Category: environment

  • According to one 2015 study, more than half of all Americans suffer from galeophobia. It sounds a little like a rare disease, but it’s actually not a physical ailment at all. It simply means to be terrified of sharks. In fact, the same study found that nearly 40 percent of Americans will not swim in the ocean because they are too afraid of the apex predators. But while movies like Jaws have painted an aggressive, malevolent image of sharks, they actually aren’t a major threat to us. When it comes to humans threatening sharks, however, the story is quite different.

    Every year, there are fewer than 10 deaths globally due to shark attacks on humans. To put that in perspective, around 2,000 people die every year from being struck by lightning. This means that a human’s chance of dying from a shark attack is beyond minimal. For sharks, the odds aren’t so good.

    The International Fund for Animal Welfare reports that every year, humans kill around 100 million sharks. It’s a devastating amount, especially considering that sharks are incredibly important for the overall health of the ocean. Here’s why we really need sharks, even if we are afraid of them, as well as some of the biggest threats facing populations today, from finning to overfishing.

    VegNews.Howmanysharkskilled.unsplashUnsplash

    The shark finning industry

    Shark fin soup has been eaten in China for centuries. It’s a delicacy, thought to have several medicinal benefits. But making the dish—a type of broth with fibrous shark fin noodles and chicken stock—relies on the brutal practice of finning sharks. This usually involves fishers catching them from the ocean, slicing off their fins, and then throwing them back overboard, where they will eventually bleed to death.

    But not all of this happens off the coastlines of Asia, where demand for the dish continues to rise. Last year, one report revealed that half the shark fin trade is coming from Europe. Spain, Portugal, the Netherlands, Italy, and France were all named in the report as some of the most significant players in the market. From 2003 to 2020, Spain imported 51,795 tonnes of shark fin to Hong Kong, Singapore, and Taiwan.

    This global trade is putting immense pressure on sharks, which are disappearing from our oceans rapidly. “Although many place the burden of change on the consumptive countries, primarily in Asia, equally responsible for declines in shark populations are all countries with internationally operating fishing fleets and trade in shark products,” Stan Shea from the Bloom Association, a Hong Kong marine conservation nonprofit, told the Guardian.

    What is the biggest threat to sharks? 

    The shark finning industry is, without a doubt, one of the biggest threats facing the world’s shark populations right now. But it is far from the only threat. The shark liver oil industry is also responsible for driving up demand for shark fishing, and so is the shark meat market. Just like a shark fin, shark meat is considered a delicacy in a number of countries, including India, Japan, and Iceland, where fermented shark (called kæstur hákarl) is a national dish.

    All of this contributes to overfishing, which is the biggest threat facing sharks right now. And the consequences are serious: in the past five decades, shark populations have declined by 70 percent, notes Greenpeace. “When it comes to solving the problem of overfishing sharks, every country has got a role to play,” the environmental nonprofit says. “No single country, nor cuisine, can be blamed for the staggering number of sharks being killed every single year–but every country can step up to solve this problem.”

    Strict rules and legislation around the import and trade of shark products need to be implemented, notes Greenpeace. And for the sharks that are left, we must protect them by creating a “network of ocean sanctuaries across the world,” it adds.

    It’s important to note that it’s not just the industries specifically targeting sharks that are blamed for their decline. Millions of these marine predators also end up as accidental bycatch, fatally caught in fishing nets meant for other fish. But whether they become soup, meat, oil, or accidentally caught in a net, sharks are suffering. And that’s not just an ethical crisis, but also an environmental one, too.

    VegNews.howmanysharkskilled2.unsplashUnsplash

    Why are sharks key to a healthy ocean?

    Sharks are apex predators, which are also known as the “top” predators. This means that they are at the very top of the food chain, apart from humans, they’re not actively hunted by any other animals around them. Because of this, they play a very important role in maintaining underwater ecosystems—they help to control prey numbers, which in turn, regulates the amount of smaller predators in the ocean.

    “The removal of an apex predator can have knock-on effects on the entire ecosystem, including the landscape,” science writer and animal behavior researcher Leoma Williams notes for BBC Wildlife.

    “For example, when grey wolves were hunted to extirpation in Yellowstone National Park the population of elk, their primary prey soared,” she continues. “This in turn led to the overgrazing of woody trees such as aspen and willow. Beavers declined as a consequence of this, as they depend on willow to survive the winter.”

    The same thing is happening in the ocean, except it’s not grey wolves, it’s sharks, and instead of elk, it’s fish-like groupers. The groupers eat the smaller fish, the ones that help to manage microalgae and coral, and the entire ecosystem, and the health of coral reefs (which are vital in tackling the climate crisis), becomes under threat.

    But there are efforts underway attempting to counteract the impact of shark overfishing. One initiative, called ReShark, is defined as an “international, collective effort to recover threatened sharks and rays around the world.” 

    Right now, it’s raising 500 endangered baby zebra sharks, all of which were born in captivity. In time, it will release them back into the wild in an attempt to combat the detrimental impacts of habit degradation and the shark finning trade. After that, the sharks will be monitored to see if the population recovers, but the group also aims to educate local communities about why sharks are so ecologically important.

    You can find out more about ReShark and the vital work it’s doing to restore shark populations here.

    This post was originally published on VegNews.com.

  • Image by Koushik Chowdavarapu.

    THE TWILIGHT ZONE — Picture if you will the citizens of a small town in Northeast Ohio, facing a daunting toxic threat yet trapped in a maze of regulatory capture at the so-called Environmental Protection Agency. Not the citizens of East Palestine, though they too face a challenging quest for the truth about the environmental health threats they may face. But the citizens in and around Uniontown, Ohio have been trapped in such a quagmire for decades, subjected to a dystopian level of gaslighting from the powers that be in an effort to bury the truth regarding the ultra-hazardous poisons reportedly dumped at the town landfill.

    The Industrial Excess Landfill (IEL) in Uniontown closed in 1980 and was designated as an EPA Superfund site in 1984, listed as one of the most contaminated sites in the country. Akron area rubber companies were the biggest known polluters at the IEL, dumping millions of gallons of industrial waste and chemicals in the ‘60s and ‘70s. But local citizen eyewitnesses have long testified that the U.S. military was another covert client in the late ‘60s/early ‘70s. This includes the IEL’s former owner Charles Kittinger, who came forward in 2001 to speak of clandestine dumping of three metal eggs of nuclear weapons waste he was eerily warned not to speak of.

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    The post What is the EPA Hiding at the Landfill in Uniontown, Ohio? appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • This article was produced by ProPublica in partnership with The Oregonian/OregonLive. Sign up for Dispatches to get stories like this one as soon as they are published.

    Eight years ago, the world’s largest sports apparel brand made a bold commitment. Nike was embarking on what it called a moonshot: doubling its business while halving its impact on the warming planet.

    To get there, then-CEO Mark Parker said the Oregon-based company’s innovations in environmental sustainability would become a “powerful engine for growth,” a catalyst capable of changing industries. The company’s chief sustainability officer at the time, Hannah Jones, said achieving the goal would take “innovation on a scale we’ve never seen before.”

    Nike’s Sustainable Innovation team embodied the commitment. It looked for environmentally friendly new materials, like leather made from kelp and foams made from plants, that could replace some of the hundreds of millions of pounds of rubber, leather and cotton used in traditional Nike products. It assisted in testing and refining the foam in the new Pegasus 41 that Nike says cut the carbon footprint of the shoe’s midsole by at least 43%.

    So it came as a surprise one Sunday night in December when the dozen or so people on the team got summoned to a mandatory meeting the next morning. In a Zoom call before sunrise, they learned why. The team was being eliminated. The vice president who ran the team was gone. The call lasted less than 10 minutes.

    It was the first in a series of deep cuts that one former Nike employee called “the sustainability bloodbath.”

    With sales flatlining, Nike executives in December announced a plan to cut costs by $2 billion over three years. Those cuts have dealt a big blow to Nike’s sustainability workforce.

    Nike has laid off about 20% of employees who worked primarily on its sustainability initiatives, The Oregonian/OregonLive and ProPublica found. Roughly another 10% left voluntarily or were transferred to other jobs. The cuts to its sustainability staff of about 150 people were far deeper than Nike’s 2% reduction companywide and 7% reduction at its Oregon headquarters.

    The estimates are based on state employment records, a review of LinkedIn posts and interviews with more than 10 current and former Nike staff members who spoke on the condition of anonymity because they are not allowed to speak to the media or are looking for jobs in the industry.

    “I’m truly shocked that so many sustainability roles would be eliminated,” said one person who was laid off. “I would have never thought that from the industry leader. Never in a million years.”

    Given Nike’s leadership and investment, their retreat is unfortunate, especially in light of the scale and urgency of the challenge.

    —Ken Pucker, professor of practice at Tufts University

    Nike’s elimination of such a substantial share of its environmental sustainability staff is a stunning turn in the company’s 52-year history. After emerging from the shadow of labor abuses in its foreign factories in the 1990s, the apparel behemoth helped spark the corporate responsibility movement. As the public’s attention turned to corporate impact on the environment, a chastened Nike aimed to lead.

    But before the layoffs, Nike had missed its own targets for reducing its contribution to global warming. Its emissions have instead grown slightly since 2015.

    Nike today is losing market share and is likely trying to prioritize the short-term financial results Wall Street wants over sustainability’s longer-term payouts, said Ken Pucker, a former executive with the Timberland shoe brand and a professor of practice at Tufts University’s Fletcher School.

    “Given Nike’s leadership and investment, their retreat is unfortunate, especially in light of the scale and urgency of the challenge,” Pucker said.

    The company’s stock price has been cut in half since late 2021, including an almost 20% drop in late June, a day after executives forecast a sales decline this year.

    Get in Touch

    ProPublica and The Oregonian/OregonLive plan to continue reporting on Nike and its sustainability work, including its overseas operations. Do you have information that we should know? Rob Davis can be reached by email at rob.davis@propublica.org and by phone, Signal or WhatsApp at +1-503-770-0665. Matthew Kish can be reached by email at mkish@oregonian.com, by phone at +1-503-221-4386, and on Signal at +1-971-319-3830.

    Nike would not address the news organizations’ estimates of job cuts when asked about them.

    Jaycee Pribulsky, who was named Nike’s chief sustainability officer in February, said she was confident in the sustainability team Nike has in place and described Nike’s current strategy as “embedding” the work throughout the company. In other words: making sustainability everyone’s job as opposed to solely assigning it to a dedicated staff.

    “We’re not walking away from sustainability,” Pribulsky said. “I mean, full stop. We are committed.”

    The sweeping job cuts touched numerous layers of the organization. Attorneys and finance, waste and packaging specialists who worked in sustainability were laid off. Nike eliminated two of just five people working to trace the origins of the hundreds of millions of pounds of materials it uses. The company is legally prohibited from importing products containing cotton connected to forced Uyghur labor in China and has promised not to use leather that contributes to deforestation in the Amazon.

    Three top sustainability executives left, including Noel Kinder, its previous chief sustainability officer, who announced his retirement at age 52 in February.

    We’re not walking away from sustainability. I mean, full stop. We are committed.

    —Jaycee Pribulsky, Nike chief sustainability officer

    Nike by then had already moved sustainability down in the corporate hierarchy. In 2011, Jones, who held the top sustainability job for nearly 14 years, said that her team had gone from obscurity to reporting directly to Nike’s CEO. By the time Kinder left, the position was reporting to the chief supply chain officer, who reports to the marketplace president, who reports to the CEO.

    Kinder has since given several talks without addressing the cuts to his former employer’s sustainability staff. But in a June 6 webinar, he said any company’s sustainability strategy depends on what its senior leaders do “from a business strategy standpoint.”

    “And this actually happened at Nike,” Kinder said, “where a change in business strategy, or a change in financial objective, directly impacted the sustainability strategy, and frankly in a negative way. And so, there, it is what it is.”

    Kinder did not say when that happened. He later told the news organizations he was not referring to any particular moment in his career at Nike.

    “Sustainability was a priority at Nike for the nearly 25 years I was there regardless of the ups and downs of the business,” he said. “It was very much part of the fabric of the operating rhythm.”

    Noel Kinder, then-chief sustainability officer for Nike, left, at the Copenhagen Fashion Summit in 2019 with Marissa McGowan, then-senior vice president for corporate responsibility at PVH Corp. (Ole Jensen/Getty Images for Copenhagen Fashion Summit)

    To understand the impact of the cuts to Nike’s sustainability staff, it helps to look at the enormous task assigned to a group of 30 Nike employees in the spring of 2023.

    The Carbon Target Setting Working Group began gathering every other Wednesday, 90 minutes by Zoom and in person, to develop a detailed plan to drastically shrink Nike’s carbon footprint. As participants in the international Science Based Targets Initiative, Nike and 5,000 other companies pledged to match the goals of the Paris Climate Agreement. Nike promised to reduce its emissions by 30% by 2030 throughout its supply chain.

    With the deadline fast approaching, Nike’s climate working group debated possible investments to reach its targets, according to two people involved in the process. Should Nike buy renewable natural gas? How much should it invest in healthier agricultural practices? How much should it spend on renewable fuels for its shipping container vessels?

    The group calculated the tonnage of emissions that would be reduced by eliminating the paper stuffed into the toes of shoes. It outlined savings from what employees called “light-weighting” shoe boxes, a strategy to use less materials and reduce freight shipping weights. Those seemingly small changes add up when multiplied across millions of products.

    A composite image Nike used to promote the Nike One Box, an effort to move from two boxes to one when shipping shoes (Nike)

    The result was a plan so important that it would eventually require executive approval and the Nike board’s review. It was still being finalized when the staffing cuts began, the two sources said.

    About half of employees involved in Nike’s carbon target planning were laid off or transferred to non-sustainability jobs, according to two sources the news organizations used to identify names. The list included some members who would have been responsible for implementing the steps recommended for ratcheting down emissions.

    “Now you have a stool with one leg missing,” one participant said.

    Asked about the status of the 2030 plan and how the company would reach its goals for emissions reductions with fewer sustainability employees working on them, Pribulsky said work on the 2030 goals continues.

    “We’re committed to continue our journey from a greenhouse gas and a carbon reduction emissions perspective,” she said.

    And this actually happened at Nike, where a change in business strategy, or a change in financial objective, directly impacted the sustainability strategy, and frankly in a negative way. And so, there, it is what it is.

    —Noel Kinder, Nike’s former chief sustainability officer, in a June webinar

    The carbon work that remains is substantial. Nike’s global operation spans more than 600 contract factories concentrated in Vietnam, China and Indonesia, countries heavily dependent on coal-fired power. Nike has said its carbon footprint equates to that of Amsterdam, in the Netherlands, a city of roughly 1 million people.

    Nike has made progress by powering its own office buildings and distribution centers with renewable energy. But the production and shipping of sneakers and apparel by suppliers and contractors accounts for 99% of its emissions. Nike’s total carbon pollution has been declining since 2020, but it is still just 1.6% lower than when Parker challenged Nike to halve its footprint in 2016.

    The cuts to Nike’s sustainability staff come as multinational companies face increasing mandates to disclose their climate risks, trace the origins of their raw materials and deliver the carbon reductions they promise.

    Some of Nike’s smaller competitors are doing better. Germany-based Puma has approached the moonshot that Nike missed, saying it has reduced its carbon footprint by almost a third while more than doubling revenues since 2017.

    Still, few fashion companies are on target to achieve the reductions needed to prevent severe impacts to the planet, said Achim Berg, a former senior partner with the consulting giant McKinsey & Co.

    “If you have conversations with CEOs in the industry, they will admit that it’s very difficult, if not impossible, to accomplish what has been committed to years ago,” said Berg, who oversaw McKinsey’s apparel, fashion and luxury practice. “Realistically, we’re going to see a wave of companies changing the targets or postponing the timeline.”

    If the industry doesn’t act with more urgency, Berg said, “we can write off all the targets, because nobody’s even close. We need to recognize this.”

    Nike’s retreat from sustainability threatens to upend its carefully crafted image as a brand working to address climate change, not one that is making it worse.

    The company took a huge public relations hit in the 1990s after reports emerged about its contract factories in Asia using child labor, physically abusing workers and paying as little as 20 cents an hour. Co-founder Phil Knight ultimately admitted the company had problems, saying in 1998 that Nike’s products had become synonymous with “slave wages, forced overtime and arbitrary abuse.”

    The company began issuing public reports that detailed issues its auditors identified in suppliers’ factories and laid out how it would address them. It became the first in its industry to disclose its finished product suppliers.

    Nike employees also saw an opportunity to get ahead of negative headlines on another issue of social concern: the environment.

    “We were learning from the mistakes made in the reaction to the labor issues that we needed to go on the offense,” said Sarah Severn, who spent two decades working to lessen Nike’s environmental impact before leaving in 2014. “We were much more aggressive about it and conscious that if those things didn’t get addressed, it would just add more problems to the company’s reputation.”

    Factory workers make shoes for a Nike supplier in Indonesia in 1992. Foreign factory conditions in the 1990s created a public scandal that led the company to pledge to do better. (Tim Jewett/The Oregonian)

    Executives including CEO John Donahoe have described the company’s aspirations today as something like a virtuous circle, a closed loop that includes turning plastic bottles and trash into Olympics medal-podium jackets and futuristic shoes inspired by the scarcity of living on Mars. Innovating ways to waste less, make lighter shoes and use fewer materials doesn’t just save on carbon emissions. It saves money.

    Nike’s marketing machine has amplified the message of sustainability in pitches before the Summer Olympics, an event that sneaker companies consider an unparalleled opportunity to launch new products. Nike’s chief design officer in 2020 called it “a moment for us to telegraph our intentions as a company.”

    Ahead of the 2012 London Games, Nike introduced Flyknit, one of its most successful sustainable innovations, a lightweight, woven top part of a sneaker that reduced waste and became a $1 billion business within four years.

    Before the 2016 Rio Games, Nike highlighted AeroSwift, a lightweight fabric made from recycled plastic bottles.

    In 2020, it was the Space Hippie, a shoe made from recycled factory scraps. Vogue magazine said Nike’s new shoe was its “most sustainable yet.” Harper’s Bazaar called it “game-changing.”

    Donahoe highlighted the new shoe during one of his earliest media appearances as CEO. Speaking on CNBC in February 2020, Donahoe praised Nike’s innovation in sustainability and said the company was making significant investments in it.

    “The consumer increasingly cares about sustainability, and so they’re looking to companies like Nike to lead on this dimension,” Donahoe said.

    That night, Donahoe sat next to the rapper Drake and other luminaries at a colorful New York Fashion Week runway show highlighting Nike’s environmental priorities around the Olympics.

    Nike CEO John Donahoe, second from right, with, from left: fashion editor Edward Enninful; late fashion designer Virgil Abloh; pop star Rosalía; rapper Drake; and gymnast Gabby Douglas. They gathered for the 2020 Tokyo Olympic collection fashion show at New York Fashion Week in 2020. (Bennett Raglin/Getty Images)

    Looking back on how good Nike’s sustainability work has been for its business, the recent staff cuts make little sense, said Tensie Whelan, director of the NYU Stern Center for Sustainable Business.

    “It’s just bizarre to me that Nike would want to step back, having been the leader,” Whelan said. “If they’re moving away from sustainability driving innovation, that is the Nike brand. What does it become then?”

    This April, when Nike revealed its new outfits for athletes in the 2024 Summer Games in Paris, Donahoe returned to CNBC. The CEO didn’t talk about the Space Hippie, the shoe that won critical acclaim. Just two Space Hippie models remained available on Nike’s website recently. Both were being advertised at a big discount.

    Donahoe talked about what Nike needed to do differently. Just four months after his company killed its Sustainable Innovation team, Donahoe repeatedly said “disruptive innovation” would drive growth.

    He didn’t use the word sustainability once.

    Alex Mierjeski contributed research.

    Matthew Kish is a reporter covering the sportswear industry for The Oregonian/OregonLive. Contact him at mkish@oregonian.com or @matthewkish.

    This post was originally published on ProPublica.

  • 2023 was the hottest global year on record; data so far suggests that 2024 will match the trend. This week, more than 130 million Americans are under heat alerts, with numerous cases of death and illness being attributed to the sweltering heat. And amid it all, the 2024 Republican platform does not mention the word “climate” once. 

    The basic inanity underscores the malign interest driving one of two major American political parties: $300 million of donations to lawmakers from energy and natural resource interest groups (namely, fossil fuel companies) since 1990 — more than double the amount directed to Democrats during that same period.

    On Monday, the Republican National Convention announced its platform, which affirmed that the party is wholly Donald Trump’s. “MAKE AMERICA GREAT AGAIN!” the 16-page document’s headline read

    The document paid no mind to environmental protection, never mind the 130 million Americans currently trudging through oppressive heat. But it did call to “BUILD A GREAT IRON DOME MISSILE DEFENSE SHIELD OVER OUR ENTIRE COUNTRY,” a reference to Israel’s U.S.-funded defense system, and to “CARRY OUT THE LARGEST DEPORTATION OPERATION IN AMERICAN HISTORY.”

    That the Trump-led, Republican agenda doesn’t mention “climate” is not surprising. In his first term, the former president overturned some 100 environmental regulations, pulled the U.S. out of the Paris Climate Agreement, and weakened the Environmental Protection Agency. In April, Trump reportedly promised oil tycoons that he would reverse some of Joe Biden’s climate policies in exchange for a $1 billion campaign contribution. Meanwhile, three of his Supreme Court justices just helped corporate America get even further off the hook from having to respect environmental regulation by overturning the Chevron doctrine, a decades-old legal precedent that directed courts to defer to federal agencies’ interpretation of unambiguous statues. 

    “Trump can’t mention it because every last one of his policies would make it worse. He’s essentially running on heating the planet even more,” Bill McKibben, environmentalist and founder of climate groups Third Act and 350.org, told The Intercept.

    In an exchange with a young climate activist on the day the GOP’s platform was released, Republican Sen. Katie Britt — framed by the party as “America’s mom” before her memorable “State of the Union” response speech — embodied her party’s dismissive response to the burning of our planet.

    “Oh you, look at how dishonest that was. You asked if you could take a selfie and now you’re asking questions,” Britt said to a voter who asked her about money she receives from the oil and gas lobby. Britt proceeded to ask what the voter’s issue was with “Big Oil.”

    “I think that the climate crisis is here and getting worse, and you’re being funded by the people who are making that happen,” the activist said.

    The senator from Alabama responded evasively, seeming to cheer on more toxic drilling. “Listen, we’ve got to be not only energy independent, but energy dominant. We do it better than anybody.”

    Britt did not respond to questions about her plan to address climate change and environmental protection, or about the $197,037 she has received from the oil and gas industries since joining Congress in 2022.

    It’s not as if modern Republicans have not engaged with climate. In 2021, Rep. John Curtis, R-Utah, launched the Conservative Climate Caucus in 2021 to educate Republicans on climate policies and legislation. “Don’t be too tough on us, but watch us. I am totally ready to be judged a year from on how much impact we’ve had on the debate,” he said at the time of the group’s founding. 

    As it turns out, the effort, which has received favorable media coverage since its inception, has not had much tangible impact. The group’s members have attacked environmental regulations, undermined or simply refused to vote for bills like the Inflation Reduction Act, and taken hundreds of thousands of dollars from the fossil fuel industry.

    The post GOP Platform Doesn’t Mention the Word “Climate” Once — Even After Hottest Year on Record appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • Aspen trees in the Ashley National Forest. Photo courtesy of: Jason Christensen, Yellowstone to Uintas Connnection.

    The great news is the Ashley National Forest has been saved from a “landscape scale” deforestation plan in which the Forest Service planned to bulldoze in skid trails to log and burn up to 147,000 acres (230 square miles!) of Inventoried Roadless Areas. But when faced with the lawsuit brought by the Alliance for the Wild Rockies, Yellowstone to Uintas Connection, Center for Biological and Native Ecosystems Council, the Forest Service decided to pull the project rather than lose in federal court.
    The Ashley N.F., located about 70 miles east of Salt Lake City, contains both the High Uintas Wilderness Area and King’s Peak, Utah’s tallest mountain. Although facetiously called a “restoration project,” the Forest Service proposal blatantly violatedthe Federal Roadless Area Conservation Rule, which prohibits the cutting, sale or removal of trees inside Inventoried Roadless Areas except in very limited circumstances.

    While small trees can be cut to improve threatened, endangered, proposed or sensitive species ecosystems and habitat, wholesale commercial logging is prohibited. Not only didn’t the agency limit the logging to small trees, it did just the opposite and proposed clearcutting the roadless area for the benefit of the timber industry.

    Instead of improving habitat for declining species, the plan would have destroyed habitat for Western forest birds. Five species, including the Rufous Hummingbird, have lost more than half of their population since 1970 and 71 different bird species live in and rely on the meadow-aspen-fir-spruce forests of northern Utah. Lynx and wolverine, both of which are listed as “threatened” under the Endangered Species Act, also rely on the healthy forest ecosystems the government is legally mandated to protect for these declining species.

    A valid restoration alternative would entail removing or significantly reducing livestock grazing leases since cattle browse on aspen stands, which are declining throughout the Intermountain west. The aspen cannot regenerate naturally because cattle prefer the young aspen shoots, so they never get a chance to mature.

    Yet the Forest Service did not consider any alternative that would do this. Instead their decision called for commercial logging and clearcutting big conifers and aspen stands, which the agency contended was to stimulate aspen sprouting. But destroying forests to save them has been scientifically rejected. Obviously it doesn’t make sense to require aspen to use limited and diminishing resources, such as water, to regenerate sprouts that end up in cattle’s stomachs.

    The foundational purpose of the National Environmental Policy Act is to mandate that the government “look before you leap”and fully disclose the potential environmental impacts. The law also requires giving the public the opportunity for review, comment, and objection.

    But the Forest Service refused to tell the public what types of logging would have occurred within Inventoried Roadless Areas, thus making it impossible to even understand the impacts of the proposal. When our attorneys told the Forest Service they were violating the Roadless Conservation Rule and the National Environmental Policy Act, they ignored us — at least until their attorneys apparently told the agency it was going to lose in court.

    The Forest Service needs to be reminded that national forests belong to the American people, not the Forest Service, and not the timber and cattle industries. Please email or call Randy Moore, the Chief of the Forest Service, and tell him to quit logging Inventoried Roadless Areas as well as reminding him that the agency, just like the rest of us, has to follow the law. His email address is Randy.Moore@USDA.gov. His phone number is (202) 205-8439.

    The post Environmental Groups Save Ashley National Forest Roadless Areas from Bulldozers and Chainsaws appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • In November 2022, President Joe Biden hosted a number of high-profile guests at his first state dinner at the White House. To mark the event—which was attended by French president Emmanuel Macron and intended to celebrate the relationship between France and the US—around 200 live lobsters were flown in from Maine, the heart of the US lobster industry before they were killed and served with caviar.

    But the choice to serve lobster at the prestigious event sparked controversy. Many activists and environmentalists, for example, were outraged. Not just because research suggests boiling lobsters alive is inhumane due to the creature’s capacity to feel pain, but also because catching them in their masses is having a major impact on another species: the North Atlantic right whale. 

    In 2021, scientists revealed that there were likely only around 340 North Atlantic right whales left in the ocean. And the following year, Seafood Watch, an organization that offers science-based seafood recommendations, added American Lobster to its “Avoid” list. The two events were intrinsically connected: the way that lobsters are caught is entrapping right whales and it isn’t helping their already delicate chances at survival.

    Here’s more about why it’s time to stop eating lobster for the sake of the whales, as well as where to buy vegan lobster the next time a craving hits.

    Are lobster traps killing whales?

    The American lobster industry is a big market; in 2022, a record $725 million worth of the crustaceans were brought into Maine’s docks. But the way that these lobsters are caught, with pots on the seafloor connected by lines on floating buoys, is devastating the right whale population. The marine creatures get trapped and tangled up in these lines, which causes lacerations on their skin and makes it difficult for them to rise to the surface to breathe.

    Speaking to The New York Times, Amy Knowlton, one of the New England Aquarium’s senior scientists, said that watching right whales get stuck in lobster lines was a “heartbreaking sight.” “They often are under significant stress, frantically thrashing and desperately trying to shake the gear off of their bodies,” Knowlton said. She added that these entanglements are the leading threat to the species.

    And, according to activists, the US Senate isn’t helping the situation. Aside from feasting on lobster dinners, politicians have actively made things worse by including a provision in the year-end funding budget that allows lobster harvesters to keep using equipment that is dangerous to right whales for several more years, until 2028 at least.

    According to the Center for Biological Diversity, this has potentially condemned the North Atlantic right whale to extinction. The senators responsible for the provision were New York’s Chuck Schumer and Vermont’s Patrick Leahy, who has since retired from his position. “What a horrific legacy to leave to one’s grandchildren,” Brett Hartle of the Center for Biological Diversity said, as per The Guardian.

    VegNews.lobsterwhales.1 (1)Unsplash

    What would happen if the right whale went extinct?

    It’s difficult for right whales to bounce back from the brink, and that’s because their reproduction rates are very low. It takes a long time for a mother right whale to have a baby, with pregnancies lasting around a year. After that, it’s usually another three years before they have another calf, and sometimes it can be longer.

    There have been minor improvements in recent years, but not enough to save the population just yet. In 2018, there were no right whale calves born, but in 2021, 13 were born, and in 2022, researchers spotted eight new babies. Moira Brown of the Canadian Whale Institute told CBC that entanglements cause the whales stress, which can impact the rate at which they reproduce. Other threats include strikes from ships, as well as the climate crisis, which impacts their feeding areas.

    If the right whale population can’t recover, the species will go extinct. And the consequences of that will be devastating. Not only because it would be humanity’s fault, but also because it would disrupt important marine ecosystems. According to Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution, right whales redistribute nutrients throughout the ocean through, well, their poop. And when they die, they also help out other organisms in the ocean, by providing them with a food source.

    Where to buy vegan lobster

    Saving the right whales is going to take several different solutions, one of which involves regulating the lobster industry, and changing the way these shellfish are caught. But, really, the world doesn’t need to eat lobster at all. The vegan seafood industry is growing, and some reports predict it could even hit more than $1.3 billion by 2031.

    Right now, there aren’t as many vegan lobster products out there as there are plant-based shrimp or tuna alternatives, but as research and development in the area continue, that’s likely to change. But if you’re craving lobster now, and you don’t want to hurt the whales, you do have other options. These brands all sell vegan lobster. Plus, you could also make it at home, following this recipe for easy vegan lobster rolls, for example.

    Screen Shot 2023-02-02 at 11.06.56 PM@rabbitholelife/Instagram

    1 Lily’s Vegan Pantry

    New York-based Lily’s Vegan Pantry, which used to be known as May Wah Vegetarian Market, offers a wide range of different vegan seafood products, and lobster is no exception. The brand’s plant-based version of the crustacean is made with yam flour. It’s even shaped like a lobster, and cooked in the same way, too, in boiling water (only you can be sure there’s no suffering going on).
    Get it here

    VegNews.lobsterwhales-3NoPigNeva

    2 NoPigNeva

    Online marketplace NoPigNeva strives to offer vegans, vegetarians, and flexitarians an easy plant-based shopping experience. Its main goal is to provide an ethical alternative to every food craving you could ever have, including the products that are hard to find, like vegan lobster. The brand’s offering is the same as Lily’s Vegan Pantry’s, and aims to give you “a little taste of Maine without a trip to the ocean.”
    get it here

    VegNews.lobsterwhales-4Lord of Tofu


    3 Lord of Tofu

    Vegan brand Lord Of Tofu aims to provide Germany, France, and Switzerland with some of the best meat alternatives, using, you guessed it, tofu. Its range includes everything from vegan cheese to barbecue products and even “vegan sea cuisine.” The latter includes tofu-based shrimp, tuna, salmon, and, of course, lobster.
    get it here

    This post was originally published on VegNews.com.

  • Common foods including white rice and eggs are linked to higher levels of “forever chemicals” in the body, new research from scientists at the Geisel School of Medicine at Dartmouth shows. The researchers also found elevated levels of per- and polyfluoroalkyl substances (PFAS) in people who consumed coffee, red meat, and seafood, based on plasma and breast milk samples of 3,000 pregnant people.

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • Revenge of the Swine by Sue Coe.

    All illustrations by Sue Coe.

    “Auschwitz begins whenever someone looks at a slaughterhouse and thinks: they’re only animals.”

    – Theodor Adorno

    I grew up south of Indianapolis on the glacier-smoothed plains of central Indiana. My grandparents owned a small farm, whittled down over the years to about 40 acres of bottomland, in some of the most productive agricultural land in America. Like many of their neighbors they mostly grew field corn (and later soybeans), raised a few cows and bred a few horses.

    Even then farming for them was a hobby, an avocation, a link to a way of life that was slipping away. My grandfather, who was born on that farm in 1906, graduated from Purdue University and became a master electrician, who helped design RCA’s first color TV. My grandmother, the only child of an unwed mother, came to the US at the age of 13 from the industrial city of Sheffield, England. When she married my grandfather she’d never seen a cow, a few days after the honeymoon she was milking one. She ran the local drugstore for nearly 50 years. In their so-called spare time, they farmed.

    My parent’s house was in a sterile and treeless subdivision about five miles away, but I largely grew up on that farm: feeding the cattle and horses, baling hay, bushhogging pastures, weeding the garden, gleaning corn from the harvested field, fishing for catfish in the creek that divided the fields and pastures from the small copse of woods, learning to identify the songs of birds, a lifelong obsession.

    Even so, the farm, which had been in my mother’s family since 1845, was in an unalterable state of decay by the time I arrived on the scene in 1959. The great red barn, with it’s multiple levels, vast hayloft and secret rooms, was in disrepair, the grain silos were empty and rusting ruins, the great beech trees that stalked the pasture hollowed out and died off, one by one, winter by winter.

    In the late-1960s, after a doomed battle, the local power company condemned a swath of land right through the heart of the cornfield for a high-voltage transmission corridor. A fifth of the field was lost to the giant towers and the songs of redwing blackbirds and meadowlarks were drowned out by the bristling electric hum of the powerlines.

    After that the neighbors began selling out. The local diary went first, replaced by a retirement complex, an indoor tennis center and a sprawling Baptist temple and school. Then came a gas station, a golf course and a McDonalds. Then two large subdivisions of upscale houses and a manmade lake, where the water was dyed Sunday cartoon blue.

    When my grandfather died from pancreatic cancer (most likely inflicted by the pesticides that had been forced upon him by the ag companies) in the early 1970s, he and a hog farmer by the name of Boatenwright were the last holdouts in that patch of blacksoiled land along Buck Creek.

    Sewage lagoons by Sue Coe.

    Boatenwright’s place was about a mile down the road. You couldn’t miss it. He was a hog farmer and the noxious smell permeated the valley. On hot, humid days, the sweat stench of the hogs was nauseating, even at a distance. In August, I’d work in the fields with a bandana wrapped around my face to ease the stench.

    How strange that I’ve come to miss that wretched smell.

    That hog farm along Buck Creek was typical for its time. It was a small operation with about 25 pigs. Old man Boatenwright also ran some cows and made money fixing tractors, bush hogs and combines.

    Not any more. There are more hogs than ever in Indiana, but fewer hog farmers and farms. The number of hog farms has dropped from 64,500 in 1980 to 10,500 in 2000, though the number of hogs has increased by about 5 million. It’s an unsettling trend on many counts.

    Hog production is a factory operation these days, largely controlled by two major conglomerations: Tyson Foods and Smithfield Farms. Hogs are raised in stifling feedlots of concrete, corrugated iron and wire, housing 15,000 to 20,000 animals in a single building. They are the concentration camps of American agriculture, the filthy abattoirs of our hidden system of meat production.

    Pig factories are the foulest outposts in American agriculture. A single hog excretes nearly 3 gallons of waste per day, or 2.5 times the average human’s daily total. A 6,000-sow hog factory will generate approximately 50 tons of raw manure a day. An operation the size of Premium Standard Farms in northern Missouri, with more than 2 million pigs and sows in 1995, will generate five times as much sewage as the entire city of Indianapolis. But hog farms aren’t required to treat the waste. Generally, the stream of fecal waste is simply sluiced into giant holding lagoons, where it can spill into creeks or leach into ground water. Increasingly, hog operations are disposing of their manure by spraying it on fields as fertilizer, with vile consequences for the environment and the general ambience of the neighborhood.

    Over the past quarter century, Indiana hog farms were responsible for 201 animal waste spills, wiping out more than 750,000 fish. These hog-growing factories contribute more excrement spills than any other industry.

    It’s not just creeks and rivers that are getting flooded with pig shit. A recent study by the EPA found that more than 13 percent of the domestic drinking-water wells in the Midwest contain unsafe levels of nitrates, attributable to manure from hog feedlots. Another study found that groundwater beneath fields which have been sprayed with hog manure contained five times as much nitrates as is considered safe for humans. Such nitrate-leaden water has been linked to spontaneous abortions and “blue baby” syndrome.

    Pig and wirecutters by Sue Coe.

    A typical hog operation these days is Pohlmann Farms in Montgomery County, Indiana. This giant facility once confined 35,000 hogs. The owner, Klaus Pohlmann, is a German, whose father, Anton, ran the biggest egg factory in Europe, until numerous convictions for animal cruelty and environmental violations led to him being banned from ever again operating an animal enterprise in Germany.

    Like father, like son. Pohlmann the pig factory owner has racked up an impressive rapsheet in Indiana. Back in 2002, Pohlmann was cited for dumping 50,000 gallons of hog excrement into the creek, killing more than 3,000 fish. He was fined $230,000 for the fish kill. But that was far from the first incident. From 1979 to 2003, Pohlmann has been cited nine times for hog manure spills into Little Sugar Creek. The state Department of Natural Resources estimates that his operation alone has killed more than 70,000 fish.

    Pohlmann was arrested for drunk driving a couple of years ago, while he was careening his way to meet with state officials who were investigating yet another spill. It was his sixth arrest for drunk driving. Faced with mounting fines and possible jail time, Pohlmann offered his farm for sale. It was bought by National Pork Producers, Inc., an Iowa-based conglomerate with its own history of environmental crimes. And the beat goes on.

    My grandfather’s farm is now a shopping mall. The black soil, milled to such fine fertility by the Wisconsin glaciation, now buried under a black sea of asphalt. The old Boatenwright pig farm is now a quick lube, specializing in servicing SUVs.

    America is being ground apart from the inside, by heartless bankers, insatiable conglomerates, and a politics of public theatrics and private complicity. We are a hollow nation, a poisonous shell of our former selves.

    An earlier version of this piece originally appeared in CP +.

    The post Animal Factories: On the Killing Floor appeared first on CounterPunch.org.


    This content originally appeared on CounterPunch.org and was authored by Jeffrey St. Clair.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Salvage logging operation in the Sierra National Forest on the border of Yosemite National Park. Photo: Jeffrey St. Clair.

    Shortly after the 2016 election, presidential advisor Stephen Bannon, who will be in prison as you read this, vowed to pursue the “deconstruction of the administrative state.”  The combination of Donald J. Trump’s return to the White House and Trump’s three reactionary appointments to the Supreme Court in his first term will fulfill Bannon’s vow.  They will ensure fundamental damage to the environment.  

    Just last month, Justices Brett Kavanaugh, Neil Gorsuch, and Amy Barrett secured victories for climate deniers everywhere with decisions that weakened the regulatory powers of federal agencies and reversed important decisions at the Environment Protection Agency (EPA).  Gorsuch’s mother, Anne Gorsuch Burford, was a failed EPA administrator for Ronald Reagan, so once again the acorn doesn’t fall far from the tree.  

    The Court’s key decision was the reversal of the Chevron decision in 1984, dealing a critical blow to four decades of science-based judicial policy.  Chevron gave federal agencies the flexibility to determine how to implement Congressional legislation.  In reversing Chevron, the Supreme Court gave courts and judges the commanding decisions regarding such legislation.  The Chevron decision, also know as the Chevron deferral, enabled the government to defend regulations that protected the environment, financial markets, consumers, and the workplace.  Thousands of judicial decisions that have been made over the past 40 years are now at risk from the current Supreme Court, the most reactionary court in U.S. history.  

    In explaining the decisions regarding regulatory powers, Chief Justice John Roberts, the most reactionary chief justice since Roger Taney, argued that “agencies have no special competence in resolving statutory ambiguities.  Courts do.” It should be noted that justices and judges have no special competence in technical and scientific matters.  The regulatory agencies do.  It is up to Congress to introduce legislation to protect the ability of the U.S. government to conduct policy as well as the ability of regulatory agencies to carry out such policy.

    Trump’s court has damaged the EPA’s authority to limit pollution in the air and water, regulate the use of toxic chemicals, and reduce the greenhouse gasses that are heating the planet.  No agency in government has suffered more damage from Trump and his appointees than EPA.  In addition to the Chevron decision, last week the Supreme Court said that the EPA could no longer limit smokestack pollution that blows across state borders under a measure known as the “good neighbor rule.”  In making this decision, the Court preempted litigation that was pending at the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia.  

    Last year, the court struck down a proposed EPA rule that was designed to protect millions of acres of wetlands from pollution even before the regulation had been made final.  Similarly, the court limited EPA’s ability to regulate greenhouse gas emissions form power plants even before the ruling had taken effect.  Typically, the Supreme Court is the last venue to hear a case, after opinions have been made by lower courts, but this is not so in Roberts’ aggressive court.

    “Science Denialism” could have been the bumper sticker for Trump’s first term, which  was marked by his anti-intellectualism and hostility to science itself.  Trump’s vice president, Mike Pence, denied evolution as a concept.  Trump and Pence supported the notion that vaccines cause autism.  Recent outbreaks of mumps and measles in the United States have been linked to those Americans who are choosing to withhold all vaccines from their children.

    Trump’s war on science began at the start of his first term, with the appointment of climate change deniers to key cabinet posts where they could do the most damage.  Rex Tillerson, who spent his entire professional career at ExxonMobile, became the secretary of state.  ExxonMobile is well known in the industry for covering up scientific data on climate change, including a lobbying effort denying the fact of man-made global warming.  As Exxon’s CEO, Tillerson argued that humans had no impact on climate change and that, even if they did, nothing could be done about it.

    Scott Pruitt took over EPA; Ryan Zinke became the head of the Department of the Interior; and Rick Perry was given the Department of Energy.  Pruitt had a well-established reputation for opposing environmental legislation; he had sued the EPA to reverse numerous regulations.  In his short stewardship at EPA, more than 1,800 scientists and technicians resigned.  President Joe Biden’s appointee to EPA, Michael Regan, has had to rebuild and revive the agency.

    Perry had established his ignorance of most energy issues while serving as governor of Texas.  In his confirmation hearings, he confessed ignorance to the fact that the central task of his department was managing nuclear energy  and nuclear weaponry, not the extraction of oil and gas.  In Trump’s group of environmental troglodytes, only Perry remained in the Cabinet at the end of Trump’s second year in office.  As bad as these appointments were, a second term for Trump would presumably find far worse managers of the key departments and agencies related to the environment and the climate.  This will mark a victory for libertarians everywhere, particularly the Heritage Foundation and its Project 2025 agenda to reshape the federal government in order to conform to Bannon’s “destruction of the administrative state.”

    Trump’s three reactionary appointments to the Supreme Court in his first term has already identified his legacy.  The weakening of the regulatory agencies will similarly identify the legacy of Chief Justice John Roberts.  Together, Trump and Roberts have subjected science itself to politicization, distortion, and disinformation.  Policies that should be based on the best scientific evidence will be subjected to the ideological preferences of unelected judges, who were appointed by a president who failed to obtain a popular majority.  (A similar scenario could be drawn for George W. Bush, who failed to gain a popular majority in 2001 and nominated Roberts to be Chief Justice and appointed Samuel Alito in 2005.  And we can thank Bush Junior’s dad for Clarence Thomas.)

    The post The Trump Supreme Court’s War on the Environment appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • As the Labour Party looks set to form the next government after the general election, the party is up to its neck in lobbying connections with the UK’s sewage-scandal-rife water industry. Yet Starmer has promised to mop up the mess left behind by the Tories’ on sewage pollution.

    Now, the Canary can reveal that more than a dozen firms that have lobbied for the UK water sector in the last five years hold significant ties to the Labour Party. In particular, the Canary has identified a revolving door of Labour MPs, aides, and high profile staff from the party. Invariably, these have moved into prominent roles with consultant lobby companies working for the UK’s private water corporations.

    Labour’s light touch on the water industry

    Throughout the election campaign, the scandal-riddled water industry has been a focal issue.

    In 2023, water companies dumped more sewage into the sea than ever before. Environment Agency figures revealed that water companies were responsible for 477,972 discharges. This was a 59% increase from the year prior.

    In other words, the sewage crisis has continued to ramp up, putting the health of people and the environment at increasing risk.

    All the while, shareholders have continued to reap the rewards of Thatcher’s neoliberal privatisation racket. As the sector pumped the UK’s waterways full of shit, it divvied out astronomical shareholder payouts. Campaign group We Own It found that for every hour the industry polluted in 2023, companies paid shareholders £377.

    So what are Labour planning to do about it? The party’s manifesto states that:

    Labour will put failing water companies under special measures to clean up our water. We will give regulators new powers to block the payment of bonuses to executives who pollute our waterways and bring criminal charges against persistent law breakers. We will impose automatic and severe fines for wrongdoing and ensure independent monitoring of every outlet.

    Ostensibly, Starmer’s Labour is pitching the problem as a failure of the regulatory regime. It therefore proposes tougher action on water companies and profiteering bosses.

    Stopping short of nationalisation

    However, multiple environmental groups and political opponents have exposed the glaring holes in Labour’s sewage pollution pledges. Most notably, under Starmer Labour has walked back plans to nationalise the industry. Independent challenger to Starmer in his Holborn and St Pancras seat Andrew Feinstein has criticised the Labour leader for bowing to big business:

    Water companies, which have been making mega profits from massive price increases while polluting our rivers, must be returned to public ownership. Labour’s ultra cautious manifesto doesn’t go nearly far enough and will have no meaningful impact on the numerous crises Britain faces. Instead, under Starmer, it will be business as usual for the super rich and mega corporations.

    However, Starmer’s Labour is seemingly unmoved by cautionary tales for the ills of privatised water – like those from Thames Water. How odd, you might think. Well, not really – when you realise former New Labour environment minister Ian Pearson sits on Thames Water’s board.

    So as UK water pipelines fall apart, it’s this very politics-to-private pipeline that could be to blame.

    The revolving door with the private water sector

    Naturally, Pearson isn’t the only former MP using the revolving door between UK parliament and the private water sector.

    In March, trade body for the sector Water UK appointed fellow previous New Labour MP Ruth Kelly as its head. As the Morning Star mused, the umbrella lobby group will benefit from her:

    “New Labour” skill of appearing to offer business-led reform which actually ends up charging the public, a la PFI.

    Besides Kelly, former Labour shadow minister-turned Change UK to Liberal Democrats MP Chuka Umunna has held indirect ties to the industry as well. While he was working for multinational lobby firm Edelman, the company counted multiple private water corporations among its clients. This included Water UK, Anglian Water, South West Water’s parent company Severn Trent, and United Utilities. Umunna left the firm in 2021 for a new role at JP Morgan.

    Gemma Doyle, who lost her seat in 2015, went on to join FTI Consulting. Throughout 2023 and 2024, the PR firm has worked on behalf of Water UK.

    Angela ‘funny tinge’ Smith is one of the more recent MPs to have leveraged her tenure in parliament to pursue a new career in the water industry.

    A ‘funny tinge’ alright

    For Smith’s part, in a piece for the Guardian in 2018 she railed against Corbyn’s then nationalisation plans. All the while, she sat as chair for the All Party Parliamentary Group (APPG) for Water. But, as campaign group We Own It have previously pointed out, the APPG is in the pocket of the industry itself. Specifically, a number of private UK water companies almost entirely fund the group.

    After Smith’s break-off party Change UK tanked, she secured a role with Portsmouth Water.

    Then, in 2022, Smith quietly returned to the party without fanfare. During this election run, Smith has publicly declared her support for Starmer, and described his ‘changed’ party as the reason she rejoined. A number of people on X have surmised that Starmer’s massive step back on nationalisation might well have something to do with it:

    Labour candidates’ lobbyist links

    Of course, the revolving door – as the term suggests – works both ways. While Smith is not standing this time, another Labour candidate is up for election on the 4 July, after a long-term career in the water industry.

    Lee Pitcher is standing for Doncaster East and the Isle of Axholme. As Byline Times reported, the Labour candidate previously worked for Yorkshire Water.

    Largely however, the majority of connections between Labour and the UK’s water industry manifest through lobbying firms. After his long stint at Yorkshire Water, Pitcher himself took up a role as head advisor on the water sector for consultancy company Jacobs.

    And of course, he isn’t the only one. The Canary found at least eight Labour candidates standing for election who have recently worked for lobby and PR firms connected to the water industry.

    Three of these were employed by Lexington Communications. The company was one of the firms at the heart of the 1999 cash-for-access scandal. Throughout the past year, the company has lobbied for disgraced water firm United Utilities.

    In February, the company polluted the iconic Lake Windermere, in the Lake District National Park. Despite illegally pumping millions of litres of sewage into the famous lake, it still made more than £300m in payouts to its shareholders in May.

    In bed with the water industry?

    As well as this, as the Canary’s James Wright noted previously, the Australian investment bank Macquarie is one of its clients too. While owners of Thames Water, the bank leeched billions in loans and dividends from its subsidiary. When Macquarie sold the company in 2017, Thames Water was over £10bn in debt – and the investment bank itself had saddled it with a significant portion of this.

    The Lexington employees included Steve Race, standing for Exeter, and Mary Creagh, who is standing for Coventry East. According to Novara, Oliver Ryan, standing for Burnley, Padiham and Brierfield purportedly worked for the firm until at least February this year.

    A spokesperson for Mary Creagh told the Canary that:

    Mary now longer works for Lexington Communications. During her time at Lexington she had did not work with United Utilities.

    Alongside Lexington, the Blakeney Group has lobbied on behalf of Pennon during periods of 2023 and the start of 2024. It is the parent company of the infamous South West Water – responsible for the recent outbreak of a parasite in Devon drinking water. Labour candidate Melanie Onn (Great Grimsby) worked for the firm. As the Canary reported in June, following the diarrhoea-inducing-parasite scandal that hospitalised two residents, the company awarded CEO Susan Davy a 58% pay-rise.

    Other MP candidates working for water industry lobbyists are Gregor Poynton (Headland), Jade Botterill (Portland), Dan Bewley (Lowick), and Ieuan Môn Williams (5654). Their firms represented Affinity Water, Anglian Water, Southern Water, and the sector’s main lobbying body, Water UK.

    The Canary contacted these MP candidates for comment, but did not hear back from them by the time of publication.

    Labour senior staffers-turned-sewage scandal soothsayers

    However, it isn’t only MPs and candidates riding the PR lobbyist-to-politics gravy train. Many water industry consultant lobbyist firms employ staff from former high-profile positions within the Labour right.

    PR company Cavendish Consulting has worked for Southern Water, United Utilities, and Veolia in the past year. Among its directors is Ali Craft – a former Labour deputy regional director. His bio on Cavendish’s site states that:

    Since leaving in 2019, he has remained closely involved, working for Morgan McSweeney (now Keir Starmer’s campaign chief) and on Keir Starmer’s leadership campaign. He remains a key figure in national Labour politics and has been advising clients about how to engage with the party at a national, regional and local level.

    Similarly consultancy company Pagefield has another former Starmer staffer among its employees. Specifically, it states that its associate partner Juliet Patterson:

    joined Pagefield from Ed Miliband’s office, where she was his political advisor and led the Labour Party’s media activity on business, energy and climate change. During her time working for Labour she was also seconded to work as a press officer for the Leader of the Opposition, Sir Keir Starmer.

    Pagefield has counted Pennon Group among its clientele throughout periods of 2023 and 2024.

    Other consultant lobbyists that have run public relations or lobbying for water companies in the previous year alone, have a multitude of employees from senior Labour positions. This includes Teneo, which has listed Severn Trent, United Utilities, and Thames Water among its clients as recently as at least 31 May this year. The company’s senior managing director Patrick Loughran worked closely with New Labour during its time in government. In particular, he operated as a special advisor to Tony Blair, Gordon Brown, and Peter Mandelson.

    Meanwhile, FTI Consulting has former front bench advisor Ben Craig, and current Labour NEC member Abdi Duale among its employees.

    And as the Morning Star has also reported, Joe Vinson, a former aide to Wes Streeting now works for Lexington. The outlet noted how:

    Vinson describes one of his pre-Lexington lobbying campaigns as having “created and delivered a crisis stakeholder engagement plan for a UK water company facing increasing criticism of its performance on sewage spills from the public, regulators, and politicians” — so he has stood up for a private water firm, most likely South West Water and its owner Pennon, as they are rightly lambasted for squeezing cash out of the water system while pouring filth into British rivers.

    Then, there’s Connect Public Affairs, which has acted as secretariat for the APPG for Water. Connect’s managing director for its London office – Dan Simpson – has held a number of senior roles for Labour. This includes his time as secretary to the party in Westminster, as a campaign agent for Sadiq Khan, and stints as regional director in both London and the east of England.

    Water company lobbyists front and centre

    If these previous senior officials’ path to PR firms employed by private water wasn’t enough, the party has direct dealings with some of these companies too.

    In May, Open Democracy reported that shadow chancellor Rachel Reeves has seconded a staffer from corporate lobby firm FGS Global. Since mid February, the FGS employee has provided advisory services valued to the tune of over £10,000.

    What’s more, as the Canary’s Rachel Swindon has noted that:

    Shadow secretary of state for health and social care, the Blairite disciple Wes Streeting, was gifted hospitality worth more than a grand at Hay Festival courtesy of the broadcaster Sky and on top of that he received £600 worth of tickets to the opera at Glyndebourne by a lobbying and public affairs company, FGS Global.

    During the April to June 2023 reporting period, FGS operated as a consultant lobbyist for Water UK.

    Of course, Starmer’s corporate-captured Labour has made cosying up to lobbyists a key feature of his reformed party.

    SEC Newgate’s chairman Mark Glover was among the 120 business leaders that declared support for Labour in the upcoming election.

    In 2022, the PR company previously hosted a series of roundtable discussion dinners. It did so with shadow business secretary Jonny Reynolds, then-shadow business minister Seema Malhotra, and senior Labour officials. Glover led the networking events. According to its website, it hosted the “high level dinners” to help its clients:

    to develop relationships with senior Labour figures to get a sense of what a Labour government would mean for their business – and position themselves to influence Labour’s policy agenda.

    Among those in attendance were representatives of Anglian Water. The Public Affairs Board register shows that SEC Newgate has maintained the water company as a key client throughout 2023 and 2024 so far. At the Labour Party’s 2023 annual conference in Liverpool, Glover and his company hosted another business dinner event. There too, they met with then shadow business minister Seema Malhotra.

    Glover’s wife, Johanna Baxter, is also standing as the Scottish Labour candidate for Paisley and Renfrewshire at the upcoming election.

    In bed with big polluters

    At the end of the day, Labour might talk the tough act on water companies, but ultimately, it’s the corporate-captured continuity party at the polling booth. When it comes down to it, Labour’s intimate links with lobbyists and PR firms show precisely why it’s shying away from renationalising the UK’s waterways.

    In other words, Labour’s capitalist crony right is in bed with the big polluters. As ever, the corporate stooges in parliament will stifle any meaningful action to protect people and the environment. By the next election, we’ll still have seas full of sewage. However, at the same time, a Labour MP or two might bag themselves a pretty penny as a lobbyist for the private water sector.

    Feature image via the Canary

    By Hannah Sharland

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • A survey is bouncing around on Facebook and Instagram calling National Trust members to “help shape the future” of the organisation. Only, the survey hasn’t come from the National Trust. In reality, the post is a paid ad from a shady rightwing group railing against the institution’s inclusion policies and efforts to reckon with its racist, colonial past. It’s called Restore Trust.

    Restore Trust survey on the National Trust

    An eagle-eyed Instagram user first picked up an ad calling on National Trust members to complete a two-minute survey:

    The National Trust’s director of communications Celia Richardson identified rightwing group Restore Trust were behind it.

    Restore Trust first appeared on the scene in September 2020. Notably, a group of then undisclosed founders launched it in response to a National Trust report. The publication in question was the National Trust’s attempt to reckon with its legacy of colonialism and slavery across 93 of its historic sites.

    To be expected, it had right wingers frothing at the mouth. So, enter Restore Trust to stoke its culture war against the ‘woke’ National Trust.

    On Meta’s ad library, it shows Restore Trust offshoot Respect Britain’s Heritage launched the advertisement on 27 June. Restore Trust paid for the ad which has so far made 200,000 to 250,000 impressions across the two Meta platforms.

    As the original poster pointed out, Restore Trust is likely using the survey to pick up National Trust member details.

    Previously, Restore Trust has sought to pack the National Trust’s governing council with its right-wing plants. It ran a slate of candidates standing to push back against what it perceives as the left-wing takeover of the heritage organisation.

    However, the bid failed, with members electing not a single candidate it promoted. It’s in this context Restore Trust has deployed the survey. Ostensibly, it looks like a devious data harvesting exercise of National Trust member emails.

    Funnily enough, Restore Trust has been running other ads calling for members to vote in the next AGM. As Richards raised however, it was hosting this ad over two months before the annual meeting:

    Tufton Street and dark money think-tanks

    A poster on X noted the parallels with Brexit’s Cambridge Analytica data scandal:

    And if the tactics seem familiar, that’s because they are. Unsurprisingly, Restore Trust actually holds connections with precisely the same opaque think-tanks that orchestrated Brexit.

    Previously, Restore Trust had obscured the identity of the company and people behind it. However, thanks to pressure from the Good Law Project, it was forced to reveal this. It turned out that the astroturf outfit – a fake grassroots organisation – had ties to the shadowy rightwing think-tank network at 55 Tufton Street. A number of people on X underscored the links with these dark money organisations:

    Specifically, until January 2024, one of the group’s original directors was Neil Record, the chairman of multiple dark money think-tanks based at the same Tufton Street address.

    Record is currently chair of Net Zero Watch, the campaign arm of climate denial organisation the Global Warming Policy Foundation. What’s more, prior to July 2023, he had been chair of the libertarian think-tank the Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA). He is now a ‘Life Vice President’ of the organisation. The IEA played an instrumental role in the campaign for a ‘hard’ Brexit, peddles anti-climate rhetoric, and is more broadly an advocate of free market capitalism.

    Another former Restore Trust director – Zewditu Gebreyohanes – arrived from the opaque Policy Exchange. This is the oil-funded think-tank that helped draft the Tories’ authoritarian anti-protest laws. Gebreyohanes left her directorship at Restore Trust for a role with yet another shady pro-Brexit rightwing think-tank, the Legatum Institute. The organisation’s parent company is a leading investor in GB News.

    Dodgy data and sconescare gammon-baiting

    And this latest campaign isn’t the first time the organisation has dealt in dodgy data misuse. The Good Law Project’s legal proceedings also challenged the group’s abuse of people’s personal data. Crucially, its website unlawfully seeded cookies in visitors’ browsers, without consent. It transmitted these to Google, Facebook, and Twitter for analytics and advertising purposes. This meant that Restore Trust could target visitors with their advertisements on social media.

    What’s more, Restore Trust has been spreading its duplicitous assault against the National Trust on the ground too:

    But Restore Trust is all about protecting Britain’s heritage, like scones, the good old fashioned allergen unfriendly way:

    Ludicrous sconescare banter aside, the shady group exists to protect something alright, and it’s the interests of a colonial nostalgia-bleating aristocracy. As one person on X recently highlighted, it has aligned itself with the pro-hunting elite following the National Trust’s hunting ban:

    The National Trust is hardly a symbol of radical leftwing liberation, but it has clearly ruffled the feathers of the rightwing landed class.

    Now, its leading front group Restore Trust is engaging in dodgy data-harvesting ad campaigns ahead of the National Trust’s council elections. Its funding might be as opaque as granite stone, but Restore Trust’s agenda is transparent. That is, it’s there to preserve the wealth of rich toffs – because to the rightwing, it’s the only heritage that matters.

    Feature image via Simon Burchell/Wikimedia/the Canary, cropped and resized to 1200 by 900, licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0

    By Hannah Sharland

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • Economic growth allows the few to grow ever-wealthier. Ending poverty and environmental catastrophe demands fresh thinking

    Economic growth will bring prosperity to all. This is the mantra that guides the decision-making of the vast majority of politicians, economists and even human rights bodies.

    Yet the reality – as detailed in a report to the United Nations Human Rights Council this month – shows that while poverty eradication has historically been promised through the “trickling down” or “redistribution” of wealth, economic growth largely “gushes up” to a privileged few.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Bullying your way to nuclear power might play out well in the Liberal-National Party room, but it’s unlikely to win favour with the states, or the punters, writes Dr Jim Green.

    Former Liberal prime minister Malcolm Turnbull famously described Coalition leader Peter Dutton as a “thug”. That description appears particularly apt in Dutton’s nuclear power plans.

    The Coalition’s nuclear project is opposed by state Labor governments in each of the five states being targeted. Victoria, NSW and Queensland have laws banning nuclear power. The Labor governments in SA and WA may follow suit if they think state legislation will give them some legal protection, or political advantage. Or both.

    Could a Dutton Coalition government override state laws banning nuclear power? Anne Twomey, a Sydney University Professor Emerita with lengthy experience teaching and practising in constitutional law, argues that states probably could not prevent the Commonwealth establishing a nuclear power plant, nor could they prevent necessary associated operations such as transmission lines and nuclear waste transport.

    Former Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull. (IMAGE: NATO, Flickr)

    Would a Dutton Coalition government attempt to override state opposition to nuclear power plants? Almost certainly it would. Nationals leader David Littleproud said in March that “if the Australian people vote for us that’s a fair indication to premiers that they should get out of the way”.

    Coalition and Labor federal governments have pursued attempts to impose a national nuclear waste dump in SA and the NT despite state/territory laws banning such facilities. Those attempts have all failed, largely due to community opposition led by affected Traditional Owners.

    Legal challenges helped stop three of the four proposed nuclear dump sites — Woomera (SA) under the Howard government; Muckaty (NT) under the Abbott government; and Kimba (SA) under the Morrison and Albanese governments. But the legal difficulties could have been overcome if the government of the day was ruthless enough and wasn’t suffering too much political pain because of its racist, undemocratic thuggery.

    No doubt a Dutton Coalition government would ignore the wishes of Traditional Owners and Native Title holders opposed to the construction of a nuclear reactor on their country. They would be stripped of their land rights and heritage protections, as has been the case with nuclear waste dump proposals.

     

    Compulsory acquisition

    What about the companies who own the sites being targeted by the Coalition for nuclear power plants, and who have their own multi-billion dollar plans to develop their own clean energy industrial hubs based around renewables. According to energy minister Chris Bowen, six of the owners of the seven targeted sites have ruled out agreeing to nuclear power reactors on their land.

    Dutton hasn’t bothered to consult these companies, but he has sought legal advice. This is what he said: “We will work with the companies, the owners of the sites. If we find a situation where we apply a national interest test and we require that site to be part of the national grid, then the legal advice that we have is that the Commonwealth has ample power to compulsorily acquire that with ample compensation.”

    The Coalition also hasn’t bothered to consult communities around the sites targeted for nuclear reactors. And, like state governments and the owners of the targeted sites, opposition from local communities will be overridden.

    Nationals deputy leader Perin Davey made the mistake of saying that the Coalition would not impose nuclear power plants on communities that were adamantly opposed. Davey was corrected by Littleproud, who said: “She is not correct and we made this very clear. Peter Dutton and David Littleproud as part of a Coalition government are prepared to make the tough decisions in the national interest.”

    Likewise, Dutton said: “Perin I think made a mistake yesterday as everybody does from time to time…. We’ve identified the seven locations and we believe it’s in the community’s interests and the national interest to proceed.”

    Democracy is for wimps, apparently, and for traitors who oppose the ‘national interest’ as Comrades Dutton and Littleproud see it.

    Opposition spokesman on Energy, Ted O’Brien.

    All this stands in stark contrast to a 2019 parliamentary inquiry led by current shadow energy minister Ted O’Brien. The Committee’s report was titled ‘Not without your approval: a way forward for nuclear technology in Australia’.

    Announcing the release of the parliamentary report, O’Brien said in 2019 that a future government should only proceed with nuclear power on the condition that it make “a commitment to community consent as a condition of approval for any nuclear power or nuclear waste disposal facility”. He also waffled on about “maintaining a social license based on trust and transparency” and putting the Australian people “at the centre of any approval process”.

    That was then, this is now. The ‘national interest’ is at stake.

    Prof. Anne Twomey notes that the Dutton government would need to get legislation through Parliament, including the Senate, both to repeal federal laws banning nuclear power and also “to provide any necessary legal support and protection for a nuclear power industry in Australia”.

    An uncooperative Senate could block Dutton’s nuclear power plans, but could not stop him expanding and prolonging the use of fossil fuels and derailing the renewable energy transition. Only voters can do that.

     

    South Australia

    Here in SA, we’ll get one or more nuclear power reactors in SA whether we like it or not and whether or not we need the additional power supply. SA has gone from 1 percent renewable electricity supply to 74 percent over the past 16 years and the government aims to reach 100 percent net renewables by 2027.

    While there’s doubt about the 2027 timeline, it’s a safe bet we’ll reach 100 percent net renewables by the time a nuclear reactor could possibly begin generating electricity 20-plus years from now.

    The Northern Power Station near Port Augusta, one of the seven sites targeted by the Coalition, was shut down in 2016 and the region has since become a renewables hub. Are Dutton and O’Brien unaware of these developments? Are they planning a renewables-to-nuclear transition for SA? It’s difficult to see their non-negotiable plan for a nuclear power plant in SA as anything other than an ill-conceived, uncosted thought bubble.

    The Northern Power Station outside Port Augusta in South Australia, prior to its closure in 2016. (IMAGE: Gary Sauer-Thompson, Flickr)

    The Coalition insists that nuclear power would reduce power bills. But there’s no evidence to support that claim, and plenty of evidence to suggest otherwise. The claim isn’t supported by CSIRO’s ‘GenCost’ report; or in a recent report prepared for the Clean Energy Council by Egis, a leading global consulting, construction and engineering firm; or in a recent report on small modular reactors by the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis; or in the latest economic analysis released by investment firm Lazard.

    SA Premier Peter Malinauskas isn’t convinced about the Coalition’s economic claims either, saying: “Every single objective, independent analysis that has looked at this has said nuclear power would make power more expensive in Australia rather than cheaper. Why we would impose that burden on power consumers in our country is completely beyond me.”

    * Dr Jim Green is the national nuclear campaigner with Friends of the Earth Australia and co-author of a new report released by the Australian Conservation Foundation, ‘Power Games: Assessing coal to nuclear proposals in Australia’.

    The post Dutton’s Nuclear ‘Thuggery’ Will Heat Up Debate And Energy Prices, But It Won’t Cool The Climate appeared first on New Matilda.

    This post was originally published on New Matilda.

  • Bullying your way to nuclear power might play out well in the Liberal-National Party room, but it’s unlikely to win favour with the states, or the punters, writes Dr Jim Green.

    Former Liberal prime minister Malcolm Turnbull famously described Coalition leader Peter Dutton as a “thug”. That description appears particularly apt in Dutton’s nuclear power plans.

    The Coalition’s nuclear project is opposed by state Labor governments in each of the five states being targeted. Victoria, NSW and Queensland have laws banning nuclear power. The Labor governments in SA and WA may follow suit if they think state legislation will give them some legal protection, or political advantage. Or both.

    Could a Dutton Coalition government override state laws banning nuclear power? Anne Twomey, a Sydney University Professor Emerita with lengthy experience teaching and practising in constitutional law, argues that states probably could not prevent the Commonwealth establishing a nuclear power plant, nor could they prevent necessary associated operations such as transmission lines and nuclear waste transport.

    Former Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull. (IMAGE: NATO, Flickr)

    Would a Dutton Coalition government attempt to override state opposition to nuclear power plants? Almost certainly it would. Nationals leader David Littleproud said in March that “if the Australian people vote for us that’s a fair indication to premiers that they should get out of the way”.

    Coalition and Labor federal governments have pursued attempts to impose a national nuclear waste dump in SA and the NT despite state/territory laws banning such facilities. Those attempts have all failed, largely due to community opposition led by affected Traditional Owners.

    Legal challenges helped stop three of the four proposed nuclear dump sites — Woomera (SA) under the Howard government; Muckaty (NT) under the Abbott government; and Kimba (SA) under the Morrison and Albanese governments. But the legal difficulties could have been overcome if the government of the day was ruthless enough and wasn’t suffering too much political pain because of its racist, undemocratic thuggery.

    No doubt a Dutton Coalition government would ignore the wishes of Traditional Owners and Native Title holders opposed to the construction of a nuclear reactor on their country. They would be stripped of their land rights and heritage protections, as has been the case with nuclear waste dump proposals.

     

    Compulsory acquisition

    What about the companies who own the sites being targeted by the Coalition for nuclear power plants, and who have their own multi-billion dollar plans to develop their own clean energy industrial hubs based around renewables. According to energy minister Chris Bowen, six of the owners of the seven targeted sites have ruled out agreeing to nuclear power reactors on their land.

    Dutton hasn’t bothered to consult these companies, but he has sought legal advice. This is what he said: “We will work with the companies, the owners of the sites. If we find a situation where we apply a national interest test and we require that site to be part of the national grid, then the legal advice that we have is that the Commonwealth has ample power to compulsorily acquire that with ample compensation.”

    The Coalition also hasn’t bothered to consult communities around the sites targeted for nuclear reactors. And, like state governments and the owners of the targeted sites, opposition from local communities will be overridden.

    Nationals deputy leader Perin Davey made the mistake of saying that the Coalition would not impose nuclear power plants on communities that were adamantly opposed. Davey was corrected by Littleproud, who said: “She is not correct and we made this very clear. Peter Dutton and David Littleproud as part of a Coalition government are prepared to make the tough decisions in the national interest.”

    Likewise, Dutton said: “Perin I think made a mistake yesterday as everybody does from time to time…. We’ve identified the seven locations and we believe it’s in the community’s interests and the national interest to proceed.”

    Democracy is for wimps, apparently, and for traitors who oppose the ‘national interest’ as Comrades Dutton and Littleproud see it.

    Opposition spokesman on Energy, Ted O’Brien.

    All this stands in stark contrast to a 2019 parliamentary inquiry led by current shadow energy minister Ted O’Brien. The Committee’s report was titled ‘Not without your approval: a way forward for nuclear technology in Australia’.

    Announcing the release of the parliamentary report, O’Brien said in 2019 that a future government should only proceed with nuclear power on the condition that it make “a commitment to community consent as a condition of approval for any nuclear power or nuclear waste disposal facility”. He also waffled on about “maintaining a social license based on trust and transparency” and putting the Australian people “at the centre of any approval process”.

    That was then, this is now. The ‘national interest’ is at stake.

    Prof. Anne Twomey notes that the Dutton government would need to get legislation through Parliament, including the Senate, both to repeal federal laws banning nuclear power and also “to provide any necessary legal support and protection for a nuclear power industry in Australia”.

    An uncooperative Senate could block Dutton’s nuclear power plans, but could not stop him expanding and prolonging the use of fossil fuels and derailing the renewable energy transition. Only voters can do that.

     

    South Australia

    Here in SA, we’ll get one or more nuclear power reactors in SA whether we like it or not and whether or not we need the additional power supply. SA has gone from 1 percent renewable electricity supply to 74 percent over the past 16 years and the government aims to reach 100 percent net renewables by 2027.

    While there’s doubt about the 2027 timeline, it’s a safe bet we’ll reach 100 percent net renewables by the time a nuclear reactor could possibly begin generating electricity 20-plus years from now.

    The Northern Power Station near Port Augusta, one of the seven sites targeted by the Coalition, was shut down in 2016 and the region has since become a renewables hub. Are Dutton and O’Brien unaware of these developments? Are they planning a renewables-to-nuclear transition for SA? It’s difficult to see their non-negotiable plan for a nuclear power plant in SA as anything other than an ill-conceived, uncosted thought bubble.

    The Northern Power Station outside Port Augusta in South Australia, prior to its closure in 2016. (IMAGE: Gary Sauer-Thompson, Flickr)

    The Coalition insists that nuclear power would reduce power bills. But there’s no evidence to support that claim, and plenty of evidence to suggest otherwise. The claim isn’t supported by CSIRO’s ‘GenCost’ report; or in a recent report prepared for the Clean Energy Council by Egis, a leading global consulting, construction and engineering firm; or in a recent report on small modular reactors by the Institute for Energy Economics and Financial Analysis; or in the latest economic analysis released by investment firm Lazard.

    SA Premier Peter Malinauskas isn’t convinced about the Coalition’s economic claims either, saying: “Every single objective, independent analysis that has looked at this has said nuclear power would make power more expensive in Australia rather than cheaper. Why we would impose that burden on power consumers in our country is completely beyond me.”

    * Dr Jim Green is the national nuclear campaigner with Friends of the Earth Australia and co-author of a new report released by the Australian Conservation Foundation, ‘Power Games: Assessing coal to nuclear proposals in Australia’.

    The post Dutton’s Nuclear ‘Thuggery’ Will Heat Up Debate And Energy Prices, But It Won’t Cool The Climate appeared first on New Matilda.

    This post was originally published on New Matilda.

  • Image by Dikaseva.

    I’ve been writing about climate change for so many years now but, in truth, it was always something I read about and took in globally. It was happening out there, often in horrific ways, but not what I felt I was living through myself. (It’s true that, in past winters, Manhattan’s Central Park went 653 days without producing an inch of snow, almost double any previous record, but if you’re not a kid with a sled in the closet, that’s the sort of thing you don’t really feel.)

    However, that’s begun to change. As it happens, like so many other New Yorkers, I only recently experienced a June heat dome over my city. Here in Manhattan, where I walk many miles daily for exercise, it was simply brutal. The sort of thing you might expect in a truly bad week in August.

    This June, though, it was hot nationally almost beyond imagining. As I began this piece, it was estimated that more than 270 million Americans, 80% of us, were experiencing a heatwave of a potentially unprecedented sort extending over significant parts of the country. There were devastating early wildfires in the Southwest and West (not to speak of the ones burning long-term in Canada). Ruidoso, a small mountain town in New Mexico that my wife, who grew up in El Paso, Texas, once loved, had at least 1,400 of its structures damaged or destroyed by fire and two people killed.

    Meanwhile, as I began writing this, the first tropical storm of this overheated season was already forming in the Gulf of Mexico and heading for Texas, not to speak of those record rainstorms that only recently flooded the Ft. Lauderdale and Miami areas in a distinctly unsettling fashion. And then, of course, there was the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration’s prediction that, given how hot the tropical waters of the Atlantic Ocean had become, this year’s hurricane season could prove to be an all-too-literal hell on Earth. There might possibly be 25 named storms (itself a record prediction). And I was thinking about all of this as I sat at my desk in New York City, stripped to my undershirt in the rising heat of a June day from hell.

    Honestly, it’s not that complicated. In fact, we should give ourselves credit. We humans have certainly proved to be remarkable — or at least remarkably destructive. Yes, we’ve long been that way, but the levels of that destructiveness have, in recent history, grown in a striking fashion. If you feel in a negative enough mood, humanity’s time on this planet can be seen as a history of ever more horrific wars that, in the last century, became global. And, of course, the second of those world wars ended in an historically unprecedented fashion with the destruction of the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki by a new weapon, the atom bomb, that all too soon proved capable not just of devastating urban areas but of possibly wiping out civilization itself. And that, in a sense, couldn’t be more deeply us. (There are, of course, other histories that could also be written that would be far more encouraging, including a history of literature and of healing, but at least for now let’s leave them aside.)

    I mean, give us full credit. In these decades, we’ve discovered — once by the deepest sort of planning and experimentation (think “Trinity,” the code name for the first nuclear test in the desert of Los Alamos, New Mexico, that Robert J. Oppenheimer became so famous for) and then by the inadvertent, if deeply profitable use of fossil fuels — two ways of potentially destroying Earth, at least as a livable place for you-know-who. I’m talking, of course, about the very planet that nurtured humanity for endless millennia.

    Nuclear war between great (or even lesser) powers could, of course, quickly produce an apocalyptic scenario that might kill millions of human beings and create a nuclear winter on planet Earth capable of starving most of the rest of us. Climate change, while potentially no less destructive, offers us that apocalypse in slow motion. And that’s obviously why it’s taken me so long, despite all that I’ve written on the subject, to truly feel it myself in broiling Manhattan.

    Death by Heat

    Oh, and as I sat there sweating profusely in front of my computer on that overheated day, I was struck by a little cheery news when it comes to doing in the planet. As the Guardian recently reported, nuclear spending actually rose globally by 13% in 2023. How farsighted of us!

    Congratulations are certainly in order, don’t you think? And to give credit where it’s due, among the nine nuclear powers on this planet, my own country leads the list in increased spending, pouring more billions of dollars into such weaponry than the next eight nuclear powers combined. And mind you, at this very second, two of the planet’s nine nuclear powers, Russia and Israel, are actually at war. While one, Israel, doesn’t mention its nuclear arsenal, the other has repeatedly threatened to use “tactical” nuclear weapons (some more powerful than the ones that destroyed Hiroshima and Nagasaki) in Ukraine or even assumedly elsewhere in Europe.

    A third nuclear power, North Korea, has been implicitly threatening to atomize its southern neighbor and foe. Oh, and just for a little even cheerier news, Russian President Vladimir Putin now needs North Korean weaponry so badly to fight his war in Ukraine that he may be willing to aid Kim Jong-un’s scientists in designing “a warhead that could survive re-entry into the atmosphere and threaten its many adversaries, starting with the United States.” So, at the moment, if anything, the possibilities of future nuclear war seem to be on the rise.

    Meanwhile, in this planet’s slow-motion version of Armageddon, while we Americans have been experiencing our own extreme weather events from coast to coast, so have other countries, sometimes in an even more devastating fashion. Take Greece, part of a Europe that experienced extreme heat last summer. Only recently, it’s had an early heatwave that scientists say could “go down in history” (at least until next year!) in which at least five tourists have died. And that, in truth, was nothing, not if you shift your focus to Saudi Arabia. There, during this year’s Hajj religious pilgrimage in which 1.8 million well-robed visitors took part, more than 1,300 pilgrims died of heat exposure as the temperature hit 125 degrees Fahrenheit. Meanwhile, South Asia has been broiling, with temperatures there all too literally going sky high — up to 127 degrees Fahrenheit in India and Pakistan — and resulting in increasing numbers of deaths. In India, only perhaps 12% of the population even has air conditioning (which, in any case, simply puts more fossil fuels into the atmosphere). Scores of people have died there from extreme temperatures, including dozens of poll workers during India’s recent election.

    Such extremes are becoming a global phenomenon, as is ever wilder weather. Take, for instance, recent record temperatures and a grim drought across significant parts of northern China along with record flooding in the southern part of that country. And mind you, China has done more than any other nation to switch to non-fossil-fuel-producing renewable forms of energy and yet, in 2023, it was also continuing to build new coal-powered plants at a rate of two per week.

    Whether cheaper solar and wind energy, which are indeed growing faster than any energy source ever, will leave oil, coal, and natural gas in a historic ditch remains to be seen. In the meantime, our planet is a growing climate mess, with (let’s not forget) us humans continuing to make war on each other in Ukraine and Gaza, efforts that only pour yet more fossil fuels into the atmosphere.

    A Slow-Motion Conflagration

    This is just the start of a process of climate devastation that, barring surprises, is scheduled to grow ever more severe in the years to come. And if you want to look for a moment at causation (as with nuclear spending), rather than the death-dealing results of it all, consider my country. It’s still setting startling records when it comes to the production of fossil fuels. In fact, in 2023, for the sixth year in a row, the United States set a global record for oil production (an average of 12.9 million barrels a day) and it’s also now the largest exporter of natural gas on the planet.

    Meanwhile, the major fossil-fuel companies and their CEOs continue to make absolute fortunes. As the CEO of Chevron put it last year: “In 2023, we returned more cash to shareholders and produced more oil and natural gas than any year in the company’s history.” Hooray! And think of all of that as possibly the ultimate form of warfare on planet Earth. Consider it, in fact, a slo-mo version of atomic war, even if no one normally talks about fossil-fuelized war or anything of the sort.

    Those mind-boggling American records took place under a president who has at least attempted to curb climate change. And yet, keep in mind that my fellow citizens, sweating across the country right now, could elect a man in 2024 who has sworn to wipe out our modest steps towards a greener future on the very first day he gets back into the Oval Office (and essentially ignored a question about climate change during the debate Thursday without being seriously challenged for doing so). He’s proudly met with just about every fossil fuel CEO in sight, promising to “end a freeze on permits for new liquefied natural gas,” reverse any steps President Biden took to limit fossil-fuel usage, and is even more proudly ready, as he’s bragged more than once, to “drill, baby, drill” from his first day in office. Meanwhile, of course, many of the countries of Europe, which until now have moved more decisively against the use of fossil fuels, just elected all too many far-right representatives to the European Parliament and may do the same thing in state-by-state elections, and so, as in this country, could reverse course on climate change.

    Imagine this then: next June, if I’m still writing TomDispatch pieces, it may be without even that undershirt on. (Excuse me for a moment, while I wipe the sweat from my face.)

    The future, as they say, is now and, believe me, I feel it. Right now! (And I don’t often use exclamation points.) And yet, in the slow-motion apocalypse that climate change represents, the one that’s already starting to slaughter human beings before it even truly hits its stride, this is clearly just the beginning, perhaps — though we don’t yet know — just the beginning of the beginning.

    It saddens me beyond words to imagine the future world my grandchildren might find themselves in. It’s true that we should never underestimate ourselves — and not just when it comes to destruction. The switch to non-fossil-fuel forms of energy is distinctly on the rise and they are indeed becoming ever less expensive to install and use. And you never know — you truly don’t — what else the human brain can come up with. Nor, of course, do we know whether, in the grimmest fashion imaginable, we could end all this slow-motion suffering on planet Earth in a nuclear conflagration.

    Given our history, who knows what we could do? And I haven’t even mentioned artificial intelligence, have I? I fear I may simply be too old to take all of this in or the ways in which we humans could still prove destructive beyond compare.

    This piece first appeared on TomDispatch.

    The post The True Catastrophe of Our Times appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • Male American (Northern) Goshawk. Public domain.

    On June 27, 2024, a federal court halted an illegal logging project on federal public lands in the Little Belt Mountains of Montana.

    The Alliance for the Wild Rockies and Native Ecosystems Council filed their lawsuit to stop the Horsefly project in the Helena-Lewis and Clark National Forest in April 2021. The project called for cutting and burning trees on 10,343 acres, which is more than 16 square miles. To enable the logging, the agency planned on bulldozing a stunning 40.7 miles of new logging roads in the Little Belt Mountains north of White Sulphur Springs, Montana.

    The scope of the massive Horsefly landscape-altering proposal is alarming and because the project violated federal law, it had to be enjoined.

    The Forest Service used a number of euphemisms in a transparent attempt to disguise what used to be more honestly called logging. For instance, the agency called 3,278 acres of commercial logging ‘intermediate treatment,’ 1,049 acres of clearcutting ‘regeneration harvest,’ 409 acres of clearcutting and possible burning ‘meadow restoration,’ and 465 acres of non-commercial logging ‘rearrangement of fuels’. They’re ‘rearranging’ them alright: from forest ecosystems to stump fields.

    This is an ecosystem, not a private tree farm, and so we have to maintain the habitat for sensitive wildlife species.  One of those species is the northern goshawk, which has been declining in population, and which the forest plan lists as an old-growth forest management indicator species. Due to the importance of this species, the law requires 100% of goshawk nets to be monitored annually.

    In 2018, the entire Forest was surveyed for goshawks and the Forest Service found an alarming 47% decline in active goshawk nests, which the agency failed to disclose to the public in violation of the National Environmental Policy Act and the National Forest Management Act. The agency also ignored its own Forest Plan requirement to issue an evaluation report if active nests decline by 10%.”

    The Court’s ruling was very straightforward on the failure of the Forest Service to follow the law. As the Order reads: “The Court agrees with Alliance that the Forest Service’s failure to disclose and evaluate the decline in active goshawk nesting territories violated both NFMA and NEPA. . . . Federal Defendants all but concede that the Forest Service’s failure to disclose the decrease in active goshawk nesting territories to the public in the EA and failure to comply with the Forest Plan requirement to conduct an evaluation report if active nests decline by 10% amounts to a violation of NFMA.” Yet the Forest Service continues to log the last remaining mature and old growth forests and goshawks are in trouble.

    The Court’s order remanded the project authorization to the agency, and enjoined the project pending compliance with federal law.  We follow the law every day, and the Forest Service must also follow the law.  When a government agency violates the law, it must be held accountable in court. It’s not easy to fight the federal government, which has far more resources than we do, but nonetheless we are committed to making the government follow its own laws to protect our native wildlife and public land ecosystems. Despite attacks by politicians, intimidation tactics, and misinformation campaigns, we won’t be stopped.  We are determined to continue with this critical work.

    Please consider helping us continue to fight to protect old growth forests and make the Forest Service follow the law.

    The post Court Halts Massive Illegal Old Growth Logging Project in Montana’s Little Belt Mountains appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • Independent candidate Andrew Feinstein has called out billionaire stooge Keir Starmer for no-showing a climate and nature general election hustings in his constituency seat of Holborn and St Pancras. At the event, Feinstein criticised the contempt Starmer’s side-stepping of the event demonstrated for both his constituents and nature.

    Starmer dodges Climate and Nature Bill hustings

    On Thursday 27 June, campaign group Zero Hour hosted a climate and biodiversity hustings in Labour Party leader Keir Starmer’s constituency.

    At the event, residents and local environmental organisations quizzed candidates on their commitment to tackling the climate crisis and biodiversity crisis.

    In particular, organiser Zero Hour called on those standing to commit support for the landmark Climate and Nature (CAN) bill:


    This proposed legislation would ensure a joined-up, cross-party approach to tackle the dual climate and nature crises. It offers a robust plan for a new UK law that addresses the full extent of the climate and nature crisis in line with the most up-to-date science.

    Specifically, the bill calls for concrete action on the two crises, including for instance:

    • Ensuring the UK cuts emissions in line with 1.5°c – tackling its emissions footprint domestically and abroad.
    • A new nature target that would commit the UK to reversing nature decline and facilitate recovery of biodiversity by 2030 at home and overseas.
    • Establishing a climate and nature assembly to enable public involvement and oversight of Parliament.

    CEO of the Zoological Society of London Matthew Gould chaired the session. This drew in the slate of candidates standing for the Holborn and St Pancras seat at the upcoming election. Independent candidate Andrew Feinstein, Liberal Democrat Charlie Clinton, and Green Party nominee David Robert Stansell attended the debate on the vital election issue.

    However, Keir Starmer, who’s standing in the London seat for re-election, dodged the event. Instead, a stand-in from the local council took part in the proceedings.

    Feinstein lambasted the Labour leader’s absence, saying:

    Keir Starmer is more interested in the needs of his billionaire donors, than the needs of his constituents or the environment.

    Labour frontbench fails to support CAN bill

    Feinstein’s comments reference the fact that throughout his gambit for Number 10, Starmer has courted the support of billionaire capitalists.

    As the Canary has previously reported, the party has doubled-down on its pro-business rhetoric. Notably, Labour’s key climate plan, Great British Energy, is a smokescreen for funnelling public cash to the private sector.

    By contrast, Feinstein declared his whole-hearted commitment to the Climate and Nature Bill, which he argued stands as a “challenge” to Starmer’s brand of corporate-captured politics:

    that degrades our planet, degrades our environment, and destroys nature. But we must have strong and robust enforcement measures to enforce any piece of legislation.

    Former Green Party MP for Brighton Pavilion Caroline Lucas first introduced the bill in 2020. Since then, it has garnered the backing of over 180 MPs and peers across all major political parties. What’s more, the bill has drawn the support of over 200 scientists, multiple businesses, and famous advocates for nature like Chris Packham.

    Predictably, Starmer is not among them. Writing for the Big Issue on 14 June, CAN bill climate activists criticised Labour’s manifesto commitments for kicking “the can down the road” on the climate and biodiversity crises.

    The article noted how the Labour leadership has offered only vague platitudes to the “aims and ambitions” of the bill.

    Moreover, to date, just 12 members of the Labour former frontbench have independently pledged to back the bill. These included just two secretaries of state, Ian Murray (for Scotland) and Louise Haigh (for transport).

    Crucially however, not a single minister from the party’s Energy Security and Net Zero team had signed up to support it. Meanwhile, just one environment minister – Emma Hardy – had done so before the dissolution of parliament.

    Feinstein: the gaping CAN-shaped hole in Labour’s manifesto

    An analysis by Greenpeace determined that Labour’s manifesto fell well short of the concerted action needed. Significantly, it met barely over 50% of the green policies Greenpeace set out as key for the next government.

    In particular, the party’s manifesto dropped the ball on sewage, industrial fishing, and plastic pollution. Greenpeace also pulled up Labour on the omission of plans for reversing the Tories’ draconian anti-protest laws.

    On sewage too, Feinstein has called out Starmer and his party’s connections to private corporations:

    Contrary to Labour, the independent candidate has made repealing the Tories’ authoritarian legislation a key plank of his manifesto.

    At the hustings, Feinstein argued that:

    Climate is the greatest existential crisis that we as humanity, as a planet, face. And this is an existential election.

    Despite the gravity of these threats however, Starmer couldn’t even be bothered to show up to the hustings. Evidently, if he had, Feinstein would have held his feet to the fire and shown the Labour leader up for the shameless capitalist sycophant he is.

    It’s clear that Starmer is not the climate and biodiversity choice on the ballot. Now, it’s up to the residents of Holborn and St Pancras to give him the boot. The choice at this election is between a Labour corporate lackey who will kick the can down the road on climate and nature, or a principled politician who will finally kick CAN into gear and the capitalist class to the curb.

    Feature image via Kristian Lam-Clark

    By Hannah Sharland

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • Global Voices interviews veteran author, journalist and educator David Robie who discussed the state of Pacific media, journalism education, and the role of the press in addressing decolonisation and the climate crisis.

    Professor David Robie is among this year’s New Zealand Order of Merit awardees and was on the King’s Birthday Honours list earlier this month for his “services to journalism and Asia-Pacific media education.”

    His career in journalism has spanned five decades. He was the founding editor of the Pacific Journalism Review journal in 1994 and in 1996 he established the Pacific Media Watch, a media rights watchdog group.

    He was head of the journalism department at the University of Papua New Guinea from 1993–1997 and at the University of the South Pacific from 1998–2002. While teaching at Auckland University of Technology, he founded the Pacific Media Centre in 2007.

    He has authored 10 books on Asia-Pacific media and politics. He received the 1985 Media Peace Prize for his coverage of the Rainbow Warrior bombing — which he sailed on and wrote the book Eyes of Fire: The Last Voyage of the Rainbow Warrior — and the French and American nuclear testing.

    In 2015, he was given the Asian Media Information and Communication Centre (AMIC) Asian Communication Award in Dubai. Global Voices interviewed him about the challenges faced by journalists in the Pacific and his career. This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

    MONG PALATINO (MP): What are the main challenges faced by the media in the region?

    DAVID ROBIE (DR): Corruption, viability, and credibility — the corruption among politicians and influence on journalists, the viability of weak business models and small media enterprises, and weakening credibility. After many years of developing a reasonably independent Pacific media in many countries in the region with courageous and independent journalists in leadership roles, many media groups are becoming susceptible to growing geopolitical rivalry between powerful players in the region, particularly China, which is steadily increasing its influence on the region’s media — especially in Solomon Islands — not just in development aid.

    However, the United States, Australia and France are also stepping up their Pacific media and journalism training influences in the region as part of “Indo-Pacific” strategies that are really all about countering Chinese influence.

    Indonesia is also becoming an influence in the media in the region, for other reasons. Jakarta is in the middle of a massive “hearts and minds” strategy in the Pacific, mainly through the media and diplomacy, in an attempt to blunt the widespread “people’s” sentiment in support of West Papuan aspirations for self-determination and eventual independence.

    MP: What should be prioritised in improving journalism education in the region?

    DR: The university-based journalism schools, such as at the University of the South Pacific in Fiji, are best placed to improve foundation journalism skills and education, and also to encourage life-long learning for journalists. More funding would be more beneficial channelled through the universities for more advanced courses, and not just through short-course industry training. I can say that because I have been through the mill both ways — 50 years as a journalist starting off in the “school of hard knocks” in many countries, including almost 30 years running journalism courses and pioneering several award-winning student journalist publications. However, it is important to retain media independence and not allow funding NGOs to dictate policies.

    MP: How can Pacific journalists best fulfill their role in highlighting Pacific stories, especially the impact of the climate crisis?

    DR: The best strategy is collaboration with international partners that have resources and expertise in climate crisis, such as the Earth Journalism Network to give a global stage for their issues and concerns. When I was still running the Pacific Media Centre, we had a high profile Pacific climate journalism Bearing Witness project where students made many successful multimedia reports and award-winning commentaries. An example is this one on YouTube: Banabans of Rabi: A Story of Survival

    MP: What should the international community focus on when reporting about the Pacific?

    DR: It is important for media to monitor the Indo-Pacific rivalries, but to also keep them in perspective — so-called ”security” is nowhere as important to Pacific countries as it is to its Western neighbours and China. It is important for the international community to keep an eye on the ball about what is important to the Pacific, which is ‘development’ and ‘climate crisis’ and why China has an edge in some countries at the moment.

    Australia and, to a lesser extent, New Zealand have dropped the ball in recent years, and are tying to regain lost ground, but concentrating too much on “security”. Listen to the Pacific voices.

    There should be more international reporting about the “hidden stories” of the Pacific such as the unresolved decolonisation issues — Kanaky New Caledonia, “French” Polynesia (Mā’ohi Nui), both from France; and West Papua from Indonesia. West Papua, in particular, is virtually ignored by Western media in spite of the ongoing serious human rights violations. This is unconscionable.

    Mong Palatino is regional editor of Global Voices for Southeast Asia. An activist and former two-term member of the Philippine House of Representatives, he has been blogging since 2004 at mongster’s nest. @mongster Republished with permission.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Georgia-Pacific Mill, Toledo, Oregon. Photo: Jeffrey St. Clair.

    The two leading U.S. presidential candidates offer a dismal future for the earth ecosystem. That’s because it’s time for a real climate president, not a phony one, like Joe “More Oil Leases” Biden or a climate wrecker like Donald “Let the World Burn” Trump. The earth is warming, and we all know how to apply the brakes: stop burning oil, gas and coal. But both Biden and Trump refuse such a so-called radical step, thus condemning our species to a hotter, less human-friendly planet, at best.

    It’s not as if we don’t know the alternatives: wind, solar and hydropower. Beijing sure knows. In fact, China’s solar companies lead not only the world, but also those supposedly nonpareil exemplars of American capitalism, the Seven Sisters oil conglomerates – BP, Chevron, Shell, Exxon and the rest. According to a Bloomberg headline June 13, “Solar Power’s Giants Are Providing More Energy Than Big Oil.” Who are those solar power giants? Seven Chinese companies.

     Put this in the context of Beijing charging ahead of everyone in green tech, and how does Biden help? By slapping tariffs on the technology that curbs climate change and thus opens a path out of our overheated morass. That tells you all you need to know about the Biden gang’s priorities: political grandstanding trumps preserving a livable world for humankind – by a lot.

    Meanwhile, global warming threatens that livable world, first and foremost by gifting us drought. In Mexico City, population 23 million, as water in reservoirs evaporates, taps could run dry in the near future, like this summer. And that megalopolis ain’t alone. Robert Hunziker reports in CounterPunch June 14: “Bogota (8M pop.) recently started water rationing. Residents of Johannesburg (6M pop.) line up for municipal truck deliveries. South Delhi (2.7M pop.) announced a rationing plan on May 29. Several cities of Southern Europe have rationing plans on the table. In March 2024, China announced its first-ever National Level Regulations on Water Conservation, a disguised version of water rationing. Global warming is the key problem, as severe droughts clobber reservoirs.” If you think we here in the Exceptional Empire are exempt from this ominously thirsty future, think again.

    “More than 550 neighborhoods,” posted Extinction Rebellion’s Roger Hallam June 15, have been forced by record-breaking heat and years of worsening drought “to turn off their tap water in Mexico City. Officials are predicting ‘Day Zero,’ the moment the reservoirs will stop pumping and 6 million people will lose their water supply.” Simultaneously in the U.S., parts of the Gulf Coast and the mid-Atlantic coast experience exceptional drought, according to the U.S. Drought Monitor. Sections of New Mexico and Texas are under extreme drought, while large swaths of North America suffer severe and moderate drought or are “merely” abnormally dry. Nobody in their right mind is bothered by how water rationing could affect a yellowing lawn, but when your flowers wither and you face the prospect of limited bathing, alarm sets in.

    For those who doubt that earth, our only home, is warming, nota bene: June 13 was the hottest day in our planet’s recorded history, and this calefaction comes in a context of regular, predictable temperature rises over the past decade. The average global surface temperature of 62.3 degrees Fahrenheit beat the previous day’s old record. “Record smashing heatwaves are ongoing,” tweeted Colin McCarthy of U.S. Stormwatch, “in India, China, the Mediterranean and the Caribbean, just to name a few places.” Then on June 18, McCarthy reported that temps that day in Mecca were the hottest in that locale’s recorded history, namely 125.2 degrees Fahrenheit. Heat there killed roughly 1300 pilgrims, as of June 20. I might add that starting June 17, the American Midwest and Northeast got slammed with abnormally high temps enduring for an unfortunate stretch of days on end.

    People started recording global heat in 1850. Last year was the hottest on record by a lot, while overall the warmest years ever observed are 2015, 2016, 2017, 2018, 2019, 2020, 2021, 2022 and 2023. If you’re a climate denier and don’t detect a pattern, you win the ostrich head-in-the-sand award of the year, because these are some truly lousy stats. They mean that the most sizzling years in the 174-year record all happened between 2014 and 2023 and pretty much seriatim – almost as if our planet’s fever keeps rising regularly. This, people, is something we want to stop. That means attacking the pathogen causing the illness, namely burning fossil fuels.

    But don’t think high temperatures are the only curse of capitalism run amok. According to the Washington Post June 10, every time you breathe, you could inhale microplastics. The worst are tiny fibers from nylon or polyester clothing. But these plastic slivers in human lungs, livers, other organs, blood, placentas, breast milk and testicles come from loads of other sources, too. What they’re really good at is “stressing the body’s immune system.” So it’s past time to take cloth bags to the grocery store and to skip the plastic ones they offer you. You may just be helping your circulatory system – one spot of microplastics’ worst impacts. “People with microplastics in the lining of their arteries [are] more likely to suffer heart attack, stroke or death from any cause…microplastics can cause tissue damage, allergic reactions and even cell death.” Phthalates or bisphenol A, two chemicals in plastics “cause hormonal imbalances and disrupt the reproductive system.” Fun times – unless somebody somewhere in power starts banning whole categories of this toxin. Some plastics are indispensable, like those for medical equipment. But most aren’t. We could save our lives by ditching them, fast.

    Scientists expect to find microplastics in every part of the human body, the New York Times reported June 7. The problem is controlling exposure. Microplastics are shed by “the materials used in car tires, food manufacturing, paint,” and lots else. The Times quotes a University of California San Francisco professor advising to eat less highly processed foods. “One study of 16 protein types found that while each contained microplastics, highly processed products like chicken nuggets” – consumed by millions of children in their school lunches – “contained the most per gram of meat,” likely because “highly processed foods have more contact with plastic food-production equipment.” (Maybe switch to metal.) The Times also suggests using wooden cutting boards rather than plastic ones and replacing plastic food containers with glass ones. Oh, and surprise, surprise, more plastic infects bottled water than tap water. In fact, microplastics are everywhere, drifting around the top of Mr. Everest and embedded in the North Pole’s ice sheets (which are melting).

    Drought, water shortages in major cities, once-in-a-millennium floods every other year, heat waves of an intensity never experienced before, ubiquitous, killer plastic – it all adds up to an ugly picture of decayed, financialized capitalism out of control. The only solution lies with that right-wing bogeyman, government, because corporations clearly are not about to self-regulate. If we had a functioning government, one not bought by plutocrats, and a workable regulatory framework, we could smile optimistically at our future. But we don’t, so we need to get them, tout de suite.

    In a very much related matter, if uber-polluter U.S. is to compete in the world economically, it needs to de-financialize and reindustrialize – but not on the dirty 19th-century model; instead in an intelligent, green way. This is unlikely, I know, in the land of the fast buck. But there’s lots of frenzied chatter in bigwig political circles and the nearly useless mainstream media about keeping pace with China. Fine. The sane reaction is not to provoke a nuclear holocaust over Taiwan, it’s to reindustrialize. We may not be able to bring back those good jobs our corporate masters so gleefully exported around the globe for cheaper labor, but why not just cultivate them here, with financial and governmental incentives? Nurture new manufacturing, yes. But don’t kill us all with heat waves or poison us with microplastics in the process, please.

    The post China Combats Climate Change. The U.S., Not So Much appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • In a Guardian article 380 top climate scientists were asked what they felt about the future. They indicated they were terrified but determined to keep fighting.

    Seventy-seven per cent of the scientists believe global temperatures will reach at least 2.5C above preindustrial levels, a devastating degree of heating; almost half, 42%, think it will be more than 3C; only 6% think the 1.5C limit will be achieved.

    These scientists have enormous ability and dedication, yet like most news items in a distracted world its effect was probably transient, for it competed for attention with dangerous wars, international disagreements, increasing poverty and cost of living grievances in most countries with surges of ill health due to more infections and mental illness.

    One despairs that those carrying the democratic banner are failing to address this huge threat through their lack of knowledge and ability.

    By now your despair may have deepened, you may stop reading this article because you have already done all you can personally  to reduce your emissions when at the same time the government promotes and subsidises a future gas strategy and continuing coal mining. This mining causes 15 per cent of Australia’s domestic emissions from sending fossil fuels overseas.

    In addition, as a wealthy, developed nation we should be ashamed of the considerable damage to poorer nations from our exported gas which enhances climate change causing thousands of deaths – never mentioned by our governments.

     

    Our Health System of Biodiversity and Ecological Services 

    Climate change is wedded to an equally threatened partner, Australia’s natural environment which is degrading more rapidly than many other developed countries and little is being done to stop it. Additionally it is much more difficult to measure its degree of loss than the rising temperature of the earth and emissions in the atmosphere.

    The importance of biodiversity is explained to the Australian public by governments and most environmental organisations by using the loss of iconic species such as the Koala and Cockatoo without public or political understanding that they are but two of thousands, perhaps millions of species that work together to provide ecological services to us and for themselves.

    The continuing decline of the life support system of ecosystem services and biodiversity is a crisis needing urgent, collective action. At stake is food production and many other essential benefits for health and life itself.

    In the words of an article by a group of eminent environmental scientists:

    “We report three major and confronting environmental issues that have received little attention and require urgent action.

    First, we review the evidence that future environmental conditions will be far more dangerous than currently believed. The scale of the threats to the biosphere and all its life-forms—including humanity—is so great that it is difficult to grasp for even well-informed experts.

    Second, we ask what political or economic system, or leadership, is prepared to handle the predicted disasters, or even capable of such action.

    Third, this dire situation places an extraordinary responsibility on scientists to speak out candidly and accurately when engaging with government, business, and the public. We especially draw attention to the lack of appreciation of the enormous challenges to creating a sustainable future. The added stresses to human health, wealth, and well-being will perversely diminish our political capacity to mitigate the erosion of ecosystem services on which society depends.

    The science underlying these issues is strong, but awareness is weak. Without fully appreciating and broadcasting the scale of the problems and the enormity of the solutions required, society will fail to achieve even modest sustainability goals.”

    The situation can be summarised; Australia consumes its natural resources at the rate of 4.5 Earths per year and there is little evidence that this will be reduced under present policies. To explain the crucial role of biodiversity in our survival I will explain two of many examples.

     

    Healthy Soil is a vital Life Support System

    Soil, our ecological life support system for food production, consists of bacteria, fungi, viruses, nematodes, mites, worms and insects. In fact two thirds of thousands and perhaps millions of species on the planet form the soil, maintain its ecological structure and services.

    Pollinators, birds some animals and insects are part of this ecological service to control pests and enhance productivity.

    Soil is alive and if listening systems are placed in the soil one can hear the constant cacophony of noise made by these creatures as they break down organic material to components which can be absorbed through the roots of growing plants.

    Clearly soil needs to retain its health by receiving organic matter to break down to service the food needs of plants but in much farming on our famously very poor, old and heavily weathered soils, fertiliser is given to maintain and increase crop yields.

    Then living soil deteriorates and is more easily blown or washed away by the increasing extreme storms of climate change, and most importantly by high temperatures which kill many of the soil’s species.

    Pesticides and herbicides also damage the structure of soil and together with nitrogen fertiliser they wash into rivers and groundwater to damage further ecosystems killing fish and many other species.

    Our choice is to continue with current practices and lose our life support system, food, or accept scientific alternatives and subsidise farmers for lost productivity.

    We must also be aware that nitrogen fertiliser releases nitrous oxide (N2O) which is also an extremely potent greenhouse gas further reducing humanity’s chance of controlling emissions.

    Each of us possesses an ecological system in our intestines, the bacteria and enzymes in our small intestine, which split apart ingested foods so the constituents can be absorbed into our body. The system is known as your microbiome.

    Some patients with inflammatory bowel diseases resistant to conventional treatment can be treated successfully with a “poo-transplant” – the patient takes an oral dose of faecal material from a healthy patient to modify their disordered intestinal ecosystem. Similarly some soils lack ecological life because of overcropping and can only be restored by soil transplant when healthy soil is spread over dead soil.

     

    Biodiversity and Ecosystems reduce Epidemics

    The Medical Journal The Lancet indicates we are now witnessing widespread increases in the emergence, spread and re-emergence of infectious diseases in wildlife, domestic animals, plants, and people. Covid was just the beginning.

    Currently the H5N1 strain of influenza is causing millions of deaths of birds, some in mammals and now in a human.

    An important cause is natural habitat being increasingly lost and fragmented and the intact fragments are decreasing in size.

    Changes in climate and natural habitat are shifting species distributions and rearranging the composition of ecological communities. An estimated 1 million species are at risk of extinction.

    We are living cheek by jowl with organisms dependent on the remaining biodiversity.

    How do we address these threats?

    In 1946 the US Communicable Disease Center (CDC) opened with the role of preventing malaria from spreading across the nation. Its role now is to conduct critical science and provide health information that protects the United States against expensive and dangerous health threats and responds when these arise. The US CDC is preparing two bird flu vaccines for human use.

    In 2023 an “Interim ACDC” was set up with $90m over two years.

    The CEO of the Public Health Association of Australia has said, “The budget for the ACDC needs to be in the hundreds, not tens of millions of dollars, and the legislation that creates it needs to ensure it can function effectively long into the future, including through periods when Executive Government does not prioritise public health,” or the environment, which is often!

    Since the beginning of 2022, 44 countries have experienced a 10-fold increase in the incidence of at least one of 13 infectious diseases compared with a pre-pandemic baseline.

    There is much to be done by the fledgling ACDC.

    In conclusion our government is wallowing at sea, lacking knowledge and even willingness to think laterally to bring essential reforms to aid our survival. The endpoint for our current economy, economic growth forever, driven by consumption and population growth, indicates the government is at sea on a Titanic.

    In the 1912 disaster the wealthy elite enjoyed the upper deck cabins, were first into the life boats and survived, but this time we will all go down together.

    That is unless government steers the ship with the IPAT Equation: I = P x A x T. The equation maintains that impacts on ecosystems (I) are the product of the population size (P), affluence (A), and technology (T) of the human population in question.

    The post The Government Is All At Sea Wallowing Over Climate And Environmental Policy appeared first on New Matilda.

    This post was originally published on New Matilda.

  • Image by Lukáš Lehotský.

    The “ADVANCE Act,” a bill to promote nuclear power, was passed 88-to-2 by the U.S. Senate last week. The ADVANCE stands for “Accelerating Deployment of Versatile, Advanced Nuclear for Clean Energy.” The only senators voting against it were Edward Markey of Massachusetts and Bernie Sanders of Vermont.

    It was approved in the House of Representatives in May, also by a lopsided margin: 393-13. And it now has gone to President Joe Biden,

    Among the many points in the bill are the speeding up of the federal licensing process for new nuclear power plants notably those described as “advanced,” reducing licensing fees, allow ownership of nuclear facilities in the U.S. by foreign nations, and establishing in the U.S. Nuclear Regulatory Commission an Office of International Programs “to carry out the international nuclear export and innovation activities.”

    The action by Congress comes amid what Kevin Kamps of the organization Beyond Nuclear says is “the biggest push for nuclear power that I’ve experienced in 32 years of anti-nuclear power activities.”

    The nuclear industry, he says, is “trying to use the climate crisis” by claiming nuclear energy is carbon-free. “It’s not true. It’s not carbon-free by any means,” he says, and “not even low carbon when you compare it to genuinely low carbon sources of electricity, renewables like wind and solar.” But the nuclear industry is involved in a “propaganda campaign” attempting to validate itself by citing climate change, he says, and many in government having “fallen for this ploy.”

    Diane D’Arrigo of the group Nuclear Information and Resource Service commented: “Nuclear power makes climate worse—stealing resources from climate solutions and districting us from real solutions—and this bill is putting our already threatened democracy at even greater risk.”

    “Clearly, the U.S. Congress doesn’t understand or care about the dangers of radiation that will result,” said D’Arrigo in an interview. “The nuclear Advance Act, passed by nearly the whole U.S. House and Senate, hitched a ride on a must-pass bill fire-fighting bill as wildfire season is taking off during an election year.” The act of more than 90 pages was inserted into a three-page Fire Grants and Safety measure.

    “The nuclear industry,” she said, “has been investing in Congress to get massive subsidies for operating and proposed new nuclear power reactors and those huge investments paid off billions in the Inflation Reduction Act and Bipartisan Infrastructure laws, possibly more for nuclear and carbon capture than renewables and efficiency. Now the 118th Congress is again attempting to kickstart nuclear by bending the already-skewed rules making it harder for impacted communities to protect themselves.”

    “Possibly most dangerous,” said D’Arrigo, “is the boost to a plutonium economy with accompanying police state. The ‘advanced’ fuel encouraged in this bill is nearly bomb-grade uranium and the bill provides for exporting it to other countries as well as using it in reactors all over this country. It’s a dismal moment in environmental, economic and human history. But one we must continue to challenge.”

    Applauding the Senate’s passage of the ADVANCED Act was John Starkey, director of public policy at the American Nuclear Society. “It’s monumental,” said Starkey in an article on HuffPost. His society describes itself as “the premier organization for those that embrace the nuclear sciences and technologies.” Starkey further said: “This has been a long time coming.”

    The HuffPost piece by Alexander C. Kaufman on passage of the ADVANCE Act says Biden “is all but certain to sign it into law.” However, his article adds: “Yet it’s only a first step.”

    “The full legislation depends on Congress increasing funding to the NRC” and “help the agency staff up for an expected influx of applications” for new nuclear power plants, it says.

    The HuffPost article was headlined: “Congress Just Passed The Biggest Clean-Energy Bill Since Biden’s Climate Law. It’s all on nuclear.”

    Edwin Lyman, nuclear power safety director of the Union of Concerned Scientists, declared: “Make no mistake. This is not about making the reactor licensing process more efficient, but about weakening safety and security oversight across the board, a longstanding industry goal. The change to the NRC’s mission effectively directs the agency to enforce only the bare minimum level of regulation at every facility it oversees across the United States.”

    “Passage of this legislation will only increase the danger to people already living downwind of nuclear facilities from a severe accident or terrorist attack,” said Lyman, “and it will make it even more difficult for communities to prevent risky, experimental reactors from being sited in their midst.”

    Lyman, co-author of the book Fukushima: The Story of a Nuclear Disaster, also spoke about it being “extremely disappointing that without any meaningful debate” Congress was “changing the NRC’s mission to not only protect public health and safety but also to protect the financial health of the industry and its investors. Just as lax regulations by the FAA [Federal Aviation Administration]—an agency already burdened by conflicts of interests—can lead to a catastrophic failure of an aircraft, a compromised NRC could lead to a catastrophic reactor meltdown impacting an entire region for a generation.”

    Harvey Wasserman, author of the book Solartopia! Our Green-Powered Earth and co-author of Killing Our Own: The Disaster of America’s Experience with Atomic Radiation, said:

    “The ADVANCE Act is another death rattle for history’s most expensive techno-failure.”

    In contrast to nuclear power, “Solar-generated electricity is now ‘too cheap to meter’ in California,” he said. And “every day now California goes 100% renewable for hours at a time.” In Texas, he noted, wind turbines are now producing so much electricity that it’s being distributed “for free” at night.

    “Of the four big U.S. reactors ordered in the 21st century, two are stillborn in South Carolina at $9 billion,” said Wasserman in an interview. And the two new Vogtle nuclear power plants built in Georgia “are a $35 billion fiasco.”

    “For the first time since 1954, zero big new U.S. nukes are under construction,” said Wasserman. As for what the nuclear industry calls “small modular reactors” that it is promoting, the “small mythological reactors are already soaring in price and crashing in production schedules, light years behind renewables in time and price.”

    “The attempt to revive shut-down reactors will never work,” he said.

    Also, he says the electricity generated by the two Diablo Canyon nuclear plants in California, slated for closure but now scheduled to keep running, “would $8-12 billion over market” price for electricity through 2030.

    “The ADVANCE act aims to bail out a boat whose bottom has fallen out,” said Wasserman. And, “Solartopia’s day has dawned.”

    Indeed, the current The Economist magazine on its cover heralds “Dawn Of The Solar Age” The accompanying article in this “special issue” is headlined: “The solar age. The exponential growth of solar power will change the world.” It states: “To grasp that this is not some environmental fever dream, consider solar economics.” The magazine, considered conservative, speaks of “the resources” needed for solar power being “abundant.” Further, “As for demand, it is both huge and electric…The result is that, in contrast to earlier energy sources, solar power has routinely become cheaper and will continue to do so.”

    But Senator Shelley Capito, a West Virginia Republican and a lead sponsor of the ADVANCE Act, said after the Senate vote on June 18th, that “we sent the ADVANCE Act to the president’s desk because Congress worked together to recognize the importance of nuclear energy to America’s future and got the job done.” She is the ranking member of the Senate Environment and Public Works Committee.

    Its chairman, Delaware Democrat Tom Carper, said: “In a major victory for our climate and American energy security, the U.S. Senate has passed the ADVANCE Act with overwhelming bipartisan support.”

    As the website “Power,” which describes itself as “at the forefront of the global power market,” summarizes the ADVANCE Act in an article titled “The ADVANCE Act—Legislation Crucial for a U.S. Nuclear Renaissance—Clears Congress. Here’s a Detailed Breakdown,” it says it is sweeping legislation that seeks to promote U.S. nuclear leadership, accelerate advanced nuclear technology development while preserving existing nuclear generation, bolster national security measures, and enhance regulatory efficiency to support new nuclear deployment.”

    The act is “likely to be enacted” with signing by Biden and “is a significant endorsement of nuclear energy” says the piece by senior editor Sonal Patel.

    The bill’s passage in Congress, notably, follows a suite of new measures unveiled by the White House on May 30, aimed at slashing risks associated with new nuclear reactor development and construction,” it says. “The White House highlighted recent efforts by the Department of Energy (DOE) to revive and revitalize existing nuclear plants, support advanced reactor demonstrations, and facilitate siting and financing. But it also acknowledged key risks and long-standing barriers that have hindered an expansion of the 70-year-old industry, shining a light on necessary licensing reforms, supply chain and workforce gaps, and high capital costs.”

    It quotes Ted Nordhaus, founder and executive director of the archly pro-nuclear Breakthrough Institute, as saying “the NRC has tried to regulate to make risk from nuclear energy as close to zero as possible, but has failed to consider the cost to the environment, public health, energy security, or prosperity of not building and operating nuclear energy plants. This reduces rather than improves public health and safety….But with passage of the ADVANCE bill, Congress is telling the regulators that public benefits are and have always been part of their mission.”

    In speaking against the ADVANCE Act on the floor of the Senate, Senator Markey, chair of the Senate’s Environment and Public Works Subcommittee on Clean Air, Climate, and Nuclear Safety, said it “includes language that would require the Nuclear Regulatory Commission to rewrite its mission to state that its regulation and oversight should ‘not unnecessarily limit’ civilian nuclear activity, regardless of whether it is beneficial or detrimental to public safety and national security. The NRC shouldn’t be the Nuclear Retail Commission. The Commission’s duty is to regulate, not facilitate.”

    “This legislation is not wise,” said Markey.

    “And while some of the bill’s supporters argue we need new nuclear technologies to combat the climate crisis, I have an arched eyebrow as to why this bill focuses solely on nuclear energy,” he said. He said technologies “such as wind and solar and geothermal…is what

    our country should be promoting around the rest of the world.”

    Markey continued: “It’s also shortsighted to me to make such a herculean effort to promote new nuclear technologies when we’re yet to solve the longstanding problems resulting from our existing nuclear fleet. To this day, the Navajo nation is dealing with the legacy of uranium contamination, including more than 500 abandoned uranium mines and homes and water sources polluted with elevated levels of radiation.”

    Michel Lee, chair of the Council on Intelligent Energy & Conservation Policy, calls “the passage of the ADVANCE Act the legislative equivalent of detonation of a nuclear weapon in our regulatory system.”

    The Nuclear Information and Resource Service had extensively campaigned against the ADVANCE Act asking people, as a communication it sent out declared, “Please Ask Your Senators to Vote NO on the Nuclear Advance Act.”

    It said: “The nuclear ADVANCE Act, a 93-page bill to promote expensive, dangerous, dirty, environmentally unjust nuclear power that could accelerate nuclear exports and weapons proliferation and allow foreign ownership/control of U.S. nuclear facilities, is hitching a ride …on the short Fire Grants and Safety.” It “shifts the mission of the Nuclear Regulatory Commission to boosting more than regulating.”

    As for “new nuclear power,” it said that “from mining to long-term waste management it violates environmental justice and relies on carbon at every step, is radioactively and chemically dirty, dangerous, expensive, slow, takes resources from true climate solutions and leaves intense, long-lasting radioactive waste that technically cannot be isolated for the eons it remains dangerous.”

    Also campaigning against the act has been Beyond Nuclear which says: “The ADVANCE Act will significantly increase the risks of nuclear power by changing the U.S. Nuclear Regulatory Commission’s mandate from safety mandate from safety regulation to industry promotion…It would also promote new atomic reactors, and much more highly enriched nuclear fuel, both in the U.S. as well as overseas. This will worsen the hazards, harms and environmental injustices at each and every stage of the uranium fuel chain, from mining to highly radioactive waste dumping. The ADVANCE Act’s allowing of foreign ownership of nuclear facilities in the U.S., and its promotion of High Assay Low-Enriched Uranium fuel, both domestically and overseas, will also significantly increase nuclear weapons proliferation .”

    The Sierra Club has opposed the act. In a letter to Senator Majority Leader Charles Schumer, it has declared: “Nuclear power is not a solution to the climate crisis. Spending precious federal resources on nuclear power only takes away from the desperately needed development of a clean, affordable and more equitable energy system powered by renewable energy. Passage of the ADVANCE Act…will lock in the use of dirty, dangerous and expensive nuclear power for a generation.”

    “As a result of this legislation ,” the letter continued, “we would expect to see the production of vast amounts of uranium mining and mill tailings waste, even hotter high level radioactive waste, for which there is no final plan for isolation, and depleted uranium that becomes more radioactive over one million years. Additionally, the expansion of nuclear power will result in more so-called “low-level” radioactive waste going into unlined trenches and the release of radioactive liquids and gasses into the air, water and environment from every reactor around the country and around the world.”

    Also opposing the act has been Food and Water Watch whose executive director, Wenonah Hauter, has said: “Senator Schumer’s apparent embrace of new nuclear energy development represents a stark betrayal of the clean, safe renewable energy options like wind and solar that he claims to champion. The Senate and President Biden must quickly come to their senses and reject the dangerous and unaffordable false promises of toxic nuclear energy.”

    Among many other groups opposing the ADVANCE Act have been:  Climate Justice Alliance, Environment America, Friends of the Earth, Institute for Policy Studies, Indigenous Environmental Network, Science and Environmental Health Network, U.S. Public Interest Research Group, Waterspirit, 350 New Orleans, Earth Action, Inc., Endangered Species Coalition, Long Island Progressive Coalition and Methane Action.

    In regard to the “follow the money,” that element of Congressional support of the ADVANCE Act was certainly also a factor. Politico in 2011 ran an article headlined: “Nuclear lobbyists clout felt on Hill.”

    “Facing its biggest crisis in 25 years, the U.S. nuclear power industry can count on plenty of Democratic and Republican friends in both high and low places,” began the piece by Darren Samuelsohn. “During the past election cycle alone, the Nuclear Energy Institute and more than a dozen companies with big nuclear portfolios have spent tens of millions of dollars on lobbying and campaign contributions to lawmakers in key leadership slots and across influential state delegations.”

    The Nuclear Energy Institute, “the industry’s biggest voice in Washington, for example, spent $3.76 million to lobby the federal government and an additional $323,000 through its political action committee on a bipartisan congressional slate, inclu2ding 134 House and 30 Senate candidates…”

    “Nearly all of the investor-owned power companies that operate U.S. nuclear reactors play in the donation game,” said the article.

    That was last decade, but times on this issue don’t change.

    The post Congress’s Nuclear Addiction appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • On Saturday 22 June, hundreds of foxes marched through Westminster. The skulk of campaigners-turned-canines were calling on the next government to clamp down on illegal hunting.

    Illegal hunting campaigners at the Restore Nature Now rally

    National animal welfare charity the League Against Cruel Sports organised the fox demonstration to highlight the prolific levels of illegal hunting that still goes on today. Significantly, this is nearly 20 years after parliament implemented the Hunting Act. This banned trail hunting – the practice of pursuing wild animals with dogs.

    Fox campaigners turned out as part of the Restore Nature Now march and rally:

    Extinction Rebellion with support from Chris Packham set up the event which brought together huge numbers of nature and environment groups. This included a mix of larger organisations, mingling with grassroots activist groups:

    Around 80,000 to 100,000 people representing these organisations turned out for it. The crowd included former Green Party MP Caroline Lucas, and a menagerie of wildlife presenters and celebrities like Liz Bonnin, Steve Backshall, and Emma Thompson:

    Outfox politicians at the ballot box

    Collectively, the attendees raised their voices to call out politicians ahead of the general election. In particular, the march called on politicians of every stripe to prioritise the biodiversity crisis – or lose support on polling day:

    The hundreds of anti-hunting campaigners saw the march as a (sly) opportunity to outfox the cruel industry’s biggest political voices at the ballot box. Specifically, the group had a series of demands for whoever forms the next government:

    The League’s acting chief executive Chris Luffingham was among those marching for the foxes through London. He said that:

    For years politicians have been getting away with sidelining their pledges on nature and climate, playing politics with issues that have a very real impact on our environment and our wild animals.

    Hunting was one of those. When the Act was brought in hunting was supposed to be made illegal, but loopholes in the law has allowed foxes and other animals to continue to be killed purely for entertainment.

    The next government needs to step up where previous administrations have failed: strengthen the hunting act as a matter of priority and renew pledges to safeguard other wild animals.

    Our nature and environment urgently needs protecting, and British wildlife is part of that. It’s time for change.

    Featured image via the League Against Cruel Sports

    By The Canary

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • RNZ News

    Former Green MP Keith Locke, a passionate activist and anti-war critic once described as “conscience of the year”, has died in hospital, aged 80.

    Locke was in Parliament from 1999 to 2011, and was known as a human rights and nuclear-free advocate.

    His family said he had died peacefully in the early hours this morning after a long illness.

    “He will be greatly missed by his partner Michele, his family, friends and colleagues. He kept up his interest and support for the causes he was passionate about to the last.

    “He was a man of integrity, courage and kindness who lived his values in every part of his life. He touched many lives in the course of his work in politics and activism.”

    The son of activists Elsie and Jack Locke of Christchurch, Keith was politically aware from an early age, and was involved in the first anti-nuclear and anti-apartheid marches of the 1960s.

    After a Masters degree at the University of Alberta in Canada, he returned to New Zealand and left academia to edit a fortnightly newspaper for the Socialist Action League, a union he had joined as a meatworker then railway workshop employee.

    He joined NewLabour in 1989, which later became part of the Alliance party, and split off into the Greens when they broke apart from the Alliance in 1997, entering Parliament as their foreign affairs spokesperson in the subsequent election two years later.

    Notable critic of NZ in Afghanistan
    While in Parliament, he was a notable critic of New Zealand’s involvement in the war in Afghanistan and the Terrorism Suppression Act 2002, and advocated for refugee rights including in the case of Ahmed Zaoui.

    He also long advocated for New Zealand to become a republic, putting forward a member’s bill which would have led to a referendum on the matter.

    Commentators dubbed him variously the ‘Backbencher of the Year’ in 2002 — an award he reprised from a different outlet in 2010 — as well as the ‘Politician of the Year’ in 2003, and ‘Conscience of the Year’ in 2004.

    He was appointed a Member of the NZ Order of Merit for services to human rights advocacy in 2021, received NZ Amnesty International’s Human Rights Defender award in 2012, and the Federation of Islamic Associations of New Zealand’s Harmony Award in 2013.

    In a statement today, Green Party co-leaders Marama Davidson and Chlöe Swarbrick said Locke was a dear friend and leading figure in the party’s history, who never wavered in holding government and those in positions of authority to account.

    “As a colleague and friend, Keith will be keenly missed by the Greens. He has been a shining light for the rights of people and planet. Keith Locke leaves a legacy that his family and all who knew him can be proud of. Moe mai ra e te rangatira,” they said.

    “From 1999 to 2011, he served our party with distinction and worked extremely hard to advance causes central to our kaupapa,” they said.

    Highlighting ‘human rights crises’
    “Not only did Keith work to defend civil liberties at home, but he was vigilant in highlighting human rights crises in other countries, including the Philippines, East Timor, West Papua and in Latin America.

    “We particularly acknowledge his strong and clear opposition to the Iraq War, and his commitment to an independent and principled foreign policy for Aotearoa.”

    They said his mahi as a fearless defender of civil liberties was exemplified in his efforts to challenge government overreach into citizens’ privacy.

    “Keith worked very hard to introduce reforms of our country’s security intelligence services. While there is much more to be done, the improvements in transparency that have occurred over the past two decades are in large part due to his advocacy and work. We will honour him by ensuring we carry on such work.”

    Former minister Peter Dunne said on social media he was “very saddened” to learn of Locke’s death.

    “Although we were on different ideological planets, we always got on and worked well together on a number of issues. Keith had my enduring respect for his integrity and honesty. Rest in peace, friend.”

    ‘Profoundly saddened’
    Auckland councillor Christine Fletcher said she was also sad to hear of the death of her “Mt Eden neighbour”.

    “We worked together on several political campaigns in the 1990s. Keith was a thoughtful, sincere and truly decent person. My condolences to Keith’s partner Michele, sister Maire Leadbeater and partner Graeme East.”

    Peace Action Wellington said Locke was a tireless activist for peace and justice — and the organisation was “profoundly saddened” by his death.

    “His voice and presence will be missed,” the organisation wrote on social media.

    “He was fearless. He spoke with the passion of someone who knows all too well the vast and dangerous reach of the state into people’s lives as someone who was under state surveillance from the time he was a child.

    “We acknowledge Keith’s amazing whānau who have a long whakapapa of peace and justice activism. He was a good soul who will be missed.”

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • PETA is erecting—ahem—launching new ads warning that eating animal flesh can cause impotence and is calling on people to join the sex strike, and stop having sex with their meat-eating husbands and boyfriends until they go vegan. Why? A study found that men contribute significantly more to the climate catastrophe than women through their consumption of animal flesh.

    A man hangs his head while his partner looks at him--join the sex strike

    In addition, a different study published in the journal PLOS ONE found that men’s eating habits result in 41% more greenhouse gases than women’s, primarily due to their consumption of animal flesh.

    “Meaty” men need to take accountability for their actions since research shows that their impact on the climate is so disproportionately large. The easiest, healthiest, and kindest way to do this is by going vegan.

    Leave the Meat in the Sheets—Go Vegan in the Streets

    PETA urges lovers everywhere to ditch deadly animal flesh and reach for vibrant vegan foods instead. Each person who goes vegan spares nearly 200 animals every year and reduces their own risk of suffering from cancer, heart disease, strokes, diabetes, obesity, and issues in the bedroom.

    According to the United Nations, about a third of human-caused greenhouse gas emissions are linked to food production and the largest percentage of these emissions come from the meat and dairy industries. The production of vegan foods—such as fruits and vegetables, whole grains, beans, peas, nuts, and lentils—require less energy, land, and water.

    The post Leave the Meat in the Sheets—Go Vegan in the Streets: PETA Calls For Sex Strike appeared first on PETA.

    This post was originally published on Animal Rights and Campaign News | PETA.

  • Yesterday, politicians took to X to show their outrage at Just Stop Oil Protestors ‘vandalising’ Stonehenge – a UNESCO World Heritage site. However, it seems that that outrage is very much smoke and mirrors. Obviously, they have all been very quiet about the plans set in motion to build a tunnel containing a dual carriageway on part of the very same UNESCO site.

    As the Canary’s Steve Topple reported yesterday, protesters used ‘eco-friendly, washable orange cornflour’ – which wouldn’t even hurt a fly – to demand that the UK government commit to a plan to end the use of fossil fuels by 2030. Yet we quickly saw disproportionate outrage from politicians of various parties. As always, most of their tweets were suspiciously similar.

    Faux outrage

    Back in 2017, the government approved a £2bn development to construct a dual carriageway through the Stonehenge World Heritage Site. Importantly, campaigners said the tunnel would do “irreparable damage to the landscape” – but the plans never changed.  So why the fuck are they pretending they care about a bit of cornflour?

    Earlier this year, New Civil Engineer reported:

    Campaign group Save Stonehenge World Heritage Site (SSWHS) had contested the granting of the DCO, claiming that the government had not considered the risk to the Stonehenge monument, had not assessed the climate impact of the scheme and had not properly assessed alternative routes that would take the road around the site without the need for tunnelling.

    In 2021, the High Court threw the plans out over environmental concerns, but in 2023 the Department for Transport approved it again. They expect building to begin in 2025:

    The proposed tunnel is 3km long. As the UNESCO site is 5.4km wide it is widely agreed that the tunnel is far too short to protect a site that wide. The crowd justice site to save Stonehenge states:

    Twin tunnel portals, deep dual carriageway cuttings, and slip roads would be constructed within the World Heritage Site, along with huge interchanges at its boundaries. Untold archaeological evidence would be destroyed and travellers’ passing view of the Stones would be lost. There would be serious impacts on the natural environment and an inevitable increase in carbon emissions.

    UNESCO even threatened to remove the world heritage status from Stonehenge if the tunnel went ahead. Did the government act after that? Did they fuck. They are showing us how much they really value our environment, history and heritage:

    Not an isolated incident

    Similarly, people were quick to point out that Lake Windermere is also on a UNESCO World Heritage site – the exact lake that the government has allowed water companies to dump literal shit in for months, without consequence.

    The fact they are suddenly up in arms about another World Heritage site is bullshit. If they really cared, Windermere would matter too. It is clear all they care about is the optics of imaginary moral outrage:

    Stonehenge: historic use as a protest site

    Unsurprisingly, Just Stop Oil are not the first people to use Stonehenge as a protest site. Records as far back as 1961 show the site being marked with the words ‘Ban the Bomb’ in the name of nuclear disarmament:

    Evidently, the main parties in the general election race forgot to align their priorities. If they really cared about the environment, like they are pretending to – they would have publicly opposed this development from the start. Only the Green Party have spoken out against it.

    Clearly our politicians are okay with risking a UNESCO World Heritage site to save a few minutes off their journey. Lets face it though, Starmer and Sunak will be in their climate-destroying private jets anyway.

    All we can hope is that digging this tunnel will unleash some historic curse that gives our politicians a shred of human decency. Either that or puts us all out of our misery.

    Featured image via PoliticsJOE/YouTube

    By HG

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • Last year, I became obsessed with a plastic cup.

    It was a small container that held diced fruit, the type thrown into lunch boxes. And it was the first product I’d seen born of what’s being touted as a cure for a crisis.

    Plastic doesn’t break down in nature. If you turned all of what’s been made into cling wrap, it would cover every inch of the globe. It’s piling up, leaching into our water and poisoning our bodies.

    Scientists say the key to fixing this is to make less of it; the world churns out 430 million metric tons each year.

    But businesses that rely on plastic production, like fossil fuel and chemical companies, have worked since the 1980s to spin the pollution as a failure of waste management — one that can be solved with recycling.

    Industry leaders knew then what we know now: Traditional recycling would barely put a dent in the trash heap. It’s hard to transform flimsy candy wrappers into sandwich bags, or to make containers that once held motor oil clean enough for milk.

    Now, the industry is heralding nothing short of a miracle: an “advanced”type of recycling known as pyrolysis — “pyro” means fire and “lysis” means separation. It uses heat to break plastic all the way down to its molecular building blocks.

    While old-school, “mechanical” recycling yields plastic that’s degraded or contaminated, this type of “chemical” recycling promises plastic that behaves like it’s new, and could usher in what the industry casts as a green revolution: Not only would it save hard-to-recycle plastics like frozen food wrappers from the dumpster, but it would turn them into new products that can replace the old ones and be chemically recycled again and again.

    So when three companies used ExxonMobil’s pyrolysis-based technology to successfully conjure up that fruit cup, they announced it to the world.

    “This is a significant milestone,” said Printpack, which turned the plastic into cups. The fruit supplier Pacific Coast Producers called it “the most important initiative a consumer-packaged goods company can pursue.”

    “ExxonMobil is supporting the circularity of plastics,” the August 2023 news release said, citing a buzzword that implies an infinite loop of using, recycling and reusing.

    They were so proud, I hoped they would tell me all about how they made the cup, how many of them existed and where I could buy one.

    So began my long — and, well, circular — pursuit of the truth at a time when it really matters.

    This year, nearly all of the world’s countries are hammering out a United Nations treaty to deal with the plastic crisis. As they consider limiting production, the industry is making a hard push to shift the conversation to the wonders of chemical recycling. It’s also buying ads during cable news shows as U.S. states consider laws to limit plastic packaging and lobbying federal agencies to loosen the very definition of what it means to recycle.

    It’s been selling governments on chemical recycling, with quite a bit of success. American and European regulators have spent tens of millions subsidizing pyrolysis facilities. Half of all U.S. states have eased air pollution rules for the process, which has been found to release carcinogens like benzene and dioxins and give off more greenhouse gases than making plastic from crude oil.

    Given the high stakes of this moment, I set out to understand exactly what the world is getting out of this recycling technology. For months, I tracked press releases, interviewed experts, tried to buy plastic made via pyrolysis and learned more than I ever wanted to know about the science of recycled molecules.

    Under all the math and engineering, I found an inconvenient truth: Not much is being recycled at all, nor is pyrolysis capable of curbing the plastic crisis.

    Not now. Maybe not ever.

    Let’s take a closer look at that Printpack press release, which uses convoluted terms to describe the recycled plastic in that fruit cup:

    “30% ISCC PLUS certified-circular”

    “mass balance free attribution”

    It’s easy to conclude the cup was made with 30% recycled plastic — until you break down the numerical sleight of hand that props up that number.

    It took interviews with a dozen academics, consultants, environmentalists and engineers to help me do just that.

    Stick with me as I unravel it all.

    Lesson 1: Most of the old plastic that goes *into* pyrolysis doesn’t actually become new plastic.

    In traditional recycling, plastic is turned into tiny pellets or flakes, which you can melt again and mold back into recycled plastic products.

    Even in a real-life scenario, where bottles have labels and a little bit of juice left in them, most of the plastic products that go into the process find new life.

    The numbers are much lower for pyrolysis.

    It’s “very, very, very, very difficult” to break down plastic that way, said Steve Jenkins, vice president of chemicals consulting at Wood Mackenzie, an energy and resources analytics firm. “The laws of nature and the laws of physics are trying to stop you.”

    Waste is heated until it turns into oil. Part of that oil is composed of a liquid called naphtha, which is essential for making plastic.

    There are two ingredients in the naphtha that recyclers want to isolate: propylene and ethylene — gases that can be turned into solid plastics.

    To split the naphtha into different chemicals, it’s fed into a machine called a steam cracker. Less than half of what it spits out becomes propylene and ethylene.

    This means that if a pyrolysis operator started with 100 pounds of plastic waste, it can expect to end up with 15-20 pounds of reusable plastic. Experts told me the process can yield less if the plastic used is dirty or more if the technology is particularly advanced.

    I reached out to several companies to ask how much new plastic their processes actually yield, and none provided numbers. The American Chemistry Council, the nation’s largest plastic lobby, told me that because so many factors impact a company’s yield, it’s impossible to estimate that number for the entire industry.

    Lesson 2: The plastic that comes *out of* pyrolysis contains very little recycled material.

    With mechanical recycling, it’s hard to make plastic that’s 100% recycled; it’s expensive to do, and the process degrades plastic. Recycled pellets are often combined with new pellets to make stuff that’s 25% or 50% recycled, for example.

    But far less recycled plastic winds up in products made through pyrolysis.

    That’s because the naphtha created using recycled plastic is contaminated. Manufacturers add all kinds of chemicals to make products bend or keep them from degrading in the sun.

    Recyclers can overpower them by heavily diluting the recycled naphtha. With what, you ask? Nonrecycled naphtha made from ordinary crude oil!

    This is the quiet — and convenient — part of the industry’s revolutionary pyrolysis method: It relies heavily on extracting fossil fuels. At least 90% of the naphtha used in pyrolysis is fossil fuel naphtha. Only then can it be poured into the steam cracker to separate the chemicals that make plastic.

    So at the end of the day, nothing that comes out of pyrolysis physically contains more than 10% recycled material (though experts and studies have shown that, in practice, it’s more like 5% or 2%).

    Lesson 3: The industry uses mathematical acrobatics to make pyrolysis look like a success.

    Ten percent doesn’t look very impressive. Some consumers are willing to pay a premium for sustainability, so companies use a form of accounting called mass balance to inflate the recycled-ness of their products. It’s not unlike offset schemes I’ve uncovered that absolve refineries of their carbon emissions and enable mining companies to kill chimpanzees. Industry-affiliated groups like the International Sustainability and Carbon Certification write the rules. (ISCC didn’t respond to requests for comment.)

    To see how this works, let’s take a look at what might happen to a batch of recycled naphtha. Let’s say the steam cracker splits the batch into 100 pounds of assorted ingredients.

    You’ll get some colorless gasses that are used to make plastic: 13 pounds of propylene and 30 pounds of ethylene. You’ll also wind up with 57 pounds of other chemicals.

    Propylene makes sturdy material such as butter tubs; ethylene makes flexible plastics like yogurt pouches. Many of the other chemicals aren’t used to make plastic — some get used to make rubber and paint or are used as fuel.

    All of these outputs are technically 10% recycled, since they were made from 10% recycled naphtha. (I’m using this optimistic hypothetical to make the math easy.)

    But companies can do a number shuffle to assign all of the recycled value from the butter tubs to the yogurt pouches.

    Watch video ➜

    That way they can market the yogurt pouches as 14% recycled (or “circular”), even though nothing has physically changed about the makeup of the pouches.

    Watch video ➜

    What’s more, through a method called free attribution, companies can assign the recycled value from other chemicals (even if they would never be turned into plastic) to the yogurt pouches.

    Watch video ➜

    Now, the yogurt pouches can be sold as 33% recycled.

    Watch video ➜

    There are many flavors of this kind of accounting. Another version of free attribution would allow the company to take that entire 30-pound batch of “33% recycled” pouches and split them even further:

    A third of them, 10 pounds, could be labeled 100% recycled — shifting the value of the full batch onto them — so long as the remaining 20 pounds aren’t labeled as recycled at all.

    As long as you avoid double counting, Jenkins told me, you can attribute the full value of recycled naphtha to the products that will make the most money. Companies need that financial incentive to recoup the costs of pyrolysis, he said.

    But it’s hard to argue that this type of marketing is transparent. Consumers aren’t going to parse through the caveats of a 33% recycled claim or understand how the green technology they’re being sold perpetuates the fossil fuel industry. I posed the critiques to the industry, including environmentalists’ accusations that mass balance is just a fancy way of greenwashing.

    The American Chemistry Council told me it’s impossible to know whether a particular ethylene molecule comes from pyrolysis naphtha or fossil fuel naphtha; the compounds produced are “fungible” and can be used for multiple products, like making rubber, solvents and paints that would reduce the amount of new fossil fuels needed. Its statement called mass balance a “well-known methodology” that’s been used by other industries including fair trade coffee, chocolate and renewable energy.

    Legislation in the European Union already forbids free attribution, and leaders are debating whether to allow other forms of mass balance. U.S. regulation is far behind that, but as the Federal Trade Commission revises its general guidelines for green marketing, the industry is arguing that mass balance is crucial to the future of advanced recycling. “The science of advanced recycling simply does not support any other approach because the ability to track individual molecules does not readily exist,” said a comment from ExxonMobil.

    If you think navigating the ins and outs of pyrolysis is hard, try getting your hands on actual plastic made through it.

    It’s not as easy as going to the grocery store. Those water bottles you might see with 100% recycled claims are almost certainly made through traditional recycling. The biggest giveaway is that the labels don’t contain the asterisks or fine print typical of products made through pyrolysis, like “mass balance,” “circular” or “certified.”

    When I asked about the fruit cup, ExxonMobil directed me to its partners. Printpack didn’t respond to my inquiries. Pacific Coast Producers told me it was “engaged in a small pilot pack of plastic bowls that contain post-consumer content with materials certified” by third parties, and that it “has made no label claims regarding these cups and is evaluating their use.”

    I pressed the American Chemistry Council for other examples.

    “Chemical recycling is a proven technology that is already manufacturing products, conserving natural resources, and offering the potential to dramatically improve recycling rates,” said Matthew Kastner, a media relations director. His colleague added that much of the plastic made via pyrolysis is “being used for food- and medical-grade packaging, oftentimes not branded.”

    They provided links to products including a Chevron Phillips Chemical announcement about bringing recycled plastic food wrapping to retail stores.

    “For competitive reasons,” a Chevron spokesperson declined to discuss brand names, the product’s availability or the amount produced.

    In another case, a grocery store chain sold chicken wrapped in plastic made by ExxonMobil’s pyrolysis process. The producers told me they were part of a small project that’s now discontinued.

    In the end, I ran down half a dozen claims about products that came out of pyrolysis; each either existed in limited quantities or had its recycled-ness obscured with mass balance caveats.

    Then this April, nearly eight months after I’d begun my pursuit, I could barely contain myself when I got my hands on an actual product.

    I was at a United Nations treaty negotiation in Ottawa, Ontario, and an industry group had set up a nearby showcase. On display was a case of Heinz baked beans, packaged in “39% recycled plastic*.” (The asterisk took me down an online rabbit hole about certification and circularity. Heinz didn’t respond to my questions.)

    This, too, was part of an old trial. The beans were expired.

    Pyrolysis is a “fairy tale,” I heard from Neil Tangri, the science and policy director at the environmental justice network Global Alliance for Incinerator Alternatives. He said he’s been hearing pyrolysis claims since the ’90s but has yet to see proof it works as promised.

    “If anyone has cracked the code for a large-scale, efficient and profitable way to turn plastic into plastic,” he said, “every reporter in the world” would get a tour.

    If I did get a tour, I wondered, would I even see all of that stubborn, dirty plastic they were supposedly recycling?

    The industry’s marketing implied we could soon toss sandwich bags and string cheese wrappers into curbside recycling bins, where they would be diverted to pyrolysis plants. But I grew skeptical as I watched a webinar for ExxonMobil’s pyrolysis-based technology, the kind used to make the fruit cup. The company showed photos of plastic packaging and oil field equipment as examples of its starting material but then mentioned something that made me sit up straight: It was using pre-consumer plastic to “give consistency” to the waste stream.

    Chemical plants need consistency, so it’s easier to use plastic that hasn’t been gunked up by consumer use, Jenkins explained.

    But plastic waste that had never been touched by consumers, such as industrial scrap found at the edges of factory molds, could easily be recycled the old-fashioned way. Didn’t that negate the need for this more polluting, less efficient process?

    I asked ExxonMobil how much post-consumer plastic it was actually using. Catie Tuley, a media relations adviser, said it depends on what’s available. “At the end of the day, advanced recycling allows us to divert plastic waste from landfills and give new life to plastic waste.”

    I posed the same question to several other operators. A company in Europe told me it uses “mixed post-consumer, flexible plastic waste” and does not recycle pre-consumer waste.

    But this spring at an environmental journalism conference, an American Chemistry Council executive confirmed the industry’s preference for clean plastic as he talked about an Atlanta-based company and its pyrolysis process. My colleague Sharon Lerner asked whether it was sourcing curbside-recycled plastic for pyrolysis.

    If Nexus Circular had a “magic wand,” it would, he acknowledged, but right now that kind of waste “isn’t good enough.” He added, “It’s got tomatoes in it.”

    (Nexus later confirmed that most of the plastic it used was pre-consumer and about a third was post-consumer, including motor oil containers sourced from car repair shops and bags dropped off at special recycling centers.)

    Clean, well-sorted plastic is a valuable commodity. If the chemical recycling industry grows, experts told me, those companies could end up competing with the far more efficient traditional recycling.

    To spur that growth, the American Chemistry Council is lobbying for mandates that would require more recycled plastic in packaging; it wants to make sure that chemically recycled plastic counts. “This would create market-driven demand signals,” Kastner told me, and ease the way for large-scale investment in new chemical recycling plants.

    I asked Jenkins, the energy industry analyst, to play out this scenario on a larger scale.

    Were all of these projects adding up? Could the industry conceivably make enough propylene and ethylene through pyrolysis to replace much of our demand for new plastic?

    He looked three years into the future, using his company’s latest figures on global pyrolysis investment, and gave an optimistic assessment.

    At best, the world could replace 0.2% of new plastic churned out in a year with products made through pyrolysis.

    About the Math

    Our article is focused on pyrolysis because it’s the most popular form of chemical recycling. Other types of chemical recycling technologies have their own strengths and weaknesses.

    There are different variations of pyrolysis, and steam crackers produce a range of ethylene and propylene yields. Companies are secretive about their operations. To estimate the efficiencies of pyrolysis and mass balance, I read dozens of peer-reviewed studies, reports, industry presentations, advertisements and news stories. I also fact checked with a dozen experts who have different opinions on pyrolysis, mass balance and recycling. Some of them, including Jenkins and Anthony Schiavo, senior director at Lux Research, provided estimates of overall yields for companies trying to make plastic. All of that information coalesced around a 15% to 20% yield for conventional pyrolysis processes and 25% to 30% for more advanced technologies. We are showcasing the conventional process because it’s the most common scenario.

    We took steps to simplify the math and jargon. For instance, we skipped over the fact that a small amount of the naphtha fed into the steam cracker is consumed as fuel. And we called the fraction of pyrolysis oil that’s suitable for a steam cracker “pyrolysis naphtha”; it is technically a naphtha-like product.

    These processes may improve over time as new technologies are developed. But there are hard limits and tradeoffs associated with the nature of steam cracking, the contamination in the feedstock, the type of feedstock used and financial and energy costs.

    Graphics and development by Lucas Waldron. Design and development by Anna Donlan. Mollie Simon and Gabriel Sandoval contributed research.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Lisa Song, Illustrations by Max Gunther, special to ProPublica.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Last year, I became obsessed with a plastic cup.

    It was a small container that held diced fruit, the type thrown into lunch boxes. And it was the first product I’d seen born of what’s being touted as a cure for a crisis.

    Plastic doesn’t break down in nature. If you turned all of what’s been made into cling wrap, it would cover every inch of the globe. It’s piling up, leaching into our water and poisoning our bodies.

    Scientists say the key to fixing this is to make less of it; the world churns out 430 million metric tons each year.

    But businesses that rely on plastic production, like fossil fuel and chemical companies, have worked since the 1980s to spin the pollution as a failure of waste management — one that can be solved with recycling.

    Industry leaders knew then what we know now: Traditional recycling would barely put a dent in the trash heap. It’s hard to transform flimsy candy wrappers into sandwich bags, or to make containers that once held motor oil clean enough for milk.

    Now, the industry is heralding nothing short of a miracle: an “advanced”type of recycling known as pyrolysis — “pyro” means fire and “lysis” means separation. It uses heat to break plastic all the way down to its molecular building blocks.

    While old-school, “mechanical” recycling yields plastic that’s degraded or contaminated, this type of “chemical” recycling promises plastic that behaves like it’s new, and could usher in what the industry casts as a green revolution: Not only would it save hard-to-recycle plastics like frozen food wrappers from the dumpster, but it would turn them into new products that can replace the old ones and be chemically recycled again and again.

    So when three companies used ExxonMobil’s pyrolysis-based technology to successfully conjure up that fruit cup, they announced it to the world.

    “This is a significant milestone,” said Printpack, which turned the plastic into cups. The fruit supplier Pacific Coast Producers called it “the most important initiative a consumer-packaged goods company can pursue.”

    “ExxonMobil is supporting the circularity of plastics,” the August 2023 news release said, citing a buzzword that implies an infinite loop of using, recycling and reusing.

    They were so proud, I hoped they would tell me all about how they made the cup, how many of them existed and where I could buy one.

    So began my long — and, well, circular — pursuit of the truth at a time when it really matters.

    This year, nearly all of the world’s countries are hammering out a United Nations treaty to deal with the plastic crisis. As they consider limiting production, the industry is making a hard push to shift the conversation to the wonders of chemical recycling. It’s also buying ads during cable news shows as U.S. states consider laws to limit plastic packaging and lobbying federal agencies to loosen the very definition of what it means to recycle.

    It’s been selling governments on chemical recycling, with quite a bit of success. American and European regulators have spent tens of millions subsidizing pyrolysis facilities. Half of all U.S. states have eased air pollution rules for the process, which has been found to release carcinogens like benzene and dioxins and give off more greenhouse gases than making plastic from crude oil.

    Given the high stakes of this moment, I set out to understand exactly what the world is getting out of this recycling technology. For months, I tracked press releases, interviewed experts, tried to buy plastic made via pyrolysis and learned more than I ever wanted to know about the science of recycled molecules.

    Under all the math and engineering, I found an inconvenient truth: Not much is being recycled at all, nor is pyrolysis capable of curbing the plastic crisis.

    Not now. Maybe not ever.

    Let’s take a closer look at that Printpack press release, which uses convoluted terms to describe the recycled plastic in that fruit cup:

    “30% ISCC PLUS certified-circular”

    “mass balance free attribution”

    It’s easy to conclude the cup was made with 30% recycled plastic — until you break down the numerical sleight of hand that props up that number.

    It took interviews with a dozen academics, consultants, environmentalists and engineers to help me do just that.

    Stick with me as I unravel it all.

    Lesson 1: Most of the old plastic that goes *into* pyrolysis doesn’t actually become new plastic.

    In traditional recycling, plastic is turned into tiny pellets or flakes, which you can melt again and mold back into recycled plastic products.

    Even in a real-life scenario, where bottles have labels and a little bit of juice left in them, most of the plastic products that go into the process find new life.

    The numbers are much lower for pyrolysis.

    It’s “very, very, very, very difficult” to break down plastic that way, said Steve Jenkins, vice president of chemicals consulting at Wood Mackenzie, an energy and resources analytics firm. “The laws of nature and the laws of physics are trying to stop you.”

    Waste is heated until it turns into oil. Part of that oil is composed of a liquid called naphtha, which is essential for making plastic.

    There are two ingredients in the naphtha that recyclers want to isolate: propylene and ethylene — gases that can be turned into solid plastics.

    To split the naphtha into different chemicals, it’s fed into a machine called a steam cracker. Less than half of what it spits out becomes propylene and ethylene.

    This means that if a pyrolysis operator started with 100 pounds of plastic waste, it can expect to end up with 15-20 pounds of reusable plastic. Experts told me the process can yield less if the plastic used is dirty or more if the technology is particularly advanced.

    I reached out to several companies to ask how much new plastic their processes actually yield, and none provided numbers. The American Chemistry Council, the nation’s largest plastic lobby, told me that because so many factors impact a company’s yield, it’s impossible to estimate that number for the entire industry.

    Lesson 2: The plastic that comes *out of* pyrolysis contains very little recycled material.

    With mechanical recycling, it’s hard to make plastic that’s 100% recycled; it’s expensive to do, and the process degrades plastic. Recycled pellets are often combined with new pellets to make stuff that’s 25% or 50% recycled, for example.

    But far less recycled plastic winds up in products made through pyrolysis.

    That’s because the naphtha created using recycled plastic is contaminated. Manufacturers add all kinds of chemicals to make products bend or keep them from degrading in the sun.

    Recyclers can overpower them by heavily diluting the recycled naphtha. With what, you ask? Nonrecycled naphtha made from ordinary crude oil!

    This is the quiet — and convenient — part of the industry’s revolutionary pyrolysis method: It relies heavily on extracting fossil fuels. At least 90% of the naphtha used in pyrolysis is fossil fuel naphtha. Only then can it be poured into the steam cracker to separate the chemicals that make plastic.

    So at the end of the day, nothing that comes out of pyrolysis physically contains more than 10% recycled material (though experts and studies have shown that, in practice, it’s more like 5% or 2%).

    Lesson 3: The industry uses mathematical acrobatics to make pyrolysis look like a success.

    Ten percent doesn’t look very impressive. Some consumers are willing to pay a premium for sustainability, so companies use a form of accounting called mass balance to inflate the recycled-ness of their products. It’s not unlike offset schemes I’ve uncovered that absolve refineries of their carbon emissions and enable mining companies to kill chimpanzees. Industry-affiliated groups like the International Sustainability and Carbon Certification write the rules. (ISCC didn’t respond to requests for comment.)

    To see how this works, let’s take a look at what might happen to a batch of recycled naphtha. Let’s say the steam cracker splits the batch into 100 pounds of assorted ingredients.

    You’ll get some colorless gasses that are used to make plastic: 13 pounds of propylene and 30 pounds of ethylene. You’ll also wind up with 57 pounds of other chemicals.

    Propylene makes sturdy material such as butter tubs; ethylene makes flexible plastics like yogurt pouches. Many of the other chemicals aren’t used to make plastic — some get used to make rubber and paint or are used as fuel.

    All of these outputs are technically 10% recycled, since they were made from 10% recycled naphtha. (I’m using this optimistic hypothetical to make the math easy.)

    But companies can do a number shuffle to assign all of the recycled value from the butter tubs to the yogurt pouches.

    Watch video ➜

    That way they can market the yogurt pouches as 14% recycled (or “circular”), even though nothing has physically changed about the makeup of the pouches.

    Watch video ➜

    What’s more, through a method called free attribution, companies can assign the recycled value from other chemicals (even if they would never be turned into plastic) to the yogurt pouches.

    Watch video ➜

    Now, the yogurt pouches can be sold as 33% recycled.

    Watch video ➜

    There are many flavors of this kind of accounting. Another version of free attribution would allow the company to take that entire 30-pound batch of “33% recycled” pouches and split them even further:

    A third of them, 10 pounds, could be labeled 100% recycled — shifting the value of the full batch onto them — so long as the remaining 20 pounds aren’t labeled as recycled at all.

    As long as you avoid double counting, Jenkins told me, you can attribute the full value of recycled naphtha to the products that will make the most money. Companies need that financial incentive to recoup the costs of pyrolysis, he said.

    But it’s hard to argue that this type of marketing is transparent. Consumers aren’t going to parse through the caveats of a 33% recycled claim or understand how the green technology they’re being sold perpetuates the fossil fuel industry. I posed the critiques to the industry, including environmentalists’ accusations that mass balance is just a fancy way of greenwashing.

    The American Chemistry Council told me it’s impossible to know whether a particular ethylene molecule comes from pyrolysis naphtha or fossil fuel naphtha; the compounds produced are “fungible” and can be used for multiple products, like making rubber, solvents and paints that would reduce the amount of new fossil fuels needed. Its statement called mass balance a “well-known methodology” that’s been used by other industries including fair trade coffee, chocolate and renewable energy.

    Legislation in the European Union already forbids free attribution, and leaders are debating whether to allow other forms of mass balance. U.S. regulation is far behind that, but as the Federal Trade Commission revises its general guidelines for green marketing, the industry is arguing that mass balance is crucial to the future of advanced recycling. “The science of advanced recycling simply does not support any other approach because the ability to track individual molecules does not readily exist,” said a comment from ExxonMobil.

    If you think navigating the ins and outs of pyrolysis is hard, try getting your hands on actual plastic made through it.

    It’s not as easy as going to the grocery store. Those water bottles you might see with 100% recycled claims are almost certainly made through traditional recycling. The biggest giveaway is that the labels don’t contain the asterisks or fine print typical of products made through pyrolysis, like “mass balance,” “circular” or “certified.”

    When I asked about the fruit cup, ExxonMobil directed me to its partners. Printpack didn’t respond to my inquiries. Pacific Coast Producers told me it was “engaged in a small pilot pack of plastic bowls that contain post-consumer content with materials certified” by third parties, and that it “has made no label claims regarding these cups and is evaluating their use.”

    I pressed the American Chemistry Council for other examples.

    “Chemical recycling is a proven technology that is already manufacturing products, conserving natural resources, and offering the potential to dramatically improve recycling rates,” said Matthew Kastner, a media relations director. His colleague added that much of the plastic made via pyrolysis is “being used for food- and medical-grade packaging, oftentimes not branded.”

    They provided links to products including a Chevron Phillips Chemical announcement about bringing recycled plastic food wrapping to retail stores.

    “For competitive reasons,” a Chevron spokesperson declined to discuss brand names, the product’s availability or the amount produced.

    In another case, a grocery store chain sold chicken wrapped in plastic made by ExxonMobil’s pyrolysis process. The producers told me they were part of a small project that’s now discontinued.

    In the end, I ran down half a dozen claims about products that came out of pyrolysis; each either existed in limited quantities or had its recycled-ness obscured with mass balance caveats.

    Then this April, nearly eight months after I’d begun my pursuit, I could barely contain myself when I got my hands on an actual product.

    I was at a United Nations treaty negotiation in Ottawa, Ontario, and an industry group had set up a nearby showcase. On display was a case of Heinz baked beans, packaged in “39% recycled plastic*.” (The asterisk took me down an online rabbit hole about certification and circularity. Heinz didn’t respond to my questions.)

    This, too, was part of an old trial. The beans were expired.

    Pyrolysis is a “fairy tale,” I heard from Neil Tangri, the science and policy director at the environmental justice network Global Alliance for Incinerator Alternatives. He said he’s been hearing pyrolysis claims since the ’90s but has yet to see proof it works as promised.

    “If anyone has cracked the code for a large-scale, efficient and profitable way to turn plastic into plastic,” he said, “every reporter in the world” would get a tour.

    If I did get a tour, I wondered, would I even see all of that stubborn, dirty plastic they were supposedly recycling?

    The industry’s marketing implied we could soon toss sandwich bags and string cheese wrappers into curbside recycling bins, where they would be diverted to pyrolysis plants. But I grew skeptical as I watched a webinar for ExxonMobil’s pyrolysis-based technology, the kind used to make the fruit cup. The company showed photos of plastic packaging and oil field equipment as examples of its starting material but then mentioned something that made me sit up straight: It was using pre-consumer plastic to “give consistency” to the waste stream.

    Chemical plants need consistency, so it’s easier to use plastic that hasn’t been gunked up by consumer use, Jenkins explained.

    But plastic waste that had never been touched by consumers, such as industrial scrap found at the edges of factory molds, could easily be recycled the old-fashioned way. Didn’t that negate the need for this more polluting, less efficient process?

    I asked ExxonMobil how much post-consumer plastic it was actually using. Catie Tuley, a media relations adviser, said it depends on what’s available. “At the end of the day, advanced recycling allows us to divert plastic waste from landfills and give new life to plastic waste.”

    I posed the same question to several other operators. A company in Europe told me it uses “mixed post-consumer, flexible plastic waste” and does not recycle pre-consumer waste.

    But this spring at an environmental journalism conference, an American Chemistry Council executive confirmed the industry’s preference for clean plastic as he talked about an Atlanta-based company and its pyrolysis process. My colleague Sharon Lerner asked whether it was sourcing curbside-recycled plastic for pyrolysis.

    If Nexus Circular had a “magic wand,” it would, he acknowledged, but right now that kind of waste “isn’t good enough.” He added, “It’s got tomatoes in it.”

    (Nexus later confirmed that most of the plastic it used was pre-consumer and about a third was post-consumer, including motor oil containers sourced from car repair shops and bags dropped off at special recycling centers.)

    Clean, well-sorted plastic is a valuable commodity. If the chemical recycling industry grows, experts told me, those companies could end up competing with the far more efficient traditional recycling.

    To spur that growth, the American Chemistry Council is lobbying for mandates that would require more recycled plastic in packaging; it wants to make sure that chemically recycled plastic counts. “This would create market-driven demand signals,” Kastner told me, and ease the way for large-scale investment in new chemical recycling plants.

    I asked Jenkins, the energy industry analyst, to play out this scenario on a larger scale.

    Were all of these projects adding up? Could the industry conceivably make enough propylene and ethylene through pyrolysis to replace much of our demand for new plastic?

    He looked three years into the future, using his company’s latest figures on global pyrolysis investment, and gave an optimistic assessment.

    At best, the world could replace 0.2% of new plastic churned out in a year with products made through pyrolysis.

    About the Math

    Our article is focused on pyrolysis because it’s the most popular form of chemical recycling. Other types of chemical recycling technologies have their own strengths and weaknesses.

    There are different variations of pyrolysis, and steam crackers produce a range of ethylene and propylene yields. Companies are secretive about their operations. To estimate the efficiencies of pyrolysis and mass balance, I read dozens of peer-reviewed studies, reports, industry presentations, advertisements and news stories. I also fact checked with a dozen experts who have different opinions on pyrolysis, mass balance and recycling. Some of them, including Jenkins and Anthony Schiavo, senior director at Lux Research, provided estimates of overall yields for companies trying to make plastic. All of that information coalesced around a 15% to 20% yield for conventional pyrolysis processes and 25% to 30% for more advanced technologies. We are showcasing the conventional process because it’s the most common scenario.

    We took steps to simplify the math and jargon. For instance, we skipped over the fact that a small amount of the naphtha fed into the steam cracker is consumed as fuel. And we called the fraction of pyrolysis oil that’s suitable for a steam cracker “pyrolysis naphtha”; it is technically a naphtha-like product.

    These processes may improve over time as new technologies are developed. But there are hard limits and tradeoffs associated with the nature of steam cracking, the contamination in the feedstock, the type of feedstock used and financial and energy costs.

    Graphics and development by Lucas Waldron. Design and development by Anna Donlan. Mollie Simon and Gabriel Sandoval contributed research.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Lisa Song, Illustrations by Max Gunther, special to ProPublica.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Last year, I became obsessed with a plastic cup.

    It was a small container that held diced fruit, the type thrown into lunch boxes. And it was the first product I’d seen born of what’s being touted as a cure for a crisis.

    Plastic doesn’t break down in nature. If you turned all of what’s been made into cling wrap, it would cover every inch of the globe. It’s piling up, leaching into our water and poisoning our bodies.

    Scientists say the key to fixing this is to make less of it; the world churns out 430 million metric tons each year.

    But businesses that rely on plastic production, like fossil fuel and chemical companies, have worked since the 1980s to spin the pollution as a failure of waste management — one that can be solved with recycling.

    Industry leaders knew then what we know now: Traditional recycling would barely put a dent in the trash heap. It’s hard to transform flimsy candy wrappers into sandwich bags, or to make containers that once held motor oil clean enough for milk.

    Now, the industry is heralding nothing short of a miracle: an “advanced”type of recycling known as pyrolysis — “pyro” means fire and “lysis” means separation. It uses heat to break plastic all the way down to its molecular building blocks.

    While old-school, “mechanical” recycling yields plastic that’s degraded or contaminated, this type of “chemical” recycling promises plastic that behaves like it’s new, and could usher in what the industry casts as a green revolution: Not only would it save hard-to-recycle plastics like frozen food wrappers from the dumpster, but it would turn them into new products that can replace the old ones and be chemically recycled again and again.

    So when three companies used ExxonMobil’s pyrolysis-based technology to successfully conjure up that fruit cup, they announced it to the world.

    “This is a significant milestone,” said Printpack, which turned the plastic into cups. The fruit supplier Pacific Coast Producers called it “the most important initiative a consumer-packaged goods company can pursue.”

    “ExxonMobil is supporting the circularity of plastics,” the August 2023 news release said, citing a buzzword that implies an infinite loop of using, recycling and reusing.

    They were so proud, I hoped they would tell me all about how they made the cup, how many of them existed and where I could buy one.

    So began my long — and, well, circular — pursuit of the truth at a time when it really matters.

    This year, nearly all of the world’s countries are hammering out a United Nations treaty to deal with the plastic crisis. As they consider limiting production, the industry is making a hard push to shift the conversation to the wonders of chemical recycling. It’s also buying ads during cable news shows as U.S. states consider laws to limit plastic packaging and lobbying federal agencies to loosen the very definition of what it means to recycle.

    It’s been selling governments on chemical recycling, with quite a bit of success. American and European regulators have spent tens of millions subsidizing pyrolysis facilities. Half of all U.S. states have eased air pollution rules for the process, which has been found to release carcinogens like benzene and dioxins and give off more greenhouse gases than making plastic from crude oil.

    Given the high stakes of this moment, I set out to understand exactly what the world is getting out of this recycling technology. For months, I tracked press releases, interviewed experts, tried to buy plastic made via pyrolysis and learned more than I ever wanted to know about the science of recycled molecules.

    Under all the math and engineering, I found an inconvenient truth: Not much is being recycled at all, nor is pyrolysis capable of curbing the plastic crisis.

    Not now. Maybe not ever.

    Let’s take a closer look at that Printpack press release, which uses convoluted terms to describe the recycled plastic in that fruit cup:

    “30% ISCC PLUS certified-circular”

    “mass balance free attribution”

    It’s easy to conclude the cup was made with 30% recycled plastic — until you break down the numerical sleight of hand that props up that number.

    It took interviews with a dozen academics, consultants, environmentalists and engineers to help me do just that.

    Stick with me as I unravel it all.

    Lesson 1: Most of the old plastic that goes *into* pyrolysis doesn’t actually become new plastic.

    In traditional recycling, plastic is turned into tiny pellets or flakes, which you can melt again and mold back into recycled plastic products.

    Even in a real-life scenario, where bottles have labels and a little bit of juice left in them, most of the plastic products that go into the process find new life.

    The numbers are much lower for pyrolysis.

    It’s “very, very, very, very difficult” to break down plastic that way, said Steve Jenkins, vice president of chemicals consulting at Wood Mackenzie, an energy and resources analytics firm. “The laws of nature and the laws of physics are trying to stop you.”

    Waste is heated until it turns into oil. Part of that oil is composed of a liquid called naphtha, which is essential for making plastic.

    There are two ingredients in the naphtha that recyclers want to isolate: propylene and ethylene — gases that can be turned into solid plastics.

    To split the naphtha into different chemicals, it’s fed into a machine called a steam cracker. Less than half of what it spits out becomes propylene and ethylene.

    This means that if a pyrolysis operator started with 100 pounds of plastic waste, it can expect to end up with 15-20 pounds of reusable plastic. Experts told me the process can yield less if the plastic used is dirty or more if the technology is particularly advanced.

    I reached out to several companies to ask how much new plastic their processes actually yield, and none provided numbers. The American Chemistry Council, the nation’s largest plastic lobby, told me that because so many factors impact a company’s yield, it’s impossible to estimate that number for the entire industry.

    Lesson 2: The plastic that comes *out of* pyrolysis contains very little recycled material.

    With mechanical recycling, it’s hard to make plastic that’s 100% recycled; it’s expensive to do, and the process degrades plastic. Recycled pellets are often combined with new pellets to make stuff that’s 25% or 50% recycled, for example.

    But far less recycled plastic winds up in products made through pyrolysis.

    That’s because the naphtha created using recycled plastic is contaminated. Manufacturers add all kinds of chemicals to make products bend or keep them from degrading in the sun.

    Recyclers can overpower them by heavily diluting the recycled naphtha. With what, you ask? Nonrecycled naphtha made from ordinary crude oil!

    This is the quiet — and convenient — part of the industry’s revolutionary pyrolysis method: It relies heavily on extracting fossil fuels. At least 90% of the naphtha used in pyrolysis is fossil fuel naphtha. Only then can it be poured into the steam cracker to separate the chemicals that make plastic.

    So at the end of the day, nothing that comes out of pyrolysis physically contains more than 10% recycled material (though experts and studies have shown that, in practice, it’s more like 5% or 2%).

    Lesson 3: The industry uses mathematical acrobatics to make pyrolysis look like a success.

    Ten percent doesn’t look very impressive. Some consumers are willing to pay a premium for sustainability, so companies use a form of accounting called mass balance to inflate the recycled-ness of their products. It’s not unlike offset schemes I’ve uncovered that absolve refineries of their carbon emissions and enable mining companies to kill chimpanzees. Industry-affiliated groups like the International Sustainability and Carbon Certification write the rules. (ISCC didn’t respond to requests for comment.)

    To see how this works, let’s take a look at what might happen to a batch of recycled naphtha. Let’s say the steam cracker splits the batch into 100 pounds of assorted ingredients.

    You’ll get some colorless gasses that are used to make plastic: 13 pounds of propylene and 30 pounds of ethylene. You’ll also wind up with 57 pounds of other chemicals.

    Propylene makes sturdy material such as butter tubs; ethylene makes flexible plastics like yogurt pouches. Many of the other chemicals aren’t used to make plastic — some get used to make rubber and paint or are used as fuel.

    All of these outputs are technically 10% recycled, since they were made from 10% recycled naphtha. (I’m using this optimistic hypothetical to make the math easy.)

    But companies can do a number shuffle to assign all of the recycled value from the butter tubs to the yogurt pouches.

    Watch video ➜

    That way they can market the yogurt pouches as 14% recycled (or “circular”), even though nothing has physically changed about the makeup of the pouches.

    Watch video ➜

    What’s more, through a method called free attribution, companies can assign the recycled value from other chemicals (even if they would never be turned into plastic) to the yogurt pouches.

    Watch video ➜

    Now, the yogurt pouches can be sold as 33% recycled.

    Watch video ➜

    There are many flavors of this kind of accounting. Another version of free attribution would allow the company to take that entire 30-pound batch of “33% recycled” pouches and split them even further:

    A third of them, 10 pounds, could be labeled 100% recycled — shifting the value of the full batch onto them — so long as the remaining 20 pounds aren’t labeled as recycled at all.

    As long as you avoid double counting, Jenkins told me, you can attribute the full value of recycled naphtha to the products that will make the most money. Companies need that financial incentive to recoup the costs of pyrolysis, he said.

    But it’s hard to argue that this type of marketing is transparent. Consumers aren’t going to parse through the caveats of a 33% recycled claim or understand how the green technology they’re being sold perpetuates the fossil fuel industry. I posed the critiques to the industry, including environmentalists’ accusations that mass balance is just a fancy way of greenwashing.

    The American Chemistry Council told me it’s impossible to know whether a particular ethylene molecule comes from pyrolysis naphtha or fossil fuel naphtha; the compounds produced are “fungible” and can be used for multiple products, like making rubber, solvents and paints that would reduce the amount of new fossil fuels needed. Its statement called mass balance a “well-known methodology” that’s been used by other industries including fair trade coffee, chocolate and renewable energy.

    Legislation in the European Union already forbids free attribution, and leaders are debating whether to allow other forms of mass balance. U.S. regulation is far behind that, but as the Federal Trade Commission revises its general guidelines for green marketing, the industry is arguing that mass balance is crucial to the future of advanced recycling. “The science of advanced recycling simply does not support any other approach because the ability to track individual molecules does not readily exist,” said a comment from ExxonMobil.

    If you think navigating the ins and outs of pyrolysis is hard, try getting your hands on actual plastic made through it.

    It’s not as easy as going to the grocery store. Those water bottles you might see with 100% recycled claims are almost certainly made through traditional recycling. The biggest giveaway is that the labels don’t contain the asterisks or fine print typical of products made through pyrolysis, like “mass balance,” “circular” or “certified.”

    When I asked about the fruit cup, ExxonMobil directed me to its partners. Printpack didn’t respond to my inquiries. Pacific Coast Producers told me it was “engaged in a small pilot pack of plastic bowls that contain post-consumer content with materials certified” by third parties, and that it “has made no label claims regarding these cups and is evaluating their use.”

    I pressed the American Chemistry Council for other examples.

    “Chemical recycling is a proven technology that is already manufacturing products, conserving natural resources, and offering the potential to dramatically improve recycling rates,” said Matthew Kastner, a media relations director. His colleague added that much of the plastic made via pyrolysis is “being used for food- and medical-grade packaging, oftentimes not branded.”

    They provided links to products including a Chevron Phillips Chemical announcement about bringing recycled plastic food wrapping to retail stores.

    “For competitive reasons,” a Chevron spokesperson declined to discuss brand names, the product’s availability or the amount produced.

    In another case, a grocery store chain sold chicken wrapped in plastic made by ExxonMobil’s pyrolysis process. The producers told me they were part of a small project that’s now discontinued.

    In the end, I ran down half a dozen claims about products that came out of pyrolysis; each either existed in limited quantities or had its recycled-ness obscured with mass balance caveats.

    Then this April, nearly eight months after I’d begun my pursuit, I could barely contain myself when I got my hands on an actual product.

    I was at a United Nations treaty negotiation in Ottawa, Ontario, and an industry group had set up a nearby showcase. On display was a case of Heinz baked beans, packaged in “39% recycled plastic*.” (The asterisk took me down an online rabbit hole about certification and circularity. Heinz didn’t respond to my questions.)

    This, too, was part of an old trial. The beans were expired.

    Pyrolysis is a “fairy tale,” I heard from Neil Tangri, the science and policy director at the environmental justice network Global Alliance for Incinerator Alternatives. He said he’s been hearing pyrolysis claims since the ’90s but has yet to see proof it works as promised.

    “If anyone has cracked the code for a large-scale, efficient and profitable way to turn plastic into plastic,” he said, “every reporter in the world” would get a tour.

    If I did get a tour, I wondered, would I even see all of that stubborn, dirty plastic they were supposedly recycling?

    The industry’s marketing implied we could soon toss sandwich bags and string cheese wrappers into curbside recycling bins, where they would be diverted to pyrolysis plants. But I grew skeptical as I watched a webinar for ExxonMobil’s pyrolysis-based technology, the kind used to make the fruit cup. The company showed photos of plastic packaging and oil field equipment as examples of its starting material but then mentioned something that made me sit up straight: It was using pre-consumer plastic to “give consistency” to the waste stream.

    Chemical plants need consistency, so it’s easier to use plastic that hasn’t been gunked up by consumer use, Jenkins explained.

    But plastic waste that had never been touched by consumers, such as industrial scrap found at the edges of factory molds, could easily be recycled the old-fashioned way. Didn’t that negate the need for this more polluting, less efficient process?

    I asked ExxonMobil how much post-consumer plastic it was actually using. Catie Tuley, a media relations adviser, said it depends on what’s available. “At the end of the day, advanced recycling allows us to divert plastic waste from landfills and give new life to plastic waste.”

    I posed the same question to several other operators. A company in Europe told me it uses “mixed post-consumer, flexible plastic waste” and does not recycle pre-consumer waste.

    But this spring at an environmental journalism conference, an American Chemistry Council executive confirmed the industry’s preference for clean plastic as he talked about an Atlanta-based company and its pyrolysis process. My colleague Sharon Lerner asked whether it was sourcing curbside-recycled plastic for pyrolysis.

    If Nexus Circular had a “magic wand,” it would, he acknowledged, but right now that kind of waste “isn’t good enough.” He added, “It’s got tomatoes in it.”

    (Nexus later confirmed that most of the plastic it used was pre-consumer and about a third was post-consumer, including motor oil containers sourced from car repair shops and bags dropped off at special recycling centers.)

    Clean, well-sorted plastic is a valuable commodity. If the chemical recycling industry grows, experts told me, those companies could end up competing with the far more efficient traditional recycling.

    To spur that growth, the American Chemistry Council is lobbying for mandates that would require more recycled plastic in packaging; it wants to make sure that chemically recycled plastic counts. “This would create market-driven demand signals,” Kastner told me, and ease the way for large-scale investment in new chemical recycling plants.

    I asked Jenkins, the energy industry analyst, to play out this scenario on a larger scale.

    Were all of these projects adding up? Could the industry conceivably make enough propylene and ethylene through pyrolysis to replace much of our demand for new plastic?

    He looked three years into the future, using his company’s latest figures on global pyrolysis investment, and gave an optimistic assessment.

    At best, the world could replace 0.2% of new plastic churned out in a year with products made through pyrolysis.

    About the Math

    Our article is focused on pyrolysis because it’s the most popular form of chemical recycling. Other types of chemical recycling technologies have their own strengths and weaknesses.

    There are different variations of pyrolysis, and steam crackers produce a range of ethylene and propylene yields. Companies are secretive about their operations. To estimate the efficiencies of pyrolysis and mass balance, I read dozens of peer-reviewed studies, reports, industry presentations, advertisements and news stories. I also fact checked with a dozen experts who have different opinions on pyrolysis, mass balance and recycling. Some of them, including Jenkins and Anthony Schiavo, senior director at Lux Research, provided estimates of overall yields for companies trying to make plastic. All of that information coalesced around a 15% to 20% yield for conventional pyrolysis processes and 25% to 30% for more advanced technologies. We are showcasing the conventional process because it’s the most common scenario.

    We took steps to simplify the math and jargon. For instance, we skipped over the fact that a small amount of the naphtha fed into the steam cracker is consumed as fuel. And we called the fraction of pyrolysis oil that’s suitable for a steam cracker “pyrolysis naphtha”; it is technically a naphtha-like product.

    These processes may improve over time as new technologies are developed. But there are hard limits and tradeoffs associated with the nature of steam cracking, the contamination in the feedstock, the type of feedstock used and financial and energy costs.

    Graphics and development by Lucas Waldron. Design and development by Anna Donlan. Mollie Simon and Gabriel Sandoval contributed research.


    This content originally appeared on ProPublica and was authored by by Lisa Song, Illustrations by Max Gunther, special to ProPublica.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Image by Kamran Abdullayev.

    While April and May are usually the hottest months in many countries in Southeast Asia, hundreds of millions of people are now suffering in South Asia from an exceptionally intense heat wave that has killed hundreds. One expert has already called it the most extreme heat event in history. Record-breaking temperatures above 122º F were reported in the Indian capital of New Delhi and temperatures sizzled to an unheard of 127º F  in parts of India and Pakistan.

    Nor was the blazing heat limited to Asia. Heat waves of exceptional severity and duration are now occurring simultaneously in many areas of the world. Mexico and parts of the United States, notably Miami and Phoenix, have recently been in the grip of intense heat events. In southern Mexico, endangered howler monkeys in several states have been falling dead from trees in their tropical forests due to heat stroke and dehydration. Below-average rainfall throughout Mexico has led to water shortages in Mexico City and elsewhere. In some places, birds and bats, not to speak of humans, are also dying from the heat.

    All of this is no coincidence. The hot and heavy hand of climate change is now upon us. Last year was the hottest on Earth in 125,000 years, and the concentration of heat-trapping carbon dioxide (CO2) in the atmosphere was the highest in four million years and still climbing at an ever-increasing rate. Meanwhile, global sea surface temperatures also reached a peak, causing severe massive coral bleaching in all three major ocean basins.

    The World Bank is projecting that, by 2050, there will be more than 200 million climate refugees, 20 times the 10 million refugees that have already destabilized Europe. Climate change is also putting an increasingly heavy burden on our social safety net, which could ultimately cause social order to begin to break down, generating chaos.

    Nobel Prize-winning former Energy Secretary Steven Chu now claims it’s no longer possible to keep the global temperature from rising more than 1.5°C above the historical average, as the 195-nation signatories to the 2015 Paris climate agreement had hoped. In fact, he projects that the target of 2°C will also be broken and that, by 2050 the global temperature will have risen above 3°C. Nor is his pessimism unique. Hundreds of other scientists have recently forecast a strong possibility of hitting 2.5°C, which should hardly be surprising since, for well over 30 years now, global leaders have failed to heed the warnings of climate scientists by moving decisively to phase out fossil fuels and their heat-trapping gases.

    What to make of such dire forecasts?

    It could hardly be clearer that the world is already in the throes of a climate catastrophe. That means it’s high time for the U.S. to declare a national climate emergency to help focus us all on the disaster at hand. (Or as famed English poet Samuel Johnson put it centuries ago, “When a man knows he is to be hanged in a fortnight, it concentrates his mind wonderfully.”)

    Such a declaration of a climate emergency is long overdue. Some 40 other nations have already done so, including 2,356 jurisdictions and local governments representing more than a billion people. Of course, a declaration alone will hardly be enough. As the world’s wealthiest and most powerful nation, and the one that historically has contributed the most legacy greenhouse gases to the atmosphere, the U.S. needs to develop a coherent exit strategy from the stranglehold of fossil fuels, a strategy that could serve as an international example of a swift and thorough clean-energy transition. But at the moment, of course, this country remains the world’s largest producer and consumer of oil and natural gas and the third largest producer of coal — and should Donald Trump win in November, you can kiss any possible reductions in those figures goodbye for the foreseeable future. Sadly enough, however, though the Biden administration’s rhetoric of climate concern has been strong, in practice, this country has continued to cede true climate leadership to others.

    Despite the laudable examples of smaller nations like Iceland, Norway, Sweden, Paraguay, and Costa Rica that are already at, or within a percentage point or two, of being 100% powered by clean, renewable energy, the world sorely needs the U.S. as a global role model. To make a rapid, far-reaching, and unrelenting break with our fossil-fuel dependency — 79% of the nation’s energy is now drawn from fossil fuels — a national mobilization would be needed, and it would have to be a genuine all-of-society effort.

    National Mobilization Amid Crisis

    Fortunately, there is a historical precedent for just such a comprehensive mobilization of government and citizenry in dire circumstances: President Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s New Deal in the 1930s and the World War II years provide examples of the scale and intensity of the response needed today to reverse climate change. However, instead of gearing up to produce jobs for the unemployed or planes and tanks for a war, a concerted nationwide industrial effort is needed now to upgrade our electrical grid and produce millions of solar panels, wind turbines, batteries, carbon-capture machines, and zero-emission vehicles. All too sadly, this country and the world are now in a situation even more perilous than either the Great Depression or World War II.

    Rising seas pose serious threats to major American cities, including Boston, Charleston, Miami, and New York, while, in recent years, millions of acres of the Midwest have been flooded by climate-related extreme weather events. Had a foreign enemy inflicted the kind of damage caused by such floods, or the firestorms that swept California and the Pacific Northwest in 2020, or the hurricanes and droughts the nation has begun experiencing with increased frequency, the U.S. would have immediately mobilized for war. Now, this country needs to do exactly that to face the climate crisis, but (even forgetting the horrifying possibility that Donald Trump could win the coming presidential election and sink any possibility of moving on climate change nationally for years to come) how to get our act together?

    As French author Antoine de Saint-Exupéry wrote in his classic 1943 novella, Le Petit Prince,  “A goal without a plan is just a wish.” In other words, a national climate action plan is urgently needed.

    In the Trump years of climate-science denial, any progress in controlling emissions resulted from actions by states, cities, and businesses or institutions. Over the long term, however, climate policy is far too important to be left to a hodgepodge of laws and policies haphazardly applied across some of our 50 states and thousands of cities and businesses. What this country needs is a plan guided by scientific and technical analysis and based on an ambitious but attainable set of greenhouse-gas-reduction quotas. Its point would not be to override the climate agendas of any city, state, or group, or the aspirations of the Green New Deal (House Resolution HR 109). It would simply be to provide a reliable toolkit of measures and policies along with analyses of their costs and benefits — a compass for getting to negative carbon emission as quickly and cost-effectively as possible.

    This country today has no comprehensive climate action plan that proposes clear, enforceable targets, timelines, and roadmaps for climate protection and restabilization — and it desperately needs one. Call it America’s Energy Transition: Achieving a Clean Energy Future and imagine that it would build on previous authoritative studies, analyzing renewable-energy-generating and distribution technologies in terms of their costs, commercial readiness, resource constraints, and potential efficiency. It would formulate and model competing scenarios with clusters of complementary technologies, each requiring different policies for its implementation.

    From such an exercise, Americans would learn how to achieve the greatest greenhouse gas reductions with the most speed and cost-effectiveness, as well as the fewest unwanted impacts, while best meeting this country’s ongoing energy needs. Such a study would also reveal the demands on natural resources of each scenario along with its costs and the manufacturing capacity required.

    To build trust and engagement in the final plan, regional advisory councils made up of scientists, engineers, businesspeople, and major stakeholder representatives should be created to offer recommendations on how best to adapt such a plan to conditions in each part of the country. The final policy roadmap would then be designated as the “optimal energy path scenario” for the nation and provided to Congress, so that it could use the findings as a basis for funding and implementing new climate legislation.

    Without Political Action, Don’t Hold Your Breath for a Bold Climate Plan

    Left to its own devices, without strong public pressure, Congress might basically ignore or fail to enact legislation to implement the results of a National Climate Action Plan, especially if Congress were still controlled by the fossil-fuel-loving Republican Party. A Republican stranglehold on Congress and/or the White House would undoubtedly stymie both the creation of a national climate plan and the implementation of its findings, as well as the clean-energy transition it would facilitate.

    To prevent such a setback from occurring, a strong popular constituency must be built nationwide capable of exerting powerful pressure on Congress to ensure the creation of a climate plan and the appropriate legislation to make it functional.  Otherwise, no matter how sound the PR campaign on its behalf, serious political obstacles would stand in the way of its adoption, even by a Democratic Congress.

    Through its lobbying, think tanks, public relations arms, and advertising, the politically and economically powerful fossil-fuel industry has, for decades, blocked meaningful climate legislation in both Democratic and Republican congresses. The creation of a powerful, broad coalition of constituencies — environmental, labor, public health, faith-based, and even progressive elements of the business community — could serve as a popular countervailing force against the mighty fossil-fuel industry. But as a first step, that coalition would need support, guidance, and a common accepted platform both to stand behind and to mobilize the public. The American environmental community could produce that platform. Yet this would not be a simple matter, due to the way that community is siloed, with each major organization catering to its own constituency, interests, and funders.

    To create a common consensual vision around which the national climate movement could mobilize, a broad civil society gathering should be convened to attract the leadership of all environmental and climate action groups and set the stage for the National Climate Action Plan. That gathering would, of course, focus on the roadblocks to implementing such a plan and to a swift, national clean-energy transition — and how those roadblocks could be dismantled.

    Put all of this together and you would have a nation mobilized against the fossil-fuel industry, ready to create a climate action plan and mobilize Americans in an all-of-society effort on behalf of slashing national carbon emissions in a radical fashion, accelerating a clean-energy transition, and protecting our endangered world.  What more could you ask for?

    This piece first appeared on TomDispatch.

    The post It’s Bloody Hot! appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • Asia Pacific Report

    The Centre for Climate Crime and Justice at Queen Mary University of London will host a Permanent Peoples’ Tribunal on State and Environmental Violence in West Papua later this month.

    A panel of eight tribunal judges will hear evidence on June 27-29 from many international NGOs and local civil society organisations, as well as testimonies from individuals who have witnessed human rights violations and environmental destruction, said a statement from the centre.

    West Papua is home to the world’s third-largest rainforest, currently under threat from industrial development. Due to its global significance, the ongoing state repression and environmental degradation in the region have far-reaching impacts.

    This tribunal aims to bring global attention to the need to protect this crucial rainforest by exploring the deep connection between democracy, state violence, and environmental sustainability in West Papua, said the statement.

    “There are good reasons to host this important event in London. London-based companies are key beneficiaries of gas, mining and industrial agriculture in West Papua, and its huge gold and other metal reserves are traded in London,” said Professor David Whyte, director of the Centre for Climate Crime and Justice.

    “The tribunal will expose the close links between state violence, environmental degradation, and profiteering by transnational corporations and other institutions.”

    The prosecution will be led by Dutch Bar-registered lawyer Fadjar Schouten Korwa, who said: “With a ruling by the eminent Permanent Peoples’ Tribunal on the crimes against the Indigenous Papuan people of West Papua and the failure of the state of Indonesia to protect them from human rights violations and impunity, we hope for a future without injustice for West Papua.”

    ‘Long history of destruction’
    A leading West Papuan lawyer, Gustaf Kawer, said: “The annexation of West Papua into the State of Indonesia is part of a long history of environmental destruction and state violence against Papua’s people and its natural resources.

    “Our hope is that after this trial examines the evidence and hears the statements of witnesses and experts, the international community and the UN will respond to the situation in West Papua and evaluate the Indonesian state so that there can be recovery for natural resources and the Papuan people.”

    The Permanent Peoples’ Tribunal on State and Environmental Violence in West Papua seeks to initiate a series of events and discussions throughout 2024 and 2025, aiming to engage the UN Human Rights Council and international civil society organisations.

    The Permanent Peoples’ Tribunal on West Papua will take place on Thursday, June 27 – Saturday, 29 June 2024, at Queen Mary University of London, Mile End Campus.

    The panel of judges comprises: Teresa Almeida Cravo (Portugal), Donna Andrews (South Africa), Daniel Feierstein (Argentina), Marina Forti (Italy), Larry Lohmann (UK), Nello Rossi (Italy), and Solomon Yeo (Solomon Islands).

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.