 2023  for a graphite mine project in Mozambique. It is located in a region of the country where it may have serious human rights impacts given a conflict between the government and an Islamist insurgency that has led to almost 5,000 deaths during the last five years .

    The EU’s strategic partnership approach, designed to secure a steady supply of critical raw materials, provides finance for producer countries through the Global Gateway, the EU’s version of China’s Belt and Road Initiative. In February, the EU agreed on a partnership on “sustainable raw materials value chains” with Rwanda, which should raise major red flags. After having plundered 3T (tin, tantalum, tungsten) minerals directly in the DRC during the second Congo war, Rwanda has profited from taxing smuggled minerals, which have been connected to conflict ever since. The strategic partnership is being negotiated at a time when the Rwandan army has invaded the DRC and supports the armed group M23, which controls much of the smuggling from some of the largest coltan mines in the world. The European Commission proposes “traceability…at the core of the EU-Rwanda critical raw materials partnership,” supposedly to counter the risk of sourcing conflict minerals. Yet Global Witness has shown that the dominant traceability system for 3T minerals in Rwanda has laundered huge volumes of smuggled conflict minerals since it has been set up.

    Investor Courts Undercutting Environmental and Social Regulation

    Free trade agreements with producer countries are another common tool for Western governments to secure access to minerals from third countries. These often impose an untransparent investment protection system that allows investors to sue governments for billions of dollars for state action that may negatively affect their investments.

    When the Guatemalan supreme court ordered a halt to a mining project for lack of consultation with affected indigenous peoples in 2016, the mining company Kappes, Cassiday & Associates (KCA) initiated a lawsuit against the government for over $400 million for not providing adequate protection to KCA’s investment against community protests, effectively claiming that the government did not do enough to suppress local opposition to the company’s mine.

    Colombia faces 14 arbitration processes and eight more in pre-arbitration stage, many of which involve mining companies. Altogether, Colombia is being sued for an estimated $13.2 billion. By insisting on such investment settlement clauses in trade agreements, Western government are complicit in undermining protection for mining-affected people and land.

    New Frontiers, New Destruction

    While Western governments haven’t set targets to reduce materials use that could curb minerals demand, they support projects in new, high-risk territories that will likely have devastating environmental impact. The deep sea is one of the few areas that has so far been spared from destructive mining. Norway, however, is determined to change this, and among U.S. lawmakers support for deep sea mining is growing as well. As the seabed has scarcely been researched, it’s difficult to assess the precise effects that mining would have, but experts assert that it would lead to indefinite reductions in biodiversity and impacted areas wouldn’t recover for decades or even centuries.

    As if these prospects weren’t dire enough, there are even greater risks looming on the horizon. With Western governments and allies forming clubs such as the Minerals Security Partnership against the Chinese market dominance, pressure on producer countries to align with one or the other side mount.

    If the CEO of the world’s biggest EV manufacturer had his way, foreign interventions against governments who are unwilling to bow to Western conditions could soon be back. Reacting to a Twitter user’s allegation that the United States organized a coup against Bolivia’s president to access the country’s lithium, Tesla’s CEO Elon Musk wrote “We will coup whoever we want—deal with it!”.

    Some analysts fear that we may see military escalation of the scramble for the “new oil” in the near future. The Arctic region, home to a large rare earth mine, is one area that has recently come into the crosshairs of geopolitical interests with Europe, the United States, Russia, and China struggling for influence.

    Global superpowers must keep the quest for minerals within the boundaries of economic competition and refrain from using force. Western governments need to live up to their promises of a just energy transition by putting in place and enforcing strong regulation that ensures responsible mining and holds accountable all companies involved in extracting and sourcing minerals.

    The post Western Hypocrisy in the Global Minerals Scramble appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • China's Renewable Deception: Unveiling Tibet's Ecological Crisis

    Image: researched, obtained and verified by @tibettruth

    Have you noticed increasing mentions of China’s so-called green credentials? Across social media we see various environmentalists and organizations praising Chinese investments in renewable energy projects. Talk about being one-eyed! Seems the cult of reducing man-made CO2 emissions is tolerant of anything that realizes such an objective. Including the degradation and ecocide which China has inflicted upon the once pristine lands of Tibet!

    This post was originally published on Digital Activism In Support Of Tibetan Independence.

  • Police have ramped up the repression of environmental defenders fighting TotalEnergies’ climate-wrecking East Africa Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP).

    EACOP: police repression

    In just the first nine months of 2024, Ugandan cops have arrested or detained nearly a hundred people taking on the EACOP project.

    It involves a 930-mile long pipeline that will transport oil from Uganda to a port in Tanzania. French fossil fuel firm TotalEnergies, China National Offshore Oil Corporation Ltd (CNOOC), and Uganda’s state oil company are partnering on the pipeline. It’s set to be the world’s longest heated crude oil pipeline, snaking through both Uganda and Tanzania.

    However, the project poses a climate and environmental disaster – threatening thousands of kilometres of vital wildlife habitats. Crucially, EACOP risks displacing over 100,000 people along the route – and is already harming many of these communities.

    As a result, communities and environmental and human rights campaigners have formed an alliance to fight the project. The StopEACOP movement has mobilised multiple protests in Uganda. In addition, it has inspired solidarity actions from groups across the world.

    But, in a Business & Human Rights Resource Centre’s (BHRRC) 2023 report, it found that in 2022, TotalEnergies was one of the five worst companies for projects linked to attacks against human rights defenders (HRDs).

    In particular, it linked projects operated by TotalEnergies to at least 42 attacks against HRDs since 2015. As many as 14 of these – a third – were committed in 2022 alone.

    Specifically, all 14 attacks in 2022 involved activists and defenders fighting against the EACOP project.

    Echoing this, in November 2023, Human Rights Watch (HRW) accused Ugandan authorities of harassing, arresting and beating activists and demonstrators protesting the EACOP project. It also highlighted the intimidation and harassment of non-profits working on environmental conservation and oil extraction in the country.

    Now, Global Witness has underscored how Ugandan authorities have stepped up this abuse throughout 2024 so far.

    State crackdown on environmental defenders ramps up

    In December, Global Witness released a report entitled: ‘Climate of Fear’. It documented reprisals against land and environmental defenders challenging plans to build the EACOP. At the time, authorities had arrested 47 people for challenging the pipeline in Uganda between September 2020 and November 2023. Since then, double the number of incidents have since been reported in less than a year.

    Specifically, cops have detained or arrested a total of 96 people for opposing the controversial pipeline.

    Reports of attacks and threats have continued and sky-rocketed in recent months. This is despite the French oil major TotalEnergies “expressing concern” to the Ugandan government over arrests in May 2024. Following this, the state has only stepped up its crackdown against people mobilising to protest the pipeline.

    In early June, the army abducted and detained environmental campaigner Stephen Kwikiriza, reportedly beating him and dumping him on the side of a road a week later. Then, later that month, Ugandan authorities arrested 30 people outside the Chinese embassy. On 9 August, cops intercepted 47 students and three drivers on their way to protest the EACOP project and diverted them to a police station.

    Senior investigator at Global Witness’s land and environmental defenders campaign Hanna Hindstrom said:

    The tsunami of arrests of peaceful demonstrators fighting EACOP has exposed the limits of TotalEnergies’ commitment to human rights.

    The company cannot in good conscience press ahead with the pipeline while peaceful protesters are being attacked for exercising their right to free speech. It must adopt a zero-tolerance approach to reprisals.

    Hindstrom added:

    Climate activism is under threat around the world, while fossil fuel companies quietly benefit. European oil companies cannot absolve themselves from responsibility while their investments fuel climate destruction, reprisals and violence overseas.

    Feature image via the Canary

    By The Canary

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • Gov. Tim Walz, Youtube screengrab.

    This week, Minnesota Governor Tim Walz will be officially endorsed as the 2024 Democratic Party nominee for Vice President at the Democratic National Convention. Since being named the VP pick by the Harris campaign, Walz has received extensive praise for his military background and ‘folksy’ personality (read: midwestern white male); and for his accomplishments as Minnesota Governor, including signing bills that provide free school lunches for children, and set a 100% carbon-free electricity standard. Social media has exploded with memes positioning Walz as a Midwestern folk hero, that dad who “puts $20 in your back pocket so you won’t run out of gas,” or drops everything to dig your car out of a snowbank. Media outlets and nationally known left-leaning activists and commentators have fully embraced this narrative around Walz. As it turns out, Governor Walz and his team have been carefully cultivating this media narrative for nearly two years, the deployment of a long and strategic political calculus befitting of someone who clearly harbors major political ambitions.

    For those of us who have had a front row seat to some of Walz’s machinations and political decision-making in Minnesota for the past several years, reconciling the current media narrative around Walz with what we’ve seen with our own eyes has been disorienting. For our own part, we are scientists who frequently came up against the Walz administration as we worked to join the broad and Indigenous-led movement to stop “Line 3”, an enormous tar sands oil pipeline owned by the fossil fuel giant Enbridge that now runs through 300 miles of sensitive northern ecosystems and sovereign treaty territories of Indigenous people in Minnesota. Tar sands oil is some of the dirtiest fuel on the planet; greenhouse gas emissions from the oil running through Line 3 is equivalent to that of 50 coal plants annually, more than the entire state of Minnesota emits alone. This pipeline crosses the headwaters of the Mississippi River, and oil spilled from the pipeline would devastate native flora and fauna, including wild rice, a threatened and sacred food of the Ojibwe people in Minnesota. In the heat of the current political climate, as Tim Walz is being highlighted by some as a “climate champion” and a “true progressive,” our years fighting his administration’s approval of this pipeline leaves us with quite a different understanding of his political choices and gamesmanship.   

    His actions also influence our perspective on Walz during his first Gubernatorial campaign, his responses during the uprising of 2020 following the murder of George Floyd by police in Minneapolis and in 2021 following the murder of Daunte Wright by police in Brooklyn Center, Minnesota, as well as his role in the progressive legislative agenda recently enacted at the Minnesota state capitol. 

    Tim Walz originally decided to run for office as a Democrat after being denied entry to a George W. Bush rally in 2004. He flipped a longtime red Congressional District in 2006, and then proceeded to be one of the most conservative Democrats in the U.S. Congress, ironically aligning himself with many of the Bush Administration policies. He had an ‘A’ rating from the NRA, voted for the Keystone XL tar sands oil pipeline, supported the big agriculture industry, and was obviously pro-military after serving in the Minnesota National Guard for 24 years.

    When Walz ran for Governor in 2018, he was facing several progressive challengers within the Democratic party including current Minnesota Senate Majority Leader and former director of the Minnesota Nurses Union, Erin Murphy. To win the party endorsement (first losing in the convention nomination process, and then going on to win in the primary election), Walz started to lean more progressive, asking White Earth Band of Ojibwe member Peggy Flanagan to join his ticket to up his credibility. During the run-up to his campaign for Governor, Walz began to make statements about Line 3. Initially, he claimed to strongly oppose the pipeline, saying it was a “non-starter.” 

    After winning the election, Walz became increasingly noncommittal on Line 3. Facing strong pressure from Indigenous and environmental groups immediately after he won the election, the Walz Administration initially decided to support a legal challenge to the pipeline originally filed by the previous Dayton Administration. However, Walz began to make vague promises that decisions about the pipeline should “follow the science” and “follow the process”. As scientists who were part of a broad social movement for climate justice, we were clear that climate science, economics and treaty law indicated there was absolutely no justification for new expansion of tar sands oil pipelines through indigenous treaty territory. However, when a second opportunity arose to continue ongoing legal challenges against the pipeline, the Walz Administration declined to participate, subsequently, it made decision after decision that ultimately led to the pipeline’s approval.

    Once elected, Governor Walz appointed the Commissioners of the Minnesota Pollution Control Agency (MPCA), the Minnesota Department of Natural Resources (DNR), and the Minnesota Public Utilities Commissions (PUC), agencies that played pivotal roles in regulatory decisions that led to pipeline approval. Several of these commissioners had corporate or pro-industry backgrounds. For example, Walz’s appointment to the Minnesota Pollution Control Agency, the primary environmental regulatory agency in the state, was former Best Buy CEO and major Democratic party donor Laura Bishop. All three state agencies went on to issue permits for Enbridge to allow for the construction of Line 3. In protest, a supermajority of the MPCA’s recently formed Environmental Justice Committee – citizens tasked with advising the agency on environmental justice policies and outcomes – resigned, citing their refusal to “legitimize and provide cover for the MPCA’s war on black and brown people.”

    The Walz-appointed Commissioners would later play a ‘hot potato’ blame game to shirk responsibility for their devastating decision to approve the pipeline, each claiming that agencies other than their own were responsible for key decisions that led to pipeline approval. Their ringleader, by this time known to the pipeline resistance movement as ‘Tar Sands Tim’ Walz, always avoided any questions about this. Walz also actively refused to use any executive power to stop the pipeline, arguing that such a move would be overstepping his executive authority. 

    Governor Walz also appointed Republican John Tuma to the Public Utilities Commission, one of the primary agencies with regulatory oversight over the pipeline. While approving Line 3, the PUC required Enbridge to reimburse law enforcement agencies for all expenses incurred while policing protests against the pipeline. Tuma stated that the “whole idea came to me thanks to Enbridge.” During construction of Line 3 in 2020-2021, nearly 100 different law enforcement agencies from around Minnesota received a combined $8.6M from Enbridge. They made over 1000 arrests of protestors who were peacefully opposing the pipeline.  While making these arrests, law enforcement deployed physical violence, chemical weapons, ‘pain compliance’ torture techniques, LRAD noise devices, K9 units, and had a border patrol helicopter descend on a protest of over one thousand, rotor washing everyone in potentially harmful drilling dust.

    It should come as no surprise that two of the biggest recipients of this law enforcement funding were the Minnesota State Patrol (MSP), and the DNR. The subsequent approval of pipeline permits by DNR constituted a major conflict of interest.

    This isn’t a single-issue critique though. Walz’s record on political issues beyond Line 3 deserves further scrutiny as well. The distressing lean into state-sponsored violence and oppression we witnessed around Line 3 was echoed during other pivotal moments during Walz’s tenure as Governor. For example, in 2020, the Minnesota State Patrol and DNR law enforcement officers invaded Minneapolis, along with the Minnesota National Guard, at the behest of Walz in order to crack down on the racial justice uprising following the murder of George Floyd by Minneapolis Police. Along with Minneapolis police, they exhibited violent behavior while specifically targeting journalists and medics. This violence was reflected in Walz’s disturbingly authoritarian rhetoric:

    In 2021, Walz had the Minnesota State Patrol join Brooklyn Center police in aggressively deploying chemical weapons and munitions near the homes of families in Brooklyn Park, Minnesota to violently suppress protesters after the police murdered Daunte Wright. Walz once again looked to his former colleagues at the Minnesota National Guard and verbally retaliated against working class union members for not allowing the military members and humvees at their Union Hall in St. Paul:

    This also wasn’t the only time Walz went against the labor movement. During the 2022 Minneapolis Teachers strike, he turned his back on them, not supporting the strike despite himself being a former teacher, and later coordinating with management. Then in 2023, he exempted the State’s largest hospital from union-backed nurse staffing and safety legislation. Finally, in 2024, Walz vetoed legislation that would have raised the minimum wage for rideshare drivers.

    In 2020, Walz loosened COVID-19 restrictions in Minnesota too early, before the curve was flattened, and failed to implement adequate measures to mitigate the second wave of COVID later in the year and into the following years. Conveniently, Line 3 oil pipeline workers were exempt from COVID restrictions to begin with. Like most of the Democratic party, Walz also supports the U.S. arming Israel with billions of dollars in weapons, even as the Israeli military carries out a genocide in Gaza.

    A year into Walz’s second term as Governor in 2023,  Democrats won full party control of all three houses of state government for only the second time in 30 years. With this momentum, organizers, state reps and senators worked incredibly hard and built upon years of community organizing to have an historic session where they passed bill after progressive bill. Walz did sign most of these bills, but the reframing of Walz as a progressive champion is a rewrite of the history of incredible work done by frontline communities and locally elected representatives to move a progressive agenda through the statehouse. 

    Furthermore, a coalition of Minnesota environmental groups recently called out the Walz administration for their lack of action of environmental justice issues, and specified many examples on their web page: https://peoplenotpolluters.com/

    Undoubtedly, our democracy is facing a crisis, up against the ever-looming embodied specter of fascism promoted by Trump, and also, as ever, against the pillars of systemic racial, economic, and environmental injustice on which this country has historically been built. But should elections be fundamentally about narratives and vibes? Does the truth matter? Who gets to tell it? If the only real power to affect social change comes from people power, we believe it is important to move forward collectively and strategically with an understanding of history, including the history of those in power and how they have interfaced with movements for social change. We need to know what we’re up against, so we can determine how best to deploy our own power. 

    So if this is our telling of how we have observed Tim Walz in relation to social movements, what does it mean? We believe it means that Walz, like most major Democratic party candidates, is unlikely to lead the way towards progressive victories, especially if it requires taking political risk or putting some skin in the game. Regarding the existential crisis of climate change, Walz is emblematic of most Democratic leaders who might take two steps forward with renewable energy legislation only to take more than two steps backward by greenlighting new fossil fuel projects. The pollution and climate impact of these projects continue to be borne disproportionately by black and brown people in this country and around the world. Likewise, Tim Walz and other Democrats are implicated and must be held responsible for state-sponsored repression of peaceful protestors by militarized law enforcement, as well as for their ongoing roles in U.S. support for military occupation and genocide around the world, such as the current massive genocidal attack against Palestine by the U.S. supported regime in Israel. 

    The connections among all of these phenomena are political institutions and leaders who continue to prioritize corporate wealth, resource extraction and imperialist control over social justice, environmental protection, and the rights of people to exist on their own lands. Changing this trajectory will require continued collective work by the grassroots communities and organizations. Politicians will not lead us through the portal into the world we want to live in. Our work is to make our demands for a better world into reality.

    This piece is published in collaboration with Science for the People.

    The post The Whitewashing and Greenwashing of Gov. Tim Walz appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • Image by Roxanne Desgagnés.

    Major planetary boundaries that support life are at risk of collapse. This is happening at speeds that climate scientists never thought possible. What are the consequences and what, if anything, can be done?

    Johan Rockström, Potsdam Institute for Climate Research, Germany recently gave a 20-mimute TED speech: The Tipping Points of Climate Change. He is a world-class climate scientist specializing in planetary boundary frameworks. Of note, Dr. Rockström is one climate scientist that other scientists pay attention to when he talks.

    A summation of what should be categorized as “one of the most important speeches of 2024” is included herein.

    It’s fair to say that he views recent abrupt Earth system changes as profoundly disturbing and far beyond the boundaries of what climate science expected. In fact, climate scientists have never seen such rapid transition of what’s normally a slow-moving Earth system now in the wrong direction so rapidly that it’s threatening the existence of key ecosystems that make today’s life possible.

    In his words: “The planet is now in a place where we’ve underestimated risks. Abrupt changes are occurring way beyond realistic expectations in science.” It was fifteen years ago when he introduced a planetary boundary framework composed of nine earth system processes to determine the stability, resilience, and life support on planet Earth.

    Then, ten years ago 195 countries signed the Paris ’15 climate agreement.

    And in 2019, five years ago, the signatories to Paris ‘15 entered the most decisive decade of this generation where their choices this decade determine the future for all generations on Earth.

    The scientific state of the planet as of August 2024:

    !) We’ve reached 1.2°C mean surface temperature above pre-industrial. This is the warmest in 100,000 years.

    2) We touched 1.5°C as an annual mean temperature in 2023.

    3) The biggest worry is evidence of an “acceleration of warming.” Over the past 50 years, the rate of warming was 0.18C per decade from 1970 to 2010 but from 2014 onward it’s been 0.26C per decade, or +45%, and if this course continues, we’ll crash thru 2C within 20 years and hit 3C by 2100, a disastrous outcome, caused by humans.

    4) But it’s much more than CO2 that’s at issue. Several things are undermining the stability of the planet. For example, over-consumption of fresh water, the 6th mass extinction of species, abusing freshwater systems with nitrogen phosphorus, etc.

    A combination of factors has disrupted the Earth system by spreading chaos across the planet, droughts, floods, heat waves, disease patterns, human-caused massive storms, 40°C (104°F) life-threatening heat across all continents in the year 2023. In Mecca, 52°C (126°F) hit over 1,000 worshipers who lost their lives at the Hajj pilgrimage in June 2024. At current rates, by 2050 expect an 18% economic loss of GDP or $38 trillion per year. The abrupt change in Earth systems is starting to hurt in human social costs and economic costs.

    And it is happening at only 1.2°C mean surface global temperature. But we’re on a path to 2.7C this century. Will floods, droughts, and heat waves get worse? Without immediate mitigation efforts, yes.

    As far back as 3,000,000 years the planet never exceeded 2C. We’ve been living in “The Corridor of Life.” It’s all we’ve got.

    Alas, the risks are even more serious. There are two major risks to the planetary system: 1) buffering capacity 2) crossing tipping points. And both are moving in the wrong direction much faster than anybody thought possible.

    Buffering capacity is Earth’s ability to dampen shocks and stress, e.g., soaking up greenhouse gases that impact nature on land and ocean. Mother Earth has been very, very forgiving, as 53% of CO2 from fossil fuels have been soaked up by intact nature on land and sea. However, there is increasing scientific evidence of “widening cracks in this system.”

    For example, land absorbs 31% of CO2 of greenhouse emissions, but the boreal forests in Canada and temperate mixed forests in Germany and Russia are all starting to lose carbon uptake capacity. More alarming yet, the latest science shows part of Amazon rainforest, the richest biome on terrestrial land, has already tipped and in parts of the forest it is no longer a carbon sink. It’s becoming a carbon source. Yet, the Amazon is vital to the health of the planet, playing a critical role in the global carbon cycle and water cycle and responsible for absorbing billions of tons of emissions. This unique one-of-a-kind force of nature is at risk like never before.

    But what’s most cause for concern is the ocean. It absorbs 90% of the heat caused by human-induced climate change. This is well understood. But what’s really worrying is the latest data on temperature all-across the ocean. It has been getting warmer and warmer since 1980. Then, suddenly, out of the blue, in 2023 temperatures went completely off the charts at 0.4C above the warmest temps of all previous years.

    What’s happening?

    Scientists do not know what’s happening, but it is off the charts and continuing in that same direction in 2024.

    Searching for answers, the number one candidate is “energy imbalance caused by humans.” The imbalance is enormous, for example, in one year alone the heat equivalent of 300-times the entire global electricity system is absorbed by the Earth system.

    Meanwhile, scientists question whether the ocean is losing its resilience, at risk of releasing heat back into the atmosphere, thus self-amplifying the warming process. Science does not have answers for this, but something totally unprecedented in this regard may be happening right before our eyes.

    Here’s what is known for certain… The ocean is sounding the alarm.

    The planetary system is now at a point where we’re forced to ask the following questions: Are we are risk of pushing the planet out of the basin of attraction or the stability of the planet where we’ve been since the last ice age? Are we headed to unstoppable Hot House Earth with self-amplified warming and losing life support?

    The bigger question is: What could take us there?

    The answer is “crossing over tipping points” takes us there.

    Crossing tipping points references the big systems (a) Greenland (b) the ice sheets (c) overturning of heat in the North Atlantic (d) the Amazon rainforest, by pushing them too far, thus tipping over from a state that helps us to a state of self-amplifying in the wrong direction. This is taking the planet from a mode of cooling and dampening to self-amplifying and warming.

    There are 16 tipping systems that regulate the climate system. Five of these tipping systems are what’s referred to as ground zero in the Arctic connection thru the ocean via the AMOC of the Atlantic overturning heat all the way down to Antarctica. We depend upon this big biophysical system for stability of the planet. At what temperatures is this at risk of tipping?

    For the first time, we have an answer. The average temperature at which 5 of 16 are likely to cross the tipping point is at 1.5C, including (1) the Greenland ice sheet (2) West Antarctica ice sheet (3) abrupt thawing permafrost (4) losing all tropical coral reefs and (5) collapse of the Bering Sea ice. The two major ice sheets hold 10M (33-feet) of sea level rise.

    (Editorial: According to Copernicus Climate Change Service (C3S), global temperatures exceeded 1.5°C (2.7°F) above preindustrial for the first time in human history for a 12-month period from July 2023 to June 2024, when it averaged 1.64°C)

    In all, the more science learns about the climate system, the higher science discovers the risks. We’ve got a planet that’s smack dab in the midst of a high-level danger zone.

    For example, the Amazon basin risks tipping into savannah, over time. Currently, the risk is loss of the forest system; tipping can occur at 1.5-2C, assuming loss of 20-25% of forest cover. It’s currently at 17% deforestation. This is very close to a tipping point when there is no turning back.

    What must be done to avoid what increasingly looks inevitable?

    According to the IPCC, to stay under 1.5C (sustained annually over a few years) we need to operate within the global carbon budget. But all that remains of that budget is 200B tons of CO2. Yet, 40B tons is emitted per year giving 5 years.at current emissions rates before we hit overbudget. Moreover, the IPCC says a pathway for a safe landing is to reduce emissions by 7% per year for a safe landing to net zero by 2050.

    (Editorial- that’ll take some serious work: Global CO2 emissions are blasting off to the upside and not looking back)

    Status of Atmospheric CO2 (Mauna Loa):

    August 2, 2024 – 424.76 ppm

    August 2, 2023 – 421.52 ppm

    One-year change: 3.24 ppm

    1960-year change: 0.71 ppm

    Meanwhile, we’ve already overloaded the climate system with gases and other problems that inevitably lead to a period of overshoot. Therefore, society must be prepared for breaching 1.5C between 2030 and 2035 or within 5-to-10 years.

    There are two main messages; 1) buckle up- we know 100% for sure it means more droughts, more floods, more heat waves, more human reinforced storms, more disease over one generation, plus, in time. 2023 which was the warmest year on record will be looked back on as a mild year, 2) why would the planet come back to 1.5 after an overshoot?

    The health of the planet must be kept intact. We must have a planet that can continue to absorb 50% of CO2 without crossing tipping points. But, of special note and caution, there is no holding to 1.5C by only phasing out fossil fuels. More needs to be done like coming back to nature’s biodiversity and maintaining all the planetary boundaries of nature.

    We are at a pivot point for either transforming the world for the better or going over the edge… which will it be.?

    We must govern the entire planet…we have the solutions, i.e., (1) rapid transition away from fossil fuels (2) transitioning to a circular business model (3) transitioning to healthy diets (4) scaling regeneration and restoration of marine systems, forests, and wetlands.

    Already of serious concern, starting from 2020, emissions had to be cut in half by 2030 to stay out of trouble but halfway into the decade and emissions are steeper than ever. This is what really concerns scientists.

    In summation, scientists have issued warnings for years and years, but now even those warnings look too conservative. Problematically, it is obvious that none of the prior warnings were embraced by the 195 countries that committed to mitigate emissions at Paris ’15 UN climate agreement. Since 2015, atmospheric CO2 has steadily climbed, year-by-year, never down, to all-time highs as global mean temperatures sets new records by the month.

    The evidence is clear: Paris ’15 has not made a dent in global warming, which is currently cruising up, up and away, all-time records and accelerating with nothing standing in its way. In fact, since 195 countries agreed to tackle the issue, emissions and temperatures have done the opposite of what they agreed to by increasing at the fastest rates in human history.

    The Paris ‘15 plans to mitigate emissions are so far behind schedule that it’s questionable whether it’s achievable. What’s to stop emissions and temperatures from getting worse and sea level from flooding coastal megacities? Eight of the world’s top ten megacities are coastal.

    Solution: Opportunity is a prerequisite for a solution and 195 nations opportunistically meet once per year at a UN climate conference. Maybe they’ll adopt an agreement to control greenhouse gas emissions that’s meaningfully enforceable. Voluntary doesn’t work.

    The post Tipping Points – Where Things Stand appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • LACMA, Los Angeles. Photo: Jeffrey St. Clair

    The triumph of the concept of rationalism, which lay at the center of the processes that formed our Western civilization from the 16th century on, was not as swift or easy as it would seem to the modern mind, because it had to disprove all the other ways of explaining the world that had gone on for centuries.  The task of rationalists was to  show that a logical, straight-line, objective, and non-emotive comprehension, a decidedly anomalous and unaccustomed way  of looking at the world,  could provide a picture of nature in its smallest detail that quite did away with any need to suppose a God, or gods, or miracles or magic or mysticism or metaphysics. Cast the old religions out; science would be the new faith.

    And so it has been for five hundred years we have let science and its parent, rationalism, guide our lives.  Indeed Steven Pinker, a Harvard psychologist, wrote a best-selling book pushing it in 2021 and there are organizations worldwide promoting its tenets, including a Realist Society of Australia that “exists to promote the role of reason and evidence in approaching and finding solutions to the wide range of problems that confront us in public.”

    But it is exactly in that way of thinking—that rationality is the way to solving public problems—that has led to the disasters of the modern world, and indeed is now contributing to Western society’s collapse.  What we have learned after extolling rational thought for 500 years is that people are only partially rational and in fact respond and act from a variety of other impulses. Studies in neuroscience show that a human brain operates more at unconscious or emotional levels than at a rational one. The great 20th-century attempt to apply science, including social science, to solve human problems, especially at the governmental level, had been a hubristic folly, indeed creating more disorder and dislocation than resolving problems.  The notion that society would always advance by applying rational ideas to everything, the horse that progressives since John Dewey have been riding blindly ahead, has proved to be folly, a delusional dream.

    Take, as on example to begin with, liberal city planning.  It has argued, and put into many governmental schemes at all levels, that the rational solution to segregation and poverty was to have people move their homes so that housing would be integrated and have jobs guaranteed so that everyone would work.  And so for at least the better part of a century governments have made rules, given grants, passed laws, created bureaucracies, and built and unbuilt buildings and neighborhoods intended to achieve these ends.  The result has been a complete failure. People don’t necessarily want to move from their homes or welcome new neighbors or take on a new job just because it would be rational to do so.  There are many other considerations, emotional, delusional, or irrational, for their actions, and these usually outweigh the thought-out designs of the planners.

    Or take, at a much larger and more important scale, the whole rigamarole that goes under the rubric of “climate change.”  As we have seen, for at least 30 years now scientists have been warning that what is in fact global overheating of our atmosphere will bring serious and sweeping, perhaps catastrophic, changes to the earth and its species, threatening the continued existence of humankind as we know it.  They have pointed to the cause, now generally agreed upon, as an excess production of “greenhouse gasses” that block the solar heat on earth from radiating back into space, driving up temperatures that effect agriculture, weather systems, ocean temperatures and heights, animal species, and the general functioning of earth systems stable for the last thousands of years.  And they have pointed to the necessary solutions to these problems: limiting and then ending the production and use of fossil fuels that cause these gasses.

    Completely rational. Cut and dried. Irrefutable. And, it turns out, useless.  Because it is about something that, for the most part, will not effect us in major ways until a few decades on (we are led to hope), because there’s no apparent single act that an individual can do to alter it significantly, and because to give up carbon fuels would undermine the way of life of everyone who has always depended on them as the necessary substructure of the world’s economy—and as the source of all the comforts of modernity. That would seem to make the rational thing to do is going on as we in the West have always done, including economic growth, while encouraging the use of renewable fuels and electric cars and the like on the side.

    Which is why the West is unable to avert the coming massive tragedy.  Tragedy, as Shakespeare has shown us, is the ultimate downfall of a character who knows that what he  is doing will lead to bad ends but is powerless to stop doing it.  Western civilization now knows that it is headed toward ecocide but is powerless to stop it. So much for rationalism.

    Science has obviously been the triumphant offspring of rationalism, and it has totally changed the world in the last five centuries. It has brought forth new understandings in every scientific branch and produced results that have advanced practices in fields from medicine to atomic weaponry, oil production to computerization, architecture to zoology, improving health throughout the world and doubling life expectancy for most societies, as well as creating bombs capable of destroying much of life on earth.  And it has empowered an idea inherent in rationalism: progress.

    Progress is the notion that things will always be better, and that comes about with widened scientific ideas and technologies as products of those ideas, and with some such machinery as the rational state to foster those technologies and deliver them to people.  It has so far in many ways proven itself, and it is now just assumed that whatever change comes about is always progress. It is the triumph of technophilia, knowing that whatever machines we create are for our increasing control of the natural world and thus for our betterment; and that there can be no danger in expanding the impact of machines on society at their own momentum even if humans may not be able to guide or control them completely.

    Thus we now have machines called computers, ever-smarter each passing year, linked to a worldwide internet, and ever-smarter smart phones which have spawned global networks and “social” media penetrating societies everywhere, and now that has brought us machines that offer artificial intelligence that rivals and will soon surpass human intelligence.  And when that happens, no one knows the consequences.  But the logic of progress argues that it has been good to have machines running things in the past, so why not in the future?

    The fact that it is our technologies that have permitted the worldwide destruction of so much of our ecosphere, and atmosphere, and hydrosphere, and so many of our fellow species, does not enter into our calculations about progress or technological dependence.  Thus, as we have seen, we are on the brink of ecocide.

    Completely irrational, you might say.   Well, yes, but this is what rationalism has brought us to.

    The post Rationalism Has Been a Disastrous Guide for Civilization appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • Hanford’s tanks. Image courtesy of Dept. of Energy.

    Last week, the Department of Energy, which oversees the aging nuclear site in Hanford, Washington, reported that a tank containing high-level radioactive waste was leaking.  This is currently the third tank we know of that’s releasing deadly nuclear waste into the soil above the groundwater that feeds the nearby Columbia River. This is not a new problem for Hanford, which has 177 of these huge underground tanks that contain 55 million gallons of radioactive leftovers from the US’s nuclear weapons operation. These waste tanks were only supposed to hold up twenty-thirty years, and we’re now going on six decades. Below is an excerpt from my book Atomic Days, which details the site’s sordid history and its extremely problematic future. Sadly, leaks at Hanford are nothing new, nor are the lies surrounding them. It’s a looming nuclear danger that’s bubbling in our own backyard, and I’m scared. You should be too.  – Joshua Frank

    +++

    The first sign of legitimate danger at Hanford, at least when it came to the US public’s attention, occurred in June 1973, when a massive storage unit called 106-T at the complex’s tank farm was confirmed to have leaked 115,000 gallons of boiling radioactive goop into the sandy soil surrounding its underground hull. An investigation by the contractor Atlantic Richfield tried to calm nerves by asserting the atomically charged liquid did not make it into the groundwater supply. “It was predicted that the leaked waste would be retained by the dry sediment above the water table,” the report stated. “The greatest depth to which this liquid waste penetrated is about twenty-five meters below the ground surface, or about thirty-seven meters above the water table.” While the science indicated the contaminants did not leak into the groundwater or into the nearby Columbia River, the incident showed that another such accident, and one of an even greater magnitude, could happen at one of Hanford’s other storage tanks.

    What was perhaps most alarming about the 1973 event was that not a single person could say exactly how long 106-T had been leaking or what had caused the tank to crack in the first place. In fact, when administrators eventually realized what was going on, they weren’t even sure what was inside 106-T. There was no panic. No major alert to workers, and not even a pithy press release warning the community about what administrators did or did not know. The secretive culture at Hanford was still alive and flourishing.

    Workers had first noticed the problem on a Friday, June 8, 1973. But it wasn’t until Saturday, June 9, that administrators began thumbing through their reports and read-outs in an attempt to uncover what was actually missing from 106-T. Even though pages and entire sections were nowhere to be found, the investigating team was able to piece together what they believed had occurred. For a full fifty-one days, an average of 2,100 gallons of gunk had seeped out of 106-T every twenty-four hours.

    In total, 151,000 gallons emptied into the soil, which included forty thousand curies of cesium-137, four curies of plutonium, fourteen curies of strontium-90 and other, slightly less toxic sludge. There had also been numerous leaks at Hanford in the early years. In 1958, fifteen different tanks leaked some 422,000 gallons of a similar nuclear waste by-product. Yet the 106-T was an entirely different animal. The 1973 accident was the largest single radioactive waste disaster in the history of Hanford, if not the United States, and unlike the incidents recorded in 1958, newspapers were finally covering it.

    MOUNTING PUBLIC CONCERN

    The Atomic Energy Commission (AEC), which oversaw overseeing operations in 1973, came under scrutiny in the press for the alleged mismanagement of Hanford’s tank farm. “The scope of the problem is staggering,” read a Los Angeles Times investigative piece. “It has been estimated, for example, that there is more radioactivity stored at the single Washington (Hanford) reservation than would be released during an entire nuclear war.”

    The 106-T disaster also impacted public perception of the safety of the United States’ nuclear technology. AEC commissioner Clarence E. Larson tried to downplay the accident and his agency’s role in the mess, as well as the “implications that large masses of people are endangered.” Larson, and a governmental report that followed, laid much of the blame on the contractor Atlantic Richfield and a few bad apples inside the AEC.

    “The bungling attributed to Atlantic Richfield (which has declined to comment on the report) would be unbecoming for a municipal sewage plant, to say the least of the nation’s main repository for nuclear waste,” wrote nuke critic Robert Gillette in an August 1973 issue of Science, two months after the leak was discovered. He continued:

    The problem, according to the report, was that the operators who took the readings did not know how to interpret them; and a day shift supervisor in charge of half of Hanford’s tanks … let six weeks worth of charts and graphs pile up on his desk because of “the press of other duties” he said later, and never got around to reviewing them; and consequently a “process control” technician elsewhere at Hanford, who was supposed to be reviewing the tank readings for “longterm trends” received no data for more than a month. The technician … waited until 30 May to complain about the delays, but he nevertheless emerges as the hero in this dismal story. Fragmentary readings of fluid levels in 106-T arrived in his hands on Thursday 7 June, but it was enough to show that something was amiss. The technician put out the alarm, the supervisor confirmed the leak the next morning after checking his records and promptly resigned. All of this, the report says, led to the discovery that AEC officials had previously failed to notice or fully appreciate.

    It was the first time the public became starkly aware of how Hanford’s tank farms were a tragedy in waiting, not only because the tanks were old and unfit to store massive amounts of toxic waste, but because the agency and the contractors assigned to monitor them had failed to do their job. But it wasn’t just humans who had failed. The tanks themselves were unsettling and foreboding. One hundred and fifty of these gigantic underground silos were built on a dusty plateau just seven miles from the Columbia River and only a few feet below ground. Hanford’s early history and conceptions around nuclear power, waste, and safety is imperative to understanding the disaster that lay ahead. A 1948 AEC report foresaw a future fraught with problems associated with these tanks, the way they were built, and their location:

    Hundreds of thousands of dollars have been spent and are currently being spent for providing holding tanks for so-called “hot wastes,” for which no other method of disposal has yet been developed. This procedure … certainly provides no solution to a continuing and overwhelming problem. The business of constructing more and more containers for more and more objectionable material has already reached the point both of extravagance and of concern.

    In other words, the tanks were a short-term fix to a problem with no long-term solution. They knew they couldn’t just dump the waste into the Columbia River, so piping the stuff into hulking underground tanks seemed the obvious choice to the engineers of the 1940s. The waste was so hot it would boil, not for hours or days or even months, but for decades to come. Engineers hoped a better remedy would reveal itself down the road. Such are the pitfalls of nuclear waste, and over the years Hanford’s reactors produced unfathomable amounts of this steaming radioactive soup.

    When the AEC took control of Hanford after the end of World War II, they knew they had to do something to curtail a potential tank waste fiasco, so they developed a system that would keep the tank contents cool, designing contraptions to stir the waste so the hot gunk wouldn’t settle and end up leaking out the bottom. This workaround was imperfect at best. The public first learned of the 1958 tank malfunction in 1968 after a secret Joint Committee on Atomic Energy report was released. But the government knew there had been plenty more. From 1958 to 1965, administrators recorded mishaps at nine different units, and these tanks would continue to spring leaks throughout the 1970s. Some leaks were small, but others were quite large: in total, upwards of 55,000 to 115,000 gallons of scalding atomic waste escaped, followed by the 106-T incident. The tanks were also emptied on occasion to make room for new waste. Between 1946 and 1958, nearly 130 million gallons of waste had been discharged into the soil. Much of this waste went untreated, leaving behind an estimated 275,000 metric tons of chemicals and sixty thousand curies of radioactivity, a portion of which polluted local aquifers.

    Image courtesy Dept. of Energy.

    In retrospect, the ongoing pattern of leaks, workarounds, and government secrecy ought to have been alarming to anyone who understood the risks. Hanford’s storage tanks were not constructed to last forever, or even a fraction of the lifespan of their contents, and Hanford contractors were well aware of this fact. They knew all too well that an accident did not have to happen immediately. A leak could occur at any moment in the extensive life of the atomic waste the tanks were tasked with holding.

    Let’s put it all in perspective. An isotope of plutonium (Pu-239), for example, has a half-life of over twenty-four thousand years. This means that after twenty-four thousand years, half of all the plutonium that leaks out of one of these shoddy tanks will still be as virulent as the day it was first released. Hanford had another big problem. They didn’t have enough tanks to hold all the already existing waste, or the waste they would continue producing. Yet in 1959, despite the lack of storage, the AEC denied a request to build new storage units. It was not until 1964, after additional pleas, that the AEC finally gave the go-ahead to construct new tanks.

    Before these new tanks were finally approved, more and more waste was pumped into the older units, creating a host of problems, the most serious of which was that more nuke waste meant more heat and an increased risk of a serious accident. There were no new tanks to which to transfer existing waste had one of the tanks failed. This could have led to a disaster—a narrowly avoided catastrophic event.

    By the mid-1960s, Hanford’s lack of tank storage had become a serious conundrum. In the fall of 1963, a nine-year-old unit known as 105-A began to ooze radioactive sludge from a split seam, which stopped leaking when salt was added to its internal mixture. The AEC continued to utilize the tanks even after identifying the cause of the leak, because they didn’t have any extra tanks to house its contents. They subsequently added more waste to 105-A, to a dangerous 10 percent over its recommended capacity. No single tank had ever been filled with so much radioactive effluent. In January 1965, as a result of too much waste, steam began to pour out of 105-A, and the ground surrounding the tank began to quake. It must have been a shocking development, but without new tank construction there was nothing to be done but wait and watch.

    Fortunately, the rumbling wasn’t catastrophic and 105-A held. A 1968 comptroller general report noted that only a small amount of radioactivity bubbled out and into the soil. 105-A wasn’t the only case of a leaky tank at Hanford in the 1960s. A contractor report from 1967 disclosed that ten more tanks were leaking and fourteen others were struggling from “structural stress and corrosion.” By the time the public learned about the problem with 106-T, twenty-five additional tanks were decommissioned by the AEC due to suspected leaking. Reports on the storage tanks’ various issues had long been classified due to the secrecy of the Manhattan Project. One such report by the United States Geological Survey (USGS), completed in 1953 and not released for another twenty years, warned that Hanford would have major problems if a better solution wasn’t found for the disposal of toxic processing materials. The study noted the tanks were a “potential hazard” and that their structural lifespan was not known. Hanford supervisors brushed aside such concerns. In a 1959 Congressional testimony, Herbert M. Parker, who served as a manager of the tank farm, said he had no reason to believe the underground storage units would not hold up for many “decades” to come. When asked if there had ever been a problem in the past, Parker replied, “We are persuaded that none has ever leaked.”

    It was nonsense, of course. A secret Government Accounting Office (GAO) report from 1968 revealed Parker had lied, and that for years officials had withheld information from the public about potentially disastrous issues with Hanford’s tanks. The GAO report noted that at least 227,000 gallons of waste had bled into the soil from ten different units, the first of which, an alarming thirty-five thousand gallons, occurred six months prior to Parker’s congressional testimony. It was a leak he most certainly knew about. While the AEC was in the habit of dismissing such incidents, they were also keen on ignoring unsavory advice from independent observers. Outside experts continually alerted the AEC that the tanks were not up to snuff. “Current analysis by the Illinois Institute of Technology (IIT) have revealed that the self-boiling tank structures are being stressed beyond accepted design limits,” read one such report. It also put the life expectancy of the tanks at two decades and, in some cases, even less. Yet the AEC ignored these distress signals in the name of anti-communism. Instead of being reevaluated, Hanford’s processing plants ran nonstop, churning out thousands of gallons of atomic waste every single day to challenge the United States’ Soviet nemesis. The waste had to go somewhere. A crisis as volatile as the scalding sludge itself was cooking at Hanford.

    WIND, WATER, AND SHAKY GROUND

    While leaks during this period had the potential to be fatal, administrators continued to downplay risks, particularly those posed to the area’s freshwater supply. Hanford operation manager Thomas A. Nemzek told the Los Angeles Times in a 1973 interview that not only had none of the leaked waste made it into the groundwater, but that even if it did, it would take upward of one thousand years to reach the Columbia River, by which time its effects would be inconsequential. Essentially, Nemzek asserted, stop worrying so damn much. But not everyone bought Nemzek’s dismissive rationale. A study by the National Academy of Sciences, the aforementioned comptroller general’s report and other geological surveys all countered Nemzek’s claim. These reports further noted that aside from the groundwater issue and depending on the scale of the leak, radioactive particles could go airborne, which would result in immediate and potentially nationwide impacts.

    Aside from radioactivity blowing in the wind, there was another big issue: Hanford sat on shaky ground. As early as 1955, the National Academy of Sciences’ National Resource Council put together a committee, Geological Aspects of Radioactive Waste Disposal, to look into AEC operations. What they found was startling. The committee was not convinced that leaving radioactive waste to sit in the dirt was a particularly bright idea. When looking at two of the United States’ nuclear weapon sites, Hanford and the National Reactor Testing Station (NRTS) in southeastern Idaho, the committee noted that “at both sites it seemed to be assumed that no water from the surface precipitation percolates downward to the water table, whereas there appears to be as yet no conclusive evidence that this is the case.”

    Like the tanks releasing waste into Hanford’s soil, shallow underground pipes at Idaho’s NRTS had released nuke waste into the ground, and as with Hanford, the AEC assured everyone that it wasn’t worth the worry. In their echoes of Herbert M. Parker’s congressional testimony, the AEC was either lying or belligerently naive. Later a 1970 report by the Federal Water Quality Administration proved as much, noting that a leak had indeed sprung from pipes at NRTS, and nuclear waste had made its way into Idaho’s groundwater supplies. Another accident at NRTS, in 1972, discharged 18,600 gallons of “sodium-bearing waste” during a transfer from one holding tank to another. In this instance, an estimated 15,900 curies of strontium-90, a radioactive isotope, also leaked. As of 2006, the accident was still having a negative impact, and groundwater near the site exceeded drinking water standards for strontium-90 (twenty-eight-year half-life), iodine-129 (sixteen-million-year half-life), and technetium-99 (211,000-year half-life), along with other radioactive particles. To make things worse, the DOE’s Idaho branch released a startling report in April 2006 warning that groundwater in the Snake River Plain would “exceed drinking water standards for strontium-90 until the year 2095.” In addition, the DOE cautioned, soil that was used as backfill around NRTS’s tank farm was so laced with cesium-137 that it posed a severe risk to workers as well as the environment. Could the same happen with Hanford’s tank waste?

    While not publicly admitting these obvious, well-documented dangers, by 1973, the AEC recognized the long-term necessity of properly disposing of Hanford’s tank waste. The initiated a program to turn the radioactive muck into a solid substance in as little as three years, and according to the AEC, the program appeared promising. The tanks would be emptied and the waste would be solidified and safely stored, not unlike filling up a liquid ice tray, placing it into the freezer, and forgetting about it. At least how the AEC portrayed it to a naive public. Yet there were two big hurdles. One was funding; the other was that converting the tanks’ contents into a stable substance was a hell of a lot more difficult than making ice. In fact, doing so proved virtually impossible, which is why the tanks were filled up in the first place. By 1985, despite $7 billion spent over the previous ten years, no progress had been made in ridding the aging tanks of their contents. Even  so, the storage tank mess was just one of several atomic troubles facing the remote nuclear site.

    The post Of Leaks and Lies: A Looming Nuclear Catastrophe Threatens the Pacific Northwest appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • Undertones star-turned-water campaigner Feargal Sharkey has launched an anti-sewage coalition. In October, he will lead the ‘March for Clean Water’ to mark the first 100 days of the new Labour government’s failure to mop up the water companies’ pollution mess.

    But there’s a reason a Labour-run UK has rivers and oceans roiling in shit. Sharkey himself is part of the problem.

    Water companies: coalition to take on the sewage scandal

    On Wednesday 21 August, anti-sewage campaigner Feargal Sharkey announced the new coalition:

    As River Action detailed on its website, this will involve a ‘March for Clean Water’ on the 26 October:

    which is timed to mark the end of the first 100 days of the new government, and days before the Chancellor’s first budget (October 30), when environmental campaigners will be watching closely for financial commitments to protect the environment, will involve scores of participating groups and well-known personalities, including river campaigner Feargal Sharkey.

    They invite the public to join in one simple demand of Prime Minister, Sir Keir Starmer: to take immediate and decisive action to end the poisoning of our rivers, lakes and seas by the lethal cocktail of raw sewage, agricultural waste and other chemical pollutants, that over recent years have been allowed to leave most of our waterways so filthy that they present major risks to human health and untold damage to nature.

    This must include:

    • a plan to address the continuous illegal dumping of raw sewage by the water companies;
    • a full set of solutions to end all other major sources of water pollution;
    • the reform of our failed regulatory system, including Ofwat and the Environment Agency, so the law can be effectively enforced against polluters

    Multiple environmental groups plan to join the protest:

    Sharkey: Starmer suck-up should have seen it coming

    If only someone could have predicted a Labour Party government plagued with water company lobbyists links would fall at the first hurdle. Of course, the Canary, like plenty of others, did precisely that. Sharkey on the other hand?

    Naturally, the internet has the receipts. Here he is cosying up to Starmer:

    In fact, as Sharkey himself acknowledges in that post, he’s quite literally the president of Labour’s main environment campaign group. This is the Socialist Environment and Resources Association (SERA).

    That might go some way to explaining his nauseatingly gushing pattern of praise for Labour’s sewage scandal plans. Exhibit number one:

    Back in 2022, Sharkey was schmoozing with then shadow environment minister Tim McMahon MP at the Labour Party conference:

    This is the same McMahon who in one breath, introduced a (doomed-to-fail) piece of legislation to tackle water company pollution, then toed the party whip and abstained on a Lib Dem amendment to criminalise companies in another.

    The clean water campaigner has only continued to heap stinking piles of unearned praise on the party for its pre-election promises. We think if you have to spell out that “it’s not a party political broadcast”, it might well be just that:

    “Now we’re talking” – are we though? See Labour abstention above:

    Up shit’s creak again, with a red paddle

    Unsurprisingly, Labour hasn’t lived up to any of its pledges yet. And the fact is, Labour’s plans weren’t much cop to begin with. Multiple environmental groups and political opponents have exposed the glaring holes in Labour’s sewage pollution pledges. Most notably, under Starmer, Labour has walked back plans to nationalise the industry.

    And Sharkey can hardly claim people haven’t been warning him this all along:

    Sharkey may have fallen hook, line, and stinker for the opportunistic Labour turds floating in the party’s election pledges, but plenty of us didn’t. We’ll leave the falling into a festering pool of privatisation’s broken promises to another slimy politician – yes, we mean Lib Dem leader Ed Davey plunging bottom-first into a sewage-spoiled Lake Windermere. Maybe now Labour is in charge, Sharkey will fancy joining him – if he does, it’ll be a cold, harsh dip in reality.

    Feature image via the Canary

    By Hannah Sharland

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • Regulator the Environment Agency (EA) is about to hit the profiteering effluent-mongering water companies where it really hurts.

    The rankings!

    Specifically, the EA is “considering” reforms to its flawed star rating system, which has allowed water companies to dump sewage and still rack up a full sweep of stars to their names.

    Because, tightening the water company ‘Top of Plops’ is really going to stick it to the shareholders. The idea stinks almost as much as UK rivers – and that’s a lot right now, given some are so pungent people can’t sleep at night.

    Water companies: something reeks in their ranks

    On Tuesday 20 August, the Guardian reported that:

    The regulator gives each company a star rating each year. One star is the lowest mark and means the company is urgently in need of improvement, while the highest mark is four stars, which comes with the accolade of being an “industry leader”.

    Companies are judged on seven metrics including drought resilience and transparency over sewage spills: if they score highly on some of these, they can get top marks even if they have spilled large amounts of human waste into England’s rivers and seas.

    The reforms being considered would mean that to achieve the new highest score, companies would not be able to have a low score for sewage discharges. This metric will also be tightened, the Guardian understands, so it is harder to achieve a good score.

    According to the outlet, if water companies’ bosses can’t claim four-star status, they won’t be able to justify staggering pay rises.

    Well, we call rivers rammed with bullshit on this.

    What makes it think that exactly? The widespread news scandal of parasite-infested Devon drinking water didn’t stop shameless capitalist parasite South West Water ‘Chief Excrement Officer’ Susan Davy from skimming off company profits for a stonking £300,000 pay increase.

    Debt-ridden Thames Water is another case in point. Water company regulator Ofwat has at least ruled out the flailing firm foisting the cost of its £156.6m pension scheme shortfall on customers. However, it still found – get this – £158.3m to fork out to shareholders in March. The figures speak for themselves.

    Another gimmick

    The Canary isn’t the only one that thinks stripping stars will be just a sewage-spilling slap on the wrist with little to no impact. One was Dave Throup, a former EA area manager:

    Undertones star-turned-water campaigner Feargal Sharkey pointed out the rating system has always been a sham:

    As another poster underscored, since when could we trust stinking capitalists making stonking profits to do the right thing?

    Instead of doing away with this ranking system plagued with problems, it’s thinking about… adding more stars! As the Guardian wrote:

    Sources at the EA say it plans to add at least one extra star rating in an overhaul of the rules, so no company found to be spilling sewage will be able to call itself an “industry leader” at the top of the league table and therefore escape scrutiny and justify high CEO pay.

    Accounting professor Prem Sikka called it out for what it is. He said that since it doesn’t directly curb profits, the UK waterways will continue up shit’s creek:

    However, Sikka also pointed out that’s precisely what regulators aren’t going to target. Notably, this is because Ofwat has a ‘growth duty’:

    Water campaigners warned this could bring it in conflict with its role regulating the industry. Already, as Sikka noted on the deferred fine, this looks to be coming into play.

    Starmerroid-infested sewage-spillers

    Of course, it’s likely this is all the stench of Labour’s water company lobbyist links wafting through the halls of the EA already. That is, as the Canary previously highlighted:

    more than a dozen firms that have lobbied for the UK water sector in the last five years hold significant ties to the Labour Party. In particular, the Canary has identified a revolving door of Labour MPs, aides, and high profile staff from the party. Invariably, these have moved into prominent roles with consultant lobby companies working for the UK’s private water corporations.

    One poster noticed that even this meek reform is non-committal:

    While we’re on the topic of ratings, the UK Health and Security Agency (UKHSA) has given 19 open swimming beaches bottom marks. It’s for their piss-poor water quality, with pollution posing the risk of diarrhoea, sickness, and picking up dangerous infections. Seaside souvenirs include delightful bacteria like E.coli and viral chest, ear, skin, and eye infections, and Hepatitis.

    Fortunately, being a spineless, slimy Starmerrhoid isn’t contagious – at least not outside Westminster. The capitalist profiteer pollution of politics on the other hand – the murky waters are visible for all to see.

    Feature image via the Canary

    By Hannah Sharland

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • Following a vegan diet doesn’t exempt you from recycling or carrying a reusable water bottle, but it does have significant environmental benefits. In 2018, an Oxford University study declared that eating a plant-based diet is the “single biggest way” an individual can reduce their environmental footprint. Researchers have continued to support this claim with evidence upon evidence that demonstrate the planetary harms of animal agriculture from extreme water and land usage to sweeping pollution of water, air, and soil.

    The logic is simple: it takes far more resources to raise an animal than it does a plant, and while animals emit harmful gases like methane into the air, plants can help neutralize these dangerous carbon gases. Plants also don’t produce waste. A typical 2,000 herd of dairy cows, however, produce the same amount of waste as a city with the population size of Minneapolis. Of course, it’s important that we still make conscious consumer choices like purchasing sustainable fashion and properly disposing of our trash, but just choosing a pint of non-dairy Ben and Jerry’s over the cow-based version inherently has its sustainability merits. How else can a vegan diet help the environment?

    Environmental benefits of a vegan diet

    Here are four major environmental benefits of a vegan diet to think about.  

    VegNews.FactoryUnsplash

    1 Reduce greenhouse gas emissions

    There is a lot that goes into raising the nearly 10 billion animals Americans eat every year—growing and transporting their feed, demolishing forests and natural areas to house them, transporting the animals to the slaughterhouse, and transporting their meat, eggs, or milk to grocery stores. All of these steps involve emissions, but perhaps the most climate-damaging aspect of raising animals for food is the animals themselves. Living, breathing animals burp and fart. It may seem harmless, but when taken by the billions, these enteric emissions add up to a major environmental problem. According to the US Environmental Protection Agency, a quarter of America’s agriculture emissions are produced by livestock. What’s more, these enteric emissions are methane-based—a dangerous gas strongly tied to adverse climate change. Going vegan, however, can relieve some of the burden caused by animal agriculture. Simply replacing beef consumption with plant-based fuel can drastically reduce an individual’s carbon footprint from 1,984 pounds of CO2 per year to a mere 73 pounds. Yes, in today’s modern world of conveniences it’s impossible not to contribute some greenhouse gasses, but that doesn’t mean we shouldn’t try to limit our impact, particularly when going vegan can make such a tremendous and positive difference. 

    VegNews.CowFlickr Creative Commons

    2 Reduce land use

    Nil Zacharias’ Eat for the Planet outlines the staggering cost of animal agriculture in regard to our natural resources. The reality is that we simply cannot continue to consume animal products at the rate we do now for much longer. Given the predicted global human population of 10 billion in 2050, we would have to magically procure 50-percent more land in order to grow all the food needed to support our consumption habits. It is physically impossible. Already, 127.4 million acres of the contiguous US land are used to grow food for livestock whereas only 77.3 million acres grow the food humans actually eat, according to a 2018 report by Bloomberg. There is a finite amount of land on Earth, and the most efficient way to work with what we have is to grow plants instead of animals. 

    VegNews.PollutionJo-Anne McArthur | Unsplash

    3 Avoid pollution

    The bluntly titled children’s book Everybody Poops nails it: animals poop and urinate, and collectively, this waste adds up in a dizzyingly horrific way. Approximately 2 billion tons of manure are produced by US livestock every year—that’s 2 billion pounds of poop every day. Large-scale feedlot operations—where hundreds of animals are raised in a relatively confined area—discard this waste in “manure lagoons.” These enormous pools of excrement are prone to leakage and have been known to contaminate the surrounding soil and groundwater. In fact, containing these lagoons is so impossible that the USDA offers an allowance to feedlot operations for a minimal amount of seepage. Note to self: don’t purchase real estate anywhere near an animal feedlot operation. 

    VegNews.DairyFarmGetty

    4 Save water

    Not even “thirsty” almonds require more water than animal agriculture. To compare, an eight-ounce serving of cow’s milk requires 120 liters of water to produce compared to just 74 liters for the same-sized serving of almond milk. Less water-intensive crops such as pea and oat only require 1.9 liters and 10 liters, respectively. Looking at the meat category, a pound of beef takes a whopping 1,800 gallons to create, but a pound of tofu only needs 302 gallons. Even eggs take a massive toll on our water resources. Research released by JUST Egg found that a single chicken egg uses 53 gallons of water while a serving of this plant-based pourable egg only requires one gallon of water to manufacture. Given these staggering differences in water usage, it’s not surprising that researcher Dana Hunnes at UCLA Sustainability claims that a plant-based diet can cut one’s water consumption by up to 50 percent. This isn’t an excuse to leave the faucet running while you brush your teeth, but being vegan saves water in a major way. 

    This post was originally published on VegNews.com.

  • In a recent paper published in the Bulletin of the World Health Organization (WHO), we argued that women’s unpaid work needs better recognition through decent time use statistics as well as by counting investments in breastfeeding.

    A gender budgeting perspective on the Australian Breastfeeding Strategy highlights that while successive governments are happy to spend money on consultants and the formula industry, they are less willing to invest in the measures to help women with breastfeeding such as better maternity care, longer paid maternity leave, and full implementation of the Code of Marketing on Breastmilk Substitutes. This has implications for planetary health, as well as human health.

    It is well known that both women and children’s health benefits from breastfeeding. What is less understood is its importance for environmental health. In a recent special issue of the WHO Bulletin on the economics of health for all, we argued that the lack of visibility of unpaid work such as breastfeeding contributes to gender-blind policies on the environment, as well as a misguided view of what is valuable economically.

    A rethink on the global economy and health inequities

    Reflecting on the inequities and failures of global governance on the COVID19 pandemic, the Director-General of the World Health Organization commissioned an all-female team to examine the economics of health for all. The WHO Council on the Economics of Health for All included one of the pioneers of feminist economics, Dame Professor Marilyn Waring, as well as UCL professor Mariana Mazzucato an expert in ‘financialisation’ and investment flows. Dr Tedros called for a ‘rethink of what matters’.

    During the pandemic, gross inequities in health policy responses became apparent. Women who were pregnant or breastfeeding were not included in COVID-19 vaccine research.

    Putting ‘women and children last’ likely harmed their health. Maternity care practices and policies, including in Australia, were poorly aligned with WHO recommendations on breastfeeding during the pandemic emergency.

    The WHO efforts to ensure global equity in access to protections and treatments for COVID19 were also undermined by ‘vaccine protectionism’ as high income countries and pharmaceutical companies prioritised populations in countries while using international investor protection and intellectual property laws to block the equitable sharing of research on COVID19 vaccines and treatments.

    Meanwhile, the pandemic was overlaid on multiple crises including the glacial response to climate change and related issues including escalating problems of malnutrition and food insecurity and antibiotic resistance.

    Maternity care chaos

    Early in the pandemic, WHO issued guidance for health professionals indicating that breastfeeding should be protected in maternity care and mothers and newborns should not be separated. Instead, there were egregious violations of women’s and children’s human rights, as health care protocols ignored this advice to prioritise resources away from maternity care and breastfeeding support. In some locations, caesarean section was mandated, and breastfeeding was not permitted. This resulted in needless distress and disruption for new mothers and newborns.

    Since that time, research has reinforced the value of breastfeeding in strengthening children’s immune systems, and demonstrating its role in protecting against coronavirus disease. In 2022 WHO and UNICEF leaders emphasised that breastfeeding is the first immunisation, following a study demonstrating that more babies were likely to die from lack of breastfeeding than from COVID19.

    While poor data collections mean that the effects of pandemic responses on breastfeeding, infant and child health are not clear, lack of time use data also hinders assessment of the economic burdens of the COVID19 pandemic. Women’s unpaid workloads soared as childcare and schools closed, and healthcare systems came under strain.

    The increased productivity of women juggling these additional roles remains unmeasured and invisible to economic policymakers, who missed the opportunity to ‘rethink what matters’, and instead exhorted the importance of ‘back to work’ and ‘return to normal’.

    Measuring what matters

    At the foundation of measuring what matters is collecting adequate data, and the WHO Council recommendations were built on a call for better time use statistics as the basis for measuring economic burdens and economic productivity. Our proposal for considering breastfeeding investments as a carbon offset is founded in the need for full recognition and appropriate measurement of women’s unpaid work including breastfeeding.

    Although it is well established that excluding mothers’ milk production from measures of food production biases policy priorities, most countries (other than Norway) continue to do so. When breastfeeding declines, the economy, as currently measured, expands, because only commercial baby food sales are counted in GDP. The Mothers Milk Tool developed at ANU with Alive & Thrive Southeast Asia Pacific demonstrates the large magnitude of this omission: if women’s production of milk for babies were counted as economically valuable, its monetary value in Australia would exceed $5 billion a year, compared to less than a billion dollars of commercial milk formula.

    Our proposal also calls for better time use data, so that who does the work provides the foundation for valuing the economy and for more appropriate distribution of income and wealth.

    Investing in what matters – sustainable food systems

    Central to our proposal that investments in enabling breastfeeding should count as a carbon offset is the science on the huge environmental impacts of the global dairy industry, of which commercial milk formula products are part. Only quite recently has it been acknowledged that the global food system, and particularly meat and dairy, is a key contributor to environmental damage, through pressures for land clearing, as well as emissions associated with production, distribution and consumption. Recent discussion of sustainable food systems asks whether impacts on animal welfare should also be part of the equation.

    Research has shown that as much as 11-14 kilograms of greenhouse gases are emitted during the product life cycle of commercial milk formula. This includes during the production of raw milk with huge methane gas production of cows, through the processing, packaging and transportation of powdered milk, and the emissions and waste during the consumption and disposal phases of the product life cycle.

    Globally, production and use of CMF by infants under 6 months results in annual global greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions of between 5.9 and 7.5 billion kg CO2 eq. and consumes 2,562.5 billion liters of water. If populous countries like China and India were to adopt western feeding practices, the effects on the environment as well as population health would be dire. An infant that is not breastfed generates around a quarter of a tonne of greenhouse gas emissions during the first six months of life, as it requires around 20-21 kilograms of milk powder. Breastfeeding a baby by contrast involves minimal ‘food miles’, even after accounting for ensuring mothers diets are adequate.

    This harm to planetary health and early nutrition is avoidable through investments in better maternity care, such as programs which implement the WHO/UNICEF Ten Steps to Succecsful Bresatfeeding, as well as through longer paid maternity leave. These are well evidenced ways of enabling women to breastfeed. Countries like Brazil have shown that integrated packages of breastfeeding support – including community milk banking replacing use of commercial milk formula – can increase breastfeeding rates at country level.

    The dairy industry is adept at adapting to new challenges, and the growing phenomenon of ‘greenwashing’ is used to convince consumers that technology can fix the problem by feeding cows seaweed in their diets, or using renewable energy in baby formula factories.

    However, this doesn’t help the environment or human health if CMF sales continue to rise. A recent series on breastfeeding in the top medical journal The Lancet documented industry marketing practices which exploit the vulnerabilities and anxieties of new mothers and their families, as well as targeting health professionals  and health facilities – seen in the baby food industry as ‘category entry points’. Another study has demonstrated that more than half of CMF sales in the Asia Pacific region are of ‘toddler formula’, which the WHO has stated is unnecessary and possibly harmful to children’s nutrition and health.

    Researchers from Ireland, a major dairy exporting country, have shown that achieving global nutrition targets for breastfeeding – for 70% of infants to be exclusively breastfed for the first six months, and for 80% to continue breastfeeding to 2 years and beyond – would do more to reduce greenhouse gas emissions than improving the energy efficiency of CMF production.

    Young mother choosing baby formula for her newborn. Picking different options from the shelf and reading the labels.

    Young mother choosing baby formula for her newborn. (Please note: Stock photo)

    The Paris Agreement on Climate Change

    Global public policy addresses climate change through three policy pillars, mitigation, adaptation and resilience. That is, preventing climate change, getting used to it, and coping with the resulting adversities. Breastfeeding assists all three, through minimising environmental harms, delivering good nutrition and clean fluids and strengthening the immune system, and via its potential to ameliorate the care, nutritional and health vulnerability of infants and young children in emergencies and disasters when usual infrastructure is unavailable. Australia, like other high income countries, has been poorly prepared to protect mothers and babies during such crisis. Ukraine is another tragic example.

    Although progress is glacial and inadequate, global agreements for a ‘clean development mechanism’ including a recent ‘loss and damage fund’ have potential to redistribute global development financing to low and middle income countries to tackle climate change challenges.

    Our proposal is that countries’ investments in breastfeeding, such as through better paid maternity leave, should be eligible for such funding.

    Using the Green Feeding Tool, the impact of such measures on greenhouse gas emissions and water use can be estimated, based on data on infant feeding practices. Maternity care services investments could also contribute. Recognition of the economic and environmental importance of breastfeeding would also help generate improvements in support for women and gender equity.

    The transition to a sustainable food system and health for all must be equitable, including for women. Advancing the proposal for investments to better enable women to breastfeed is one important way that will be achieved.

     

    Picture at top: Nicholas Felix/Adobe Stock

    The post Investing in breastfeeding: Sustainable solutions for global health appeared first on BroadAgenda.

    This post was originally published on BroadAgenda.

  • According to Farage wing-man and Reform UK deputy leader Richard Tice MP, the majority of the British public want to leave the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR).

    Of course, it had many people on social media rolling their eyes. Because that was news to – funnily enough – the majority of the UK public.

    ECHR: Tice tearing up human rights – for the people, of course

    Human rights organisation Liberty has described how the ECHR was:

    drafted in the aftermath of the Second World War and the Holocaust in an attempt to protect the people from the State, make sure the atrocities committed would never be repeated, and safeguard fundamental rights.

    Crucially, it stated that this has:

    protected us from things like torture, killing, and slavery and assures our freedom of speech, assembly, religion, privacy and much more.

    So naturally, Reform leader Richard Tice – self-appointed spokesperson of the white working class – wants to ditch it. On behalf of them, of course:


    Because stripping away workers rights and peeling back regulations will really help poor communities capitalist parasites and their political ideologues have decimated through rampant neoliberalism and brutal austerity. Didn’t he get the Farage millionaire MP memo? That ordinary working man down the pub public relations trick needs to do a lot of extra heavy lifting right now, Ticey-boy.

    Unsurprisingly, it turned out, he doesn’t actually speak for the majority of people at all. Tice was doing what Tice does best, and talking out his arse:

    As the recent election results also showed:

    In fact, one poster highlighted a series of polls that have shown quite the opposite:

    Though, as the Canary has pointed out before, the UK is still packed with out-and-proud bigots. Specifically, a recent YouGov poll separately found that over a third of Reform voters supported the recent race riots. As we highlighted, this equated to over 1.3 million people.

    Clearly, Tice was pandering to this right-wing base. By majority then, Tice meant his little cesspit fascist bubble of Reform supporters and racist rioters:

    In reality however, alarmingly sizeable as it is, this is still a minority of the UK population.

    Once a Brexit-mongering liar…

    Some therefore pointed out Richard Tice’s ECHR proclamation would go the way of the recent race riots. In other words, Tice may as well be clamouring his guff to four blokes with a flag on racist roundabout island – the rest of us couldn’t give a toss what crock of shit comes out his lying mouth:

    We can’t possible think why the Reform UK leader might want to bamboozle the British public Brexit-style over the ECHR either. Though maybe we’ll just leave this here:

    Not that it’s stopped Tice and his slimy political ilk before however. Leave.EU anyone? Notably, the former Brexit campaign broke UK electoral law – and a certain Richard Tice was one of its two co-founders. However, one poster expressed that the ECHR is the only thing that (sometimes) stands between corporate-captured crony capitalists in Westminster and the UK public:

    Of course, it’s not simply the boon from losing free and fair elections Reform and co. could cash in on either. Tearing up climate crisis ‘red tape’, environmental regulations, and worker’s rights – nice work if you’re a fossil fuel-funded vested climate-denying scoundrel like Tice I suppose. Or more generally, a paid political-media shill for the capitalist class:

    There was one compelling reason to back the shameless grifter after all then:

    At the end of the day, the biggest question is: what has lying scumbag Richard Tice ever done for us? The answer should be obvious.

    Featured image via GB News – YouTube

    By Hannah Sharland

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • Over the course of one year, one cow will belch out around 220 pounds of methane. A potent greenhouse gas, for the first 20 years after it reaches the atmosphere, methane has more than 80 times the warming power of carbon dioxide. So, to put it simply, the fact that there are approximately 1.5 billion cows on the planet is a big problem. In fact, it’s one of the main reasons why animal agriculture is a leading driver of rising global emissions.

    There have been many solutions put forward to try and curb farming’s methane problem. In 2022, a methane-catching mask was given a Terra Carta Design Lab award and praised by King Charles. And just last year, it was revealed that British cows could be given “methane blockers” in a bid to reduce animal agriculture emissions.

    VegNews.cowsinafield.pexelsPexels

    Research is ongoing into how effective methane-suppressing products could be. But even if they do work to reduce methane, it’s important to note that animal agriculture contributes to many environmental problems. One potent gas, it turns out, is just the tip of the iceberg. This is why many experts advocate for an entire food system transformation, rather than small fixes like masks and supplements.

    In March 2023, a report by the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change stressed that a focus on transitioning the food system towards plant-based agriculture could deliver one-third of the emission reductions we need. But it could also help to tackle a huge number of issues facing the planet, including deforestation, water pollution, and the threat of zoonotic disease. And, of course, it could also reduce animal suffering significantly—right now, billions of animals are kept in cramped, industrialized conditions so that humans can use their bodies for food.

    Why reducing methane won’t fix the animal agriculture problem

    Here are six reasons why a drop in methane is not enough to fix animal agriculture. We need to dismantle the system entirely and start looking towards plant-based foods. Not just for the planet, but for the future of human health, too.

    VegNews.animalagriculturecows.Pexels (1)Pexels

    1 Deforestation

    According to WWF, in the time it takes to say the word “deforestation,” a soccer field-worth of natural forest is destroyed. This is a major issue for many reasons.

    Firstly, many of these forests are home to threatened and endangered species, including orangutans, rhinos, elephants, tigers, and jaguars. When their habitats are destroyed, these animals are not only left without food and shelter, but they are also more vulnerable to human-wildlife conflict.

    Secondly, these forests are hugely important for carbon sequestration. When trees grow, they absorb carbon dioxide from the atmosphere. But when they are cut down or burned, all of this carbon is released back into the atmosphere. WWF notes that forest loss and damage cause around 10 percent of global warming.

    There are several industries that are driving deforestation by chopping down trees to make more room for profit-driven activities. Palm oil, soy (most of which is used for farm animal feed), and timber are three key examples. But one of the worst culprits is the beef industry. In fact, in the Amazon rainforest, which now emits more carbon than it absorbs, most of the deforestation is caused by cattle ranching.

    That said, there has been some progress on this issue in recent years. One study found that some of the world’s largest slaughterhouses have reduced cattle-driven deforestation in the Amazon by 15 percent due to their commitments to supermarket zero-deforestation policies between 2010 and 2018.

    But the fact remains that many Brazilian supply chains operating within the rainforest are complex and lack transparency. Ultimately, much of the deforestation that happens throughout the Amazon is illegal and difficult to trace.

    “Reducing deforestation by 15 percent is a huge amount,” said Professor Rachael Garrett, senior author of the aforementioned study. “But this result shows that supply chain policies have significant limitations, and we need to couple them with more visionary approaches to help countries like Brazil improve their agricultural systems.”

    VegNew.Deforestation.MeatIndustry.UnsplashUnsplash

    2 Excessive use of resources 

    Ranchers chop and burn rainforests because they need more space for their cattle. But the land is far from the only resource that animal agriculture gobbles up.

    According to the Pacific Institute and National Geographic, to produce one egg, around 53 gallons of water is needed. For one pound of chicken meat, it’s about 468 gallons, and one pound of beef requires 1,800 gallons. In fact, animal agriculture is responsible for between 20 and 33 percent of all fresh water consumption around the world.

    Animals also require a lot of food to sustain themselves. In 2020, one analysis found that, alongside biofuel production, most European crop production goes towards feeding animals. According to Greenpeace, the analysis discovered that 62 percent of all cereal crops are used to feed animals, and only 23 percent are used to feed people. On top of this, 88 percent of soy goes to animal feed, as well as 53 percent of pulses.

    “[The] imbalance in production and consumption is driven by a focus on crops for profit, not food for people,” noted Greenpeace regarding the analysis.

    VegNews.animalagricultureriverpollution.PexelsPexels

    3 Water pollution

    Fresh water usage is not the only water-related issue with animal agriculture. The industry is also linked with pollution of our waterways, due to runoff from factory farms ending up in rivers, lakes, and streams.

    In 2022, research by the Bureau of Investigative Journalism revealed that a number of UK rivers located close to livestock farms are filled with antibiotic residue and superbugs. And according to River Action UK, runoff from intensive poultry farms along the Wye, which is one of the UK’s most popular rivers, has turned the waterway into a “wildlife death trap.”

    In the US, where farm manure ponds often spill over into local waterways, the problem is also significant. In fact, in 2022, a lawsuit was filed against the Environmental Protection Agency for failing to come up with urgent plans to limit water pollution from factory farms. “Given the magnitude of the health and environmental threats, competing priorities do not justify further delay,” reads the lawsuit.

    air pollutionPexels

    4 Air pollution

    There’s no getting away from it, animals produce waste. But all of this urine and manure, which emits gases like ammonia, nitrous oxide, and hydrogen sulphide into the air, is having a devastating impact on not just the planet, but people, too.

    In 2021, one study suggested that air pollution from agriculture leads to nearly 18,000 deaths in the US every year. The majority of the deaths linked to food production were because of animal agriculture, and the people who live close to farms are most at risk.

    “High exposure to ammonia is associated with acute lower respiratory illness, cerebrovascular disease, ischaemic heart disease, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, and lung cancer,” reports World Animal Protection.

    It adds: “To help address these issues, we need to end the growth of factory farming and support a transition to sustainable healthy foods that are good for people, animals and the planet.”

    woman wearing protective face maskPexels

    5 Zoonotic disease risk

    According to the World Health Organization, “some 60 percent of emerging infectious diseases that are reported globally are zoonoses.” And this means that they have spilled over from animals. Many have come from wild animals, like monkeys and bats, but factory-farmed animals also present a risk, research suggests.

    “Scientists have been warning us for decades that [zoonotic] diseases can jump very easily into the population from factory farms,” said psychology professor Gordon Hodson, who helped to author a paper in 2021 looking at why people in the UK struggle to accept the disease risk of factory farming.

    Hodson’s research was inspired by a poll in 2020, which found that only 15 percent of Americans understand that zoonotic disease can come from factory farms. “That got us thinking,” he said. “Is that due to a lack of knowledge, or are people willfully disregarding its potential because they don’t like the implications for giving up meat?”

    VegNews.animalagriculturefactoryfarming.UnsplashUnsplash

    6 Antibiotic resistance

    And finally, not only can factory farming potentially increase the risk of disease, but it may also be hindering our efforts to treat disease, too.

    This is because animals in factory farms are often subject to low welfare practices, and this means that many farmers are forced to tackle diseases and infections by feeding them antibiotics regularly. According to World Animal Protection, around 75 percent of all antibiotics sold every year are marketed for use in farm animals, not people.

    But overuse of antibiotics can have devastating consequences. This is because bacteria can learn to resist the drugs, making them less effective and leading to the evolution of superbugs that can evade treatment. This means that infections that we used to be able to treat easily, like urinary tract infections, could become something much more serious, and even life-threatening.

    “Shifting to higher welfare farming practices is critical to solving the antibiotic resistance public health crisis,” notes World Animal Protection. “As is better government regulation that prevents factory farms from misusing antibiotics.”

    This post was originally published on VegNews.com.

  • Power corridor in California’s Central Valley. Photo: Jeffrey St. Clair.

    Suppose it is really hot.  You go into a store to buy a bottle of water that usually costs you a dollar.  To your shock and dismay the store charges you twenty dollars.  You feel ripped off and you want to complain.  The California Attorney General tells you to complain to him because this type of commercial behavior is an illegal unfair practice, price gouging, and profiteering.  This is so outrageous that it almost never happens.

    But with electricity, a service equally essential to each of us, this sort of price gouging and profiteering is a regular occurrence, justified and even encouraged by energy policy-makers at the CA Independent System Operator (CAISO) and the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC), who control the price formation of most of our electric energy.  The CAISO is a California non-profit corporation created during de-regulation to manage that part of the grid owned by investor-owned utilities.

    The worthies at CAISO and FERC subscribe to a theory that electricity prices should escalate to astronomical levels – untethered from actual costs of production like fuel, operation, maintenance and reasonable profits — to reflect “shortages” in supply of this essential service.  We used to call it extortion.

    In this theory – so-called “scarcity pricing” or “shortage pricing” — powerplants and the energy they produce appear and disappear like Cheshire cats in response to “price signals,” as stressed grid operators scramble in high drama to meet the requirements of providing electricity on hot days outside its “organized” market; and prices escalate into the stratosphere.  We have heard described in cinematic detail the activities of grid operators at the CAISO on September 6, 2022 when the state appeared to narrowly avoid rolling blackouts by asking us to voluntarily conserve and cook in the dark, while CAISO exported thousands of megawatts of power and prices escaped the pull of gravity. A recent bill in California’s Legislature describes these efforts as “inspirational,” although there is nothing inspirational about charging what the traffic will bear no matter how painful to the payers.

    It needs to be understood that this “theory” has no basis in law; it is a fabrication of seller-side interests who, as insiders, are positioned to get captured staff and decision-makers to go along.  A similar move is being made to inject the academic notion of “opportunity costs” as a justification for astronomical prices into price formation in organized markets overseen by FERC.

    There are several problems with the “scarcity pricing” theory from the standpoint of California’s hard-pressed ratepayers, and from the standpoint of California policymakers concerned with the affordability crisis we all face.   First, it is “goddammed expensive,” in the memorable phrase of David Freeman.  It provides incentives to create artificial shortages.  Second, it ignores the physical reality of the electric grid, which consists of real powerplants and transmission and distribution lines connecting them to load (end users).  They are not dreams.  An estimate of the amount of electric generation plants located in California (a physical inventory based on reports filed by every powerplant owner with the US Energy Information Agency (EIA Form 861)) puts the nameplate capacity at 86,000 megawatts, 60% more than needed to serve the highest recorded load (52,000 MW on September 6, 2022, which included 6000 MW of exports.)  (See the public-source database GridClue.)

    There was never a physical shortage in 2020 or 2022.  There were sophisticated forms of economic and physical withholding to create the appearance of shortage.   The “search” for megawatts was a phantasm, concocted to justify the profiteering.  And the in-state inventory does not count thousands of megawatts located outside of California owned by California entities or under federal contracts with California entities dedicated to serving California native load.  The fiction of shortage, the drama of tight supplies justifying extreme prices — that powerplants appear and disappear in response to price signals, are only “visible” to the CAISO grid operators when they bid — is a matter of bad policy convention and bad practice.  They are correctable and correction can save ratepayers lots of money.

    The bad policy and bad practice are very recent.   The California Energy Crisis of 2000-01, an outgrowth of California’s failed de-regulation experiment, was in part ended by FERC when it established a rule in the West that capacity had to be made visible (posted) and had to be offered to supply California load.  FERC eliminated the Must Offer and Must Post requirements in October 2016.  The Cheshire cat powerplant and its price-signal catnip date from that point.

    Another problem with this theory is that it does not consider behaviors that create artificial shortages:  economic and physical withholding for the purpose of raising prices that were at the heart of the 2000-01 Energy Crisis.  They are making a comeback in the present, now that Must Offer and Must Post have ended.  The physical inventory described above (based on name-plate capacity) depends on the condition and operability of the powerplants.  California enacted a statute in 2001 that gives the CAISO and the CPUC powerful authority to prescribe and enforce operation and maintenance standards for all California powerplants.  We ended physical withholding as a matter of law and policy.

    The CAISO and the CPUC failed to sustain this effort.   As a result, in the August 2020 Blackout the powerplant fleet operated at an abysmal level of availability, and specific large powerplants on the margin failed to operate at all. Powerplant performance improved in 2022, after the CPUC ordered expensive and secret new contracts to make the powerplants more contractually “visible” and available.   Why pay extra for performance required by law anyway?   Not because we like to, but because we let them.

    Further, the CAISO promoted “exports” of power out of California at times of maximum stress in both 2020 and 2022, at the expense of serving California native load (customers).  In both of these instances the CAISO admitted after the fact that software “glitches” had contributed to “erroneous” exports and asserted that that the glitches have been corrected.  (Most recently on October 13, 2022)  The possibility that export practices had been strategic for the purposes of raising prices during the 2020 Blackout was suggested by the CAISO market monitor at FERC in October 2020, but later dropped and not included in any of the “root cause” reports to the California Governor and public.  Why the omission?

    In the 2005 documentary film about Enron, The Smartest Guys in the Room, the architect of the CAISO, David Freeman, recounts a conversation with Ken Lay, Enron’s Chairman:

    “I remember the conversation I had with Ken [Lay, Enron Chairman].  At the end of it he says ‘Well, Dave, old buddy, let me just tell ya….It doesn’t really matter to us what kooky rules California puts in place.  I got a bunch of really smart people down here who will figure out how to make money anyhow.”

    We are watching this happen again in real time.

    The fiction that powerplants appear to disappear and re-appear in response to and justifying extreme prices is the product of the CAISO’s approach to grid dispatch.  It is based on a computer algorithm (the so-called “organized market”) that dispatches powerplants in response to bids (offers to sell) that establish a “market clearing price” tht is paid to all market sellers without regard to their actual costs or bids at 5-minute intervals in an overlapping set of “auctions” of real and virtual supplies.  If this seems to you like a weird, convoluted and expensive way to operate a complex machine of physical powerplants (sources) connected by wires to end users (sinks), it is.  If it occurs to you that strategic bidding behavior by both “supply’ and “demand response” can influence how high the “market clearing price” will go, it does.  The “single clearing price” assures that Californians will always pay the highest possible price, including the extortionate prices reflecting “scarcity” pricing.

    The CAISO, captured by energy sellers, prioritizes its financial and “market-making” role (enabling profit maximization by sellers and speculators) over its operational role to manage the grid reliably for the people of California.  Its fallback position on reliability – pay-for-protection (in technical terms an increase operating reserves (the margin of safety) by 50 percent at a significant (but still secret) cost) – was adopted by CPUC in 2021 in a sad repetition of the pattern of the 2000-01 Energy Crisis.  The CAISO thus creates both the affordability and reliability crises we face.  And addresses it by locking in elevated prices.

    California has the highest electric rates in the continental United States.  Scarcity pricing at the CAISO is not the only reason but it is an important one that is driven entirely by policy, and can be corrected by policy.

    What can we do?   We can begin to hold the CAISO to be accountable.

    First, we can end scarcity pricing and replace it with hard price caps. This would repudiate speculation in energy services and the philosophy of shortage pricing — and the resulting extreme prices — replacing them with a price formation regime that returns to transparency, enforceable availability, and cost-based prices including reasonable, not speculative, profits.

    Second we can begin to manage the grid based on maximizing end-user based resources (roof-top solar paired with storage, for example); and optimizing, for reliability not profits, the inventory of existing central station electric generation resources to meet California’s native load, taking into account our intention to simultaneously grow load to electrify transportation services and building environments and to decarbonize supply sources. This includes both enforcing current powers regarding operation and maintenance and constructing the new renewable powerplants and transmission connections we need in an orderly, transparent and affordable way under state law.  This is already happening in those portions of California’s grid that are not controlled by the CAISO, like the Sacramento Municipal Utility District (SMUD) and Los Angeles Department of Water and power (LADWP).

    Third, we can empower the consumer advocates like the Office of Public Advocate at the CPUC to participate effectively and continuously at the CAISO to keep it focused on serving Californians when it gets down into the details.

    These are beginning baby steps.  However, the seller side is already moving to negate them as possibilities.  Through a process called the West Wide Pathways Governance Initiative, jump-started last year by California agency heads appointed by Governor Newsom, efforts are being made to preserve the CAISO algorithm and to turn over the power to initiate price formation decisions, including reforms to eliminate scarcity pricing, to a new entity unresponsive to California.   This will be another battle.

    The post To California’s Energy Policy-Makers: Control the CAISO and Give Us Electric Rate Relief appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.