Mesquite Flat Sand Dunes, Death Valley National Park. Photo: Jeffrey St. Clair.
I think of climate as a package in 3 basic parts – temperature, water, and wind. Here in the US, this trio is basic to the Forest Service “Hot Dry Windy Index” for measuring likely risk of dangerous wildfire.
The future of temperature is a key point of interest, because increased heat can make a difference to other parts of the package. Jason Smerdon, a Lamont-Doherty paleoclimatologist, provides an example in plain language — “Precipitation is just the supply side. Temperature is on the demand side, the part that dries things out.”
How high might temperatures go?
One climate model’s peek down the road shows a world with temperatures 2.4C hotter than back before we started setting the torch to coal, oil, and gas.
Another model shows us a possibility of getting 2.7C hotter, while yet another points to the possibility of heat increased to 3.1C over and above temperatures common to the 1850s
An attention-getting article of some years back warned of a “Hothouse Earth” at 5C. There’s even been a more recent study suggesting that we might, just maybe, if worse comes to worst, be on course to barreling past 3.5C on our way to 7C.
Given this smorgasbord of possible futures, it’s utterly realistic to be thinking about uncertainty. After all, the fact of disagreements among the models is plain to see.
And yet, at the same time, it’s equally plain that these varied and otherwise disagreeing models all agree on the direction we’re headed – toward and increasingly into a hotter world. This agreement leaves some elbow room for thinking about a bit of certainty in the mix.
The thing about models
Anyone who’s built a model car, plane, ship or train can be certain of two truths about models. They aren’t the real thing. They’re judged on how well they match up to the real thing. It’s basically the same for climate models.
The building of climate models has been going on for a long time. Consider the case of Svante Arrhenius, in the 1890s, for example. Arrhenius has been credited with playing a leading role in uniting physicists and chemists to recognize a new scientific topic for scientific thought, physical chemistry.
Based on the model he built, the crudest, most-simplistic model in the history of climate science, just a back-of-the-envelope kind of thing, Arrhenius concluded that an increasing scale of fossil fuel combustion would leave the world hotter-enough to make things hard for the likes of snow.
Has Arrhenilus’ model matched up with the real world?
In essence, Arrhenius’ crude little 1890s model pointed ahead to some future world hot enough to make snow an endangered form of water.
The current real-world low flows of the Colorado River have been traced back to loss of snow. Low flows in Montana rivers are traceable back to the same thing – a shortage of snow. There’s nuance here, and detail. But an increasing retreat of snow is a real thing, in lots of places, and Arrhenius wasn’t the last to think about it.
The April 20, 2004 Issue of Science published interviews with researchers known for investigating the future of snow. One researcher told Science that, “Snow is our water storage in the West,” and where snow is lost there is no way to make up for it.
Arrhenius likely had to shovel snow during winters in his home country, Sweden. Maybe that’s why he noted that life with less snow looked pretty good.
Partner: Center for Justice Governance and Environmental Action (CJGEA) Team: Daniella Aning, Ekaterina Luzina, Louise Kazek, Zunaid Saiyed Supervisor: Dr. Stephen Turner Picture a coastal Kenyan village where lush vegetation thrives, fishermen cast their nets at dawn, and communities live in harmony with the land and sea that sustain them. Now imagine a nuclear power […]
DURA, OCCUPIED WEST BANK — As recently as Christmas, this small community near Hebron thought it had a deal with the United States to tackle one of its most pressing issues: water supply.
In December, Dura joined the municipalities of Halhul and Hebron to sign a memorandum with the U.S. Agency for International Development to fund a $46 million program shoring up their local water systems.
It was a project of tremendous local import. The three neighboring communities are among the most water-deprived in the West Bank. They rely on irregular water supplies from Israel. When water does arrive, some 30-40 percent is lost in distribution, chiefly due to leaks and theft.
It’s this 30-40 percent that the project meant to fix. But in late February, a month after President Donald Trump’s inauguration, it was terminated.
A State Department spokesperson said by email that it was “determined to not fit within the standards laid out by Sec. [Marco] Rubio for U.S. foreign assistance, which must make the United States stronger, safer, or more prosperous.”
Since taking office, Trump, with the help of Elon Musk, has eviscerated the U.S. foreign aid budget. In March, Rubio terminated 80 percent of USAID programs after a review by Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency. The administration also said foreign aid would be shrunk and reconstituted under the State Department. On July 1, USAID formally dissolved.
The consequences of this retrenchment will land on Palestinian communities like Dura, which for decades have counted on the U.S. as the preeminent funder of water infrastructure in the Occupied Territories.
The water supply for Palestinians in the West Bank is already tight.
While Israelis consume an average 200-300 liters per day, comparable to Americans, the West Bank average is 86 liters — an average that masks gigantic differences between the haves, in well-supplied areas, and the have-nots.
A number of critical water projects in Palestinian population centers have been abandoned because of USAID’s collapse.
In Jericho, USAID was funding work to connect thousands of homes to sewer lines for the first time. Not only is the work unfinished, but the municipality has also had to reach into its own pocket to repave the roads that American taxpayers paid to dig up.
In Tulkarem, where USAID was improving wastewater services for a community in desperate need of them, the sudden stop to work means sewage continues to build up in nearby lagoons, breeding mosquitoes.
Subhi Samhan, director of research and development at the Palestinian Water Authority, called the abrupt pullout “catastrophic.”
“There’s no other actor in the context right now to fill the gap,” said a humanitarian worker who works in the region but requested anonymity to avoid Israeli or American retaliation against their organization’s work. “There’s no Plan B on this.”
In another part of the West Bank, Al-Auja Spring is shown almost completely dried up by Israeli forces in Jericho on May 2, 2025.Photo: Issam Rimawi/Anadolu/Getty Images
That’s evident in Dura, a hilly community of about 90,000 people on the outskirts of Hebron.
Unlike some places in the West Bank, Dura has no wells or reservoirs. Its primary water supply is a single 24-inch pipe. It’s operated by the Palestinian Water Authority, but the actual water comes from Mekorot, Israel’s national water company, according to Dura municipal officials. (They requested anonymity to speak freely.)
Since occupying the West Bank in 1967, Israel has also controlled the majority of its water resources. The Palestinian Liberation Organization signed agreements with Israel for rights to a fixed volume from the land’s main aquifer in the 1990s, but the Palestinian population in the West Bank has grown 75 percent since then, making this share increasingly inadequate.
In much of the West Bank, Israeli authorities keep a tight grip on Palestinian efforts to build wells, reservoirs, pipelines, or any other infrastructure. Today, West Bankers buy 60 percent of their household water supplies from Israeli water companies, according to the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics.
In Dura, the water in the pipe is neither reliable nor sufficient for local needs. The municipality stores what they get in tanks, then parcels it around the city on a rotating, published schedule. Residents often gripe to the municipality about the meager flows. “The reality is, our water supply is not enough for our needs,” a Dura official said.
The average Dura resident consumes about 45 liters per day, falling short of the 50-100 liters that’s sufficient, according to World Health Organization experts, to meet water needs most of the time. But when supplies are limited, people’s usage can drop as low as 26 liters per day.
The USAID project planned, among other things, to shore up the 228 kilometers of pipe that make up Dura’s water grid. It was hoped that by plugging leaks and reducing theft, the city could sell more water the legal way, strengthening its own finances. In principle, this would also spare Dura residents from buying triple-priced private water supplies — or just going without.
Water has long been a pillar of America’s policy in the Occupied Territories. From 1993 to 2023, the U.S. spent $7.6 billion in aid in the West Bank and Gaza, with about a third of that going to the category of economic growth and infrastructure — like water.
Dave Harden, a former mission director for USAID in the West Bank and Gaza, reckons the agency spent “probably hundreds of millions” on water and sanitation projects since the Oslo Agreements of the 1990s.
The U.S. was well aware that water was choking Palestinian development. A 2024 State Department report on the territories’ investment climate — since removed — listed water insecurity among the “most immediate impediment[s]” for the Palestinian economy.
As president, Joe Biden echoed the longtime U.S. foreign policy consensus when he argued that improving Palestinian living conditions could bolster support for the Palestinian Authority and improve chances for a sustainable two-state solution.
Some pro-Israel groups agreed. The Israel Policy Forum, a U.S. NGO, specifically named improving the parlous conditions of water access in the West Bank as one of 50 steps to facilitate a negotiated peace.
In the West Bank and Gaza, USAID has paid for dozens of wells and hundreds of miles of pipelines. It’s built reservoirs, storage tanks, and sewage infrastructure. As of 2016, USAID claimed to have improved clean water access for 1 million Palestinians.
While many countries fund water infrastructure in the Palestinian territories, none match the financial heft of the U.S., said Samhan of the Palestinian Water Authority. “Most of the projects funded by USAID are major projects. Not all countries can organize these funds. USAID can do $60, $70, $100 million at once,” he said.
Yet despite decades of work by the U.S. and other donors, the scope of need remains astronomical.
Leaky water infrastructure is a common problem throughout the West Bank. The World Bank estimates that if the West Bank recovered all of its lost water, it would amount to boosting total supply by around 40 percent.
Asked what they plan to do now that the USAID money is gone, Dura officials took a laconic attitude, saying they hope to find a European funder.
What galls many Palestinians is the sense that while they scrounge for water, their Israeli neighbors have plenty.
Water shortages are reshaping the West Bank countryside. Water insecurity is among the compounding pressures forcing people to leave rural areas for crowded, miserable conditions in cities.
Climate change is putting this inequity into sharper relief. Last winter, precipitation levels in much of the Holy Land were about half of their historical average.
Climate forecasts for the region anticipate soaring average temperatures, intensifying heatwaves, and nastier droughts. This will likely stress water supplies as more surface water gets cooked off into the air and aquifers are less fully replenished.
In February, Israeli President Isaac Herzog pointed to the weak winter rains and warned Israelis could experience “a summer of massive natural disasters.”
But on water, Israel is well prepared. It gets most of its drinking water from state-of-the-art desalination plants on the Mediterranean Sea. It recycles much of this water, after it flows through Israeli homes, into its ultra-efficient agricultural sector. Its water grid has one of the world’s lowest leakage rates.
Samer Kalbouneh, acting director general for projects and international relations at the Palestinian Environment Quality Authority, said one of the West Bank’s biggest climate-adaptation needs is interconnectivity: linking its water-rich areas with its water-poor ones.
A trained water engineer, he said a logical move would be for West Bank cities to process their own sewage, then send the reclaimed water to desperate farmers and ranchers in the Jordan Valley. (Today, Palestinian cities send sewage to Israel, which reclaims the water and charges the Palestinian Authority $30 million a year for the service.)
But in practice, Palestinian localities can’t build the infrastructure for this. Kalbouneh said, “You can’t even build a 1×1-meter outhouse in the Jordan Valley without it being demolished,” as this qualifies as Area C, a zone controlled by the Israeli military.
As for USAID, he said it tended to promote projects like the one in Dura, which asked Palestinian communities to work within the constraints of Israeli occupation — rather than releasing those constraints.
Asked why, he said, “The U.S. is managing the conflict, not ending it.”
DURA, OCCUPIED WEST BANK — As recently as Christmas, this small community near Hebron thought it had a deal with the United States to tackle one of its most pressing issues: water supply.
In December, Dura joined the municipalities of Halhul and Hebron to sign a memorandum with the U.S. Agency for International Development to fund a $46 million program shoring up their local water systems.
It was a project of tremendous local import. The three neighboring communities are among the most water-deprived in the West Bank. They rely on irregular water supplies from Israel. When water does arrive, some 30-40 percent is lost in distribution, chiefly due to leaks and theft.
It’s this 30-40 percent that the project meant to fix. But in late February, a month after President Donald Trump’s inauguration, it was terminated.
A State Department spokesperson said by email that it was “determined to not fit within the standards laid out by Sec. [Marco] Rubio for U.S. foreign assistance, which must make the United States stronger, safer, or more prosperous.”
Since taking office, Trump, with the help of Elon Musk, has eviscerated the U.S. foreign aid budget. In March, Rubio terminated 80 percent of USAID programs after a review by Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency. The administration also said foreign aid would be shrunk and reconstituted under the State Department. On July 1, USAID formally dissolved.
The consequences of this retrenchment will land on Palestinian communities like Dura, which for decades have counted on the U.S. as the preeminent funder of water infrastructure in the Occupied Territories.
The water supply for Palestinians in the West Bank is already tight.
While Israelis consume an average 200-300 liters per day, comparable to Americans, the West Bank average is 86 liters — an average that masks gigantic differences between the haves, in well-supplied areas, and the have-nots.
A number of critical water projects in Palestinian population centers have been abandoned because of USAID’s collapse.
In Jericho, USAID was funding work to connect thousands of homes to sewer lines for the first time. Not only is the work unfinished, but the municipality has also had to reach into its own pocket to repave the roads that American taxpayers paid to dig up.
In Tulkarem, where USAID was improving wastewater services for a community in desperate need of them, the sudden stop to work means sewage continues to build up in nearby lagoons, breeding mosquitoes.
Subhi Samhan, director of research and development at the Palestinian Water Authority, called the abrupt pullout “catastrophic.”
“There’s no other actor in the context right now to fill the gap,” said a humanitarian worker who works in the region but requested anonymity to avoid Israeli or American retaliation against their organization’s work. “There’s no Plan B on this.”
In another part of the West Bank, Al-Auja Spring is shown almost completely dried up by Israeli forces in Jericho on May 2, 2025.Photo: Issam Rimawi/Anadolu/Getty Images
That’s evident in Dura, a hilly community of about 90,000 people on the outskirts of Hebron.
Unlike some places in the West Bank, Dura has no wells or reservoirs. Its primary water supply is a single 24-inch pipe. It’s operated by the Palestinian Water Authority, but the actual water comes from Mekorot, Israel’s national water company, according to Dura municipal officials. (They requested anonymity to speak freely.)
Since occupying the West Bank in 1967, Israel has also controlled the majority of its water resources. The Palestinian Liberation Organization signed agreements with Israel for rights to a fixed volume from the land’s main aquifer in the 1990s, but the Palestinian population in the West Bank has grown 75 percent since then, making this share increasingly inadequate.
In much of the West Bank, Israeli authorities keep a tight grip on Palestinian efforts to build wells, reservoirs, pipelines, or any other infrastructure. Today, West Bankers buy 60 percent of their household water supplies from Israeli water companies, according to the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics.
In Dura, the water in the pipe is neither reliable nor sufficient for local needs. The municipality stores what they get in tanks, then parcels it around the city on a rotating, published schedule. Residents often gripe to the municipality about the meager flows. “The reality is, our water supply is not enough for our needs,” a Dura official said.
The average Dura resident consumes about 45 liters per day, falling short of the 50-100 liters that’s sufficient, according to World Health Organization experts, to meet water needs most of the time. But when supplies are limited, people’s usage can drop as low as 26 liters per day.
The USAID project planned, among other things, to shore up the 228 kilometers of pipe that make up Dura’s water grid. It was hoped that by plugging leaks and reducing theft, the city could sell more water the legal way, strengthening its own finances. In principle, this would also spare Dura residents from buying triple-priced private water supplies — or just going without.
Water has long been a pillar of America’s policy in the Occupied Territories. From 1993 to 2023, the U.S. spent $7.6 billion in aid in the West Bank and Gaza, with about a third of that going to the category of economic growth and infrastructure — like water.
Dave Harden, a former mission director for USAID in the West Bank and Gaza, reckons the agency spent “probably hundreds of millions” on water and sanitation projects since the Oslo Agreements of the 1990s.
The U.S. was well aware that water was choking Palestinian development. A 2024 State Department report on the territories’ investment climate — since removed — listed water insecurity among the “most immediate impediment[s]” for the Palestinian economy.
As president, Joe Biden echoed the longtime U.S. foreign policy consensus when he argued that improving Palestinian living conditions could bolster support for the Palestinian Authority and improve chances for a sustainable two-state solution.
Some pro-Israel groups agreed. The Israel Policy Forum, a U.S. NGO, specifically named improving the parlous conditions of water access in the West Bank as one of 50 steps to facilitate a negotiated peace.
In the West Bank and Gaza, USAID has paid for dozens of wells and hundreds of miles of pipelines. It’s built reservoirs, storage tanks, and sewage infrastructure. As of 2016, USAID claimed to have improved clean water access for 1 million Palestinians.
While many countries fund water infrastructure in the Palestinian territories, none match the financial heft of the U.S., said Samhan of the Palestinian Water Authority. “Most of the projects funded by USAID are major projects. Not all countries can organize these funds. USAID can do $60, $70, $100 million at once,” he said.
Yet despite decades of work by the U.S. and other donors, the scope of need remains astronomical.
Leaky water infrastructure is a common problem throughout the West Bank. The World Bank estimates that if the West Bank recovered all of its lost water, it would amount to boosting total supply by around 40 percent.
Asked what they plan to do now that the USAID money is gone, Dura officials took a laconic attitude, saying they hope to find a European funder.
What galls many Palestinians is the sense that while they scrounge for water, their Israeli neighbors have plenty.
Water shortages are reshaping the West Bank countryside. Water insecurity is among the compounding pressures forcing people to leave rural areas for crowded, miserable conditions in cities.
Climate change is putting this inequity into sharper relief. Last winter, precipitation levels in much of the Holy Land were about half of their historical average.
Climate forecasts for the region anticipate soaring average temperatures, intensifying heatwaves, and nastier droughts. This will likely stress water supplies as more surface water gets cooked off into the air and aquifers are less fully replenished.
In February, Israeli President Isaac Herzog pointed to the weak winter rains and warned Israelis could experience “a summer of massive natural disasters.”
But on water, Israel is well prepared. It gets most of its drinking water from state-of-the-art desalination plants on the Mediterranean Sea. It recycles much of this water, after it flows through Israeli homes, into its ultra-efficient agricultural sector. Its water grid has one of the world’s lowest leakage rates.
Samer Kalbouneh, acting director general for projects and international relations at the Palestinian Environment Quality Authority, said one of the West Bank’s biggest climate-adaptation needs is interconnectivity: linking its water-rich areas with its water-poor ones.
A trained water engineer, he said a logical move would be for West Bank cities to process their own sewage, then send the reclaimed water to desperate farmers and ranchers in the Jordan Valley. (Today, Palestinian cities send sewage to Israel, which reclaims the water and charges the Palestinian Authority $30 million a year for the service.)
But in practice, Palestinian localities can’t build the infrastructure for this. Kalbouneh said, “You can’t even build a 1×1-meter outhouse in the Jordan Valley without it being demolished,” as this qualifies as Area C, a zone controlled by the Israeli military.
As for USAID, he said it tended to promote projects like the one in Dura, which asked Palestinian communities to work within the constraints of Israeli occupation — rather than releasing those constraints.
Asked why, he said, “The U.S. is managing the conflict, not ending it.”
Last week, the UN’s highest court issued a stinging ruling that countries have a legal obligation to limit climate change and provide restitution for harm caused, giving legal force to an idea that was hatched in a classroom in Port Vila. This is how a group of young students from Vanuatu changed the face of international law.
Vishal Prasad admitted to being nervous as he stood outside the imposing palace in the Hague, with its towering brick facade, marble interiors and crystal chandeliers.
It had taken more than six years of work to get here, where he was about to hear a decision he said could throw a “lifeline” to his home islands.
The Peace Palace, the home of the International Court of Justice, could not feel further from the Pacific.
Yet it was here in this Dutch city that Prasad and a small group of Pacific islanders in their bright shirts and shell necklaces last week gathered before the UN’s top court to witness an opinion they had dreamt up when they were at university in 2019 and managed to convince the world’s governments to pursue.
The International Court of Justice in The Hague last week . . . a landmark non-binding rulings on the climate crisis. Image: X/@CIJ_ICJ
“We’re here to be heard,” said Siosiua Veikune, who was one of those students, as he waited on the grass verge outside the court’s gates. “Everyone has been waiting for this moment, it’s been six years of campaigning.”
What they wanted to hear was that more than a moral obligation, addressing climate change was also a legal one. That countries could be held responsible for their greenhouse gas emissions — both contemporary and historic — and that they could be penalised for their failure to act.
“For me personally, [I want] clarity on the rights of future generations,” Veikune said. “What rights are owed to future generations? Frontline communities have demanded justice again and again, and this is another step towards that justice.”
And they won.
Vishal Prasad of the Pacific Islands Students Fighting Climate Change group speaks to the media in front of the International Court of Justice following the conclusion last week of an advisory opinion on countries’ obligations to protect the climate. Image: Instagram/Pacific Climate Warriors
The court’s president, Judge Yuji Iwasawa, took more than two hours to deliver an unusually stinging advisory opinion from the normally restrained court, going through the minutiae of legal arguments before delivering a unanimous ruling which largely fell on the side of Pacific states.
“The protection of the environment is a precondition for the enjoyment of human rights,” he said, adding that sea-level rise, desertification, drought and natural disasters “may significantly impair certain human rights, including the right to life”.
After the opinion, the victorious students and lawyers spilled out of the palace alongside Vanuatu’s Climate Minister, Ralph Regenvanu. Their faces were beaming, if not a little shellshocked.
“The world’s smallest countries have made history,” Prasad told the world’s media from the palace’s front steps. “The ICJ’s decision brings us closer to a world where governments can no longer turn a blind eye to their legal responsibilities”.
“Young people around the world stepped up, not only as witnesses to injustice, but as architects of change”.
Vanuatu’s Climate Minister Ralph Regenvanu talks to the media after the historic ICJ ruling in The Hague on Tuesday. Image: Arab News/VDP
A classroom exercise
It was 2019 when a group of law students at the University of the South Pacific’s campus in Port Vila, the harbourside capital of Vanuatu, were set a challenge in their tutorial. They had been learning about international law and, in groups, were tasked with finding ways it could address climate change.
It was a particularly acute question in Vanuatu, one of the countries most vulnerable to the climate crisis. Many of the students’ teenage years had been defined by Cyclone Pam, the category five storm that ripped through much of the country in 2015 with winds in excess of 250km/h.
It destroyed entire villages, wiped out swathes of infrastructure and crippled the country’s crops and water supplies. The storm was so significant that thousands of kilometres away, in Tuvalu, the waves it whipped up displaced 45 percent of the country’s population and washed away an entire islet.
Cyclone Pam was meant to be a once-in-a-generation storm, but Vanuatu has been struck by five more category five cyclones since then.
Foormer Solomon Islands student at USP Belyndar Rikimani . . . It was seen as obscene that the communities with the smallest carbon footprint were paying the steepest price for a crisis they had almost no hand in creating.” Image: RNZ Pacific
Among many of the students, there was a frustration that no one beyond their borders seemed to care particularly much, recalled Belyndar Rikimani, a student from Solomon Islands who was at USP in 2019. She saw it as obscene that the communities with the smallest carbon footprint were paying the steepest price for a crisis they had almost no hand in creating.
Each year the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) was releasing a new avalanche of data that painted an increasingly grim prognosis for the Pacific. But, Rikimani said, the people didn’t need reams of paper to tell them that, for they were already acutely aware.
On her home island of Malaita, coastal villages were being inundated with every storm, the schools of fish on which they relied were migrating further away, and crops were increasingly failing.
“We would go by the sea shore and see people’s graves had been taken out,” Rikimani recalled. “The ground they use to garden their food in, it is no longer as fertile as it has once been because of the changes in weather.”
The mechanism used by the world to address climate change is largely based around a UN framework of voluntary agreements and summits — known as COP — where countries thrash out goals they often fail to meet. But it was seen as impotent by small island states in the Pacific and the Caribbean, who accused the system of being hijacked by vested interests set on hindering any drastic cuts to emissions.
So, the students argued, what if there was a way to push back? To add some teeth to the international process and move the climate discussion beyond agreements and adaptation to those of equity and justice? To give small countries a means to nudge those seen to be dragging their heels.
“From the beginning we were aware of the failure of the climate system or climate regime and how it works,” Prasad, who in 2019 was studying at the USP campus in Fiji’s capital, Suva, told me.
“This was known to us. Obviously there needs to be something else. Why should the law be silent on this?”
The International Court of Justice (ICJ) is the main court for international law. It adjudicates disputes between nations and issues advisory opinions on big cross-border legal issues. So, the students wondered, could an advisory opinion help? What did international law have to say about climate change?
Members of the Pacific Islands Students Fighting Climate Change activist group. Image: RNZ Pacific/PISFCC
Unlike most students, who would leave such discussions in the classroom, they decided to find out. But the ICJ does not hear cases from groups or individuals; they would have to convince a government to pursue the challenge.
Together, they wrote to various Pacific governments hoping to discuss the idea. It was ambitious, they conceded, but in one of the regions most threatened by rising seas and intensifying storms, they hoped there would at least be some interest.
But rallying enough students to join their cause was the first hurdle.
“There was a lot of doubts from the beginning,” Rikimani said. “We were trying to get the students who could, you know, be a part of the movement. And it was hard, it was too big, too grand.”
In the end, 27 people gathered to form the genesis of a new organisation: Pacific Island Students Fighting Climate Change (PISFCC).
A couple of weeks went by before a response popped up in their inboxes. The government of Vanuatu was intrigued. Ralph Regenvanu, who was at that time the foreign minister, asked the students if they would like to swing by for a meeting.
“I still remember when [the] group came into my office to discuss this. And I felt solidarity with them,” Regenvanu recalled last week.
“I could empathise with where they were, what they were doing, what they were feeling. So it was almost like the time had come to actually, okay, let’s do something about it.”
The students — “dressed to the nines,” as Regenvanu recalled — gave a presentation on what they hoped to achieve. Regenvanu was convinced. Not long after the wider Vanuatu government was, too. Now it was time for them to convince other countries.
“It was just a matter of the huge diplomatic effort that needed to be done,” Regenvanu said. “We had Odi Tevi, our ambassador in New York, who did a remarkable job with his team. And the strategy we employed to get a core group of countries from all over the world to be with us.
“A landmark ruling . . . International Court of Justice sides with survivors, not polluters.” Image: 350 Pacific
“It’s interesting that, you know, some of the most important achievements of the international community originated in the Pacific,” Regenvanu said, citing efforts in the 20th century to ban nuclear testing, or support decolonisation.
“We have this unique geographic and historic position that makes us able to, as small states, have a voice that’s much louder, I think. And you saw that again in this case, that it’s the Pacific once again taking the lead to do something that is of benefit to the whole world.”
What Vanuatu needed to take the case to the ICJ was to garner a majority of the UN General Assembly — that is, a majority of every country in the world — to vote to ask the court to answer a question.
To rally support, they decided to start close to home.
Hope and disappointment The students set their sights on the Pacific Islands Forum, the region’s pre-eminent political group, which that year was holding its annual leaders’ summit in Tuvalu. A smattering of atolls along the equator which, in recent years, has become a reluctant poster child for the perils of climate change.
Tuvalu had hoped world leaders on Funafuti would see a coastline being eaten by the ocean, evidence of where the sea washes across the entire island at king tide, or saltwater bubbles up into gardens to kill crops, and that it would convince the world that time was running out.
But the 2019 Forum was a disaster. Pacific countries had pushed for a strong commitment from the region’s leaders at their retreat, but it nearly broke down when Australia’s government refused to budge on certain red lines. The then-prime minister of Tuvalu, Enele Sopoaga, accused Australia and New Zealand of neo-colonialism, questioning their very role in the Forum.
“That was disappointing,” Prasad said. “The first push was, okay, let’s put it at the forum and ask leaders to endorse this idea and then they take it forward. It was put on the agenda but the leaders did not endorse it; they ‘noted’ it. The language is ‘noted’, so it didn’t go ahead.”
Another disappointment came a few months later, when Rikimani and another of the students, Solomon Yeo, travelled to Spain for the annual COP meeting, the UN process where the world’s countries agree their next targets to limit greenhouse gas emissions.
Solomon Yeo (standing, second left) of the Pacific Islands Students Fighting Climate Change, with youth climate activists. Image: RNZ Pacific/PISFCC
That was an eye-opening two weeks in Madrid for Rikimani, whose initial scepticism of the system had been validated.
“It was disappointing when there’s nothing that’s been done. There is very little outcome that actually, you know, safeguards the future of the Pacific,” she said.
“But for us, it was the COP where there was interest being showed by various young leaders from around the world, seeing that this campaign could actually bring light to these climate negotiations.”
By now, Regenvanu said, that frustration was boiling over and more countries were siding with their campaign. By the end of 2019, that included some major countries from Europe and Asia, which brought financial and diplomatic heft. Other small-island countries from Africa and the Caribbean had also joined.
“Many of the Pacific states had never appeared before the ICJ before. So [we were] doing write shops with legal teams from different countries,” he said.
“We did write shops in Latin America, in the Caribbean, in the Pacific, in Africa, getting people just to be there at the court to present their stories, and then of course trying to coordinate.”
Meanwhile, Prasad was trying to spread word elsewhere. The hardest part, he said, was making it relevant to the people.
International law, The Hague, the Paris Agreement and other bureaucratic frameworks were nebulous and tedious. How could this possibly help the fisherman on Banaba struggling to haul in a catch?
To rally support, the Pacific Islands Students Fighting Climate Change decided to start close to home. Image: RNZ Pacific/PISFCC
They spent time travelling to villages and islands, sipping kava shells and sharing meals, weaving a testimony of Indigenous stories and knowledge.
In Fiji, he said, the word for land is vanua, which is also the word for life.
“It’s the source of your identity, the source of your culture. It’s this connection that the land provides the connection with the past, with the ancestors, and with a way of life and a way of doing things.”
He travelled to the village of Vunidologa where, in 2014, its people faced the rupture of having to leave their ancestral lands, as the sea had marched in too far. In the months leading up to the relocation, they held prayer circles and fasted. When the day came, the elders wailed as they made an about two kilometre move inland.
“That’s the element of injustice there. It touches on this whole idea of self-determination that was argued very strongly at the ICJ, that people’s right to self-determination is completely taken away from them because of climate change,” Prasad said.
“Some have even called it a new face of colonialism. And that’s not fair and that cannot stand in 2025.”
Preparing the case If 2019 was the year of building momentum, then a significant hurdle came in 2020, when the coronavirus shuttered much of the world. COP summits were delayed and the Pacific Islands Forum postponed. The borders of the Pacific were sealed for as long as two years.
But the students kept finding ways to gather their body of evidence.
“Everything went online, we gathered young people who would be able to take this idea forward in their own countries,” Prasad said.
On the diplomatic front, Vanuatu kept plugging away to rally countries so that by the time the Forum leaders met again — in 2022 — they were ready to ask for support again.
“It was in Fiji and we were so worried about the Australia and New Zealand presence at the Forum because we wanted an endorsement so that it would send a signal to all the other countries: ‘the Pacific’s on board, let’s get the others’,” Prasad recalled.
“We were very worried about Australia, but it was more like if Australia declines to support then the whole process falls, and we thought New Zealand might also follow.”
They didn’t. In an about-turn, Australia was now fully behind the campaign for an advisory opinion, and the New Zealand government was by now helping out too. By the end of 2022, several European powers were also involved.
Attention now turned to developing what question they wanted to actually ask the international court. And how would they write it in such a way that the majority of the world’s governments would back it.
“That was the process where it was make and break really to get the best outcome we could,” said Regenvanu.
“In the end we got a question that was like 90 percent as good as we wanted and that was very important to get that and that was a very difficult process.”
By December 2022, Vanuatu announced that it would ask the UN General Assembly to ask the International Court of Justice to weigh what, exactly, international law requires states to do about climate change, and what the consequences should be for states that harm the climate through actions or omissions.
More lobbying followed and then, in March 2023, it came to a vote and the result was unanimous. The UN assembly in New York erupted in cheers at a rare sign of consensus.
“All countries were on board,” said Regenvanu. “Even those countries that opposed it [we] were able to talk to them so they didn’t oppose it publicly.”
They were off to The Hague.
A tense wait Late last year, the court held two weeks of hearings in which countries put forth their arguments. Julian Aguon, a Chamorro lawyer from Guam who was one of the lead counsel, told the court that “these testimonies unequivocally demonstrate that climate change has already caused grievous violations of the right to self-determination of peoples across the subregion.”
Over its deliberations, the court heard from more than 100 countries and international organisations hoping to influence its opinion, the highest level of participation in the court’s history. That included the governments of low-lying islands and atolls, which were hoping the court would provide a yardstick by which to measure other countries’ actions.
They argued that climate change threatened fundamental human rights — such as life, liberty, health, and a clean environment — as well as other international laws like those of the sea, and those of self-determination.
In their testimonies, high-emitting Western countries, including Australia, the United States, China, and Saudi Arabia maintained that the current system was enough.
It’s been a tense and nervous wait for the court’s answer, but they finally got it last Wednesday.
“We were pleasantly surprised by the strength of the decision,” Regenvanu said. “The fact that it was unanimous, we weren’t expecting that.”
The court said states had clear obligations under international law, and that countries — and, by extension, individuals and companies within those countries — were required to curb emissions. It also said the environment and human rights obligations set out in international law did indeed apply to climate change, and that countries had a right to pursue restitution for loss and damage.
The opinion is legally non-binding. But even so, it carries legal and political weight.
Individuals and groups could bring lawsuits against their own countries for failing to comply with the court’s opinion, and states could also return to the ICJ to hold each other to account, something Regenvanu said Vanuatu wasn’t ruling out. But, ultimately, he hoped it wouldn’t reach that point, and the advisory opinion would be seen as a wake-up call.
“We can call upon this advisory opinion in all our negotiations, particularly when countries say they can only do so much,” Regenvanu said. “They have said very clearly [that] all states have an obligation to do everything within their means according to the best available science.
“It’s really up to all countries of the world — in good faith — to take this on, realise that these are the legal obligations under custom law. That’s very clear. There’s no denying that anymore.
“And then discharge your legal obligations. If you are in breach, fix the breach, acknowledge that you have caused harm. Help to set it right. And also don’t do it again.”
Student leader Vishal Prasad . . . “Oh, it definitely does not feel real. I don’t think it’s settled in.” Image: Instagram/Earth.org
Vishal Prasad still hadn’t quite processed the whole thing by the time we met again the next morning. In shorts, t-shirt, and jandals, he cut a much more relaxed figure as he reclined on a couch sipping a mug of coffee. His phone had been buzzing non-stop with messages from around the world.
“Oh, it definitely does not feel real. I don’t think it’s settled in,” he said. “I got, like, a flood of messages, well wishes. People say, ‘you guys have changed the world’. I think it’s gonna take a while.”
He was under no illusions that there was a long road ahead. The court’s advisory came at a time when international law and multilateralism was under particular strain.
When the urgency of the climate debate from a few years ago appears to have given way to a new enthusiasm for fossil fuel in some countries. He had no doubt the Pacific would continue to lead those battles.
“People have been messaging me that across the group chats they’re in, there’s this renewed sense of courage, strength and determination to do something because of what the ICJ has said,” he said.
“I’ve just been responding to messages and just saying thanks to people and just talking to them and I think it’s amazing to see that it’s been able to cause such a shift in the climate movement.”
Watching the advisory opinion being read out at 3am in Honiara was Belyndar Rikimani, hunched over a live stream in the dead of the night.
“What’s very special about this campaign is that it didn’t start with government experts, climate experts or policy experts. It started with students.
“And these law students are not from Harvard or Cambridge or all those big universities, but they are students from the Pacific that have seen the first-hand effects of climate change. It started with students who have the heart to see change for our islands and for our people.”
This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.
Log landing, western Montana. Photo: Jeffrey St. Clair.
Four conservation groups, Alliance for the Wild Rockies, Council on Wildlife and Fish, Yellowstone to Uintas Connection, and Native Ecosystems Council, filed suit on July 28th in Federal District Court in Missoula challenging the Cyclone Bill Logging Project, which is about 13 miles west of Whitefish, Montana, in the Flathead National Forest.
We are taking the Flathead National Forest to court over this project because the agency is violating its own Forest Plan rules for protecting old growth forest and grizzly connectivity requirements. The surest way to keep grizzly bears from recovering is allowing the Forest Service to continue their massive deforestation of the West.
Over the last decade, the Tally Lake Ranger District has run roughshod over the old growth forests and wildlife habitat west of Whitefish, authorizing project-after-project without ever considering the overall impact of their logging and roadbuilding apparatus. They have ignored how their litany of projects deters grizzly bears from connecting between recovery zones. They have ignored how logging is contributing to a mass die-off of species dependent on old growth forests, and how it is ruining lynx critical habitat. This death by a thousand cuts must stop.
Cyclone Bill authorizes logging and burning on 12,331 acres, including 9,192 acres – 14.3 square miles – of commercial logging and clearcutting. It also includes bulldozing 13.4 miles of logging roads in the already heavily roaded area which is federally designated critical habitat for Canada lynx and secure habitat for grizzly bears.
Here are the problems with the project.
1) The Forest Service and U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service’s Biological Opinion violates the Endangered Species Act by failing to adequately analyze cumulative effects from state and private lands on grizzly bears.
The Tally Lake Ranger District is checkerboarded with state and private lands that routinely experience logging, roadbuilding, and residential development, yet the Forest Service did not look at how these stressors would impact grizzly bears. That makes no sense since we won a court decision on the same issue and stopped the Ripley logging project in the nearby Kootenai National Forest.
2) The project violates the National Environmental Policy Act and the Forest Plan by failing to take a hard look at connectivity to grizzly bears and demonstrate consistency with the Forest Plan’s connectivity guidelines.
The agency’s own Forest Plan addresses the importance of secure connectivity, stating: ‘The demographic connectivity area provides habitat that can be used by female grizzly bears and allows for bear movement between grizzly bear ecosystems. There’s no way around it, clearcuts and bulldozing logging roads destroy grizzly habitat.
The U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service says there is one population of grizzly bears in the lower 48 states. Yet, to recover grizzly bears, the separate populations of grizzlies must be able to travel through safe and connected corridors for genetic interchange to avoid inbreeding. Which is why it makes no sense since this project calls for massive clearcuts and miles of new logging roads in a designated grizzly corridor in the Flathead Forest Plan.
3) The Forest Service violated the National Environmental Policy Act because they failed to analyze the impacts of the Cyclone Bill Project and Round Star Project together, even though they are right next to each other.
Just as the project failed to account for cumulative effects from logging and road-building on state and private lands, it also failed to account for the impacts from nearby logging and road-building on National Forest lands. For years the Tally Lake Ranger District has authorized massive logging projects, only to narrow their resource analysis to the project-level, effectively ignoring that wildlife experience impacts at a landscape level.
4) The project violates the agency’s own Forest Plan requirement to protect old growth forests.
Old growth habitat, which has the highest density and diversity of birds nesting in tree cavities, is especially important for birds in western Montana. Old growth and mature forests also provide habitat for declining species such as flammulated owls, northern goshawks, black-backed woodpeckers, and fishers.
5) The Cyclone Bill Project fails to take a hard look at impacts to old growth-dependent wildlife in violation of the national Environmental Policy Act.
Not only did the Forest Service ignore its own old growth retention requirements, the agency failed to analyze the impacts on a host of old-growth dependent wildlife.
6) The Forest Service’s refusal to analyze the Cyclone Bill Project in a full Environmental Impact Statement violates the National Environmental Policy Act.
Because this area has been so heavily logged and roaded in the past, the impacts from even more extensive road-building and logging require the in-depth analysis typically found in a more robust environmental impact statement. Instead, the public got the insufficient, or completely missing, analysis in the agency’s environmental assessment.
The Forest Service has broken the law over and over in the past. It’s even worse now under the Trump administration. Maybe they thought we would cower in fear but we are not, and we will not. The American people are expected to follow the law and will continue to fight to ensure the federal government does, too.
Despite growing momentum, world governments failed to agree to a moratorium on deep-sea mining as the 30th session of the International Seabed Authority wrapped up on Friday.
The authority’s July meeting was the first since U.S. President Donald Trump signed an executive order to expedite permits for deep-sea mining under U.S. authority and The Metals Company (TMC) promptly applied for U.S. permits. Governments rebuked the U.S. and TMC for their unilateral approach and did not agree on a mining code that would allow the controversial practice to move forward under international law.
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The continents are rapidly drying out and the earth’s vast freshwater resources are under threat, according to a recently released study based on more than 20 years of NASA satellite data. Here are the report’s key findings and what they portend for humankind:
Much of the Earth is suffering a pandemic of “continental drying,” affecting the countries containing 75% of the world’s population, the new research shows.
The study, published in the journal Science Advances, examined changes to Earth’s total supply of fresh water and found that nearly 6 billion people live in the 101 countries facing a net decline in water supply, posing a “critical, emerging threat to humanity.”
Mining of underground freshwater aquifers is driving much of the loss.
According to the study, the uninhibited pumping of groundwater by farmers, cities and corporations around the world now accounts for 68% of the total loss of fresh water at the latitudes where most people live.
Much of the water taken from aquifers ends up in the oceans, contributing to the rise of sea levels.
Mined groundwater rarely seeps back into the aquifers from which it was pumped. Rather, a large portion runs off into streams, then rivers and ultimately the oceans. According to the researchers, moisture lost to evaporation and drought, plus runoff from pumped groundwater, now outpaces the melting of glaciers and the ice sheets of either Antarctica or Greenland as the largest contributor of water to the oceans.
Water From Land Has Become a Leading Driver of Sea Level Rise
Most of the water lost from drying regions is from groundwater pumping, which ultimately shifts fresh water from aquifers into the oceans.
Note: Glaciers refer to the parts of the continents covered in glaciers but excludes the ice sheets of Greenland and Antarctica. Drying land and aquifers refer to the water lost by the continents in areas not covered by glaciers, including river flow and evaporation. Groundwater loss accounts for 68% of the drying in those places.
As droughts grow more extreme, farmers increasingly turn to groundwater.
Worldwide, 70% of fresh water is used for growing crops, with more of it coming from groundwater as droughts grow more extreme. Only a small amount of that water seeps back into aquifers. Research has long established that people take more water from underground when climate-driven heat and drought are at their worst.
Drying regions of the planet are merging.
The parts of the world drying most acutely are becoming interconnected, forming what the study’s authors describe as “mega” regions. One such region covers almost the whole of Europe, the Middle East, North Africa and parts of Asia.
Drying of the Earth has accelerated in recent years.
The study examines 22 years of observational data from NASA’s Gravity Recovery and Climate Experiment, or GRACE, satellites, which measure changes in the mass of the earth and have been applied to estimate its water content. Since 2002, the sensors have detected a rapid shift in water loss across the planet. Around 2014, the study found the pace of drying appears to have accelerated. It is now growing by an area twice the size of California each year.
The Drying of the Earth Accelerated in Recent Years
The dramatic depletion of groundwater and surface water plus the melting of glaciers between 2014-24 has connected once-separate arid places, forming “mega-drying” regions that stretch across whole continents.
Note: Data is for February 2003 to December 2013 and January 2014 to April 2024. The first time period contains seven more months of data than the second.
Water pumped from aquifers is not easily replaced, if it can be at all.
Major groundwater basins underlie roughly one-third of the planet, including about half of Africa, Europe and South America. Many of those aquifers took millions of years to form and might take thousands of years to refill. The researchers warn that it is now nearly impossible to reverse the loss of water “on human timescales.”
As continents dry and coastal areas flood, the risk for conflict and instability increases.
The accelerated drying, combined with the flooding of coastal cities and food-producing lowlands, heralds “potentially staggering” and cascading risks for global order, the researchers warn. Their findings all point to the likelihood of widespread famine, the migration of large numbers of people seeking a more stable environment and the carry-on impact of geopolitical disorder.
Data Source: Hrishikesh. A. Chandanpurkar, James S. Famiglietti, Kaushik Gopalan, David N. Wiese, Yoshihide Wada, Kaoru Kakinuma, John T. Reager, Fan Zhang (2025). Unprecedented Continental Drying, Shrinking Freshwater Availability, and Increasing Land Contributions to Sea Level Rise. Science Advances. https://www.science.org/doi/10.1126/sciadv.adx0298
In an era of runaway climate change, ecological collapse, global fascism, and heightened economic insecurity, it is only natural that readers to the left of Mussolini would be looking for a reassuring book which presents an easy route to a better world. A new bestseller, Abundance, by Ezra Klein of The New York Times and […]
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One of the first women to hold an open seat in Bougainville, Theonila Roka Matbob, is confident she can win again.
Bougainville goes to the polls in the first week of September, and Roka Matbob aims to hold on to her Ioro seat in central Bougainville, where she is up against nine men.
The MP, who is also the Minister of Community Government, recently led the campaign that convinced multinational Rio Tinto to clean up the mess caused by the Panguna Mine.
RNZ Pacific asked her if she is enjoying running for a second election campaign.
THEONILA ROKA MATBOB: Very, very much, yes. I guess compared to 2020, it is because it was my first time. I had a lot of butterflies, I would say. But this time has been very different. So I am more relaxed, more focused, and also I am more aware of issues that I can actually concentrate on.
DON WISEMAN: And one of those issues you’ve been concentrating on is the aftermath of the Panguna Mine and the destruction and so on caused both environmentally and socially. And I guess that sort of work is going to continue for you?
TRM: Yes, so the work is continuing. I had three platforms when I was contesting in 2020: leadership, governance, institutional governance and the accountability on the issues, legacy issues of Panguna Mine. I thought that the third one was going to be very challenging, given that it involved international stakeholders.
But I would say that the one that I thought was going to be very challenging was actually the one that got a lot of traction, and it’s already in motion while I’m like back on the trail, defending my seat.
DW: In terms of the work that has been undertaken on an assessment of the environmental damage, the impact that the process had had, and the report that has come out, and the obligations that this now places on Rio Tinto?
TRM: The recommendations that were made by the report was on a lot of like imminent survey areas that is like on infrastructure that were built by the company back then in the operation days that is now tearing down.
And also a lot more than that, there was a call for more intrusive assessment to be done on health and bloodstreams as well for the people, but those other things and also now to into the remediation vehicle, what is it going to look like?
These are clear responsibilities that are at the overarching highest level of engagement through the what we call this process, the CP process. It has put the responsibility on Rio Tinto to now tell us, what does the remediation vehicle look like.
At the moment, Rio Tinto is looking into that to be able to engage expertise in communication with us, to see how the design for the remediation vehicle would look. It is from the report that the build-up is now coming up, and there is more tangible or visible presence on the ground as compared to the time we started.
DW: So that process in terms of the removal of the old buildings that’s actually got underway, has it?
TRM: That process is already underway, the demolition process is underway, and BCL [Bougainville Copper Limited] is the one that’s taking the lead. It has engaged our local expertise, who are actually working abroad, but they have hired them because under the process we have local content policy where we have to do shopping for experts from Bougainville, before we’ll look into experts from overseas.
Apart from that as well, one of the things that I have seen is there is an increased interest from both international and national and local partners as well in understanding the areas where the report, assessment report has pointed out.
There is quite a lot happening, as compared to the past years when, towards the end of our political phase in parliament, usually there is always silence and only campaigns go on. But for now, it has been different.
A lot of people are more engaged, even participating on the policy programmes and projects.
DW: Yes, your government wants to reopen the Panguna Mine and open it fairly soon. You must have misgivings about that?
TRM: I have been getting a lot of questions around that, and I have been telling them my personal stance has never changed.
But I can never come in between the government’s interest. What I have been doing recently as a way of responding and uniting people, both who are believers of reopening and those that do not believe in reopening, like myself.
We have created a platform by registering a business entity that can actually work in between people and the government, so that there is more or less a participatory approach.
The company that we have registered is the one that will be tasked to work more on the politics of economics around Panguna and all the other prospects that we have in other natural resources as well.
I would say that whichever way the government points us, I can now, with conviction, say that I am ready with my office and the workforce that I have right now, I can comfortably say that we can be able to accommodate for both opinions, pro and against.
DW: In your Ioro electorate seat it’s not the biggest lineup of candidates, but the thing about Bougainville politics is they can be fairly volatile. So how confident are you?
TRM: I am confident, despite the long line up that we have about nine people who are against me — nine men, interestingly, were against me. I would say that, given the grasp that I have and also building up from 2020, I can clearly say that I am very confident.
If I am not confident, then it will take the space of giving opportunity for other people and also on campaign strategies as well. I have learnt my way through in diversifying and understanding the different experiences that I have in the constituency as well.
This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.
This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.
Despite growing momentum, world governments failed to agree to a moratorium on deep-sea mining as the 30th session of the International Seabed Authority wrapped up on Friday. The authority’s July meeting was the first since U.S. President Donald Trump signed an executive order to expedite permits for deep-sea mining under U.S. authority and The Metals Company (TMC) promptly applied for U.S.
In a landmark finding, the United Nations’ top court on Wednesday issued an advisory opinion stating that a “clean, healthy and sustainable environment” is a human right.
The International Court of Justice (ICJ) ruling supports the obligation of UN member states to tackle the climate crisis and outlines the consequences they could face if they fail to do so.
“The consequences of climate change are severe and far-reaching: they affect both natural ecosystems and human populations. These consequences underscore the urgent and existential threat posed by climate change,” said ICJ president Yuji Iwasawa, as The Guardian reported.
As the planet gets hotter and its reservoirs shrink and its glaciers melt, people have increasingly drilled into a largely ungoverned, invisible cache of fresh water: the vast, hidden pools found deep underground.
Now, a new study that examines the world’s total supply of fresh water — accounting for its rivers and rain, ice and aquifers together — warns that Earth’s most essential resource is quickly disappearing, signaling what the paper’s authors describe as “a critical, emerging threat to humanity.” The landmasses of the planet are drying. In most places there is less precipitation even as moisture evaporates from the soil faster. More than anything, Earth is being slowly dehydrated by the unmitigated mining of groundwater, which underlies vast proportions of every continent. Nearly 6 billion people, or three quarters of humanity, live in the 101 countries that the study identified as confronting a net decline in water supply — portending enormous challenges for food production and a heightening risk of conflict and instability.
The paper “provides a glimpse of what the future is going to be,” said Hrishikesh Chandanpurkar, an earth systems scientist working with Arizona State University and the lead author of the study. “We are already dipping from a trust fund. We don’t actually know how much the account has.”
The research, published on Friday in the journal Science Advances, confirms not just that droughts and precipitation are growing more extreme but reports that drying regions are fast expanding. It also found that while parts of the planet are getting wetter, those areas are shrinking. The study, which excludes the ice sheets of Antarctica and Greenland, concludes not only that Earth is suffering a pandemic of “continental drying” in lower latitudes, but that it is the uninhibited pumping of groundwater by farmers, cities and corporations around the world that now accounts for 68% of the total loss of fresh water in those areas, which generally don’t have glaciers.
Groundwater is ubiquitous across the globe, but its quality and depth vary, as does its potential to be replenished by rainfall. Major groundwater basins — the deep and often high-quality aquifers — underlie roughly one-third of the planet, including roughly half of Africa, Europe and South America. But many of those aquifers took millions of years to form and might take thousands of years to refill. Instead, a significant portion of the water taken from underground flows off the land through rivers and on to the oceans.
The researchers were surprised to find that the loss of water on the continents has grown so dramatically that it has become one of the largest causes of global sea level rise. Moisture lost to evaporation and drought, plus runoff from pumped groundwater, now outpaces the melting of glaciers and the ice sheets of either Antarctica or Greenland as the largest contributor of water to the oceans.
Water From Land Has Become a Leading Driver of Sea Level Rise
Most of the water lost from drying regions is from groundwater pumping, which ultimately shifts fresh water from aquifers into the oceans.
Note: Glaciers refer to the parts of the continents covered in glaciers but excludes the ice sheets of Greenland and Antarctica. Drying land and aquifers refer to the water lost by the continents in areas not covered by glaciers, including river flow and evaporation. Groundwater loss accounts for 68% of the drying in those places.
The study examines 22 years of observational data from NASA’s Gravity Recovery and Climate Experiment, or GRACE, satellites, which measure changes in the mass of the earth and have been applied to estimate its water content. The technique was groundbreaking two decades ago when the study’s co-author, Jay Famiglietti, who was then a professor at the University of California, at Irvine, used it to pinpoint where aquifers were in decline. Since then, he and others have published dozens of papers using GRACE data, but the question has always lingered: What does the groundwater loss mean in the context of all of the water available on the continents? So Famiglietti, now a professor at Arizona State University, set out to inventory all the land-based water contained in glaciers, rivers and aquifers and see what was changing. The answer: everything, and quickly.
Since 2002, the GRACE sensors have detected a rapid shift in water loss patterns around the planet. Around 2014, though, the pace of drying appears to have accelerated, the authors found, and is now growing by an area twice the size of California each year. “It’s like this sort of creeping disaster that has taken over the continents in ways that no one was really anticipating,” Famiglietti said. (Six other researchers also contributed to the study.) The parts of the world drying most acutely are becoming interconnected, forming what the study’s authors describe as “mega” regions spreading across the earth’s mid-latitudes. One of those regions covers almost the whole of Europe, the Middle East, North Africa and parts of Asia.
The Drying of the Earth Accelerated in Recent Years
The dramatic depletion of groundwater and surface water plus the melting of glaciers between 2014-24 has connected once-separate arid places, forming “mega-drying” regions that stretch across whole continents.
Note: Data is for February 2003 to December 2013 and January 2014 to April 2024. The first time period contains seven more months of data than the second.
In the American Southwest and California, groundwater loss is a familiar story, but over the past two decades that hot spot has also spread dramatically. It now extends through Texas and up through the southern High Plains, where the Ogallala aquifer is depended on for agriculture, and it spreads south, stretching throughout Mexico and into Central America. These regions are connected not because they rely on the same water sources — in most cases they don’t — but because their populations will face the same perils of water stress: the most likely, a food crisis that could ultimately displace millions of people.
“This has to serve as a wake-up call,” said Aaron Salzberg, a former fellow at the Woodrow Wilson Center and the former director of the Water Institute at the University of North Carolina, who was not involved with the study.
Research has long established that people take more water from underground when climate-driven heat and drought are at their worst. For example, during droughts when California has enforced restrictions on delivery of surface water to its farmers — which the state regulates — the enormous agriculture enterprises that dominate the Central Valley have drilled deeper and pumped harder, depleting the aquifer — which the state regulates less precisely — even more.
For the most part, such withdrawals have remained invisible. Even with the GRACE data, scientists cannot measure the exact levels or know when an aquifer will be exhausted. But there is one foolproof sign that groundwater is disappearing: The earth above it collapses as the ground compresses like a drying sponge. The visible signs of such subsidence around the world appear to match what the GRACE data says. Mexico City is sinking as its groundwater aquifers are drained, as are large parts China, Indonesia, Spain and Iran, to name a few. A recent study by researchers at Virginia Tech in the journal Nature Cities found that 28 cities across the United States are sinking — New York, Houston and Denver, among them — threatening havoc for everything from building safety to transit. In the Central Valley, the ground surface is nearly 30 vertical feet lower than it was in the first part of the 20th century.
Ground subsidence around the world is one of the clearest ways to identify where groundwater is overdrawn.
When so much water is pumped, it has to drain somewhere. Just like rivers and streams fed by rainfall, much of the used groundwater makes its way into the ocean. The study pinpoints a remarkable shift: Groundwater drilled by people, used for agriculture or urban supplies and then discarded into drainages now contributes more water to the oceans than melting from each of the world’s largest ice caps.
People aren’t just misusing groundwater, they are flooding their own coasts and cities in the process, Famiglietti warns. That means they are also imperiling some of the world’s most important food-producing lowlands in the Nile and Mekong deltas and cities from Shanghai to New York. Once in the oceans, of course, groundwater will never again be suitable for drinking and human use without expensive and energy-sucking treatment or through the natural cycle of evaporating and precipitating as rain. But even then, it may no longer fall where it is needed most. Groundwater “is an intergenerational resource that is being poorly managed, if managed at all,” the study states, “at tremendous and exceptionally undervalued cost to future generations.”
That such rapid and substantial overuse of groundwater is also causing coastal flooding underscores the compounding threat of rising temperatures and aridity. It means that water scarcity and some of the most disruptive effects of climate change are now inextricably intertwined. And here, the study’s authors implore leaders to find a policy solution: Improve water management and reduce groundwater use now, and the world has a tool to slow the rate of sea level rise. Fail to adjust the governance and use of groundwater around the world, and humanity risks surrendering parts of its coastal cities while pouring out finite reserves it will sorely need as the other effects of climate change take hold.
How Groundwater Becomes Ocean Water
The process starts when deep underground aquifers are tapped to make up for a lack of water from rainfall and rivers.
Worldwide, 70% of fresh water is used for growing crops, with more of it coming from groundwater as droughts grow more extreme. Only a small amount of that water seeps back into aquifers.
Instead, most of the water runs off the land into streams, eventually flowing into rivers.
The rivers ultimately drain into the ocean, where fresh water becomes salt water. For that water to be usable again, it must either be industrially treated or return to the land as rain. But with climate change, these same drying regions are seeing less rainfall.
If the drying continues — and the researchers warn that it is now nearly impossible to reverse “on human timescales” — it heralds “potentially staggering” and cascading risks for global order. The majority of the earth’s population lives in the 101 countries that the study identified as losing fresh water, making up not just North America, Europe and North Africa but also much of Asia, the Middle East and South America. This suggests the middle band of Earth is becoming less habitable. It also correlates closely with the places that a separate body of climate research has already identified as a shrinking environmental niche that has suited civilization for the past 6,000 years. Combined, these findings all point to the likelihood of widespread famine, the migration of large numbers of people seeking a more stable environment and the carry-on impact of geopolitical disorder.
Peter Gleick, a climate scientist and a member of the National Academy of Sciences, lauded the new report for confirming trends that were once theoretical. The ramifications, he said, could be profoundly destabilizing. “The massive overpumping of groundwater,” Gleick said, “poses enormous risk to food production.” And food, he pointed out, is the foundation for stability. The water science center he co-founded, the Pacific Institute, has tracked more than 1,900 incidents in which water supplies were either the casualty of, a tool for or the cause of violence. In Syria, beginning in 2011, drought and groundwater depletion drove rural unrest that contributed to the civil war, which displaced millions of people. In Ghana, in 2017, protesters rioted as wells ran dry. And in Ukraine, whose wheat supports much of the world, water infrastructure has been a frequent target of Russian attacks.
“Water is being used as a strategic and political tool,” said Salzberg, who spent nearly two decades analyzing water security issues as the special director for water resources at the State Department. “We should expect to see that more often as the water supply crisis is exacerbated.”
India, for example, recently weaponized water against Pakistan. In April, following terrorist attacks in Kashmir, Prime Minister Narendra Modi suspended his country’s participation in the Indus Waters Treaty, a river-sharing agreement between the two nuclear powers that was negotiated in 1960. The Indus system flows northwest out of Tibet into India, before turning southward into Pakistan. Pakistan has severely depleted its groundwater reserves — the region is facing one of the world’s most urgent water emergencies according to the Science Advances paper. The Indus has only become more essential as a supply of fresh water for its 252 million people. Allowing that water to cross the border would be “prejudicial to India’s interests,” Modi said. In this case, he wasn’t attempting to recoup water supply for his country, Salzberg said, but was leveraging its scarcity to win a strategic advantage over his country’s principal rival.
What’s needed most is governance of water that recognizes it as a crucial resource that determines both sovereignty and progress, Salzberg added. Yet there is no international framework for water management, and only a handful of countries have national water policies of their own.
The United States has taken stabs at regulating its groundwater use, but in some cases those attempts appear to be failing. In 2014, California passed what seemed to many a revolutionary groundwater management act that required communities to assess their total water supply and budget its long-term use. But the act doesn’t take full effect until 2040, which has allowed many groundwater districts to continue to draw heavily from aquifers even as they complete their plans to conserve those resources. Chandanpurkar and Famiglietti’s research underscores the consequences for such a slow approach.
Arizona pioneered groundwater regulations in 1980, creating what it called active management areas where extraction would be limited and surface waters would be used to replenish aquifers. But it only chose to manage the water in metropolitan areas, leaving vast, unregulated swaths of the state where investors, farmers and industry have all pounced on the availability of free water for profit. In recent years, Saudi investors have pumped rural water to grow feed for cattle exported back to the Arabian Peninsula, and hedge funds are competing to pump and sell water to towns near Phoenix. Meanwhile, four out of the original five active management areas are failing to meet the state’s own targets.
“They like to say, ‘Oh, the management’s doing well,’ but when you look out at the end of the century, there’s no water left. We drained it, and no one talks about that,” Famiglietti said. “I don’t think it’s an exaggeration to say it’s an existential issue for cities like Phoenix.”
Both California and Arizona grow significant portions of America’s fruits and vegetables. Something has to give. “If you want to grow food in a place like California,” Famiglietti asked, “do you just bring in water? If we deplete that groundwater, I don’t think there’s enough water to really replace what we’re doing there.” The United States might not have much choice, he added, but to move California’s agriculture production somewhere far away and retire the land.
Chandanpurkar, Famiglietti and the report’s other authors suggest there are ready solutions to the problems they have identified, because unlike so many aspects of the climate crisis, the human decisions that lead to the overuse of water can be speedily corrected. Agriculture, which uses the vast majority of the world’s fresh water, can deploy well-tested technologies like drip irrigation, as Israel has, that sharply cut use by as much as 50%. When California farms reduced their take of Colorado River water in 2023 and 2024, the water levels in Lake Mead, the nation’s largest reservoir, jumped by 16 vertical feet as some 390 billion gallons were saved by 2025. Individuals can reduce water waste by changing simple routines: shortening showers or removing lawns. And cities can look to recycle more of the water they use, as San Diego has.
A national policy that establishes rules around water practices but also prioritizes the use of water resources for national security and a collective interest could counterbalance the forces of habit and special interests, Salzberg said. Every country needs such a policy, and if the United States were to lead, it might offer an advantage. But “the U.S. doesn’t have a national water strategy,” he said, referring to a disjointed patchwork of state and court oversight. “We don’t even have a national water institution. We haven’t thought as a country about how we would even protect our own water resources for our own national interests, and we’re a mess.”
Data Source: Hrishikesh. A. Chandanpurkar, James S. Famiglietti, Kaushik Gopalan, David N. Wiese, Yoshihide Wada, Kaoru Kakinuma, John T. Reager, Fan Zhang (2025). Unprecedented Continental Drying, Shrinking Freshwater Availability, and Increasing Land Contributions to Sea Level Rise. Science Advances. https://www.science.org/doi/10.1126/sciadv.adx0298
Cleacut adjacent to the Dark Divide Roadless Area, Gifford Pinchot National Forest, Washington Cascades. Photo: Jeffrey St. Clair.
The Trump Administration recently promised to bring “common sense management of our natural resources” to 58 million acres of roadless public lands mostly in the West. Translation: we’re going to build more roads and cut down a lot of trees in many of the most remote and beautiful places left in the country, wreaking havoc on the land’s other resources, like water and wildlife and recreation, including hunting and fishing.
Trump’s Orwellian version of common sense ignores the hard-earned lessons of decades of experience managing our national forests, experience that led eventually in the late 1990’s to the truly common sense decision that the best way to manage these remaining roadless, undeveloped lands was to simply leave them be and prohibit the building of roads and logging.
There are reasons that these lands remained roadless into the late 90’s, surviving unscathed through the mid-century decades of over harvesting on the national forests when the Forest Service served mainly as a timber cutting agency. Then came the environmental movement and the major environmental legislation of the 60’s and 70’s, the National Forest Management Act, the National Environmental Policy Act, the Clean Water Act, the Endangered Species Act, the Wilderness Act and more. These laws grew out of the burgeoning awareness of the many values that forests provide other than saw logs, even as the endless frontier of the American West and the attitudes that went with it were rapidly waning. More people began to pay attention to what went on in the back woods, and the Forest Service began to change its management practices to take into consideration all those other values the forests provide. The agency didn’t change its ways overnight, or even willingly in many cases. Lawsuits were filed challenging Forest Service plans and actions and court decisions were reached, interpreting the meaning of the new laws and how they applied to forest management practices.
As the value of resources other than timber came into clearer focus, the economics of cutting timber also came under greater scrutiny. The 58 million remaining roadless acres protected by the roadless rule in the late 90’s were still roadless largely because they were simply the least economically feasible places to cut timber. This is due in part to their remoteness but also to the fact that most of these sites are just not the best places to grow trees for commercial purposes. And this is before you even begin to factor in the value of the other resources these lands provide that would be harmed by timber harvesting and road building. This process of learning to balance the values of all the resources (multiple use management) led eventually to the roadless rule.
The simple fact is that by the 70’s the vast majority of the best growing sites had already been cut. In the 70’s, a major controversy arose over the Forest Service practice of subsidizing the timber industry by paying for the construction of the roads that made harvesting possible. Many of the agency’s timber sales were not economically feasible for the timber companies without these subsidies. You heard that right. Without the public paying to build the roads and ravage the water resources and the hunting and fishing and hiking, the timber companies wouldn’t have been able to make a buck cutting down the trees. They would not have entered those areas on their own.
This was especially true in places away from the temperate rain forest that covers the coastal mountains of the Pacific Northwest, where trees grow huge and they grow fast with abundant rain and perfect growing climate. Take much of the State of Idaho, where I worked as a newspaper reporter covering the Forest Service and natural resource and public land issues for 13 years in the late 70’s and 80’s. Idaho is the most mountainous state in the union, by percentage of surface area covered by mountains. North of the Snake River Plain in southern Idaho that makes up the state’s major agricultural area (think potatoes), the state is mostly mountains all the way to Canada.
There are lots of trees in those mountains, but most of the state is a much dryer climate than the coast, except the far north. There are some big ponderosa pines back in the canyons of the Salmon River, for instance, but many of those forests took hundreds of years to grow. So if you were to go in and cut those forests, particularly those on hotter south facing slopes, it would take several human lifetimes to grow them back, if you could achieve forest regeneration in the first place, which would take favorable conditions of rain and heat, far less likely to occur now in the time of climate change warming.
And if you build all those roads in the granitic soils of the Idaho Batholith geological region, what’s very likely to happen is what happened on the South Fork of the Salmon River after the Forest Service first started building roads and cutting timber in the drainage from the 1940’s to the 60’s.During that era, a very large rain on snow flooding event washed all those soils fractured by the road construction down into the river, burying the salmon spawning beds in layers of sediment and nearly wiping out one of the most important salmon runs in the state.
Much of central Idaho and the Salmon River drainage will be protected from the Trump administration’s attempt to overturn the protections granted to these roadless areas, because it is the location of two of the largest designated wilderness areas in the lower 48, the Frank Church River of No Return Wilderness (2.367 million acres) and the Selway-BItterroot Wilderness (1.340 million acres). Designated wilderness areas are created by acts of Congress and thus are not subject to national forest rule-making and practices. By law they cannot be developed. But much of Idaho’s roadless terrain does not have this extra level of protection. These lands are protected only by the roadless rule, and this is what the Trumpers are going after.
Trump’s Agriculture Secretary Brooke Rollins, a Texan with no apparent experience with forest management, called the roadless rule outdated. She claimed further that Trump is removing “absurd obstacles to common sense management of our natural resources” while opening “a new era of consistency and sustainability for our nation’s forests.”
When Rollins talks about consistency and sustainability, she apparently is not aware that sustainability in terms of national forest timber management means attempting to manage for “sustained yield” of timber, an even and consistent flow of timber products that can be maintained in perpetuity. Her plans for opening up the roadless areas will no doubt result in what we now call resource extraction but we used to call rape, ruin and run. It is highly likely to result in subsidized road building entry to wild lands and one-off timber harvesting. The annual timber harvest on many national forests in the West is much lower than during the heyday of the timber free for all because, in addition to the new found consideration for the value of other resources, those levels of harvesting were eventually determined to be unsustainable.
Subsequent harvests (sustained yield), if possible at all, could only happen on many of the vulnerable remaining roadless areas if investments were made in timber re-planting and road maintenance. The Forest Service, by the way, already has a massive backlog in its maintenance of the tens of thousands of miles of roads that already carve up the national forests. And the costs of all forms of ongoing management just add to the common sense decision not to cut timber in these places. Even if you wanted to manage many of these areas for the maximum sustained harvest, the yield and thus profit wouldn’t be enough to offset all the costs of managing these lands for timber.
The Trumpers are also trying to manipulate the current forest fire prevention paranoia and fantasy as added justification for entering these roadless areas. They claim “thinning”the forests will help prevent forest fires as an added benefit. Of course they are ignoring the fact that intact forest canopies are more successful at preventing fires than logged over areas. An intact forest canopy lets in less heat and wind which dry out the forest and make it more fire prone. Furthermore, attempting intensive ongoing fire prevention management of this kind over vast areas would only require more time and money, which no one is going to pay for in these remote areas. Controlled burning is expensive and risky (see recent blunders in New Mexico and the North Rim of the Grand Canyon). And while we’re on the subject, indigenous peoples practiced burning in limited areas for specific reasons. They were not out regularly burning tens of millions of acres of remote forests in order to prevent fires.
Of course Rollins wants to present “absurd obstacles” like the roadless rule as some kind of WOKE approach to managing resources, some modern, weirdly contrived, nonsensical way of looking at real, down to earth situations. Forget about the history of how that rule came into being.And don’t tell that to the people of Idaho, one of the most conservative states in the Union, where a Democrat like Frank Church could never get elected today and where calling someone WOKE is fightin’ words. The good people of Idaho don’t want their wild areas desecrated. Idahoans love them some hunting and fishing and wild places. The national forests are where the locals go to hunt and fish and play. The national parks are full of too many tourists.
Rollins and Trump don’t seem to understand that relation and attachment to place is an ancient, fundamental human characteristic. When they look at our wild lands, the only thing they see is dollar signs resulting from the extraction of resources, and they won’t look back to see the destruction. They want to take us back to the good old days of rape, ruin and run.
But the people of Idaho and the rest of the West’s areas that border on the wild live there not in spite of its wild nature but because of it. These wild lands are a part of their identity. If it were all just turned into one big tree farm (or worse), the land would never be the same, and neither would they.
Last summer, Bristol’s butterflies sent an urgent SOS through Butterfly Conservation’s Big Butterfly Count. Citizen scientists in Bristol spotted only 4,883 butterflies and day-flying moths during the three-week period – revealing a damning picture of their decline.
Big Butterfly Count: butterflies on the brink
Results up and down the UK echoed this. The wildlife charity declared a nationwide butterfly emergency after the marked and deeply concerning nose-dive in butterfly numbers. Significantly, these were the lowest in the Big Butterfly Count’s history.
The 2024 figures follow a pattern of long-term decline. Butterflies have struggled against a backdrop of habitat degradation, climate breakdown and pesticide use.
That’s why this year, Butterfly Conservation is not just launching a citizen science survey. It is launching a nationwide rescue mission and need the people of Bristol to get involved.
No lab coats. No science degrees. Just 15 minutes of their time.
A call-out to Bristol citizen scientists: bring back the butterflies
In 2024, people across Bristol did 771 Big Butterfly Counts. The Meadow Brown took the top spot for most seen species.
Butterfly Conservation launched its Big Butterfly Count on Friday 18 July. It runs until 10 August. The charity is calling on thousands of everyday heroes across Bristol, from schoolkids to grandparents, dog walkers, hikers, even office workers on their lunch break, to take part.
Worryingly, 80% of butterflies have declined since the 1970s. These delicate icons of summer respond quickly to environmental change, making their decline a powerful warning sign of a planet in peril.
The good news? There is hope. With just 15 minutes of your time, you can help protect UK butterfly species for future generations.
The mission? Spend 15 minutes in any outdoor space and count the butterflies and day-flying moths you see and submit your sightings to help build Butterfly Conservation’s interactive map.
That’s it. One small action that contributes to a much bigger effort to help save butterfly species and the ecosystems they support.
Turn your curiosity into conservation – join the Big Butterfly Count
Head of Science at Butterfly Conservation Dr Richard Fox said:
This is a chance to turn curiosity into conservation and make a real contribution to protecting butterflies in the UK for generations to come. Butterflies are beautiful, yes — but they’re also incredibly important bioindicators. This means that as they continue to disappear, as they have over recent decades, it indicates something is going seriously wrong in our natural world. We need to heed that warning and take action before it’s too late.
If we lose butterflies, we lose more than beauty — we lose balance in our ecosystems and that will have serious repercussions for wildlife in the UK. Taking part in the Big Butterfly Count only takes 15 minutes and it’s something everybody in Bristol can do. If you do one thing for nature this year, get out for the Count this summer! – Every count really does make a difference.
Whether you see a Red Admiral, a Common Blue, or an entire kaleidoscope of Meadow Browns, your sightings provide vital data that help scientists understand where butterflies are thriving, struggling, or shifting due to habitat loss or restoration.
And by taking part, you’re doing more than logging data – you’re standing up for nature. Your observations will help add Bristol’s butterflies to a live map of UK biodiversity, visible in real-time through the Big Butterfly Count website and free app.
ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.
Ka’ila Farrell-Smith grew up in a community that was deeply involved in the fight for Indigenous rights, protesting broken treaties and other mistreatment of Native American people. Members of the movement, she said, understood that law enforcement agencies were surveilling their activities.
“I’ve been warned my entire life, ‘The FBI’s watching us,’” said Farrell-Smith, a member of the Klamath Tribes in Oregon.
Government records later confirmed wide-ranging FBI surveillance of the movement in the 1970s, and now the agency is focused on her and a new generation of Indigenous activists challenging development of a mine in northern Nevada. Farrell-Smith advises the group People of Red Mountain, which opposes a Canadian company’s efforts to tap what it says is one of the world’s largest lithium deposits.
Law enforcement agencies, including the FBI, have for years worked alongside private mine security to surveil the largely peaceful protesters who oppose the mine, called Thacker Pass, according to more than 2,000 pages of internal law enforcement communications reviewed by ProPublica. Officers and agents have tracked protesters’ social media, while the mining company has gathered video from a camera above a campsite protesters set up on public land near the mine. An FBI joint terrorism task force in Reno met in June 2022 “with a focus on Thacker Pass,” the records also show, and Lithium Americas — the main company behind the mine — hired a former FBI agent specializing in counterterrorism to develop its security plan.
“We’re out there doing ceremony and they’re surveilling us,” Farrell-Smith said.
“They treat us like we’re domestic terrorists,” added Chanda Callao, an organizer with People of Red Mountain.
All told, about 10 agencies have monitored the mine’s opponents. In addition to the FBI, those agencies include the Bureau of Land Management, Humboldt County Sheriff’s Office, Bureau of Indian Affairs, Nevada State Police Highway Patrol, Winnemucca Police Department and Nevada Threat Analysis Center, the records show.
Andrew Ferguson, who studies surveillance technology at the American University Washington College of Law, called the scrutiny of Indigenous and environmental protesters as potential terrorists “chilling.”
“It obviously should be concerning to activists that anything they do in their local area might be seen in this broad-brush way of being a federal issue of terrorism or come under the observation of the FBI and all of the powers that come with it,” Ferguson said.
The FBI did not respond to requests for comment. The Bureau of Land Management, which coordinated much of the interagency response, declined to comment. Most of the law enforcement activity has focused on monitoring, and one person has been arrested to date as a result of the protests.
Mike Allen, who served as Humboldt County’s sheriff until January 2023, said his office’s role was simply to monitor the situation at Thacker Pass. “We would go up there and make periodic patrol activity,” he said.
Allen defended the joint terrorism task force, saying it was “where we would just all get together and discuss things.” (The FBI characterizes such task forces, which include various agencies working in an area, as the front line of defense against terrorism.)
In this May 2022 email, an FBI special agent invites Nevada’s Humboldt County Sheriff’s Office to a joint terrorism task force meeting focused on Thacker Pass.
(Records obtained by Siskiyou Rising Tide and Information for Public Use. Highlighted and redacted by ProPublica.)
Tim Crowley, Lithium Americas’ vice president of government and external affairs, said in a statement: “Protestors have vandalized property, blocked roads and dangerously climbed on Lithium Americas’ equipment. In all those cases, Lithium Americas avoided engagement with the protestors and coordinated with the local authorities when necessary for the protection of everyone involved.”
Crowley noted that Lithium Americas has worked with Indigenous communities near the mine to study cultural artifacts and is offering to build projects worth millions of dollars for the Fort McDermitt Paiute and Shoshone Tribe, such as a community center and greenhouse.
But individuals and the community groups opposed to the mine don’t want money. They worry mining will pollute local sources of water in the nation’s driest state and harm culturally significant sites, including that of an 1865 massacre of Indigenous people.
“We understand how the land is sacred and how much culture and how much history is within the McDermitt Caldera,” Callao said of the basin where Thacker Pass is located. “We know how much it means to not only the next generation, but the next seven generations.”
First image: Construction at Lithium Americas’ Thacker Pass mine near Orovada, Nevada. Second image: Nevada Gov. Joe Lombardo, center, and Rep. Mark Amodei, left, tour the site of a future housing facility for miners in Winnemucca, Nevada.
(David Calvert/The Nevada Independent)
A Familiar Conflict
Indigenous groups are increasingly at odds with mining companies as climate change brings economies around the globe to an inflection point. Greenhouse gas emissions from burning fossil fuels are contributing to increasingly intense hurricanes, heat waves, wildfires and droughts. The solution — powering the electrical grid, vehicles and factories with cleaner energy sources — brings tradeoffs.
Massive amounts of metals are required to manufacture solar panels, wind turbines and other renewable energy infrastructure. Demand for lithium will skyrocket 350% by 2040, largely to be used in electric vehicles’ rechargeable batteries, according to the International Energy Agency.
The U.S. produces very little lithium — and China controls a majority of refining capacity worldwide — so development of Thacker Pass enjoys bipartisan support, receiving a key permit in President Donald Trump’s first administration and a $2.26 billion loan from President Joe Biden’s administration. (Development ran into issues in June, when a Nevada agency notified the company that it was using groundwater without the proper permit. Company representatives have said they are confident that they will resolve the matter.)
Many minerals needed to produce cleaner energy are found on Indigenous lands. For example, 85% of known global lithium reserves are on or near Indigenous people’s lands, according to a 2022 study by researchers at the University of Queensland in Australia, the University of the Free State in South Africa and elsewhere. The situation has put Indigenous communities at odds with mining industries as tribes are asked to sacrifice land and sovereignty to combat climate change.
Luke Danielson is a mining consultant and lawyer who for decades has researched how mining affects Indigenous lands. “What I fear would be we set loose a land rush where we’re trampling over all the Indigenous people and we’re taking all the public land and essentially privatizing it to mining companies,” he said.
If companies or governments attempt to force mining on such communities, it can slow development, noted Ciaran O’Faircheallaigh, a professor emeritus of Australia’s Griffith University and author of “Indigenous Peoples and Mining.”
“If there are bulldozers coming down the road and they are going to destroy an area that is central to people’s identity and their existence, they are going to fight,” he said. “The solution is you actually put First Peoples in a position of equal power so that they can negotiate outcomes that allow for timely, and indeed speedy, development.”
Environmental activists Will Falk, left, and Max Wilbert led early opposition to the mine, after which the Bureau of Land Management fined them tens of thousands of dollars for the cost of monitoring them.
(David Calvert/The Nevada Independent)
“We’re Not There for an Uprising”
Most of the documents tracing law enforcement’s involvement at Thacker Pass were obtained via public records requests by two advocacy groups focused on climate change and law enforcement, Siskiyou Rising Tide and Information for Public Use. They shared the records with ProPublica, which obtained additional documents through separate public records requests to law enforcement agencies.
Given the monitoring of mining’s opponents highlighted in the records, experts raised questions about authorities’ role: Is the government there to support industrial development, protect civil liberties or act as an unbiased arbiter? At Thacker Pass, the documents show, law enforcement has helped defend the mine.
Protests have at times escalated.
A small group of more radical environmentalists led by non-Indigenous activists propelled the early movement, setting up a campsite on public land near the proposed mine site in January 2021. In June 2022, a protester from France wrote on social media, “We’ll need all the AR15s We can get on the frontlines!” Tensions peaked in June 2023, when several protesters entered the worksite and blocked bulldozers, leading to one arrest.
That group — which calls itself Protect Thacker Pass — argued that its actions were justified. Will Falk, one of the group’s organizers, said that, in any confrontation, scrutiny unfairly falls on protesters instead of companies or the government. “As a culture, we’ve become so used to militarized police that we don’t understand that, out of the group of people gathered, the people who are actually violent are the ones with the guns,” he said.
Falk and another organizer were, as a result of their participation in protests, barred by court order from returning to Thacker Pass and disrupting construction, and the Bureau of Land Management fined them for alleged trespass on public lands during the protest. The agency charged them $49,877.71 for officers’ time and mileage to monitor them, according to agency records Falk shared with ProPublica. Falk said his group tried to work with the agency to obtain permits and is disputing the fine to a federal board of appeals.
“None of us are armed. We’re not there for an uprising,” said Gary McKinney, a spokesperson for People of Red Mountain, which parted ways with Falk’s group before the incident that led to an arrest.
McKinney, a member of the Duck Valley Shoshone-Paiute Tribe, leads annual prayer rides, journeying hundreds of miles across northern Nevada on horseback with other Native American activists to Thacker Pass. He described the rides, intended to raise awareness of mining’s impact on tribes and the environment, as a way to exercise rights under the American Indian Religious Freedom Act, which protects tribes’ ability to practice traditional spirituality. Still, the group feels watched. A trail camera once mysteriously appeared near their campsite along the path of the prayer ride. They also crossed paths with security personnel.
Beyond the trail rides, the FBI tracks McKinney’s activity, the records show. The agency informed other law enforcement when he promoted a Fourth of July powwow and rodeo on his reservation, and it flagged a speech he delivered at a conference for mining-affected communities.
“We’re being watched, we’re being followed, we’re under the microscope,” McKinney said.
First image: Then-Humboldt County Sheriff Mike Allen questioned whether Raymond Mey, a Lithium Americas security contractor, had a state private investigator’s license in a June 2021 email. Second image: Mey pushed the Bureau of Land Management, the Humboldt County Sheriff’s Office and others for a coordinated law enforcement strategy to address protests at Thacker Pass in a June 2021 email.
(Records obtained by Siskiyou Rising Tide and Information for Public Use. Highlighted, redacted and excerpted by ProPublica.)
The records show security personnel hired by Lithium Americas speaking as if an uprising could be imminent. “To date, there has been no violence or serious property destruction, however, the activities of these protest groups could change to a more aggressive actions and violent demeanor at any time,” Raymond Mey, who joined Lithium Americas’ security team for a time after a career with the FBI, wrote to law enforcement agencies in July 2022.
Mey also researched protesters’ activities, sharing his findings with law enforcement. In an April 2021 update, for example, he provided an aerial photograph of the protesters’ campsite. Law enforcement agencies worked with Mey, and he pushed to make that relationship closer, seeking “an integrated and coordinated law enforcement strategy to deal with the protestors at Thacker Pass.” The records indicate that the FBI was open to him attending its joint terrorism task force.
Mey is not licensed with the Nevada Private Investigators Licensing Board, which is required to perform such work in the state, according to agency records.
Mey said that he didn’t believe he needed a license because he wasn’t pursuing investigations. He said that his advice to the company was to avoid direct conflict with protesters and only call the police when necessary.
First image: Gary McKinney, spokesperson for People of Red Mountain. Second image: Members of the Reno-Sparks Indian Colony, People of Red Mountain, the Burns Paiute Tribe and others march in Reno, Nevada, to oppose the Thacker Pass mine.
(David Calvert/The Nevada Independent)
“We Shouldn’t Have to Accept the Burden of the Climate Crisis”
The battle over Thacker Pass reflects renewed strife between mining and drilling industries and Indigenous people. Two recent fights at the heart of this clash have intersected with Thacker Pass — one concerning an oil pipeline in the Great Plains and the other over a copper mine in the Southwest.
Beginning in 2016 and continuing for nearly a year, a large protest camp on the Standing Rock Indian Reservation sought to halt construction of the 1,172-mile Dakota Access Pipeline. Members of the Indigenous-led movement contended that it threatened the region’s water. The protest turned violent, leading to hundreds of arrests. Law enforcement eventually cleared the camp and the pipeline was completed.
Law enforcement agencies feared similar opposition at Thacker Pass, the records show.
In April 2021, Allen, then the local sheriff, and his staff met with Mark Pfeifle, president and CEO of the communications firm Off the Record Strategies, to discuss “lessons learned” from the Dakota Access Pipeline protests. Pfeifle, who helped the Bush administration build support for the second Gulf War, had more recently led a public relations blitz to discredit the Standing Rock protesters. This involved suggesting using a fake news crew and mocking up wanted posters for activists, according to emails obtained by news organizations. Pfeifle sent Allen presentations about the law enforcement response at Standing Rock, including one on “Examples of ‘Fake News’ and disinformation” from the protesters. “As always, we stand ready to help your office and your citizens,” he wrote to the sheriff.
The department appears not to have hired Pfeifle, although Allen directed his staff to also meet with Pfeifle’s colleague who worked on the Standing Rock response.
Around July 2021, the Humboldt County Sheriff’s Office held a meeting “to plan for the reality of a large-scale incident at Thacker Pass” similar to the Dakota Access Pipeline protests. Police referred to the ongoing protests on public land at Thacker Pass as an “occupation.”
Allen said he didn’t remember meeting with Pfeifle but said he wanted to be prepared for anything. “We didn’t know what to expect, but from what we understand, there were professional protestors up there and more were coming in,” he said.
Pfeifle didn’t respond to requests for comment.
Members of People of Red Mountain have also traveled to Arizona to object to the development of a controversial copper mine that’s planned in a national forest east of Phoenix. There, some members of the San Carlos Apache Tribe oppose the development because it would destroy an area they use for ceremonies. (In May, the Supreme Court handed down a decision allowing a land transfer, removing the final key obstacle to the mine.)
On these trips, Callao and others have frequently found a “notice of baggage inspection” from the Transportation Security Administration in their checked luggage. She provided ProPublica with photos of five such notices.
An agency spokesperson said that screening equipment does not know to whom the bag belongs when it triggers an alarm, and officers must search it.
To Callao, the surveillance, whether by luggage inspection, security camera or counterterrorism task force, adds to the weight placed on Indigenous communities amid the energy transition.
“We shouldn’t have to accept the burden of the climate crisis,” Callao said, “We should be able to protect our ancestral homelands.”
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Despite the Trump administration’s public pronouncements that it has hired enough wildland firefighters, documents obtained by ProPublica show a high vacancy rate, as well as internal concern among top officials as more than 1 million acres burn across 10 states.
Less than a month ago, Agriculture Secretary Brooke Rollins announced that the Trump administration had done a historically good job preparing the nation for the summer fire season. “We are on track to meet and potentially exceed our firefighting hiring goals,” said Rollins, during an address to Western governors. Rollins oversees the wildland firefighting workforce at the U.S. Forest Service, a subagency of the Department of Agriculture. Rollins had noted in her remarks that the administration had exempted firefighters from a federal hiring freeze, and she claimed that the administration was outdoing its predecessor: “We have reached 96% of our hiring goal, far outpacing the rate of hiring and onboarding over the past three years and in the previous administration.”
Since then, the Forest Service’s assertions have gotten even more optimistic: The agency now claims it has reached 99% of its firefighting hiring goal.
But according to internal data obtained by ProPublica, Rollins’ characterization is dangerously misleading. She omitted a wave of resignations from the agency this spring and that many senior management positions remain vacant. Layoffs by the Department of Government Efficiency, voluntary deferred resignations and early retirements have severely hampered the wildland firefighting force. According to the internal national data, which has not been previously reported, more than 4,500 Forest Service firefighting jobs — as many as 27% — remained vacant as of July 17. A Forest Service employee who is familiar with the data said it comes from administrators who input staffing information into a computer tool used to create organization charts. The employee said that while the data could contain inaccuracies in certain forests, it broadly reflects the agency’s desired staffing levels. The employee said the data showing “active” unfilled positions was “current and up-to-date for last week.”
The Department of Agriculture disputes that assessment, but the figures are supported by anecdotal accounts from wildland firefighters in New Mexico, Oregon, Washington, California and Wyoming. According to a recent survey by Forest Service fire managers in California, 26% of engine captain positions and 42% of engineer positions were vacant. A veteran Forest Service firefighter in California characterized the Trump administration’s current estimate of the size of its firefighting workforce as “grossly inaccurate.”
Last week, Tom Schultz, the chief of the Forest Service, circulated a letter to high-ranking officials in the agency that underscored the dire moment. “As expected, the 2025 Fire Year is proving to be extremely challenging,” wrote Schultz in the letter, a copy of which was obtained by ProPublica. “We know the demand for resources outpaces their availability.” Schultz at once directed staff to employ full suppression — stomping out fires as quickly as possible, instead of letting them burn for the sake of landscape management — and acknowledged that the resources necessary to pursue such an aggressive strategy were lacking. All options were on the table, he wrote, including directing human-resources employees to fight fires and asking recently departed employees with firefighting qualifications to return to work.
When asked about the discrepancy between Schultz’s memo and Rollins’ public statements on firefighting staffing at the Forest Service, an agency spokesperson said that Schultz was referring to employees who can be called on to bolster the agency’s response “as fire activity increases,” while Rollins was pointing only to full-time firefighters. “The Forest Service remains fully equipped and operationally ready to protect people and communities from wildfire,” the spokesperson said, noting that “many individuals that have separated from the Agency either through retirements or voluntary resignations still possess active wildland fire qualifications and are making themselves available to support fire response operations.”
The federal government employs thousands of wildland firefighters, but the precise number is opaque. Throughout the Department of the Interior, which is overseen by Secretary Doug Burgum, there are about 5,800 wildland firefighters in four agencies that have been impacted by cuts. An employee at a national park in Colorado that is threatened by wildfire said that they were “severely understaffed during the Biden administration on most fronts, and now it’s so much worse than it’s ever been.”
But the Forest Service is by far the largest employer of wildland firefighters, and it has long used gymnastic arithmetic to paint an optimistic picture of its staffing. Last summer, ProPublica reported that the Forest Service under President Joe Biden had overstated its capacity. Robert Kuhn, a former Forest Service official who between 2009 and 2011 co-authored an assessment of the agency’s personnel needs, recently said that the practice of selectively counting firefighters dates back years. “What the public needs to understand is, that is just a very small number of what is needed every summer,” he said. Riva Duncan, a retired Forest Service fire chief and the vice president of Grassroots Wildland Firefighters, a labor advocacy organization, said staffing is a constant frustration for managers on the ground. “We have engines that are completely unstaffed,” said Duncan, who remains active in wildland firefighting, having worked in temporary roles this summer. “We have vacant positions in management.”
That said, there is a difference this fire season from years past. Officials in the previous administration publicly acknowledged the danger presented by an exodus of experienced wildland firefighters. The Trump administration has taken a different approach — claiming to have solved the problem while simultaneously exacerbating it. When asked about the staffing cuts, Anna Kelly, a White House deputy press secretary, wrote, “President Trump is proud of all Secretary Rollins has accomplished to improve forest management, including by ending the 2001 Roadless Rule for stronger fire prevention, and Secretary Burgum’s great work protecting our nation’s treasured public lands.”
In March, Congress finally codified a permanent raise for federal wildland firefighters via the appropriations process, a change that advocates have sought for years. In her remarks in June, Rollins credited the president: “Out of gratitude for the selfless service of our Forest Service firefighters, President Trump permanently increased the pay for our federal wildland firefighters.”
But in February, the Trump administration laid off about 700 employees who support wildland fire operations, from human-resource managers to ecologists and trail-crew workers. Those employees possess what are known as red cards — certifications that allow them to work on fire crews. Many were subsequently rehired, but the administration then pushed Forest Service employees to accept deferred resignations and early retirements.
Last month, President Donald Trump issued an executive order directing the Forest Service and the Department of the Interior to combine their firefighting forces. For the moment, it’s unknown what form that restructuring will take, but many Forest Service firefighters are anticipating further staffing cuts. A spokesperson for the Department of the Interior wrote, “We are taking steps to unify federal wildfire programs to streamline bureaucracy.”
Administration officials have maintained that employees primarily assigned to wildland fire were exempted from the resignation offers this spring. But according to another internal data set obtained by ProPublica, of the more than 4,000 Forest Service employees who accepted deferred resignations and early retirements, approximately 1,600 had red cards. (A spokesperson for the Department of Agriculture wrote that the actual number was 1,400, adding that 85 of them “have decided to return for the season.”)
Even those figures don’t account for all the lost institutional knowledge. The departures included meteorologists who provided long-range forecasts, allowing fire managers to decide where to deploy crews. One of the meteorologists who left was Charles Maxwell, who had for more than 20 years interpreted weather models predicting summer monsoons at the Southwest Coordination Center in Albuquerque, New Mexico, an interagency office. The thunderstorms can fuel wildfire, with lightning and wind, and extinguish them, with great rains. Lately, according to Maxwell, the monsoons have become less and less reliable, and understanding their nuances can be challenging. Maxwell said that he’d already been planning to retire next year. But he also said he “was concerned with the degree of chaos, the potential degradation of services and what would happen to my job.”
Maxwell noted that his work had been covered by knowledgeable fill-ins from out of state. But another firefighter who worked on blazes in New Mexico said that Maxwell’s understanding of the monsoon had been missed. A spokesperson for the Department of the Interior, which oversees the interagency office where Maxwell worked, wrote, “We do not comment on personnel matters.”
The monsoon season is now here and has brought deadly flash flooding along old burn scars in Ruidoso, New Mexico, while distributing sporadic rain in the state’s Gila National Forest.
It is shaping up to be a severe fire season. On Monday, federal firefighters reported 86 new fires across the West; by Tuesday, there were 105 more. And there’s already been some criticism of the federal response. Arizona’s governor and members of Congress have called for an investigation into the Park Service’s handling of a blaze this month that leveled a historic lodge on the Grand Canyon’s North Rim. Last month, Rollins acknowledged, “Fires don’t know Republican or Democrat, or which side of the aisle you are on.” This much, at least, is true.
This article is co-published with The Texas Tribune, a nonprofit, nonpartisan local newsroom that informs and engages with Texans. Sign up for The Brief Weekly to get up to speed on their essential coverage of Texas issues.
Sixteen months had passed since Hurricane Harvey tore through the Texas coast in August 2017, killing more than 80 people and flattening entire neighborhoods. And when Texas lawmakers gathered in Austin for their biennial session, the scale of the storm’s destruction was hard to ignore.
Legislators responded by greenlighting a yearslong statewide initiative to evaluate flood risks and improve preparedness for increasingly frequent and deadly storms. “If we get our planning right on the front end and prevent more damage on the front end, then we have less on the back end,” Charles Perry, a Republican senator from Lubbock who chairs a committee overseeing environmental issues, said at the time.
In the years that followed, hundreds of local officials and volunteers canvassed communities across Texas, mapping out vulnerabilities. The result of their work came in 2024 with the release of Texas’ first-ever state flood plan.
Their findings identified nearly $55 billion in proposed projects and outlined 15 key recommendations, including nine suggestions for legislation. Several were aimed at aiding rural communities like Kerr County, where flash flooding over the Fourth of July weekend killed more than 100 people. Three are still missing.
But this year, lawmakers largely ignored those recommendations.
Instead, the legislative session that ended June 2 was dominated by high-profile battles over school vouchers and lawmakers’ decision to spend $51 billion to maintain and provide new property tax cuts, an amount nearly equal to the funding identified by the Texas Water Development Board, a state agency that has historically overseen water supply and conservation efforts.
Although it had been only seven years since Hurricane Harvey, legislators now prioritized the state’s water and drought crisis over flooding needs.
Legislators allocated more than $1.6 billion in new revenue for water infrastructure projects, only some of which would go toward flood mitigation. They also passed a bill that will ask voters in November to decide whether to approve $1 billion annually over the next two decades that would prioritize water and wastewater over flood mitigation projects. At that pace, water experts said that it could take decades before existing mitigation needs are addressed — even without further floods.
Even if they had been approved by lawmakers this year, many of the plan’s recommendations would not have been implemented before the July 4 disaster. But a ProPublica and Texas Tribune analysis of legislative proposals, along with interviews with lawmakers and flood experts, found that the Legislature has repeatedly failed to enact key measures that would help communities prepare for frequent flooding.
Such inaction often hits rural and economically disadvantaged communities hardest because they lack the tax base to fund major flood prevention projects and often cannot afford to produce the data they need to qualify for state and federal grants, environmental experts and lawmakers said.
Over the years, legislators have declined to pass at least three bills that would create siren or alert systems, tools experts say can be especially helpful in rural communities that lack reliable internet and cell service. A 2019 state-commissioned report estimated flood prevention needs at over $30 billion. Since then, lawmakers have allocated just $1.4 billion. And they ignored the key recommendations from the state’s 2024 flood plan that are meant to help rural areas like Kerr County, which is dubbed “Flash Flood Alley” due to its geography.
U.S. Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem, left, and U.S. Sen. John Cornyn, right, look on as Texas Gov. Greg Abbott signs an emergency proclamation during a press conference in Kerrville.
(Ronaldo Bolaños/The Texas Tribune)
Spokespeople for Gov. Greg Abbott and House Speaker Dustin Burrows, R-Lubbock, did not answer questions about why the plan’s recommendations were overlooked but defended the Legislature’s investment in flood mitigation as significant. They pointed to millions more spent on other prevention efforts, including flood control dam construction and maintenance, regional flood projects, and increased floodplain disclosures and drainage requirements for border counties. Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick did not respond to questions.
This week, the Legislature will convene for a special session that Abbott called to address a range of priorities, including flood warning systems, natural disaster preparation and relief funding. Patrick promised that the state would purchase warning sirens for counties in flash flood zones. Similar efforts, however, have previously been rejected by the Legislature. Alongside Burrows, Patrick also announced the formation of committees on disaster preparedness and flooding and called the move “just the beginning of the Legislature looking at every aspect of this tragic event.” Burrows said the House is “ready to better fortify our state against future disasters.”
But Rep. Ana-María Rodríguez Ramos, a Democrat from Richardson, near Dallas, said state lawmakers have brushed off dire flood prevention needs for decades.
“The manual was there, and we ignored it, and we’ve continued to ignore these recommendations,” said Rodríguez Ramos, who has served on the House Natural Resources Committee overseeing water issues for three sessions. “It’s performative to say we’re trying to do something knowing well we’re not doing enough.”
One recommendation from the 2024 flood plan would have cost the state nothing to enact. It called for granting counties the authority to levy drainage fees, including in unincorporated areas, that could fund local flood projects. Only about 150 of 1,450 Texas cities and counties have dedicated drainage fees, according to a study cited in the state assessment.
Kerr, a conservative county of 53,000 people, has struggled to gain support for projects that would raise taxes. About a week after the flooding, some residents protested when county commissioners discussed a property tax increase to help cover the costs of recovery efforts.
The inability to raise such fees is one of the biggest impediments for local governments seeking to fund flood mitigation projects, said Robert R. Puente, a Democrat and former state representative who once chaired the state committee responsible for water issues. Lawmakers’ resistance to such efforts is rooted in fiscal conservatism, said Puente, who now heads the San Antonio Water System.
“It’s mostly because of a philosophy that the leadership in Austin has right now, that under no circumstances are we going to raise taxes, and under most circumstances we’re not even going to allow local governments to have control over how they raise taxes or implement fees,” he said.
Another one of the flood plan’s recommendations called for lawmakers to allocate money for a technical assistance program to help underresourced and rural governments better manage flood prone areas, which requires implementing a slew of standards to ensure safe development in those hazardous zones. Doing this work requires local officials to collect accurate mapping that shows the risk of flooding. Passing this measure could have helped counties like Kerr with that kind of data collection, which the plan recognized is especially challenging for rural and economically disadvantaged communities.
Insufficient information impacts Texas’s ability to fully understand flood risks statewide. The water board’s plan, for example, includes roughly 600 infrastructure projects across Texas in need of completion. But its report acknowledged that antiquated or missing data meant another 3,100 assessments would be required to know whether additional projects are needed.
In the Guadalupe River region, which includes Kerr County, 65% of areas lacked adequate flood mapping. Kerrville, the county seat, was listed among the areas identified as having the “greatest known flood risks and mitigation needs.” Yet of the 19 flood needs specific to the city and county, only three were included in the state plan’s list of 600. They included requests to install backup generators in critical facilities and repair low-water crossings, which are shallow points in streets where rainwater can pool to dangerous levels.
At least 16 other priorities, including the county’s desire for an early warning flood system and potential dam or drainage system repairs, required a follow-up evaluation, according to the state plan. County officials tried to obtain grants for the early warning systems for years, to no avail.
Trees uprooted by floodwaters lie across a field in Hunt in Kerr Country on July 5.
(Brenda Bazán for The Texas Tribune)
Gonzales County, an agriculture-rich area of 20,000 people along the Guadalupe River, is among the rural communities struggling to obtain funding, said emergency management director Jimmy Harless, who is also the county’s fire marshal. The county is in desperate need of a siren system and additional gauges to measure the river’s potentially dangerous flood levels, Harless said, but doesn’t have the resources, personnel or expertise to apply for the “burdensome” state grant process.
“It is extremely frustrating for me to know that there’s money there and there’s people that care, but our state agency has become so bureaucratic that it’s just not feasible for us,” Harless said. “Our folks’ lives are more important than what some bureaucrat wants us to do.”
For years, Texas leaders have focused more on cleaning up after disasters than on preparing for them, said Jim Blackburn, a professor at Rice University specializing in environmental law and flooding issues.
“It’s no secret that the Guadalupe is prone to flash flooding. That’s been known for decades,” Blackburn said. “The state has been very negligent about kind of preparing us for, frankly, the worst storms of the future that we are seeing today because of climate change, and what’s changing is that the risks are just greater today and will be even greater tomorrow, because our storms are getting worse and worse.”
At a news conference this month, Abbott said state committees would investigate “ways to address this,” though he declined to offer specifics. When pressed by a reporter about where the blame for the lack of preparedness should fall, Abbott responded that it was “the word choice of losers.”
It shouldn’t have taken the Hill Country flooding for a special session addressing emergency systems and funding needs, said Usman Mahmood, a policy analyst at Bayou City Waterkeeper, a Houston nonprofit that advocates for flood protection measures.
“The worst part pretty much already happened, which is the flooding and the loss of life,” he said. “Now it’s a reaction to that.”
While public attention has been focused on the domestic fast-track consenting process for infrastructure and mining, Associate Minister of Finance David Seymour has been pushing through another fast-track process — this time for foreign investment in New Zealand.
There are valid concerns that piecemeal reforms to the current act have made it complex and unwieldy. But the new bill is equally convoluted and would significantly reduce effective scrutiny of foreign investments — especially in forestry.
A three-step test Step one of a three-step process set out in the bill gives the regulator — the Overseas Investment Office which sits within Land Information NZ — 15 days to decide whether a proposed investment would be a risk to New Zealand’s “national interest”.
If they don’t perceive a risk, or that initial assessment is not completed in time, the application is automatically approved.
Transactions involving fisheries quotas and various land categories, or any other applications the regulator identifies, would require a “national interest” assessment under stage two.
These would be assessed against a “ministerial letter” that sets out the government’s general policy and preferred approach to conducting the assessment, including any conditions on approvals.
Other mandatory factors to be considered in the second stage include the act’s new “purpose” to increase economic opportunity through “timely consent” of less sensitive investments. The new test would allow scrutiny of the character and capability of the investor to be omitted altogether.
If the regulator considers the national interest test is not met, or the transaction is “contrary to the national interest”, the minister of finance then makes a decision based on their assessment of those factors.
Inadequate regulatory process Seymour has blamed the current screening regime for low volumes of foreign investment. But Treasury’s 2024 regulatory impact statement on the proposed changes to international investment screening acknowledges many other factors that influence investor decisions.
Moreover, the Treasury statement acknowledges public views that foreign investment rules should “manage a wide range of risks” and “that there is inherent non-economic value in retaining domestic ownership of certain assets”.
Treasury officials also recognised a range of other public concerns, including profits going offshore, loss of jobs, and foreign control of iconic businesses.
The regulatory impact statement did not cover these factors because it was required to consider only the coalition commitment. The Treasury panel reported “notable limitations” on the bill’s quality assurance process.
A fuller review was “infeasible” because it could not be completed in the time required, and would be broader than necessary to meet the coalition commitment to amend the act in the prescribed way.
The requirement to implement the bill in this parliamentary term meant the options officials could consider, even within the scope of the coalition agreement, were further limited.
Time constraints meant “users and key stakeholders have not been consulted”, according to the Treasury statement. Environmental and other risks would have to be managed through other regulations.
Forestry ‘slash’ after Cyclone Gabrielle in 2023 . . . no need to consider foreign investors’ track records. Image: Getty/The Conversation
No ‘benefit to NZ’ test While the bill largely retains a version of the current screening regime for residential and farm land, it removes existing forestry activities from that definition (but not new forestry on non-forest land). It also removes extraction of water for bottling, or other bulk extraction for human consumption, from special vetting.
Where sensitive land (such as islands, coastal areas, conservation and wahi tapu land) is not residential or farm land, it would be removed from special screening rules currently applied for land.
There would no longer be a need to consider investors’ track records or apply a “benefit to New Zealand” test. Regulators may or may not be empowered to impose conditions such as replanting or cleaning up slash.
The official documents don’t explain the rationale for this. But it looks like a win for Regional Development Minister Shane Jones, and was perhaps the price of NZ First’s support.
Locked in forever? Finally, these changes could be locked in through New Zealand’s free trade agreements. Several such agreements say New Zealand’s investment regime cannot become more restrictive than the 2005 act and its regulations.
A “ratchet clause” would lock in any further liberalisation through this bill, from which there is no going back.
However, another annex in those free trade agreements could be interpreted as allowing some flexibility to alter the screening rules and criteria in the future. None of the official documents address this crucial question.
As an academic expert in this area I am uncertain about the risk.
But the lack of clarity underlines the problems exemplified in this bill. It is another example of coalition agreements bypassing democratic scrutiny and informed decision making. More public debate and broad analysis is needed on the bill and its implications.
Former New Zealand prime minister Helen Clark warned activists and campaigners in a speech on the deck of the Greenpeace environmental flagship Rainbow WarriorIII last night to be wary of global “storm clouds” and the renewed existential threat of nuclear weapons.
Speaking on her reflections on four decades after the bombing of the original Rainbow Warrior on 10 July 1985, she said that New Zealand had a lot to be proud of but the world was now in a “precarious” state.
Clark praised Greenpeace over its long struggle, challenging the global campaigners to keep up the fight for a nuclear-free Pacific.
“For New Zealand, having been proudly nuclear-free since the mid-1980s, life has got a lot more complicated for us as well, and I have done a lot of campaigning against New Zealand signing up to any aspect of the AUKUS arrangement because it seems to me that being associated with any agreement that supplies nuclear ship technology to Australia is more or less encouraging the development of nuclear threats in the South Pacific,” she said.
“While I am not suggesting that Australians are about to put nuclear weapons on them, we know that others do. This is not the Pacific that we want.
“It is not the Pacific that we fought for going back all those years.
“So we need to be very concerned about these storm clouds gathering.”
Lessons for humanity
Clark was prime minister 1999-2008 and served as a minister in David Lange’s Labour government that passed New Zealand’s nuclear-free legislation in 1987 – two years after the Rainbow Warrior bombing by French secret agents.
She was also head of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) in 2009-2017.
“When you think 40 years on, humanity might have learned some lessons. But it seems we have to repeat the lessons over and over again, or we will be dragged on the path of re-engagement with those who use nuclear weapons as their ultimate defence,” Clark told the Greenpeace activists, crew and guests.
“Forty years on, we look back with a lot of pride, actually, at how New Zealand responded to the bombing of the Rainbow Warrior. We stood up with the passage of the nuclear-free legislation in 1987, we stood up with a lot of things.
“All of this is under threat; the international scene now is quite precarious with respect to nuclear weapons. This is an existential threat.”
Nuclear-free Pacific reflections with Helen Clark Video: Greenpeace
In response to Tahitian researcher and advocate Ena Manuireva who spoke earlier about the legacy of a health crisis as a result of 30 years of French nuclear tests at Moruroa and Fangataufa, she recalled her own thoughts.
“It reminds us of why we were so motivated to fight for a nuclear-free Pacific because we remember the history of what happened in French Polynesia, in the Marshall Islands, in the South Australian desert, at Maralinga, to the New Zealand servicemen who were sent up in the navy ships, the Rotoiti and the Pukaki, in the late 1950s, to stand on deck while the British exploded their bombs [at Christmas Island in what is today Kiribati].
“These poor guys were still seeking compensation when I was PM with the illnesses you [Ena] described in French Polynesia.
Former NZ prime minister Helen Clark . . . “I remember one of the slogans in the 1970s and 1980s was ‘if it is so safe, test them in France’.” Image: Asia Pacific Report
Testing ground for ‘others’
“So the Pacific was a testing ground for ‘others’ far away and I remember one of the slogans in the 1970s and 1980s was ‘if it is so safe, test them in France’. Right? It wasn’t so safe.
“Mind you, they regarded French Polynesia as France.
“David Robie asked me to write the foreword to the new edition of his book, Eyes of Fire: The Last Voyage and Legacy of the Rainbow Warrior, and it brought back so many memories of those times because those of you who are my age will remember that the 1980s were the peak of the Cold War.
“We had the Reagan administration [in the US] that was actively preparing for war. It was a terrifying time. It was before the demise of the Soviet Union. And nuclear testing was just part of that big picture where people were preparing for war.
“I think that the wonderful development in New Zealand was that people knew enough to know that we didn’t want to be defended by nuclear weapons because that was not mutually assured survival — it was mutually assured destruction.”
New Zealand took a stand, Clark said, but taking that stand led to the attack on the Rainbow Warrior in Auckland harbour by French state-backed terrorism where tragically Greenpeace photographer Fernando Pereira lost his life.
“I remember I was on my way to Nairobi for a conference for women, and I was in Zimbabwe, when the news came through about the bombing of a boat in Auckland harbour.
‘Absolutely shocking’
“It was absolutely shocking, we had never experienced such a thing. I recall when I returned to New Zealand, [Prime Minister] David Lange one morning striding down to the party caucus room and telling us before it went public that it was without question that French spies had planted the bombs and the rest was history.
“It was a very tense time. Full marks to Greenpeace for keeping up the struggle for so long — long before it was a mainstream issue Greenpeace was out there in the Pacific taking on nuclear testing.
“Different times from today, but when I wrote the foreword for David’s book I noted that storm clouds were gathering again around nuclear weapons and issues. I suppose that there is so much else going on in a tragic 24 news cycle — catastrophe day in and day out in Gaza, severe technology and lethal weapons in Ukraine killing people, wherever you look there are so many conflicts.
“The international agreements that we have relied are falling into disrepair. For example, if I were in Europe I would be extremely worried about the demise of the intermediate range missile weapons pact which has now been abandoned by the Americans and the Russians.
“And that governs the deployment of medium range missiles in Europe.
“The New Start Treaty, which was a nuclear arms control treaty between what was the Soviet Union and the US expires next year. Will it be renegotiated in the current circumstances? Who knows?”
With the Non-proliferation Treaty, there are acknowledged nuclear powers who had not signed the treaty — “and those that do make very little effort to live up to the aspiration, which is to negotiate an end to nuclear weapons”.
Developments with Iran
“We have seen recently the latest developments with Iran, and for all of Iran’s many sins let us acknowledge that it is a party to the Non-Proliferation Treaty,” she said.
“It did subject itself, for the most part, to the inspections regime. Israel, which bombed it, is not a party to the treaty, and doesn’t accept inspections.
“There are so many double standards that people have long complained about the Non-Proliferation Treaty where the original five nuclear powers are deemed okay to have them, somehow, whereas there are others who don’t join at all.
“And then over the Ukraine conflict we have seen worrying threats of the use of nuclear weapons.”
Clark warned that we the use of artificial intelligence it would not be long before asking it: “How do I make a nuclear weapon?”
“It’s not so difficult to make a dirty bomb. So we should be extremely worried about all these developments.”
Then Clark spoke about the “complications” facing New Zealand.
Mangareva researcher and advocate Ena Manuireva . . . “My mum died of lung cancer and the doctors said that she was a ‘passive smoker’. My mum had not smoked for the last 65 years.” Image: Asia Pacific Report
Teariki’s message to De Gaulle
In his address, Ena Manuireva started off by quoting the late Tahitian parliamentarian John Teariki who had courageously appealed to General Charles De Gaulle in 1966 after France had already tested three nuclear devices:
“No government has ever had the honesty or the cynical frankness to admit that its nuclear tests might be dangerous. No government has ever hesitated to make other peoples — preferably small, defenceless ones — bear the burden.”
“May you, Mr President, take back your troops, your bombs, and your planes.
“Then, later, our leukemia and cancer patients would not be able to accuse you of being the cause of their illness.
“Then, our future generations would not be able to blame you for the birth of monsters and deformed children.
“Then, you would give the world an example worthy of France . . .
“Then, Polynesia, united, would be proud and happy to be French, and, as in the early days of Free France, we would all once again become your best and most loyal friends.”
‘Emotional moment’
Manuireva said that 10 days earlier, he had been on board Rainbow Warrior III for the ceremony to mark the bombing in 1985 that cost the life of Fernando Pereira – “and the lives of a lot of Mā’ohi people”.
“It was a very emotional moment for me. It reminded me of my mother and father as I am a descendant of those on Mangareva atoll who were contaminated by those nuclear tests.
“My mum died of lung cancer and the doctors said that she was a ‘passive smoker’. My mum had not smoked for the last 65 years.
“French nuclear testing started on 2 July 1966 with Aldebaran and lasted 30 years.”
He spoke about how the military “top brass fled the island” when winds start blowing towards Mangareva. “Food was ready but they didn’t stay”.
“By the time I was born in December 1967 in Mangareva, France had already exploded 9 atmospheric nuclear tests on Moruroa and Fangataufa atolls, about 400km from Mangareva.”
France’s most powerful explosion was Canopus with 2.6 megatonnes in August 1968. It was a thermonuclear hydrogen bomb — 150 times more powerful than Hiroshima.
Greenpeace Aotearoa executive director Russel Norman . . . a positive of the campaign future. Image: Asia Pacific Report
‘Poisoned gift’
Manuireva said that by France “gifting us the bomb”, Tahitians had been left “with all the ongoing consequences on the people’s health costs that the Ma’ohi Nui government is paying for”.
He described how the compensation programme was inadequate, lengthy and complicated.
Manuireva also spoke about the consequences for the environment. Both Moruroa and Fangataufa were condemned as “no go” zones and islanders had lost their lands forever.
He also noted that while France had gifted the former headquarters of the Atomic Energy Commission (CEP) as a “form of reconciliation” plans to turn it into a museum were thwarted because the building was “rife with asbestos”.
“It is a poisonous gift that will cost millions for the local government to fix.”
Greenpeace Aotearoa executive director Russel Norman spoke of the impact on the Greenpeace organisation of the French secret service bombing of their ship and also introduced the guest speakers and responded to their statements.
A Q and A session was also held to round off the stimulating evening.
A question during the open mike session on board the Rainbow Warrior. Image: Asia Pacific Report
The world’s first atomic bomb was detonated approximately 60 miles north of White Sands National Monument. Image by Ray Acheson. The world’s first atomic bomb was detonated approximately 60 miles north of White Sands National Monument. Image by Ray Acheson. The world’s first atomic bomb was detonated approximately 60 miles north of White Sands National […]
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A seemingly unlikely coalition of oil and gas workers and environmentalists have joined forces to ask the federal government for help.
On June 4, the driver advocacy group Truckers Movement for Justice and Ohio Valley Allies, Earthjustice, Oilfield Witness and several other environmental groups sent a letter to Secretary of Transportation Sean Duffy and top officials at the Pipeline and Hazardous Materials Safety Administration and the Federal Motor Carrier Safety Administration. They made a simple request: that regulations around the transportation of hazardous materials be enforced.
Palestinian supporters and protesters against the 21 months of Israeli genocide in Gaza marched after a rally in downtown Auckland today across the Viaduct to the Greenpeace environmental flagship Rainbow Warrior — and met a display of solidarity.
Several people on board the campaign ship, which has been holding open days over last weekend and this weekend, held up Palestinian flags and displayed a large banner declaring “Sanction Israel — Stop the genocide”.
About 300 people were in the vibrant rally and Greenpeace Aotearoa oceans campaigner Juan Parada came out on Halsey Wharf to speak to the protesters in solidarity over Gaza.
“Greenpeace stands for peace and justice, and environmental justice, not only for the environmental damage, but for the lives of the people,” said Parada, a former media practitioner.
Global environmental campaigners have stepped up their condemnation of the devastation in Gaza and the occupied Palestinian territories as well as the protests over the genocide, which has so far killed almost 59,000 people, most of them women and children, according to the Gaza Health Department, although some researchers say the actual death toll is far higher.
Greenpeace campaigner Juan Parada (left) and one of the Palestine rally facilitators, Youssef Sammour, at today’s rally as it reached Halsey Wharf. Image: Asia Pacific Report
Gaza war emissions condemned
New research recently revealed that the carbon footprint of the first 15 months of Israel’s war on Gaza would be greater than the annual planet-warming emissions of 100 individual countries, worsening the global climate emergency on top of the huge civilian death toll.
The report cited by The Guardian indicated that Israel’s relentless bombardment, blockade and refusal to comply with international court rulings had “underscored the asymmetry of each side’s war machine, as well as almost unconditional military, energy and diplomatic support Israel enjoys from allies, including the US and UK”.
The Israeli war machine has been primarily blamed.
“This is cruelty – this is not a war”, says the young girl’s placard on the Viaduct today. Image: Asia Pacific Report
Greenpeace open letter
Greenpeace Aotearoa recently came out with strong statements about the genocidal war on Gaza with executive director Russel Norman earlier this month writing an open letter to Prime Minister Christopher Luxon and Foreign Minister Winston Peters, expressing his grave concerns about the “ongoing genocide in Gaza being carried out by Israeli forces” — and the ongoing failure of the New Zealand Government to impose meaningful sanctions on Israel.
He referred to the mounting death toll of starving Palestinians being deliberately shot at the notorious Israeli-US backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF) food distribution sites.
Norman also cited an Israeli newspaper Ha’aretz report that Israeli soldiers had been ordered to deliberately shoot unarmed Palestinians seeking aid, quoting one Israeli soldier saying: “It’s a killing field.”
Today’s rally featured many Palestinians wearing thobe costumes in advance of Palestinian Traditional Dress Day on July 25.
This is a day to showcase and celebrate the rich Palestinian cultural heritage through traditional clothing that is intricately embroidered.
Traditional thobes are a symbol of Palestinian resilience.
“Israel-USA – blood on your hands” banner at today’s rally in Auckland. Image: Asia Pacific Report
On 15 July, Brazil’s environment minister Marina Silva and transport minister Renan Filho formally announced and signed an agreement outlining plans to reconstruct the controversial BR-319 highway.
On the surface, this appears to be a calculated strategy with promises of environmental assessments and governance structures. But beneath the political rhetoric, lies a dark, irreversible truth: the BR-319 may be the final blow that drives the Amazon to the brink of collapse.
BR-319: the path of destruction
The BR-319 is an 885km stretch of road cutting through one of the last untouched areas of the Amazon rainforest. Connecting Manaus to Porto Velho, it cuts through pristine rainforest, Indigenous lands, and vital biodiversity.
Originally built under Brazil’s military dictatorship in the 1970s, it was abandoned in 1988 for being economically and environmentally unviable. But like a ghost from the past, the BR-319 keeps returning, this time with far more dangerous implications.
Governments have tried to revive the highway for decades. Yet every credible environmental study confirms that paving the BR-319 would open a Pandora’s box of illegal roads, deforestation, degradation, land-grabbing, and violent occupation.
Lucas Ferrante, researcher at the University of São Paulo (USP) and the Federal University of Amazonas (UFAM), highlighted the alarming consequences of Brazil’s current environmental policies and the lack of effective safeguards. He emphasised the global implications of these decisions and their impact on the Amazon region:
The country is systematically ignoring warnings from the scientific community, despite clear evidence published in leading journals such as Science, Nature, and The Lancet. This is a deliberate decision that threatens all nations across the globe.
In this context, Brazil is left without any effective environmental safeguards, and the BR-319 highway has become a route for the expansion of deforestation, land grabbing, illegal cattle ranching, organised crime, and oil extraction in the Amazon.
Governance: a dangerous illusion
The government claims it will establish a governance model to monitor the region. However, even Brazil’s federal police army have declared any governance scenario unachievable and unrealistic. Given the vast and challenging terrain, no oversight body has the resources, reach, or capacity to contain the chaos the BR-319 would unleash.
Today, more than 6,000km of illegal side roads already crisscross the region, forming a devastating fishbone pattern that grants unprecedented access to miners, loggers, land-grabbers and organised crime. The BR-319 would not just be a road, it would become an artery of destruction, feeding a vast, uncontrolled deforestation machine.
BR-319 is a death sentence for the rainforest
The BR-319 would connect the central Amazon to the AMACRO region, a deforestation hotspot named after the states of Amazonas, Acre, and Rondônia. Its reconstruction would bring catastrophic consequences, destroying biodiversity by opening one of the richest ecosystems on Earth to exploitation.
It would intensify climate change by releasing vast amounts of stored carbon. It would fuel illegal mining and logging, undermining the rule of law. It would invade Indigenous territories, violate their rights and put their lives at risk. And it would create a fertile ground for organised crime to flourish.
The damage would not be limited to the forest. The “flying rivers”, massive air currents that transport moisture from the Amazon to southern Brazil, would be disrupted. These flying rivers are essential to rainfall patterns. Without them, major cities and agricultural regions will experience crippling droughts.
Over 70% of the rainfall that sustains São Paulo’s Cantareira water system originates from the Amazon. If BR-319 moves forward, the water security of Brazil’s largest city could be at risk, leading to direct consequences for agriculture and potentially causing a collapse across the country’s economic sectors.
The human cost: disease and displacement
The consequences of the BR-319 would also be measured in human lives.
The spread of Oropouche fever, transmitted by the tiny Culicoides paraense mosquito, known locally as maruim, has been another alarming sign. Between 2022 and 2024, more than 6,000 cases of Oropouche fever were recorded. These outbreaks originated in the AMACRO region, and have already spread across Brazil to the state of Espírito Santo, to other countries in South America, and the Caribbean.
According to the UK government, several travel-associated Oropouche cases have been reported in the US, Europe and the UK.
Ferrante warns about the severe biosecurity risks associated with ongoing environmental destruction in the Amazon:
Deforestation and environmental degradation are already encroaching upon sensitive areas that safeguard unique zoonotic reservoirs. The Oropouche virus lineage now reaching Europe originates from this region. Nevertheless, the Brazilian government is opening a true Pandora’s box of new viruses, bacteria, and other pathogens. The consequences for global biosecurity will be catastrophic.
If BR-319 goes forward, the health crisis will deepen. The Amazon will become a breeding ground for future pandemics, and Brazil will bear the cost of a preventable catastrophe.
Who really benefits from BR-319?
The benefits of BR-319 won’t go to the Indigenous people, whose lands and lives it threatens. There are 69 Indigenous territories and 18,000 Indigenous people along the path of the highway. None of them have been properly consulted, despite protections under ILO Convention 169 and Brazilian law.
Instead, the primary beneficiaries will be oil and gas giants like Petrobras and Rosneft (Russian), mining companies such as Potássio do Brasil (Canadian), and agribusiness conglomerates like JBS.
Legal and illegal mining operations will expand. Livestock farming, which is already responsible for at least 88% of deforestation in the Amazon, will be supercharged. The result will be more forests cleared, more carbon in the atmosphere, and more violence on the ground.
The highway will also strengthen the grip of organised crime. Land-grabbing and illegal deforestation are already closely tied to criminal networks in the region. BR-319 would create a corridor of exploitation and conflict.
The bioeconomy mirage
Some argue that the BR-319 is essential for developing Brazil’s so-called ‘bioeconomy’. According to the World Business Council for Sustainable Development (WBCSD), the bioeconomy is projected to generate over $7.7tn globally by 2030. This concept, however, remains poorly defined and deeply controversial.
With COP30 on the horizon, Brazil is pushing this narrative hard. But what is being sold as a sustainable alternative may just be a new form of extraction.
Under the banner of the bioeconomy, projects include carbon credits, biofuels, timber and non-timber forest products, fishing, biotechnology, tourism, and even virtual platforms.
A bill has been proposed to create a bioeconomy free trade zone (FTZ) in Belém, the host city for COP30. It offers tax incentives, deregulation, and trade privileges. The beneficiaries, once again, will be corporations and elites.
Far from being a solution, the bioeconomy risks becoming another vehicle for greenwashing destruction in the Amazon.
BR-391: devastation by law
Underlying all this devastation is legislation designed to dismantle Brazil’s environmental protections. Bill 2159/21, known as the ‘Devastation Bill’, allows companies to self-license their projects without any environmental impact assessment. A simple online form is all it takes. Backed by the powerful “ruralista” bloc, large landowners and agribusiness interests, this bill paves the way for unregulated expansion in oil and gas, mining, agribusiness, and infrastructure, including the BR-319.
On 17 July, Brazil’s chamber of deputies approved the Devastation Bill, which now awaits president Lula’s approval. This marks a significant blow to Brazil’s efforts on environmental justice and climate commitments.
Another law, 14.701/2023 (previously PL490), known as the “marco temporal”, redefines Indigenous land rights. It states that Indigenous communities can only claim land if they were in possession of it on October 5, 1988, the day the Brazilian constitution was enacted.
Ferrante said:
Brazil is experiencing the greatest environmental vulnerability in its history. This decision aligns with the approval of bill 2159/2021, which eliminates environmental licensing for this type of project, and with the advancement of the so-called ‘timeframe thesis’, which invalidates the recognition of Indigenous lands demarcated after 1988.
This cruel logic ignores centuries of displacement and paves the way for violent evictions, granting military police the authority to remove Indigenous people from their own ancestral lands.
What future do we choose?
The BR-319 is more than just a highway; it’s a symbol of a dangerous choice. It forces us to decide between two futures: one where we protect the Amazon, respect Indigenous rights, and chart a sustainable path forward, and another where we sacrifice it all for short-term profits, political gain, and corporate greed.
The Brazilian government must make a real technical decision, one grounded in science, not politics, because once the BR-319 is paved, there will be no turning back. If we lose the Amazon, we lose the climate, we lose biodiversity, and we lose our collective future.
We must ask: is the destruction of the planet worth a few more kilometres of road? Is this the legacy we want to leave behind to the next generations?
A Mexican gray wolf (Canis lupus baileyi) of undetermined sex was captured on camera roaming the back country of the Sierra Madre Occidental in northern Mexico, very precariously. The snapshot was recorded earlier this year on a trap camera in the Campo Verde region of the Chihuahua-Sonora borderlands but not publicized until this month.
According to Mexico’s National Commission of Natural Protected Areas (Conanp), which administers the Campo Verde Natural Protected Area, the photo was considered significant in that the lobo in question did not possess a GPS collar and was likely the offspring of wolves released in the region under the auspices of the binational Mexico-U.S. Mexican gray wolf reintroduction program.
Conanp reported that the first person who beheld the wolf’s image was a Campo Verde committee member who told the protected area’s chief of a “strange coyote” photographed by a trap camera while drinking water. Taking a peek, the chief immediately realized that the animal wasn’t a coyote, but its bigger cousin.
Conanp asserted that the thirsty wolf photo showed “a great advance in in the conservation of wolves since it is now possible to speak of the first wild populations in the country after more than five decades.”
In 2021, the Mexican federal government agency calculated that at least 14 wolf litters had been born into the country’s northern wild lands since the beginning of the reintroduction program a decade earlier.
Covering about 280,000 acres, the Campo Verde Natural Protected Area offers suitable habitat for the recovery of the Mexican gray wolf. Mid-range mountainous elevations encompass pine and oak forests, hosting vital wolf prey like the white-tailed deer.
Before U.S.-led extermination campaigns almost drove an apex predator to extinction, the Mexican gray wolf inhabited broad regions of northern and central Mexico, ranging as far south as the southern state of Oaxaca, as well as big swaths of the U.S. Southwest. In Mexico, the Mexican gray wolf is officially classified as an animal in danger of extinction.
Currently, Conanp estimates that 30-35 wild wolves inhabit the Chihuahua-Sonora borderlands- about the same number estimated by Conanp and Mexican researcher Carlos López in 2019.
The latest population estimate in Mexico represents a small number indeed, but it’s more than in the 1970s when a handful of the last known wild Mexican wolves was captured and successfully bred to later allow the release of wolves in both the United States and Mexico.
Getting the lead on its southern neighbor, the U.S. reintroduced Mexican gray wolves to the Southwest beginning in 1998; Mexico followed suit starting in 2011.
The U.S. component of the binational program has proven far more successful, with the latest U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service census numbers (late 2024) estimating at least 286 Mexican gray wolves in Arizona and New Mexico. Nonetheless, the canines face highly uncertain futures in both countries.
Species recovery is seriously jeopardized by illegal killings, vehicle collisions, human-induced climate change, wildfires, and habitat encroachment.
Moreover, the lobo’s historic territory has been squeezed by U.S. government policy that limits the acceptable presence of the predators to below Interstate 40, and prevents animals from moving freely across the landscape like they’ve done for eons by constructing high, impassable walls on the U.S.-Mexican border in New Mexico and Arizona. Any wolf that somehow manages to cross an increasingly fenced off border is subject to capture.
Wolf advocates recognize that official binational efforts have returned the Mexican gray wolf to the wild, but they warn that population fragmentation threatens genetic diversity and long term species survival.
Although wolves again howl away in remote stretches of the Southwestern U.S. and northern Mexico, securing their renewed presence has been no easy task. Legal, political and public opinion battles have accompanied the return of the Mexican gray wolf, north and south. Now a new and possibly decisive showdown is shrouding the wolf’s future.
On June 30, Arizona Congressman Paul Gosar rolled out the Enhanced Safety for Animals Act (HR 4255), which if approved will delist the Mexican gray wolf from Endangered Species Act protections.
“Mexican wolves have preyed on cattle, livestock, and even family pets, causing significant financial losses and economic hardship on family-run ranches,” Gosar said in a statement justifying his legislation.
Bearing the same initials as the Endangered Species Act, Rep. Gosar’s legislation is backed by 20 agricultural, ranching, commercial and county organizations, including the American Farm Bureau Federation, American Lands Council, Coalition of Arizona/New Mexico Counties and National Cattlemen’s Beef Association, among others.
Cosponsors of the bill referred to the U.S. House Committee on Natural Resources include Republican Representatives Andy Biggs (Arizona), Lauren Boebert (Colorado), Eli Crane (Arizona), Abe Hamadeh (Arizona), Harriet Hageman (Wyoming), Jeff Hurd (Colorado) Doug LaMalfa (California), Tom McClintock (California), Pete Stauber (Minnesota), Tom Tiffany (Wisconsin), and Ryan Zinke (Montana).
Gosar maintains that the Mexican gray wolf population is no longer in danger of extinction and should be delisted from the Endangered Species Act.
Wolf advocates, of course, strongly beg to differ. Conservationists quickly condemned Gosar’s measure, characterizing it as akin to declaring an open season on wolves, especially in Arizona where, unlike New Mexico, no state law grants added protection to the endangered species. Wolf protectors predict that killings would also increase in neighboring New Mexico, where many such crimes have already been registered in spite of the federal and state protections.
“Bypassing the Endangered Species Act to strip all protections from beleaguered Mexican gray wolves and leave them vulnerable to Arizona’s shoot-on-sight laws would cause a massacre,” contended wolf expert Michael Robinson of the Center for Biological Diversity.
According to a statement issued by Robinson and representatives of eight other leading environmental and conservation groups, removing the Mexican gray wolf from the U.S. endangered species list would not only permit killing with impunity, but also end releases of captive wolves aimed at diversifying the gene pool of wild wolves, halt federal investigations of livestock kills possibly related to wolves, slash federal funding to compensate ranchers for livestock losses, and halt monitoring of wolves. In other words, ditto the Mexican gray wolf.
Michelle Lute, executive director of Wildlife for All, termed the bill “a cynical ploy to appease special interests at the expense of the democratic process, public trust and the survival of one of North America’s most endangered mammals.”
In addition to the Center for Biological Diversity and Wildlife for All, representatives of the Western Watersheds Project, Wolf Conservation Center, Lobos of the Southwest, WildEarth Guardians, Grand Canyon Wolf Recovery Project, and Sierra Club-Grand Canyon Chapter signed on to the statement expressing opposition to the Gosar bill. Stay tuned for upcoming battles in a matter of existential importance for Mexico, the United States and the world.
Male sage grouse strutting on a lek to attract a mate. Photo used by permission of Richard Prodgers.
The Forest Service authorized a Special Use Permit in March to allow a private company to clear-cut and bulldoze a 50-foot wide, 18.2-mile-long corridor through six National Forest Inventoried Roadless Areas for construction of a gas pipeline from Montpelier, Idaho to Afton, Wyoming.
But here’s the deal: The pipeline was approved despite the fact that the Forest Plan rates this area “high” for potential sage grouse habitat. One of the greatest harms to greater sage grouse is habitat fragmentation from utility corridors. Given that the pipeline route is within 12 miles of a documented sage grouse breeding ground, that means the area for the pipeline corridor should remain intact to provide nesting, brood-rearing, and winter habitat for sage grouse.
The Alliance for the Wild Rockies filed a lawsuit against the Forest Service to stop construction of the pipeline, contending the project violates the National Environmental Policy Act, the Forest Service Manual, the National Forest Management Act, the Mineral Leasing Act, and the Administrative Procedures Act as well as the Forest Plan and the federal Sage Grouse Conservation Plan.
Although the federal district court in Idaho ruled against our request for a Preliminary Injunction to stop the construction, we have not given up the fight! We just filed an Emergency Appeal with the 9th circuit Court of Appeals — but we need your help to raise $30,000 to pay for the legal costs.
Sage grouse facing extinction
There were 16 million Greater Sage Grouse before Europeans arrived and began the destruction of the “sagebrush sea” in the Great Plains. The iconic birds were down to 400,000 in 2015 when Obama’s Secretary of Interior, Sally Jewell, rejected listing them for protection under the Endangered Species Act. Today there are only 200,000 left, an astounding loss of half the remaining birds in a decade.
Sage-grouse need good-quality sagebrush habitat for nesting, rearing their young, and to provide food and cover throughout the year. In winter, their diet is 100% sagebrush leaves and buds.
The primary cause of sage grouse population collapse is the loss of sagebrush habitat and associated breeding grounds — and this pipeline will permanently destroy even more dwindling sagebrush habitat.
In this case, the Forest Service failed to demonstrate that the new pipeline corridor is in the public interest; is compatible and consistent with other Forest resources; that there is no reasonable alternative or accommodation on National Forest lands; that it’s impractical to use existing rights-of-way; and importantly, that the rationale for approving the new pipeline corridor is not solely to lower costs for the private energy company.
How You Can Help
National Forests were designated for the benefit of all Americans, not to maximize the profits of the oil and gas or any other extractive industry.
Thanks to the Alliance for the Wild Rockies fearlessly challenging the federal government in court, we have protected more habitat than all of the regional environmental groups combined. That includes our recent win against a plan to log, masticate (grinding trees down to stumps), and burn across a stunning 1,487 square miles, more than two-thirds of the entire Manti-LaSal National Forest. We filed suit in federal court early this year and the Forest Service withdrew the project.
Given that the Alliance wins about 80% of our cases, there’s a very good chance we can stop this pipeline and protect some of the last remaining intact sage grouse habitat.
But we can’t do it without your help. Please help us by making a tax-deductible donation here. We thank you — with your help we can carry on the fight to prevent the extinction of the greater sage grouse.
A petition calling on Forestry England to fulfil its commitment to bring back the nation’s “ghost woods” – ancient woodland sites felled and replaced by timber plantations in the 20th century – has been signed by 100,000 members of the public. The milestone has been reached less than three weeks after the launch of the petition, which is backed by Oscar-winning actress and nature-lover Dame Judi Dench.
The swell of support follows an investigation by grassroots campaign group Wild Card, that found that Forestry England (the body responsible for managing and promoting publicly owned forests in England) is so far behind on government woodland restoration targets that it is set to meet them more than 80 years later than promised.
Though committed to restoring the 100,000 acres of land under their management, Forestry England’s slow progress means that the remaining fragments of ancient woodlands, smothered under their fast-growing timber plantations, will disappear if urgent action isn’t taken.
Judi Dench: backing Wild Card – and our ghost woods
Poppy Silk, Campaigner at Wild Card, said:
The public have spoken, they are sending a clear message that England’s Ghost Woods must be brought back to life before it’s too late. Along with more than 100,000 people that have signed the petition so far, we have seen the public turn out across the country to call on their local Forestry England officers to fulfil their promise.
We know that Forestry England needs greater support from DEFRA to turn their sterile plantations into woodlands teeming with life. DEFRA now needs to heed the wishes of people across the country and provide the financial backing that is needed.
Last week Wild Card joined forces with environmentalists including Youngwilders and author James Canton, to host a series of “ghost hunt” events in forests and plantations from Cornwall to Yorkshire. Driven by the passion of local groups for their ancient woodlands, the gatherings sought to raise awareness of the suppression of our ancient forests and call on local Forestry England officers to accelerate their restoration.
Wild Card teamed up with Judi Dench and people-powered campaign group 38 Degrees to launch the petition less than three weeks ago.
Matthew McGregor, CEO at 38 Degrees, said:
This 38 Degrees petition has galvanised over a hundred thousand members of the public so quickly because it is an issue which so many of us can relate to: they care deeply about their local green spaces and woodlands. 38 Degrees is proud to help people demand a safer, greener, clean environment for communities all across the UK.
Alarming figures
The call follows an alarming new report from the Woodland Trust, which found that woodland biodiversity is continuing to decline and that only 9% of England’s forests are in a favourable condition. As one of the most nature-depleted countries in the world, restoring ancient woodland, which supports morebiodiversity than any other land-based habitat in the UK, has never been so critical.
In 2022, DEFRA set a new national target to restore or start the restoration of the majority of ancient woodlands covered with plantations by 2030, following a missed initial target of 2020. However, according to detailed analysis published by Wild Card, at the current rate of progress Forestry England won’t be able to deliver on this target until 2111, over 80 years late.
The campaigners acknowledge that whilst restoration is best done sensitively over many years, native species are running out of time. Historic delays and failures mean that there is now an urgent need to start restoring all of their plantations before it is too late.
Wild Card argues that the agency needs to publish clear data on what is already being done, and a fully funded detailed plan on how this will be achieved, which allows their progress to be held publicly accountable. If reached, an area of native forest the size of the Isle of Wight could be created.
The Miccosukee Tribe in Florida joined environmental groups on Tuesday to sue the federal and state agencies that constructed an immigrant detention center known as the “Alligator Alcatraz” and located in the Everglades National Park. In a motion to join a lawsuit, as one of the first tribes to potentially sue against the detention center, the case argues that the Department of Homeland…
Greenpeace pioneer and activist Susi Newborn is among the “nuclear free heroes” featured in a video tribute premiered this week in an exhibition dedicated to a nuclear-free Pacific.
A segment dedicated to the Nuclear-Free and Independent Pacific (NFIP) movement features Newborn making a passionate speech about the legend of the “Warriors of the Rainbow” on the steps of the Auckland Museum in July 2023 just weeks before she died.
Newborn was an Aotearoa New Zealand author, documentary film-maker, environmental activist and a founding director of Greenpeace UK and co-founder of Greenpeace International.
She was an executive director of the New Zealand non-for-profit group Women in Film and Television.
Newborn was also one of the original crew members on the first Rainbow Warrior which was bombed in Auckland Harbour on 10 July 2025.
The ship’s successor, Rainbow Warrior III, a state-of-the-art environmental campaign ship, has been docked at Halsey Wharf this month for a memorial ceremony to honour the 40th anniversary of the loss of photographer Fernando Pereira and the ship, sabotaged by French secret agents.
Effective activists
In a tribute after her death, Greenpeace stalwart Rex Weyler wrote: “Susi Newborn [was] one of the most skilled and effective activists in Greenpeace’s 52-year history.”
“In 1977, when Susi arrived in Canada for her first Greenpeace action to protect infant harp seal pups in Newfoundland, she was already something of a legend,” Weyler wrote.
“Journalistic tradition would have me refer to her as ‘Newborn’, a name that rang with significance, but I can only think of her as Susi, the tough, smart activist from London.”
Legends of a Nuclear-Free and Independent Pacific. Video: Talanoa TV
Among other activists featured in the video are NFIP academic Dr Marco de Jong; Presbyterian minister Reverend Mua Strickson-Pua; Professor Vijay Naidu, founding president of the Fiji Anti-Nuclear Group (FANG); Polynesian Panthers founder Will ‘Ilolahia; NFIP advocate Hilda Halkyard-Harawira (Ngāti Hauā, Te Rarawe); community educator and activist Del Abcede; retired media professor, journalist and advocate Dr David Robie; Anglican priest who founded the Peace Squadron, Reverend George Armstrong; and United Liberation Movement for West Papua vice-president Octo Mote, interviewed at the home of peace author and advocate Maire Leadbeater.
The video sound track is from Herbs’ famous French Letter about nuclear testing in the Pacific.
“It is so important to record our stories and history — especially for our children and future generations,” said video creator Nik Naidu.
Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific . . . an early poster.
“They need to hear the truth from our “legends” and “leaders”. Those who stood for justice and peace.
“The freedoms and benefits we all enjoy today are a direct result of the sacrifice and activism of these legends.”
The video has been one of the highlights of the “Legends” exhibition, created by Heather Devere, Del Abcede and David Robie of the Asia Pacific Media Network; Nik Naidu of the APMN as well as co-founder of the Whānau Community Hub; Antony Phillips and Tharron Bloomfield of the Heritage New Zealand Pouhere Taonga; and Rachel Mario of the Auckland Rotuman Fellowship Group and Whānau Hub.
Support has also come from the Ellen Melville Centre (venue and promotion), Padet (for the video series), Pax Christi, Women’s International League for Peace Freedom (WILPF) Aotearoa, and the Quaker Peace Fund.
Professor Vijay Naidu of the University of the South Pacific . . . founding president of the Fiji Anti-Nuclear Group (FANG), one of the core groups in the Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific (NFIP) movement. Image: APR