Category: environment

  • Savanagh River Site. Photo: DOE.

    Last week U.S. District Judge Mary Lewis Geiger, South Carolina, faulted the Department of Energy and the National Nuclear Security Agency for ignoring the National Environmental Protection Act and rushing plans to fabricate plutonium pit bombs at Savannah River Site, near Aiken, South Carolina.

    Newly designed plutonium pits will serve as “triggers” for the next generation of nuclear warheads mounted atop Sentinel, the next generation of intercontinental ballistic missile, and for new submarine-launched nuclear weapons. Combined, these projects comprise major components in the trillion-dollar “modernization” of the U.S.  strategic deterrence force.

    Plaintiffs including Savannah River Site Watch, South Carolina Environmental Law Project Gullah/Geechee Sea Island Coalition, Nuclear Watch New Mexico and Tri-Valley CAREs forced NNSA to halt construction on many phases of its plutonium pit facility near Aiken, SC, to hold public scoping meetings, solicit public comments, and produce a Programmatic Environmental Impact Statement within thirty months.

    Plaintiffs successfully argued that the plutonium pit modernization project was complex, involving diverse entities, was spread over wide geographical regions and therefore, by definition, required a “programmatic environmental impact statement, PEIS.

    The proposed plutonium pit facility at Savannah River Site will reconstruct a massive 500-room partially completely abandoned building designed for the Mixed Oxide Plant. The spectacularly failed MOX plant would have processed old plutonium pits from de-commissioned US nuclear weapons per a nuclear weapons agreement with the Russians in 2000. Poor management and engineering revisions multiplied costs exceeding $7 billion when DOE finally terminated the MOX project in 2019. DOE recently paid the State of South Carolina an extra $600 million fine for failure to remove 10 tons of plutonium delivered to the MOX plant and stored at SRS. Ironically SRS is importing a different 10 tons of plutonium pits from the PANTEX pit storage site in Texas to manufacture new pits.

    NNSA’s plan for plutonium pit production at Savannah River Site involves complex coordination between Los Alamos, the Waste Isolation Pilot Plant in Carlsbad NM, the Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory in CA and the Kansas City National Security Campus, and therefor requires a NEPA “programmatic environmental impact statement”. NNSA refused repeated calls to perform the PEIS, which resulted in the successful lawsuit agreed last week.

    NNSA has yet to satisfy Government Accounting Office best practice guidelines for the SRS pit project. GAO’s repeated calls for NNSA to create quality Integrated Master Schedules and Life Cycle Cost Estimates for its plutonium pit modernization program remain unfulfilled. These plans and guidelines establish best practices for building an efficient cost-effective project, something MOX consistently ignored, leading to its disastrous failure. Congress subsequently ordered NNSA meet these GAO parameters by July 2025.

    Congress had mandated in 2019 that Los Alamos National Laboratory in New Mexico manufacture 80 plutonium pits per year by 2030.  Because LANL is a research facility, it has not produced any plutonium pits since 2011, and never at scale. It was unprepared to fulfill this Congressional mandate, authored by Senator John McCain. In response, NNSA then divided the plutonium pit project in two: Savannah River Site would produce 50 pits per year by 2030, and LANL 30 pits. SRS has never manufactured plutonium pits, though it did produce 10 tons of plutonium for pit fabrication at Rocky Flats, CO beginning in 1957. Thirty million gallons of highly radioactive wastes from that project, more than 200 million curies* of radiation, remain stored on- site at SRS, making it one of the most radioactive Superfund sites in the U.S.

    Rocky Flats had produced one to two thousand plutonium pits per year for decades until it was closed in 1989. After whistleblower leaks, (see Jon Lipsky, James Stone) the FBI and EPA raided Rocky Flats discovering gross fraud and egregious violations of environmental regulations by contractor, Rockwell International. Rocky Flats was closed and will remain a superfund site into the far distant future.

    Parts of Los Alamos National Lab, wedged on a tabletop mesa, comprises a superfund site with residual plutonium still found around the site and in surrounding canyons from operations and waste dumping begun in the 1940’s “Oppenheimer years”.

    DOE recently signed a consent decree with the State of New Mexico to assume greater responsibility for the clean-up of waste deposit wells and trenches that threaten nearby towns like White Rock, the San Ildefonso Pueblo and the Rio Grande River with radiological contamination. DOE paid New Mexico a $420,000 fine for mishandling hazardous wastes is 2024.

    LANL itself has experienced numerous and serious safety accidents, including a plutonium fire, flooding, glove box contamination and a plutonium “criticality” accident, in recent years. The most recent 2023 safety report for LANL, operated by Triad LLC, showed improvement in its safety operations, though in that same year LANL was fined $420,000 by New Mexico for improper handling of hazardous materials.

    Plutonium, Pu, is a man-made metallic element. It is highly toxic, highly radioactive, pyrophoric, (spontaneously ignites on contact with air) and fissionable. It is extremely challenging to produce, purify, mill, melt, mold, weld, control and store. All these processes have taken place at sites across the U.S. since the 1940’s and are now catalogued by DOE as “legacy hazardous waste sites”.

    Because plutonium ignites on contact with air, it must be handled in “glove boxes”, self-contained hermetically sealed boxed filled with inert gases. Impervious rubber sleeves extend into the box, and workers slip their arms into these sleeves, then manipulate the plutonium through different phases of pit production. Any nicks or cracks in the rubber gloves can and have resulted in plutonium leaks, and serious illnesses.

    Glove boxes and gloves for the plutonium pit project, in example, are already is short supply, demonstrating how integral and integrated every aspect of the plutonium pits program is, and how poor planning could disrupt the program; the basic tenant of the lawsuit against NNSA.

    Training a skilled glove box worker at LANL can take four years. A shortage of skilled workers at LANL poses a regular challenge, one that will intensify as LANL workers will also train unskilled SRS workers. A shortage of workers at WIPP in Carlsbad NM has been a chronic problem despite significant wage increases from DOE.

    Historically, sites involved with the production, refining, milling or fabrication of plutonium or plutonium pits for nuclear weapons have left a voluminous legacy of radionuclide pollution. Radioactive wastes generated in weapons production beginning with the 1940’s Manhattan Project, by statute, are destined for the Waste Isolation Pilot Plant, WIPP, in Carlsbad, New Mexico. Because plutonium has a half life of 24,000 years and remains lethal for much longer, plutonium waste products trucked over millions of highway miles to WIPP are stored in vaults excavated into salt domes 2000 feet underground. While WIPP is the sole repository for defense department transuranic wastes, the Government Accounting Office cautioned that WIPP may not have the capacity to accept all the plutonium pit wastes generated at LALN and SRS. Timely removal of plutonium waste from SRS and LANL is crucial for uninterrupted pit production.

    A fire in WIPP’s salt dome closed the facility for 3 years in 2014.  A fire at LANL closed its operation for 3 years in 2013.

    Both SRS and LANL will recycle surplus plutonium pits from the strategic reserve at PANTEX near Amarillo, TX. Currently 4000 reserve pits and 10,000 surplus pits waiting disposal are stored at PANTEX. Re-engineered pits from SRS and LANL will be returned to PANTEX for final assembly into W87-1 and W 88 nuclear warheads.

    The rate of deterioration of plutonium pits, 30 or more years old, has concerned and motivated lawmakers to legislate a complete replacement of all 3,600 deployed and reserve nuclear warheads. Independent scientific groups like JASON and the Livermore National Lab have estimated that plutonium pits maintain their viability for 100 or even 150 years. Hardware within the nuclear warhead corrodes much more quickly than the pits themselves, focusing doubt on the race to replace the pits themselves.

    The programmatic environmental statement ordered by federal Judge Geiger may resolve many questions posed by the rush to produce new plutonium pits. The pits produced at SRS and LANL will trigger new W87-1 nuclear warheads. What need is there for a new warhead when the old W87-0 has the same safety features? Why are SRS and LANL adopting an aggressive production schedule when the new Sentinel ICBM deliver systems is way over budget and at least a decade away from deployment?  Why does the production of new plutonium pits take priority over cleaning up the hazardous legacy of previous pit production? Has any plutonium production site ever not become a hazardous waste site?    Will NNSA slow pit production to engineer safety improvements instead of placing workers in risky dangerous situations? Do we really want to spend a trillion dollars and start a new nuclear arms race?

    Note.

    * A curie, Ci, is a measure of radiation per second, named after Marie and Pierre Curie. Exposure to even a few curies can be fatal.

    The post Hot Plutonium Pit Bomb Redux appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • Savanagh River Site. Photo: DOE.

    Last week U.S. District Judge Mary Lewis Geiger, South Carolina, faulted the Department of Energy and the National Nuclear Security Agency for ignoring the National Environmental Protection Act and rushing plans to fabricate plutonium pit bombs at Savannah River Site, near Aiken, South Carolina.

    Newly designed plutonium pits will serve as “triggers” for the next generation of nuclear warheads mounted atop Sentinel, the next generation of intercontinental ballistic missile, and for new submarine-launched nuclear weapons. Combined, these projects comprise major components in the trillion-dollar “modernization” of the U.S.  strategic deterrence force.

    Plaintiffs including Savannah River Site Watch, South Carolina Environmental Law Project Gullah/Geechee Sea Island Coalition, Nuclear Watch New Mexico and Tri-Valley CAREs forced NNSA to halt construction on many phases of its plutonium pit facility near Aiken, SC, to hold public scoping meetings, solicit public comments, and produce a Programmatic Environmental Impact Statement within thirty months.

    Plaintiffs successfully argued that the plutonium pit modernization project was complex, involving diverse entities, was spread over wide geographical regions and therefore, by definition, required a “programmatic environmental impact statement, PEIS.

    The proposed plutonium pit facility at Savannah River Site will reconstruct a massive 500-room partially completely abandoned building designed for the Mixed Oxide Plant. The spectacularly failed MOX plant would have processed old plutonium pits from de-commissioned US nuclear weapons per a nuclear weapons agreement with the Russians in 2000. Poor management and engineering revisions multiplied costs exceeding $7 billion when DOE finally terminated the MOX project in 2019. DOE recently paid the State of South Carolina an extra $600 million fine for failure to remove 10 tons of plutonium delivered to the MOX plant and stored at SRS. Ironically SRS is importing a different 10 tons of plutonium pits from the PANTEX pit storage site in Texas to manufacture new pits.

    NNSA’s plan for plutonium pit production at Savannah River Site involves complex coordination between Los Alamos, the Waste Isolation Pilot Plant in Carlsbad NM, the Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory in CA and the Kansas City National Security Campus, and therefor requires a NEPA “programmatic environmental impact statement”. NNSA refused repeated calls to perform the PEIS, which resulted in the successful lawsuit agreed last week.

    NNSA has yet to satisfy Government Accounting Office best practice guidelines for the SRS pit project. GAO’s repeated calls for NNSA to create quality Integrated Master Schedules and Life Cycle Cost Estimates for its plutonium pit modernization program remain unfulfilled. These plans and guidelines establish best practices for building an efficient cost-effective project, something MOX consistently ignored, leading to its disastrous failure. Congress subsequently ordered NNSA meet these GAO parameters by July 2025.

    Congress had mandated in 2019 that Los Alamos National Laboratory in New Mexico manufacture 80 plutonium pits per year by 2030.  Because LANL is a research facility, it has not produced any plutonium pits since 2011, and never at scale. It was unprepared to fulfill this Congressional mandate, authored by Senator John McCain. In response, NNSA then divided the plutonium pit project in two: Savannah River Site would produce 50 pits per year by 2030, and LANL 30 pits. SRS has never manufactured plutonium pits, though it did produce 10 tons of plutonium for pit fabrication at Rocky Flats, CO beginning in 1957. Thirty million gallons of highly radioactive wastes from that project, more than 200 million curies* of radiation, remain stored on- site at SRS, making it one of the most radioactive Superfund sites in the U.S.

    Rocky Flats had produced one to two thousand plutonium pits per year for decades until it was closed in 1989. After whistleblower leaks, (see Jon Lipsky, James Stone) the FBI and EPA raided Rocky Flats discovering gross fraud and egregious violations of environmental regulations by contractor, Rockwell International. Rocky Flats was closed and will remain a superfund site into the far distant future.

    Parts of Los Alamos National Lab, wedged on a tabletop mesa, comprises a superfund site with residual plutonium still found around the site and in surrounding canyons from operations and waste dumping begun in the 1940’s “Oppenheimer years”.

    DOE recently signed a consent decree with the State of New Mexico to assume greater responsibility for the clean-up of waste deposit wells and trenches that threaten nearby towns like White Rock, the San Ildefonso Pueblo and the Rio Grande River with radiological contamination. DOE paid New Mexico a $420,000 fine for mishandling hazardous wastes is 2024.

    LANL itself has experienced numerous and serious safety accidents, including a plutonium fire, flooding, glove box contamination and a plutonium “criticality” accident, in recent years. The most recent 2023 safety report for LANL, operated by Triad LLC, showed improvement in its safety operations, though in that same year LANL was fined $420,000 by New Mexico for improper handling of hazardous materials.

    Plutonium, Pu, is a man-made metallic element. It is highly toxic, highly radioactive, pyrophoric, (spontaneously ignites on contact with air) and fissionable. It is extremely challenging to produce, purify, mill, melt, mold, weld, control and store. All these processes have taken place at sites across the U.S. since the 1940’s and are now catalogued by DOE as “legacy hazardous waste sites”.

    Because plutonium ignites on contact with air, it must be handled in “glove boxes”, self-contained hermetically sealed boxed filled with inert gases. Impervious rubber sleeves extend into the box, and workers slip their arms into these sleeves, then manipulate the plutonium through different phases of pit production. Any nicks or cracks in the rubber gloves can and have resulted in plutonium leaks, and serious illnesses.

    Glove boxes and gloves for the plutonium pit project, in example, are already is short supply, demonstrating how integral and integrated every aspect of the plutonium pits program is, and how poor planning could disrupt the program; the basic tenant of the lawsuit against NNSA.

    Training a skilled glove box worker at LANL can take four years. A shortage of skilled workers at LANL poses a regular challenge, one that will intensify as LANL workers will also train unskilled SRS workers. A shortage of workers at WIPP in Carlsbad NM has been a chronic problem despite significant wage increases from DOE.

    Historically, sites involved with the production, refining, milling or fabrication of plutonium or plutonium pits for nuclear weapons have left a voluminous legacy of radionuclide pollution. Radioactive wastes generated in weapons production beginning with the 1940’s Manhattan Project, by statute, are destined for the Waste Isolation Pilot Plant, WIPP, in Carlsbad, New Mexico. Because plutonium has a half life of 24,000 years and remains lethal for much longer, plutonium waste products trucked over millions of highway miles to WIPP are stored in vaults excavated into salt domes 2000 feet underground. While WIPP is the sole repository for defense department transuranic wastes, the Government Accounting Office cautioned that WIPP may not have the capacity to accept all the plutonium pit wastes generated at LALN and SRS. Timely removal of plutonium waste from SRS and LANL is crucial for uninterrupted pit production.

    A fire in WIPP’s salt dome closed the facility for 3 years in 2014.  A fire at LANL closed its operation for 3 years in 2013.

    Both SRS and LANL will recycle surplus plutonium pits from the strategic reserve at PANTEX near Amarillo, TX. Currently 4000 reserve pits and 10,000 surplus pits waiting disposal are stored at PANTEX. Re-engineered pits from SRS and LANL will be returned to PANTEX for final assembly into W87-1 and W 88 nuclear warheads.

    The rate of deterioration of plutonium pits, 30 or more years old, has concerned and motivated lawmakers to legislate a complete replacement of all 3,600 deployed and reserve nuclear warheads. Independent scientific groups like JASON and the Livermore National Lab have estimated that plutonium pits maintain their viability for 100 or even 150 years. Hardware within the nuclear warhead corrodes much more quickly than the pits themselves, focusing doubt on the race to replace the pits themselves.

    The programmatic environmental statement ordered by federal Judge Geiger may resolve many questions posed by the rush to produce new plutonium pits. The pits produced at SRS and LANL will trigger new W87-1 nuclear warheads. What need is there for a new warhead when the old W87-0 has the same safety features? Why are SRS and LANL adopting an aggressive production schedule when the new Sentinel ICBM deliver systems is way over budget and at least a decade away from deployment?  Why does the production of new plutonium pits take priority over cleaning up the hazardous legacy of previous pit production? Has any plutonium production site ever not become a hazardous waste site?    Will NNSA slow pit production to engineer safety improvements instead of placing workers in risky dangerous situations? Do we really want to spend a trillion dollars and start a new nuclear arms race?

    Note.

    * A curie, Ci, is a measure of radiation per second, named after Marie and Pierre Curie. Exposure to even a few curies can be fatal.

    The post Hot Plutonium Pit Bomb Redux appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • COMMENTARY: By Tess Newton Cain

    It didn’t come as a surprise to see President Donald Trump sign executive orders to again pull out of the Paris Agreement, or from the World Health Organisation, but the immediate suspension of US international aid has compounded the impact beyond what was imagined possible.

    The slew of executive orders signed within hours of Trump re-entering the White House and others since have caused consternation for Pacific leaders and communities and alarm for those operating in the region.

    Since Trump was last in power, US engagement in the Pacific has increased dramatically. We have seen new embassies opened, the return of Peace Corps volunteers, high-level summits in Washington and more.

    All the officials who have been in the region and met with Pacific leaders and thinkers will know that climate change impacts are the name of the game when it comes to security.

    It is encapsulated in the Boe Declaration signed by leaders of the Pacific Islands Forum in 2018 as their number one existential threat and has been restated many times since.

    Now it is hard to see how US diplomats and administration representatives can expect to have meaningful conversations with their Pacific counterparts, if they have nothing to offer when it comes to the region’s primary security threat.

    The “on again, off again” approach to cutting carbon emissions and providing climate finance does not lend itself to convincing sceptical Pacific leaders that the US is a trusted friend here for the long haul.

    Pacific response muted
    Trump’s climate scepticism is well-known and the withdrawal from Paris had been flagged during the campaign. The response from leaders within the Pacific islands region has been somewhat muted, with a couple of exceptions.

    Vanuatu Attorney-General Kiel Loughman called it out as “bad behaviour”. Meanwhile, Papua New Guinea’s Prime Minister James Marape has sharply criticised Trump, “urging” him to reconsider his decision to withdraw from the Paris agreement, and plans to rally Pacific Islands Forum (PIF) leaders to stand with him.

    It is hard to see how this will have much effect.

    The withdrawal from the World Health Organisation – to which the US provides US$500 million or about 15 percent of its annual budget – creates a deep funding gap.

    In 2022, the Lowy Pacific aid map recorded that the WHO disbursed US$9.1 million in the Pacific islands across 320 projects. It contributes to important programmes that support health systems in the region.

    In addition, the 90-day pause on disbursement of aid funding while investments are reviewed to ensure that they align with the president’s foreign policy is causing confusion and distress in the region.

    Perhaps now the time has come to adopt a more transactional approach. While this may not come easily to Pacific diplomats, the reality is that this is how everyone else is acting and it appears to be the geopolitical language of the moment.

    Meaningful commitment opportunities
    So where the US seeks a security agreement or guarantee, there may be an opportunity to tie it to climate change or other meaningful commitments.

    When it comes to the PIF, the intergovernmental body representing 18 states and territories, Trump’s stance may pose a particular problem.

    The PIF secretariat is currently undertaking a Review of Regional Architecture. As part of that, dialogue partners including the US are making cases for whether they should be ranked as “Strategic Partners” [Tier 1] or “Sector Development Partners [Tier 2].

    It is hard to see how the US can qualify for “strategic partner” status given Trump’s rhetoric and actions in the last week. But if the US does not join that club, it is likely to cede space to China which is also no doubt lobbying to be at the “best friends” table.

    With the change in president comes the new Secretary of State Marco Rubio. He was previously known for having called for the US to cut all its aid to Solomon Islands when then Prime Minister Manasseh Sogavare announced this country’s switch in diplomatic ties from Taiwan to the People’s Republic of China.

    It is to be hoped that since then Rubio has learned that this type of megaphone diplomacy is not welcome in this part of the world.

    Since taking office, he has made little mention of the Pacific islands region. In a call with New Zealand Foreign Minister Winston Peters they “discussed efforts to enhance security cooperation, address regional challenges, and support for the Pacific Islands.”

    It is still early days, a week is a long time in politics and there remain many “unknown unknowns”. What we do know is that what happens in Washington during the next four years will have global impacts, including in the Pacific. The need now for strong Pacific leadership and assertive diplomacy has never been greater.

    Dr Tess Newton Cain is a principal consultant at Sustineo P/L and adjunct associate professor at the Griffith Asia Institute. She is a former lecturer at the University of the South Pacific and has more than 25 years of experience working in the Pacific islands region. This article was first published by BenarNews and is republished by Asia Pacific Report with permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • What will happen to Australia — and New Zealand — once the superpower that has been followed into endless battles, the United States, finally unravels?

    COMMENTARY: By Michelle Pini, managing editor of Independent Australia

    With President Donald Trump now into his second week in the White House, horrific fires have continued to rage across Los Angeles and the details of Elon Musk’s allegedly dodgy Twitter takeover began to emerge, the world sits anxiously by.

    The consequences of a second Trump term will reverberate globally, not only among Western nations. But given the deeply entrenched Americanisation of much of the Western world, this is about how it will navigate the after-shocks once the United States finally unravels — for unravel it surely will.

    Leading with chaos
    Now that the world’s biggest superpower and war machine has a deranged criminal at the helm — for a second time — none of us know the lengths to which Trump (and his puppet masters) will go as his fingers brush dangerously close to the nuclear codes. Will he be more emboldened?

    The signs are certainly there.

    Trump Mark II: Chaos personified
    President Donald Trump 2.0 . . . will his cruelty towards migrants and refugees escalate, matched only by his fuelling of racial division? Image: ABC News screenshot IA

    So far, Trump — who had already led the insurrection of a democratically elected government — has threatened to exit the nuclear arms pact with Russia, talked up a trade war with China and declared “all hell will break out” in the Middle East if Hamas hadn’t returned the Israeli hostages.

    Will his cruelty towards migrants and refugees escalate, matched only by his fuelling of racial division?

    This, too, appears to be already happening.

    Trump’s rants leading up to his inauguration last week had been a steady stream of crazed declarations, each one more unhinged than the last.

    He wants to buy Greenland. He wishes to overturn birthright citizenship in order to deport even more migrant children, such as  “pet-eating Haitians and “insane Hannibal Lecters” because America has been “invaded”.

    It will be interesting to see whether his planned evictions of Mexicans will include the firefighters Mexico sent to Los Angeles’ aid.

    At the same time, Trump wants to turn Canada into the 51st state, because, he said,

    “It would make a great state. And the people of Canada like it.”

    Will sexual predator Trump’s level of misogyny sink to even lower depths post Roe v Wade?

    Probably.

    Denial of catastrophic climate consequences
    And will Trump be in even further denial over the catastrophic consequences of climate change than during his last term? Even as Los Angeles grapples with a still climbing death toll of 25 lives lost, 12,000 homes, businesses and other structures destroyed and 16,425 hectares (about the size of Washington DC) wiped out so far in the latest climactic disaster?

    The fires are, of course, symptomatic of the many years of criminal negligence on global warming. But since Trump instead accused California officials of “prioritising environmental policies over public safety” while his buddy and head of government “efficiency”, Musk blamed black firefighters for the fires, it would appear so.

    Will the madman, for surely he is one, also gift even greater protections to oligarchs like Musk?

    Trump has already appointed billionaire buddies Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy to:

     “…pave the way for my Administration to dismantle government bureaucracy, slash excess regulations, cut wasteful expenditures and restructure Federal agencies”.

    So, this too is already happening.

    All of these actions will combine to create a scenario of destruction that will see the implosion of the US as we know it, though the details are yet to emerge.

    Flawed AUKUS pact sinking quickly
    The flawed AUKUS pact sinking quickly . . . Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese with outgoing President Joe Biden, will Australia have the mettle to be bigger than Trump. Image: Independent Australia

    What happens Down Under?
    US allies — like Australia — have already been thoroughly indoctrinated by American pop culture in order to complement the many army bases they house and the defence agreements they have signed.

    Though Trump hasn’t shown any interest in making it a 52nd state, Australia has been tucked up in bed with the United States since the Cold War. Our foreign policy has hinged on this alliance, which also significantly affects Australia’s trade and economy, not to mention our entire cultural identity, mired as it is in US-style fast food dependence and reality TV. Would you like Vegemite McShaker Fries with that?

    So what will happen to Australia once the superpower we have followed into endless battles finally breaks down?

    As Dr Martin Hirst wrote in November:

    ‘Trump has promised chaos and chaos is what he’ll deliver.’

    His rise to power will embolden the rabid Far-Right in the US but will this be mirrored here? And will Australia follow the US example and this year elect our very own (admittedly scaled down) version of Trump, personified by none other than the Trump-loving Peter Dutton?

    If any of his wild announcements are to be believed, between building walls and evicting even US nationals he doesn’t like, while simultaneously making Canadians US citizens, Trump will be extremely busy.

    There will be little time even to consider Australia, let alone come to our rescue should we ever need the might of the US war machine — no matter whether it is an Albanese or sycophantic Dutton leadership.

    It is a given, however, that we would be required to honour all defence agreements should our ally demand it.

    It would be great if, as psychologists urge us to do when children act up, our leaders could simply ignore and refuse to engage with him, but it remains to be seen whether Australia will have the mettle to be bigger than Trump.

    Republished from the Independent Australia with permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • BANGKOK – Southeast Asia’s elusive large-antlered muntjac deer likely has a foothold in a national park in northeastern Cambodia, researchers said, after a trail camera snapped a muntjac fawn in the conservation redoubt for the first time.

    Virachey National Park, part of the majestic Annamite mountains, also appears to be the most important stronghold of the northern yellow-cheeked gibbon – a species identified only in 2010 that is occasionally hunted for its meat.

    The findings are the result of detailed studies in Virachey since 2018 including environmental DNA sampling, camera trap surveys and other research that highlight the park remains a biodiversity refuge despite a legacy of destructive logging.

    The work, published this month by conservation group Fauna & Flora, involved the cooperation of Cambodian environment and forestry officials. It received funding from several sources including the U.K. and U.S. governments.

    Camera trap surveys alone, in 2021 and 2023, allowed identification of 89 animal species including three that are recognized as critically endangered by the International Union for Conservation of Nature, or IUCN.

    An image of a large-antlered muntjac fawn was among the more than 30,000 camera trap stills, “indicating that eastern Virachey hosts a breeding population of this highly-threatened ungulate,” Fauna & Flora said.

    Large-antlered muntjacs are found only in the Annamite region that spans Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia. The IUCN classifies the species as critically endangered.

    Evidence of the animal’s existence mostly comes from trophy antlers in villages near or within forests and all signs point to a severely depleted population, according to the IUCN.

    This undated photo shows grasslands and forest in Cambodia’s Virachey National Park.
    This undated photo shows grasslands and forest in Cambodia’s Virachey National Park.
    (Fauna & Flora)

    Fauna & Flora said hills in the east of Virachey, near the borders of Laos and Vietnam, should be a priority for further studies and protection due to the recorded occurrence of large-antlered muntjac in those areas.

    Other significant threatened species recorded included the clouded leopard, Asiatic black bear, Malayan sun bear and the red-shanked douc langur – a vibrantly colored monkey endemic to Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam.

    ‘Most significant stronghold’

    Yellow-cheeked gibbons, which live in small family groups, were studied in four different locations in Virachey.

    Using analysis of vocalizations, researchers identified 332 groups of the primates known for their ability to swing from branch to branch with great speed and agility.

    They estimated the entire national park has nearly 2,300 yellow-cheeked gibbon groups, based on the densities at the studied locations.

    Previous research has estimated the northern yellow-cheeked gibbon populations in their only other known habitats – in Vietnam and Laos – at 260 and 50 groups respectively

    “The species’ range across Indochina does span multiple protected areas, but these populations are often fragmented and likely to become increasingly more so in the future,” Fauna & Flora said.

    “This study confirms that Virachey National Park is currently the most significant stronghold for this species.”

    RELATED STORIES

    Mekong treasures: Tiny shrew mole, fanged furry hedgehog among new discoveries

    Xayaburi dam fish study raises conflict of interest questions

    A conservation treasure is threatened by Indonesian plans for food security

    In their search for reptiles and amphibians, researchers penetrated particularly remote areas of the Virachey wilderness.

    This undated photo shows a Chinese water dragon in Cambodia’s Virachey National Park.
    This undated photo shows a Chinese water dragon in Cambodia’s Virachey National Park.
    (Fauna & Flora)

    Conservation biologist Pablo Sinovas and amphibian expert Jeremy Holden said they tried to reach one location through nearly impenetrable terrain – “a dense thicket of bamboo and bramble with no canopy cover.”

    “Our progress was sometimes limited to 200 metres per hour,” they wrote in their report.

    One route, they said, “involved an eight-hour walk to cover less than two kilometres on the map.”

    Edited by Mike Firn


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Stephen Wright for RFA.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Dead fin whale, which beached on the north Oregon Coast. Photo: Jeffrey St. Clair.

    The ocean absorbs 90 percent of the excess heat generated by burning fossil fuels and deforestation. Climate change caused by greenhouse gas emissions is the primary driver of long-term global warming. Today, humanity is officially in uncharted waters. According to the Copernicus Climate Change Service, in February 2024, the average global sea surface temperature (SST) reached 21.06 degrees Celsius, the highest level ever recorded by the service. The previous record of 20.98 degrees Celsius was set in August 2023.

    Overall, 2023 saw record-breaking marine temperatures, and the likely culprit is human-caused climate change. The extraordinarily high sea surface temperatures recorded in 2023 provide a frightening glimpse into the planet’s future. A study by researchers at the University of Reading and Imperial College London, published in March 2024 in the Bulletin of the American Meteorological Society, found that temperatures in the top 100 meters of ocean basins around the world have steadily increased since 1980. The Atlantic basin, in particular, has experienced substantial heat amplification since 2016.

    They concluded that extreme sea surface temperatures in the North Atlantic during 2023 “lie at the fringe of the expected mean climate change for a global surface-air temperature warming level (GWL)” of 1.5 degrees Celsius and closer to the average of 3.0 degrees Celsius GWL. If this scenario is attained globally, it would have catastrophic consequences, including the eventual collapse of ice caps. This would lead to an uncontrollable rising sea level that would consume low-lying cities and contaminate water sources with seawater worldwide.

    Marine heat waves are also a factor in extreme weather events, as the energy of warm surface water leads to hurricane formation. In August 2023, Hurricane Idalia, sitting over unusually warm surface water in the Gulf of Mexico, intensified quickly. It strengthened from 80 mph winds to a Category 3 storm, gaining 40 mph in less than 24 hours. The warm water was like rocket fuel for the approaching storm.

    The year 2024 did not see much relief from the heat. In August 2024, the Arctic Ocean’s mean sea surface temperatures—a critical measure of the intensity of the ice-albedo feedback cycle during a summer sea-ice melt season—were between 2 and 4 degrees Celsius warmer than mean values in most Arctic Ocean marginal seas in August of any year between 1991 and 2020, according to the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration. We have entered a new era of elevated marine temperatures, which is of great concern.

    According to Mercator Ocean International, a nonprofit scientific research organization based in Toulouse, France, the monthly mean sea surface temperature in the Mediterranean Sea reached 26.42 degrees Celsius in September 2024, a record high that surpassed the previous records set in 2020 and 2022. At a global level, September 2024 was the second-warmest month on record (after August 2023), with a sea surface monthly mean temperature of 20.87 degrees Celsius.

    Impact on Marine Wildlife

    Extreme heat in the oceans devastates coral reefs, which thrive in a narrow range of temperatures. Warm water is best for corals and their symbiotic algae, ideally between 23 and 29 degrees Celsius. If it gets much hotter, the algae that coexist with and provide food for the tiny coral polyps will be expelled, and the corals will bleach. Corals can die if the ocean water doesn’t cool quickly or if bleaching events happen repeatedly. Between 1950 and 2021, the ocean reefs have lost half of their capacity to provide ecosystem services.

    Ocean temperatures of 38 degrees Celsius in the Florida Keys could harm coral and cause problems for all marine life, as evidenced by previous marine heat waves.

    The so-called “Blob,” a persistent marine heat wave in the northeast Pacific Ocean from 2014 to 2016, caused a chain of events that upended entire aquatic ecosystems. It greatly impacted organisms, large and small, throughout the food chain. High surface temperatures caused krill populations to decline, and a harmful algal bloom spread in shellfish from Alaska to Southern California, shutting down the clam industry.

    In February 2024, researchers from the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration completed a mission to assess the impact of the 2023 marine heat wave on corals in the Florida Keys Marine Sanctuary. Their preliminary findings are worrisome. The scientists found extreme heat killed nearly 80 percent of the approximately 1,500 staghorn coral (Acropora cervicornis), which provide critical habitat for a host of other marine life.

    “The findings from this assessment are critical to understanding the impacts to corals throughout the Florida Keys following the unprecedented marine heat wave,” said Sarah Fangman, the Florida Keys National Marine Sanctuary superintendent. “They also offer a glimpse into coral’s future in a warming world. When the ecosystem experiences significant stress in this way, it underscores the urgency for implementing updates to our regulations, like the Restoration Blueprint, which addresses multiple threats that will give nature a chance to hold on.”

    In recent years, extreme heat has forced wildlife to feed closer to shore, entangling whales in fishing gear and stranding thousands of California sea lions. Tens of thousands of seabirds have also died due to extreme temperatures.

    Impact on Fisheries

    Heat waves have also caused fishery disasters, affecting populations of sardines—a key feeder fish for larger marine species—and causing the collapse of select salmon and cod fisheries.

    Between 2014 and 2016, the marine region along the Pacific coastline of the Baja California Peninsula in Mexico experienced an unprecedented period of intense and prolonged marine heatwaves that impacted local marine ecosystems. A team of scientists from Stanford University published a studyin Nature in November 2024 in which they calculated that during this period of elevated sea temperatures, lobster, sea urchin, and sea cucumber fisheries suffered a 15 to 58 percent decrease in aggregate landings, particularly impacting small-scale fisheries.

    “In the face of extreme environmental shocks such as marine heatwaves, small-scale fisheries operating near biogeographic transition zones are among the most vulnerable,” they write.

    The Era of Global Boiling

    Warmer ocean temperatures have long-term impacts on the environment. This includes a reduction in the ability of the ocean to take up carbon dioxide. Warm water holds less gas, including carbon dioxide—the most important greenhouse gas—than cool water. So, as the ocean warms, less heat-trapping gas is removed from the air, and more stays in the atmosphere. It’s a vicious cycle: as the ocean warms, less carbon dioxide is absorbed, and more remains in the air, which causes the planet to heat up even more.

    Marine heat waves are parallel to heat waves on land, as evidenced by 2023’s record-setting terrestrial heat waves in the southeastern United States, Southern Europe, and China. Studies of these heat waves reveal that they would have been “virtually impossible” without human-caused climate change. In July 2023, United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres declared, “The era of global warming has ended; the era of global boiling has arrived.”

    Still, there is some good news. In 2022, the Inflation Reduction Act was passed, which directs $369 billion in investments toward modernizing the U.S. energy system. This includes reducing climate pollution by 40 percent below 2005 levels by 2030. While this is not enough, it’s an essential first step.

    When we first recognized climate change as a serious concern many decades ago, there were no clear solutions or answers to the enormous challenges that climate scientists projected. However, with the falling cost of solar and wind energy, better battery storage, and crucial gains in energy efficiency, viable solutions that are much less expensive than burning fossil fuels are available.

    Exceptionally warm global waters will not disappear. However, we can avoid the worst impacts of climate change and even hotter water temperatures by taking rapid action to strengthen local, state, and national climate policy initiatives.

    This article was produced by Earth | Food | Life, a project of the Independent Media Institute.

    The post We Have Entered the Era of Global Boiling: Marine Wildlife, Ecosystems, and Economies Are Being Devastated appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • Storm ravaged house, Oregon Coast. Photo: Jeffrey St. Clair.

    “Under racial capitalism, land is treated as nothing more than a natural resource to be extracted, and violence is committed against the climate and the waters,” said Leah Penniman, who runs Soul Fire Farm in upstate New York and is the author of the acclaimed book Farming While Black.

    Penniman’s words have been echoing in my mind since January 8, 2025, when I awoke to find myself on the floor of a cramped hotel room in Southern California where I had evacuated, escaping the Eaton Fire. My multigenerational family—parents, kids, and cat—fled our home the night before as ferocious Santa Ana winds whipped around us, threatening power lines and fueling a firestorm that sailed down the San Gabriel Mountains, miles into densely inhabited areas, burning down houses within two blocks of my home.

    In my quarter of a century of living here, the fires never came so close, and they never raged in early January. The Eaton Fire is part of a conglomeration of wildfires across Southern California racking up more than a quarter of a trillion dollars’ worth of damage.

    Three days after the fires started on January 7, I returned to my north Pasadena home, a structure covered by ash and soot on the outside, but well-sealed on the inside; Los Angeles sheriffs had barricaded all streets entering Altadena. Local authorities had requested National Guard forces to join them, ostensibly to deter “looters,” and prevent homeowners from returning to the toxic ashes of their former homes.

    I found myself on the front lines of the world Penniman described in the conversation I had with her a year ago, one of 12 such conversations I had with leaders, thinkers, academics, and activists who describe themselves as “abolitionists.” The conversations are gathered together in my new book, Talking About Abolition: A Police-Free World is Possible (Seven Stories Press) released on January 14, exactly one week after the most catastrophic climate devastation my community has ever experienced.

    The abolitionists interviewed in the book—luminaries such as Ruth Wilson Gilmore, Andrea Ritchie, Cat Brooks, and Penniman—want to see a transformation of our current economic framework, one that enables the destruction of communities and enforces capitalism’s inequities through policing and prisons. They use the same descriptor for themselves—abolitionist—that people working to dismantle slavery used generations ago.

    What does abolishing police and prisons have to do with climate change and the devastating Southern California fires?

    The answer is everything.

    Today’s economic and social status quo accepts ongoing climate change as a necessary price to pay for market capitalism and deregulated industries. This is the same status quo maintaining inequities along lines of race, gender, national origin, and sexual orientation—what Penniman calls “racial capitalism.”

    In such a world, climate disasters like the Los Angeles fires are an inevitable part of our lives. We must suffer, see our homes burn, and our air and water turn toxic, to ensure profits for the oil and gas industry.

    In such a world we must also pay our tax dollars to clean the damage theircarbon emissions have caused and pay to police our own communities against small-time petty criminals while the bigger corporate perpetrators of climate change go free.

    In such a world we must also pay out of our pockets to have private insurers protect our homes and health and then accept their refusal to cover the costs of repairing our homes and health.

    In such a world, everything is upside down. We pay to be damaged, violated, and policed and we pay to repair the damage, and still we remain broken.

    An abolitionist vision for the world turns it right side up. What if we invested in our own safety by paying to prevent harm in the first place?

    In Talking About Abolition, Andrea Ritchie, a nationally recognized expert on policing and prisons, described abolition as “a call to take resources, power, and legitimacy away from institutions rooted in anti-Blackness, in racial capitalism, and death making: policing, punishment, surveillance, and exile. It’s a call to reinvest in the commons, a society built around the notion of the common good, and everyone’s needs being met.”

    This may sound like a pipe dream even to those who agree that our priorities need to be reconfigured. But abolitionists—led primarily by Black women—are not waiting for power brokers to adopt this big idea. After all, progressive change rarely happens from the top-down. Activists such as Cat Brooks in Oakland are already implementing local abolitionist projects. Brooks is the co-founder and executive director of the Anti Police-Terror Project (APTP)where she was instrumental in the formation of MH First Oakland, a nonpolice alternative for people experiencing mental health crises.

    “We are responsible for creating the world that we want,” said Brooks. “Organizing is what gets the goods. We are responsible for creating these replicable models, and we need to stop begging the state for the money, the resources, etc., to create these models.”

    Since the Eaton Fire that destroyed my community, victims, survivors, neighbors, local officials, and leaders have been attempting to identify the culprits, to understand why this horrific, catastrophic disaster happened. Some are fixated on power lines as the source of the fire, whipped up by strong winds. Others are angry about the low water resources available for firefighters to douse fires. Still, others are rightly pointing out our reliance on incarcerated and obscenely underpaid firefighters at the same time as fire departments are severely understaffed.

    All of these are important and critical issues. But they do not address the biggest source of the problem—climate change—and its resultant confluence of “weather whiplash,” unnaturally low humidity, and unusually strong Santa Ana winds.

    We cannot eradicate fire to protect ourselves from climate change–fueled wildfires. Fire is a part of life. Similarly, there is not enough water in any given place to douse thousands of homes exploding in fire all at once. Fire trucks, even ones with full tanks, sped past burning houses in Altadena, rightly prioritizing saving lives over homes.

    What we can do is stop pumping carbon into our atmosphere, right now. We can pour money into the things that keep us safe—renewable energy, energy conservation, public transportation, local economies, and more—and stop investing in things that endanger us, such as oil and gas profits, policing, and prisons.

    We human beings are hardwired, especially in times of disaster, to help one another and to work in collective ways to keep each other safe. Such sentiments are visible on the edges of barricaded and burned Altadena, in my community of north Pasadena. On the border between the two towns, the state’s financial priorities are on full display to the north, with police and National Guard forces standing armed and ready to arrest anyone violating curfew. Meanwhile, to the south, community mutual aid hubs have spontaneously popped up, sharing food, water, clothing, toys, and other necessities with those who have lost everything.

    As Robin D. G. Kelley said in the foreword to Talking About Abolition, “Abolitionists seek to replace death-dealing ugliness with life-sustaining beauty.”

    We have been trained to go against human nature and normalize the funding of our own destruction. We must return to our human instinct to think collectively and embrace an abolitionist approach to ensure our world remains standing for our children. If not, today Altadena is on fire; tomorrow it’s your hometown.

    This article was produced by Economy for All, a project of the Independent Media Institute.

    The post Abolish Climate Disasters appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • Canning River, Arctic National Wildlife Refuge, Brooks Range, Alaska, where the Trump administration proposes oil drilling. Photo George Wuerthner.

    One of the first Executive Orders from the Trump Whitehouse is to reverse environmental protections for federal lands in Alaska and hasten, expand, and encourage resource development.

    Sec. 2.  Policy.  It is the policy of the United States to:

    (a)  fully avail itself of Alaska’s vast lands and resources for the benefit of the Nation and the American citizens who call Alaska home;

    (b)  efficiently and effectively maximize the development and production of the natural resources located on both Federal and State lands within Alaska;

    (c)  expedite the permitting and leasing of energy and natural resource projects in Alaska; and

    (d)  prioritize the development of Alaska’s liquified natural gas (LNG) potential, including the sale and transportation of Alaskan LNG to other regions of the United States and allied nations within the Pacific region.

    Prudhoe Bay oil development Alaska. Photo George Wuerthner

    Trump appears eager to specifically negate all of President Biden’s conservation efforts in the state. It almost seems like a vendetta against Biden, as if he personally wants to wipe out any conservation efforts the former President enacted.

     

    Logging on the Tongass National Forest, Alaska.

    Trump’s order says: rescind, revoke, revise, amend, defer, or grant exemptions from any and all regulations, orders, guidance documents, policies, and any other similar agency actions that are inconsistent with the policy set forth in section 2 of this order, including but not limited to agency actions promulgated, issued, or adopted between January 20, 2021, and January 20, 2025;

     

    Alaska pipeline TAPS near Delta Junction Alaska George Wuerthner

    OIL AND GAS DEVELOPMENT

    Trump’s executive order rescinds any cancellation of oil and gas leases in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge. Trump orders the federal agencies to issue all permits, right-of-way permits, and easements necessary for the exploration, development, and production of oil and gas from leases within the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge;

    Musk ox on the coastal plain of the Arctic Wildlife Refuge in the area proposed for oil development. Photo George Wuerthner

    However, Trump’s order goes well beyond the Arctic Refuge. He also wants to negate any protection for Coastal Plaine oil and gas leasing.

    Cottongrass on the Coastal Plain near the Arctic Ocean where oil and gas leasing is proposed, Arctic National Wildlife Refuge, Alaska. Photo George Wuerthner

    Trump also wants to expand oil development on the National Petroleum Reserve and to eliminate any special protected areas within the reserve.

    Many Alaskan natives support the oil development proposals and other resource extraction in the state.

    ROADS THROUGH WILDLANDS

    Narvik Lake at the headwaters of the Kobuk River near the proposed route of the Ambler Road. Photo George Wuerthner

    AMBLER ROAD ACROSS SOUTHERN BROOKS RANGE

    Trump also ordered the BLM to approve the Ambler Road corridor, which the BLM under Biden had rejected. This road would travel from the pipeline haul road (Dalton Highway) across the southern edge of the Brooks Range to access large copper deposits owned by Native Corporations in the headwaters of the Kobuk River.

    Arregetch Peaks, Gates of the Arctic National Park. The Ambler Road, if built, would cross a portion of the national park. Photo George Wuerthner

    The proposed road would cross the Gates of the Arctic NP and a number of Wild and Scenic Rivers. If the road is constructed, many fear this new access will increase the economic viability of other lands for potential mining and potential oil development.

    IZEMBEK NATIONAL WILDLIFE ROAD THROUGH WILDERNESS

    King Cove, Alaskan Peninsula.

    Trump orders that the proposed road across designated wilderness in the Izembek NWR be permitted to go forward. This road was opposed by the Obama and Clinton administrations, as well as Jimmy Carter who was President when the original Izembek Refuge was established.

    The Izembek Refuge is located on the Alaskan Peninsula and is a critical migratory route for many waterfowl.

    Native people in the village of King Cove desire land access to the Cold Bay airstrip, providing year-round air travel.

    If permitted to stand, any Sec. of Interior could authorize a road through designated wilderness. A proposed gold mine by Cook Inlet Native Corporation in Lake Clark National Park would require road access that Trump’s Sec. of Interior could grant if the Izembek road is authorized.

    This proposal negates the Wilderness Act and has much larger implications than this single road.

    Black Brant, one of the many waterfowl species dependent on Izembek’s lagoons. Photo FWS

    During the first Trump administration, the road proposal was approved, The Biden Administration under Sec of Interior Haaland also approved of the road, likely because Aleuts in King Cove also supported the road.

    If the road is allowed to go forward across designated wilderness, then any Sec. of Interior could approve roads across any designated wilderness.

    HUNTING AND TRAPPING

    To its credit, the Biden administration tried to alter the worse hunting and trapping behavior permitted in National Park Preserves. While hunting and trapping are permitted in national preserves, the Biden ban outlawed baiting bears, killing wolf pups in dens, and shooting swimming caribou that were crossing rivers.

    The Biden Administration proposed a ban on killing wolf pups and bear baiting, among other restrictions on hunting and trapping in Alaska National Park Preserves. The Trump administration seeks to reverse that decision. Photo George Wuerthner

    These restrictions were opposed by many Alaskans, including the Alaska Federal of Natives, who claimed such a ban interfered with their traditional subsistence activities.

    Shooting caribou swimming in rivers will again be legal due to Trump’s Executive Order. Photo George Wuerthner

    Trump directs the National Park Service to rescind these rules.

    Another provision of the Executive Order directs federal agencies to make all federal lands where hunting and trapping occur consistent with state land rules.

    Trump’s new rules permit hunting and trapping of wolves along the border of Denali National Park. Photo George Wuerthner

    For instance, there has been legal debate over wolf trapping along the border of Denali National Park, with the NPS arguing that wolves should be protected while the state argues that wolf trapping is legal.

    NAVIGABLE WATERWAYS

    Trump ordered that the control of waterways, even in nationally protected lands like national parks or on Wild and Scenic Rivers, be “restored” to state authority.

    The mouth of the Nation River in the Yukon Charley National Preserve, where conflict over the use of a hovercraft for moose hunting, has led to a debate over whether the state or national park service controls waterways in national park units. Photo George Wuerthner

    This issue stems from a lawsuit about who controls “submerged lands” across Alaska. It stems from a lawsuit filed in 2007 dealing with a hunter who used a hovercraft to hunt moose on the Nation River.

    Placer mining pollutes North Fork Birch Creek Wild and Scenic River Steese Mountains National Conservation Area Alaska George Wuerthner

    The NPS bans hovercraft in the National Preserve. The state argues that it should control uses on these lands, including mining, use of motorized access, and other related issues.

    ROADLESS LANDS

    The Trump Executive Order places a “temporary moratorium on all activities and privileges authorized by the final rule and record of decision entitled “Special Areas; Roadless Area Conservation; National Forest System Lands in Alaska.”

    The carbon-rich old-growth forests of the Tongass NF AK will be opened for more logging under the Trump administration. Photo George Wuerthner

    This would reverse a restriction on logging and roadbuilding in Alaskan roadless lands implemented by the Biden administration in 2023 and reinstate the rule opening up these lands to development enacted during the first Trump administration.

    It primarily affects the Tongass and Chugach National Forests in Alaska, which hold substantial amounts of carbon in old-growth forests and where there are substantial roadless lands that would qualify for wilderness designation.

    The roadless lands of the Tongass National Forest are under renewed threat from development. Photo George Wuerthner

    The rest of the order has language exhorting federal agencies to avoid impeding or hindering any development in Alaska.

    No doubt, lawsuits will be filed to stop or slow the implementation of these rules, and we can hope future administrations will recognize the value of Alaska’s wildlands.

    The Canning River in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge where new oil development may occur. Photo George Wuerthner

    In some cases, economic considerations may thwart Trump’s agenda. For example, several oil lease sales were authorized on the coastal plain of the Arctic Wildlife Refuge in 2024, but there were no bids.

    Mansfield Peninsula, Admiralty Island, Tongass NF, AK Photo George Wuerthner

    The same is true for logging operations on the Tongass National Forest. Without federal subsidies, the cost of road construction is exorbitant, and the value of the timber doesn’t cover these costs.

    Alaska’s wildlands are under assault from the Trump administration. Legal strategies can protect these lands from Trump’s vengeance. Alaska Range along Denali Highway, Alaska. Photo George Wuerthner

    Nevertheless, I suspect Trump would argue expanding resource exploitation in Alaska is in the national interest, and if subsidies are necessary to implement resource extraction, his administration will find a way to fund it.

    The post Trump’s Assault On Alaska’s Wildlands appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • The re-election of Donald Trump has scientists and conservationists like me worried about the wildlife and wild places we’ve dedicated our lives to protecting. This is especially true for ocean and coastal natural resource management and endangered species conservation, given Trump’s ongoing rhetoric. He’s attacked climate science and supported a plan to dismantle the National Oceanic and…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • Wildfire retardants, the hot-pink mix of water and chemicals sprayed from airplanes by the U.S Forest service to combat wildfires, are under scrutiny after a recent study found they’re a serious source of heavy metal pollution in the U.S. The research, conducted by a team from the University of Southern California and published in Environmental Science & Technology Letters…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • By Harry Pearl of BenarNews

    Vanuatu’s top lawyer has called out the United States for “bad behavior” after newly inaugurated President Donald Trump withdrew the world’s biggest historic emitter of greenhouse gasses from the Paris Agreement for a second time.

    The Pacific nation’s Attorney-General Arnold Loughman, who led Vanuatu’s landmark International Court of Justice climate case at The Hague last month, said the withdrawal represented an “undeniable setback” for international action on global warming.

    “The Paris Agreement remains key to the world’s efforts to combat climate change and respond to its effects, and the participation of major economies like the US is crucial,” he told BenarNews in a statement.

    The withdrawal could also set a “troubling precedent” regarding the accountability of rich nations that are disproportionately responsible for global warming, said Loughman.

    “At the same time, the US’ bad behavior could inspire resolve on behalf of developed countries to act more responsibly to try and safeguard the international rule of law,” he said.

    “Ultimately, the whole world stands to lose if the international legal framework is allowed to erode.”

    20241202 Arnold Loughman Vanuatu ICJ.jpg
    Vanuatu’s Attorney-General Arnold Loughman at the International Court of Justice last month . . . “The whole world stands to lose if the international legal framework is allowed to erode.” Image: ICJ-CIJ

    Trump’s announcement on Monday came less than two weeks after scientists confirmed that 2024 was the hottest year on record and the first in which average temperatures exceeded 1.5 degrees Celsius above pre-industrial levels.

    Agreed to ‘pursue efforts’
    Under the Paris Agreement adopted in 2015, leaders agreed to “pursue efforts” to limit warming under the 1.5°C threshold or, failing that, keep rises “well below” 2°C  by the end of the century.

    Fiji Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka said on Wednesday in a brief comment that Trump’s action would “force us to rethink our position” but the US president must do “what is in the best interest of the United States of America”.

    Other Pacific leaders and the Pacific Islands Forum (PIF) regional intergovernmental body have not responded to BenarNews requests for comment.

    The forum — comprising 18 Pacific states and territories — in its 2018 Boe Declaration said: “Climate change remains the single greatest threat to the livelihoods, security and wellbeing of the peoples of the Pacific and [we reaffirm] our commitment to progress the implementation of the Paris Agreement.”

    20250122 Rabuka Fiji Govt.jpg
    Fiji Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka speaks at the opening of the new Nabouwalu Water Treatment Plant this week . . . Trump’s action would “force us to rethink our position”. Image: Fiji govt

    Trump’s executive order sparked dismay and criticism in the Pacific, where the impacts of a warming planet are already being felt in the form of more intense storms and rising seas.

    Jacynta Fa’amau, regional Pacific campaigner with environmental group 350 Pacific, said the withdrawal would be a diplomatic setback for the US.

    “The climate crisis has for a long time now been our greatest security threat, especially to the Pacific,” she told BenarNews.

    A clear signal
    “This withdrawal from the agreement is a clear signal about how much the US values the survival of Pacific nations and all communities on the front lines.”

    New Zealand’s former Minister for Pacific Peoples, Aupito William Sio, said that if the US withdrew from its traditional leadership roles in multilateral organisations China would fill the gap.

    “Some people may not like how China plays its role,” wrote the former Labour MP on Facebook. “But when the great USA withdraws from these global organisations . . . it just means China can now go about providing global leadership.”

    Analysts and former White House advisers told BenarNews last year that climate change could be a potential “flashpoint” between Pacific nations and a second Trump administration at a time of heightened geopolitical competition with China.

    Trump’s announcement was not unexpected. During his first term he withdrew the US from the Paris Agreement, only for former President Joe Biden to promptly rejoin in 2021.

    The latest withdrawal puts the US, the world’s largest historic emitter of greenhouse gases, alongside only Iran, Libya and Yemen outside the climate pact.

    In his executive order, Trump said the US would immediately begin withdrawing from the Paris Agreement and from any other commitments made under the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change.

    US also ending climate finance
    The US would also end its international climate finance programme to developing countries — a blow to small Pacific island states that already struggle to obtain funding for resilience and mitigation.

    20250120 trump inauguration WH screen grab.jpg
    Press releases by the Biden administration were removed from the White House website immediately after President Donald Trump’s inauguration. Image: White House website/Screen capture on Monday

    A fact sheet published by the Biden administration on November 17, which has now been removed from the White House website, said that US international climate finance reached more than US$11 billion in 2024.

    Loughman said the cessation of climate finance payments was particularly concerning for the Pacific region.

    “These funds are essential for building resilience and supporting adaptation strategies,” he said. “Losing this support could severely hinder ongoing and future projects aimed at protecting our vulnerable ecosystems and communities.”

    George Carter, deputy head of the Department of Pacific Affairs at the Australian National University and member of the COP29 Scientific Council, said at the centre of the Biden administration’s re-engagement with the South Pacific was a regional programme on climate adaptation.

    “While the majority of climate finance that flows through the Pacific comes from Australia, Japan, European Union, New Zealand — then the United States — the climate networks and knowledge production from the US to the Pacific are substantial,” he said.

    20241112 george carter COP29 sera sefeti.jpeg
    Sala George Carter (third from right) hosted a panel discussion at COP29 highlighting key challenges Indigenous communities face from climate change last November. Image: Sera Sefeti/BenarNews

    Climate actions plans
    Pacific island states, like all other signatories to the Paris Agreement, will this year be submitting Nationally Determined Contributions, or NDCs, outlining their climate action plans for the next five years.

    “All climate actions, policies and activities are conditional on international climate finance,” Carter said.

    Pacific island nations are being disproportionately affected by climate change despite contributing just 0.02 percent of global emissions, according to a UN report released last year.

    Low-lying islands are particularly vulnerable to rising sea levels and extreme weather events like cyclones, floods and marine heatwaves, which are projected to occur more frequently this century as a result of higher average global temperatures.

    On January 10, the World Meteorological Organisation (WMO) confirmed that last year for the first time the global mean temperature tipped over 1.5°C above the 1850-1900 average.

    WMO experts emphasised that a single year of more than 1.5°C does not mean that the world has failed to meet long-term temperature goals, which are measured over decades, but added that “leaders must act — now” to avert negative impacts.

    Harry Pearl is a BenarNews journalist. This article was first published by BenarNews and is republished at Asia Pacific Report with permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • As the Eaton fire swept through Altadena, California, Mai-Lin Graves came to a brutal realization: The victims were people she grew up with. 

    “That’s my old elementary school teacher, that’s the person that used to pick us up at the Boys and Girls Club, that’s my old friend from elementary school — everybody had lost their housing,” she said. Graves, who had moved to New York for work, began reposting their GoFundMe campaigns to feel closer to home.

    Cierra Black, a Los Angeles resident and a friend of Graves, had been doing the same thing, feverishly reposting the waves of GoFundMe pages of Black families who had lost their homes in Altadena and Pasadena. They both knew the community’s history and what was at stake of being lost: a place where Black families had settled after leaving the Jim Crow South, and where Black Angelenos who were displaced from their South Los Angeles neighborhoods by freeway construction projects in the 1950s had bought homes. Despite redlining and racist real estate practices in Altadena, multiple generations of Black Angelenos called the neighborhood home.

    The Eaton fire destroyed more than 9,000 structures and killed at least 17 people, with at least 24 people reported missing. Many of the dead were Black elders from the community who had remained in their homes amid delays in evacuation orders

    National news coverage in the early days of the fire, however, tended to focus on the Palisades fire, which burned on the other end of the county and had decimated a wealthy coastal neighborhood. Stories focused on celebrities who had lost their homes or dramatic images of mansions burning along the iconic Pacific Coast Highway. Graves and Black feared a similar dynamic would be play out in crowdfunding, with the Black families of Altadena going overlooked.

    Black, who is a freelance journalist, began working with Leslie Vargas, her editor at AfroPunk, to compile the GoFundMe campaigns of Black families affected by the Eaton fire. They called the spreadsheet “Displaced Black Families GoFundMe Directory” and shared it on the AfroPunk Instagram account to its 1.1 million followers. Graves joined the effort, vetting submissions. As a part of a wellspring of mutual aid that sprung up across the region, the list spread widely across social media. And it started to have an impact. One of Graves’s childhood friends who added their campaign to the list saw their donations double within the same day. Within a week, the list has grown from a few dozen campaigns to more than 700 that have raised a total of more than $17 million.

    Such effort is necessary to overcome negative perceptions and structural racism, the organizers said. “When it comes to relief, certain people are automatically deserving, and others you have to question if they’re deserving or not,” Black said. “That definitely applies to a lot of working-class Black people, or even Black people across the spectrum.” 

    Her concerns of inequality within giving are especially true as charity has shifted toward GoFundMe.

    Since its launch in 2010, GoFundMe has established itself the prevailing way for individuals to fundraise online. Raising and distributing $30 billion since its founding, the privately held, for-profit site, which rakes in millions in revenue each year through donation fees and tips, has become the world’s biggest crowdfunding platform and the go-to way for Americans in crisis to give to one another.

    The site allows individuals to craft their own calls for aid — whether it’s for spiraling health care costs, natural disasters, or other emergencies. It helps people raise funds in cases where government aid may fall short or is absent altogether. In the last several weeks, GoFundMe has raised more than $200 million in fire-related donations, according to the company. That sum nearly equals all disaster-related relief fundraised on the platform in 2024. Over the past five years, GoFundMe has also seen a 90 percent increase in disaster-related fundraising. 

    The platform, however, is also rife with inequality. A growing body of research has shown that GoFundMe amplifies existing biases within aid and, in some cases, exacerbates them. Its fundraisers tend to favor wealthy and highly educated people, according to such studies.

    Individuals who reach their fundraising goals are often those who need it the least. About 40 percent of all campaigns related to the pandemic didn’t raise any money at all. White campaigners tend to get more money than their counterparts who are Black or Hispanic.

    Graves and Black hope their fundraising campaign can push back on racial disparities and also America’s neoliberal views on charity, which focus on the individual over the collective and trust the free market above all else.

    “That’s why it’s important to center their humanity, center their stories,” Graves said. “It’s just been beautiful to see the amount of people contributing to this list.”

    The Rich Get Richer on GoFundMe

    After the Marshall fire ripped through Boulder County, Colorado, in December 2021 and January 2022, killing two people and destroying more than 1,000 homes, two researchers at the University of Colorado Boulder noticed something peculiar. Some of the GoFundMe campaigns from friends and acquaintances who had lost their homes took off, raising tens of thousands of dollars. Others struggled.

    “This begged the question,” said Emily Gallagher, a professor of finance at CU Boulder’s Leeds School of Business. “Why are some people raising so much money and others so little?” 

    “Why are some people raising so much money and others so little?” 

    Gallagher and fellow researcher Tony Cookson looked at the GoFundMe campaigns of nearly 500 people in Boulder County who had lost their homes to the fire and analyzed their credit information. People with household incomes of $120,000 or more raised 25 percent more money than those with household incomes below $78,000. People with bad credit or delinquent accounts raised less than those with good credit histories. 

    Much of this inequality was driven by people’s social networks: Wealthier people tend to have wealthier friends. And wealthy people often had the benefit of friends starting and managing the GoFundMe campaigns for them. 

    Cookson observed similar inequalities in the aftermath of the deadly fires in Maui in 2023. He and Gallagher said they are interested in collecting data in the Los Angeles fires, mostly due to the disparity between the Pacific Palisades and Altadena neighborhoods. They both suspect a similar dynamic is already playing out.

    While Altadena is not poor, with a median household income of around $123,000, according to census data, the Pacific Palisades is among the wealthiest ZIP codes in LA with a median household income at nearly $200,000. Even within Altadena, there is variance with income: A GoFundMe page shared by actor-singer Mandy Moore for her brother-in-law who lost their Altadena home in the Eaton fire kicked off an intense debate about who in society should be soliciting others for help.

    “You can see the differences across neighborhoods pretty starkly in the California fires,” Cookson added. “And one of the things that dismays me, looking at headlines, is that you see people who are in some of the richer neighborhoods getting more attention to their locality, and I feel for more of the working-class areas.”

    Altadena, CA,  Jan.13, 2025: Shelia Elahee, 63, (background) and her Daughter, Diarra Elahee, 28 , look at Shelia's Moms home which burned to the ground in the Eaton Fire. Lois Walker, 82, moved to from Texas to California with her husband and bought a home in Altadena in 1964 at the suggestion of his sister. She told him the town had already attracted a lot of Black families, Walker's daughter Shelia Elahee said. They chose the neighborhood at the suggestion of a sibling who had already settled in the town and spoke about the many Black families also moving in, said Lois Walker's daughter Shelia Elahee. "It was such a tight-knit community," Elahee, 63, said. Walker's home, which the family also remodeled and expanded over the years, was set away from the street with a large front yard and rose bushes where she hosted church gatherings, sleepovers for Elahee's daughter Diarra and holiday parties for the extended family. "Everyone loved the Walkers," Elahee, 63, said. "And they knew that if the Walkers were throwing a party, it was going to be top notch." The family home burned to the ground in the Eaton Fire. (Photo by Barbara  Davidson for The Washington Post via Getty Images)
    Diarra Elahee, left, and her mother, Shelia Elahee, right, look at the wreckage of Shelia’s mother’s home, which burned to the ground in the Eaton Fire. Photo: Barbara Davidson for The Washington Post via Getty Images

    Like Products on Amazon

    For a platform built around help, GoFundMe can feel like a competition. 

    Like other for-profit social media platforms, GoFundMe plays a central role shaping how users find information and the decisions they make, said Nora Kenworthy, a researcher with the University of Washington and author of “Crowded Out,” which looks at the consequences of crowdfunding around health care issues. 

    “That becomes especially consequential with a platform like GoFundMe because people are literally making life-or-death decisions” about who to help and how much to give, Kenworthy said. “Those are really challenging decisions to put onto individuals, and oftentimes the kinds of inequities that all of us are part of get amplified in that space.”

    In one study, an individual she surveyed refused to give to a GoFundMe campaign of a person who had severe need but was struggling to raise money. Instead, they donated to someone else who had a more polished page and had raised more money. The donor, she said, equated the struggling page to a product “not having any reviews on Amazon.”

    “When we start to read people’s stories of need through the lenses on which we look at products on Amazon … that can cause a lot of unintentional harm,” Kenworthy said. 

    Such harm also manifests along the lines of race. 

    A 2020 study that Kenworthy helped lead showed that Black people are often underrepresented among the total number of those who make GoFundMe campaigns, especially Black women. Black women make up roughly 14 percent of the population but are behind only about 7 percent of all campaigns created by women. White women made up 84 percent of the campaigns, the study found.

    Related

    Disasters Like the LA Fires Always Hit the Poor the Hardest. Trump Wants to Make It Worse.

    Another study of 800 viral GoFundMe campaigns that raised more than $100,000 for medical emergencies found a similar disparity. White people were beneficiaries in 80 percent of the fundraisers, while Black people made up only 3 percent of the viral campaigns. A mere 5 recipients were Black women. 

    Kenworthy suspected that similar patterns might be playing out across LA-area GoFundMe campaigns, she also noticed there is a level of awareness of inequality in the ways people are helping each other in LA, crediting the vast network of mutual aid groups. Along with the Displaced Black Families list, organizers and POC communities have established lists for Latine, Filipino, and Asian and Pacific Islander families, as well as displaced people with disabilities.

    Missing Campaigns

    GoFundMe itself has made efforts to streamline fundraising amid the Los Angeles fires. Atop its homepage is a link to a curated list of campaigns for people who were affected by California’s recent wildfires, including those affected by Palisades and Eaton fires. 

    An initial analysis by The Intercept looked at more than 1,300 LA County-based campaigns highlighted on GoFundMe’s curated California Wildfires relief list a week after the Eaton and Palisades fires began. Though the majority were fundraisers from the Altadena and Pasadena area, the analysis found that many campaigns for Black families were left out. Less than 40 percent of the fundraisers on the Displaced Black Families list were included in GoFundMe’s curated list. 

    “That’s definitely a troubling number to be left out,” Kenworthy said, when presented with the findings.

    “I think this is reflective of some important questions users have about platform practices related to moderation, verification, and visibility,” she said, “which we know on other platforms can be substantially racially biased.”

    GoFundMe said that before campaigns are added to its curated California Wildfires page, each campaign goes through “a robust human review,” which includes vetting by a computer system along with individuals on its trust and safety team who then manually add each campaign to the list. Such a review process may account for some of the missing campaigns.

    A subsequent analysis about a week later showed that GoFundMe had added some of the missing campaigns to its curated list. However, about half of the entries on the Displaced Black Families list remain absent from GoFundMe’s California Wildfires page.

    GoFundMe’s delay in highlighting these campaigns can have negative effects toward their ability to raise money. Success on GoFundMe and charitable giving often depends on how early and quickly a campaign launches after a crisis. Outside of those initial hours or days, building momentum is difficult.

    Among those missing from GoFundMe’s fires page was a campaign for the family of a former elementary school teacher and longtime Altadena resident who lost their home; an elderly woman known as Grandma Dorothy whose home of more than 50 years burned down; and a family that lost a home where four generations had been raised. The family, including children, rushed from the home that had been purchased by their grandparents in 1974 after they had been awakened by flames burning in their backyard at 2 a.m. Their campaign has raised only about a third of its goal.

    When asked whether GoFundMe’s vetting process includes consideration of equity issues, the company said it does not collect demographic data on its users, including age and race. GoFundMe also said it is working with organizers of the displaced Black, Latine, and Asian and Pacific Islander families lists.

    Altadena, CA - January 21: An aerial view of thousands of homes and businesses that were destroyed in the Eaton fire in Altadena Tuesday, Jan. 21, 2025.  (Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times via Getty Images)
    An aerial view of homes and businesses destroyed in the Eaton fire in Altadena, Calif., on Jan. 21, 2025. Photo: Allen J. Schaben/LA Times via Getty Images

    Who Will Rebuild?

    One week after the Eaton fire started, Graves is still learning of new losses. She had recently received word that the Black-owned martial arts studio that she had trained at as a child had been gutted by flames. So too was an elementary school and library. The park where she attended summer camps was closed due to fire damage, and the many trails in Eaton Canyon will be off-limits for months, if not years. 

    And with the fire under control, the challenge of rebuilding begins. In Altadena and north Pasadena, questions linger on whether its Black community will have the means to reconstruct all that was lost

    After the Marshall fire in Colorado, Gallagher and Cookson found in their 2023 study that families who raised successful campaigns on GoFundMe were more likely to rebuild their homes. But a survey found that even though around 85 percent of residents said they planned to rebuild, that number shrunk to about 60 percent within two years as monetary hardships mounted. 

    Graves and Black acknowledged the effort to rebuild Altadena will take years and will need more than just GoFundMe campaigns. Many of those who were displaced were elderly or disabled and may have less access to create something like a GoFundMe campaign, they pointed out.

    Insurance reimbursements, FEMA assistance, and Small Business Administration loans will also prove vital for families looking to rebuild — although those government aid programs also carry their own issues of inequality. Black and Graves said they will continue their work in expanding the list for displaced families, and are focused on building out the infrastructure to distribute major donations, even beyond GoFundMe.

    Even before the fires, Altadena’s Black population had begun to dwindle. In 2000, Black residents made up about one third of Altadenans, but by 2020, that number had been cut in half to about 16 percent in 2020, according to census data. Many locals, such as Graves, attribute such changes to gentrification and predatory developers. Yet there has been a resilient group that has refused to sell and has remained.

    The Displaced Black Families list is one of the ways for the public to recognize the Black Altadena that is still there.

    “It’s important to have a space where we can visibly see the amount of people that live in this area, all the people that have owned this land, who have owned their houses for generations,” Graves said. “So that we can really start to think about how we can contribute to these families now, but also think about what sort of systems can be created to really protect their land.” 

    She wondered what sort of policies can be put in place to prevent gentrification and make the community more resistant to fires and other climate-driven disasters. 

    “These are working-class Black people,” she said. “This was everything they had.”

    The post The LA Fires Exposed the Inequity at the Heart of GoFundMe appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • By 2050, it is projected that 200 million people will require humanitarian assistance annually due to the devastating effects of climate change, creating one of the most pressing humanitarian crises of our time. Sneha Singal outlines potential methods of international cooperation to address this urgent crisis.


    By 2050, it is projected that 200 million people will require humanitarian assistance annually due to the devastating effects of climate change, creating one of the most pressing humanitarian crises of our time. The 21st century has witnessed climate change transform from an environmental issue into a multifaceted global crisis, profoundly reshaping politics, societies, and human survival. Its consequences extend far beyond rising temperatures, shifting rainfall patterns, and extreme weather events, as a critical yet often neglected outcome of these environmental shifts is large-scale human displacement, giving rise to a category of individuals increasingly referred to as “climate refugees.” These “climate refugees,” also known as “environmental refugees” or “the world’s forgotten victims,” are individuals forced to flee their homes due to environmental degradation and climate-induced disasters. Climate change is not merely a challenge for existing refugees but a leading and accelerating cause of forced displacement globally.

    Despite the urgency of this crisis, international frameworks continue to lack formal recognition of climate refugees, leaving millions of displaced individuals without adequate legal protection. The 1951 Refugee Convention, which serves as the cornerstone of international refugee law, narrowly defines refugees as individuals fleeing persecution based on race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group, or political opinion, while excluding those forced to migrate due to environmental degradation or climate-induced disasters. This gap leaves climate refugees without the legal status and rights granted to individuals fleeing war, political persecution, or ethnic conflict, further exacerbating their vulnerability.

    The primary challenge in establishing an internationally accepted definition of climate refugees lies in the complexity of environmental migration. Environmental factors may drive people to migrate, but these are often intertwined with other socio-political and economic causes. Climate change rarely acts as a sole motivator for migration, as individuals may also be fleeing poverty, instability, or violence. Additionally, many climate refugees remain within the borders of their country, making them internally displaced persons rather than international refugees. This complicates their legal status as international refugee law traditionally applies to those who cross borders.

    Despite these challenges, the urgency of the situation demands immediate action. One proposal is to expand the 1951 Refugee Convention to include climate refugees as it would provide a legal framework for their protection. This framework would ensure fair treatment for climate refugees worldwide and promote cooperation among countries to address the crisis together. Critics, on the other hand, argue that broadening the refugee definition could grant governments more discretion in asylum decisions, which would potentially undermine asylum rights, strain resources, and complicate the refugee determination process without clear legal criteria. Similarly, expanding the 1998 Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement to include environmentally-induced migration could be beneficial by establishing a framework for countries to respond to the internal displacement caused by climate change. However, as the guidelines are not legally binding, their practical impact is limited unless they are adopted by governments as part of their national laws and policies. Additionally, there have been calls for addressing the issue of climate refugees through international cooperation, particularly through bilateral agreements, as these could offer more tailored and flexible solutions. These agreements can facilitate shared responsibility, ensuring that both countries contribute to the welfare of displaced populations while providing specialised support for their needs and serve as a starting point to recognise these forgotten victims in the international community. Despite these advantages, such agreements remain rare and often fail to fully address the social and cultural integration of displaced populations into host communities, leaving gaps in the long-term stability and well-being of those affected.

    One of the most promising solutions is to address the issue of climate-induced displacement is the establishment of a clear protocol under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) specifically focused on climate-induced migration. Such a protocol would provide a framework for the recognition, protection, and resettlement of climate refugees. While this proposal may face significant political challenges, particularly from wealthier nations reluctant to expand the refugee regime due to concerns about potential migrant influxes and the associated economic costs, addressing this issue remains imperative. Despite these political obstacles, it is essential for countries to collaborate beyond their political and economic interests in order to find a viable solution. Establishing a comprehensive legal framework for climate refugees would not only safeguard vulnerable populations but also ensure that the international community collectively responds to the growing challenges posed by climate change.

    The issue of climate refugees is not only a legal one but also a moral one. The international community must take concrete steps to not only address the immediate needs of climate refugees but also tackle the root causes of climate change through comprehensive mitigation and adaptation efforts. As climate change impacts worsen, the urgency for a robust framework to safeguard climate refugees intensifies. It is crucial that the international community take immediate action to support and protect those affected by environmental disasters, emphasising the human toll of climate change and the urgent need for global cooperation.


    All articles posted on this blog give the views of the author(s), and not the position of the Department of Sociology, LSE Human Rights, nor of the London School of Economics and Political Science.

    Image credit: lmaresz

    This post was originally published on LSE Human Rights.

  • By Don Wiseman, RNZ Pacific senior journalist

    Fiji’s Deputy Prime Minister Biman Prasad has told an international conference in Bangkok that some of the most severely debt-stressed countries are the island states of the Pacific.

    Dr Prasad, who is also a former economic professor, said the harshest impacts of global economic re-engineering are being felt by the poorest communities across this region.

    He told the conference last month that the adaptation challenges arising from runaway climate change were the steepest across the atoll states of the Pacific — Kiribati, Tuvalu and Marshall Islands.

    Dr Prasad said at no time, outside of war, had economies had to face a 30 to 70 percent contraction as a consequence of a single cyclone, but Fiji, Vanuatu and Tonga had faced such a situation within this decade.

    He said the world must secure the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

    “There is no Plan B. The two options before the world are to either secure the goals, or face extreme chaos,” he said.

    “There is nothing in the middle. Not this time.”

    Extreme chaos risk
    Prasad said there will be extreme chaos if the world went ahead and used the same international financial architecture it had had in place for years.

    “And if we continue with the same complex processes to actually access any grant funding which is now available, then we cannot address the issue of this financing gap, as well as climate finance — both for mitigation and adaptation that is badly needed by small vulnerable economies.”

    More and more Pacific states would approach a state of existential crisis unless development funding was sorted, he said.

    Dr Prasad said many planned projects in the region should already be in place.

    “We don’t have time on our hands plus the delay in accessing financing, particularly climate resilient infrastructure and for adaptation — then the situation for these countries is going to get worse and worse.”

    He wants to “decolonise” aid, giving the developing countries more control over the aid dollars.

    More direct donor aid
    This would involve more donor nations providing aid directly into the recipient nation’s budgets.

    Dr Prasad, who is also the Fiji Finance Minister, has welcomed the budget funding lead taken by Australia and New Zealand, and said Fiji’s experience with Canberra’s putting aid into the Budget had been a great help for his government.

    “It allows us, not only the flexibility, but also it allows us to access funding and building our Budget, building our national development planned strategy, and built in with our own locally designed, and locally led strategies.”

    He said the new Pacific Resilience Facility, to be set up in Tonga, is one way that this process of decolonising aid could be achieved.

    Prasad said the region had welcomed the pledges made so far to support this new facility.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • ANALYSIS: By Nicholas Khoo, University of Otago

    Donald Trump is an unusual United States President in that he may be the first to strike greater anxiety in allies than in adversaries.

    Take the responses to his pre-inauguration comments about buying Greenland, for instance, which placed US ally Denmark at the centre of the global foreign policy radar screen and caused the Danish government — which retains control of the territory’s foreign and security policies — to declare Greenland isn’t for sale.

    Canada is also in Trump’s sights with trade tariff threats and claims it should be the 51st US state. Its government has vociferously opposed Trump’s comments, begun back-channel lobbying in Washington, and prepared for trade retaliation.

    Both cases highlight the coming challenges for management of the global US alliance network in an era of increased great power rivalry — not least for NATO, of which Denmark and Canada are member states.

    Members of that network saw off the Soviet Union’s formidable Cold War challenge and are now crucial to addressing China’s complex challenge to contemporary international order. They might be excused for asking themselves the question: with allies like this, who needs adversaries?

    Oversimplifying complex relationships
    Trump’s longstanding critique is that allies have taken advantage of the US by under-spending on defence and “free-riding” on the security provided by Washington’s global network.

    In an intuitive sense, it is hard to deny this. To varying degrees, all states in the international system — including US allies, partners and even adversaries — are free-riding on the benefits of the global international order the US constructed after the Cold War.

    But is Trump therefore justified in seeking a greater return on past US investment?

    Since alliance commitments involve a complex mix of interests, perception, domestic politics and bargaining, Trump wouldn’t be the deal-maker he says he is if he didn’t seek a redistribution of the alliance burden.

    The general problem with his recent foreign policy rhetoric, however, is that a grain of truth is not a stable basis for a sweeping change in US foreign policy.

    Specifically, Trump’s “free-riding” claims are an oversimplification of a complex reality. And there are potentially substantial political and strategic costs associated with the US using coercive diplomacy against what Trump calls “delinquent” alliance partners.

    US tanks in a parade with US flag flying
    US military on parade in Warsaw in 2022 . . . force projection is about more than money. Image: Getty Images/The Conversation

    Free riding or burden sharing?
    The inconvenient truth for Trump is that “free-riding” by allies is hard to differentiate from standard alliance “burden sharing” where the US is in a quid pro quo relationship: it subsidises its allies’ security in exchange for benefits they provide the US.

    And whatever concept we use to characterise US alliance policy, it was developed in a deliberate and methodical manner over decades.

    US subsidisation of its allies’ security is a longstanding choice underpinned by a strategic logic: it gives Washington power projection against adversaries, and leverage in relations with its allies.

    To the degree there may have been free-riding aspects in the foreign policies of US allies, this pales next to their overall contribution to US foreign policy.

    Allies were an essential part in the US victory in its Cold War competition with the Soviet-led communist bloc, and are integral in the current era of strategic competition with China.

    Overblown claims of free-riding overlook the fact that when US interests differ from its allies, it has either vetoed their actions or acted decisively itself, with the expectation reluctant allies will eventually follow.

    During the Cold War, the US maintained a de facto veto over which allies could acquire nuclear weapons (the UK and France) and which ones could not (Germany, Taiwan, South Korea).

    In 1972, the US established a close relationship with China to contain the Soviet Union – despite protestations from Taiwan, and the security concerns of Japan and South Korea.

    In the 1980s, Washington proceeded with the deployment of US missiles on the soil of some very reluctant NATO states and their even more reluctant populations. The same pattern has occurred in the post-Cold War era, with key allies backing the US in its interventions in Afghanistan and Iraq.

    The problems with coercion
    Trump’s recent comments on Greenland and Canada suggest he will take an even more assertive approach toward allies than during his first term. But the line between a reasonable US policy response and a coercive one is hard to draw.

    It is not just that US policymakers have the challenging task of determining that line. In pursuing such a policy, the US also risks eroding the hard-earned credit it earned from decades of investment in its alliance network.

    There is also the obvious point that is takes two to tango in an alliance relationship. US allies are not mere pawns in Trump’s strategic chessboard. Allies have agency.

    They will have been strategising how to deal with Trump since before the presidential campaign in 2024. Their options range from withholding cooperation to various forms of defection from an alliance relationship.

    Are the benefits associated with a disruption of established alliances worth the cost? It is hard to see how they might be. In which case, it is an experiment the Trump administration might be well advised to avoid.The Conversation

    Dr Nicholas Khoo is associate professor of international politics and principal research fellow, Institute for Indo-Pacific Affairs (Christchurch), University of Otago. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons licence. Read the original article.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • First Quantum Minerals’ copper operation was shut down more than a year ago, but Indigenous people report restrictions on movement and unexplained illness and death

    For the people of the nine Indigenous communities within the perimeter of the sprawling Cobre Panamá copper mine, travelling into and out of the concession is far from straightforward. An imposing metal gateway staffed by the mining company’s security guards blocks the road. People say the company severely restricts their movement in and out of the zone, letting them through only on certain days.

    The mining concession, located 120km (75 miles) west of Panama City, is owned by Canada-based First Quantum Minerals, which operates through its local subsidiary, Minera Panamá. The company’s private security guards, not the national police, patrol the concession. Local residents, mostly subsistence farmers of modest means, say that First Quantum operates as a state within a state.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Yellowstone Bison. Photo: National Park Service.

    One might think that the National Park Service and the State of Montana, the two entities charged with stewardship of American bison, our national mammal, could do a better job. The Alliance for the Wild Rockies and the Council on Fish and Wildlife think so, too, which is why we are challenging Yellowstone National Park’s recently released Bison Management Plan in federal court.

    For context, tens of millions of wild bison once roamed across western North America. Today, wild bison occupy less than one percent of their former range.  Yet in spite of this, the Yellowstone Bison Management Plan does nothing to expand the range of the 5,000 wild bison that live almost exclusively in Yellowstone National Park.

    Instead, the Park’s bison management plan is based on outdated and unscientific assumptions that result in thousands of bison being slaughtered to theoretically prevent them from infecting cattle with brucellosis, a disease that can cause cattle to abort.

    The State of Montana, meanwhile, takes the position that almost all of the bison that cross the Park’s invisible boundaries at the wrong time and place should be killed.  Too bad no one told the bison that their natural annual migration was wrong.  The result has been about one-quarter of Yellowstone’s herd being slaughtered in years with deep snow for doing nothing more than following their genetic instincts to migrate to lower elevations in the winter for food.

    Despite there never having been a documented case of bison transferring brucellosis to cattle, the government’s 25-year old management plan, originally issued in 2000, focused  on wild bison as a threat to the state’s cattle industry.

    That, however, is no longer accepted science. The US Department of Agriculture’s Animal and Plant Health Inspection Service commissioned the National Academies of Science, Medicine, and Engineering to undertake an exhaustive study to determine if the Park’s brucellosis management was working.

    Contrary to the original assumptions, the study found that over the past 20 years, it has been wild elk — not wild bison — that transmitted brucellosis to livestock 27 times.  Wild bison were not responsible for a single transmission.

    However, when the Park Service prepared and approved its new plan in 2024, the agency completely ignored the National Academies’ recommendations to switch the focus for brucellosis management in the Greater Yellowstone Area from wild bison to wild elk.  Although the Park Service insists that it used the “best available science,” not a single alternative in the new plan’s Environmental Impact Statement addressed the proven source of brucellosis transmissions to livestock, which are elk, not bison.

    Astoundingly, the Park Service also failed to analyze where and when natural Yellowstone bison migration paths might overlap with cattle grazing on Bureau of Land Management and Forest Service lands outside Yellowstone National Park.  Without this basic information, it’s impossible to know where cattle might possibly interact with wild bison. Consequently, we don’t know where — or even if — the Park and State’s aggressive and controversial management practices are needed to keep cattle separate from wild bison.

    Additionally, and critically, after more than 20 years, the management tool most used by the government — the highly controversial “capture and slaughter” of thousands of bison — has failed to reduce the percentage of Yellowstone bison that test positive for brucellosis antibodies.  And yet the government just reauthorized the use of this tool that has proven to be ineffective at reducing brucellosis.

    This is why we sued.  The Park’s new management plan fails to provide any rational reason whatsoever to continue hazing, capturing, and slaughtering the nation’s last herd of wild bison.  We are going to court to force the Park Service to follow the law, analyze these issues using the best available science, and stop the senseless harassment and pointless slaughter of our national mammal.

    Please consider making a donation to the Alliance for the Wild Rockies to help us force the government to make management decisions based on science, not fear.  Mike Garrity is the Executive Director of the Alliance for the Wild Rockies.

    The post Why the Alliance for the Wild Rockies is Taking Yellowstone National Park to Court Over Its Scientifically-Deficient Bison Management Plan appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • The Constitutional Court of Ecuador has determined that coastal marine ecosystems have rights of nature, including the right to “integral respect for its existence and for the maintenance and regeneration of its life cycles, structure, functions and evolutionary processes,” per Chapter 7, Articles 71 to 74 in the country’s constitution.

    This is not the first time that Ecuador has established legal rights for nature. In fact, Ecuador was the first country in the world to establish that nature held legal rights, Earth.org reported. In 2008, Ecuador added rights for Pacha Mama, an ancient goddess similar to the Mother Earth entity, in its constitution.

    The post Ecuador’s Coastal Ecosystems Have Rights, Constitutional Court Rules appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • Europe’s agricultural sector is at a tipping point. The average farmer is 57 years old, and with 1,000 farms closing every day, the future of food production looks to be increasingly in jeopardy. Without urgent action, Europe faces a dwindling supply of farmers carrying an increasing burden in a sector already strained by economic volatility, regulatory pressures, and climate change.

    The issue extends beyond rural communities. A recent McKinsey report highlights the economic impact of demographic decline. To maintain historical GDP per capita growth, productivity in France and Italy must triple over the next 30 years, while Spain needs a fourfold increase by 2050. Fewer young people entering the workforce means an aging population and economic instability. Agriculture, already losing young talent, is at the center of this storm.

    It doesn’t help that farming’s appeal as a profession is limited by the fact that farming today is relentless. Long hours, unpredictable income, and an ever-shifting regulatory landscape make it one of Europe’s most challenging careers. Despite its essential role in feeding millions, it remains, unfortunately, undervalued. Supermarket shelves stay stocked regardless of economic or weather conditions, obscuring the labor that goes into food production.

    For aspiring farmers, the barriers are overwhelming. Land is scarce and expensive, financing is difficult to come by, and EU agricultural policy is a bureaucratic labyrinth. Many young farmers struggle with compliance measures that drain time and energy, preventing them from focusing on production. Without reform, Europe will fail to foster a new generation of agricultural leaders, risking not just food security but also innovation in the sector.

    An aging workforce

    The European farming landscape has transformed over the past decades. Farm sizes have grown, yet the number of farms has drastically declined—from 13.7 million in 2005 to 9.1 million in 2020. The share of farmers under 35 remains alarmingly low at just 6.5%. Meanwhile, climate change has compounded these challenges, with increasing droughts, floods, and extreme weather events threatening agricultural output. The EU Agricultural Outlook for 2023-2035 warns that sustainability measures and changing market demands will further test the sector’s ability to adapt.

    Europe’s food production is still strong, but cracks are starting to appear. The EU remains a net exporter of agricultural goods, yet yield growth is slowing, and dependence on imports for certain crops—such as protein-rich oilseeds—has grown. Self-sufficiency rates for staples like wheat and dairy remain high, but meat consumption is declining as consumer habits shift. If generational renewal continues to falter, these supply chain vulnerabilities will worsen, making Europe more dependent on external markets for key food products.

    Changing policies

    The European Commission acknowledges the problem, and emphasizes generational renewal. Commissioner Christophe Hansen’s efforts to amplify young farmers’ voices through initiatives like the Youth Policy Exchange are steps in the right direction. But words are not enough. This is why youth-led agricultural organizations are pushing for urgent action. A coalition including the Slow Food Youth Network and the European Coordination Via Campesina has called on the European Commission for systemic reforms. Their declaration stresses the need for institutionalized youth involvement in agricultural policymaking—those who will inherit the sector must have a say in shaping it.

    Financial backing is another important element. EU subsidies currently support the sector, but young farmers face difficulties accessing these funds due to restrictive eligibility criteria. The Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) provides funding mechanisms, but bureaucratic hurdles make it difficult for younger entrants to benefit. Expanding financial support, such as targeted grants for first-time farmers and improved loan guarantees, could help offset the financial risks of entering the industry.

    Reforms are needed 

    Unfortunately, Brussels is bugged down in secondary debates that are distracting the solution-finding process to the agricultural sector’s existential problems. Case in point is the dragging discussion on Nutri-Score, a front-of-packaging (FOP) grading system shown to mislead and confuse consumers, which has been diverting attention from the core issue for too long: without farmers, there is no food to label.

    Another is the constant wrangling about greenhouse gas emission reduction goals. No comprehensive methodology exists  to set a GHG emissions accounting system and specific goals for the different types of agriculture and its structural conditions. Neither does a general pathway to boost the implementation of appropriate measures and promote access to investment across agriculture and territories in order to advance towards the established emissions reduction goals. This means that Brussels gets distracted by stirring the pot without at the expense of the soup.

    Europe’s agricultural policies must focus on making farming a viable career for younger generations. Land prices have soared, making it difficult for young farmers to acquire their own property without significant capital. In some regions, agricultural land is increasingly bought by investors, limiting opportunities for those who actually wish to farm. Policies that prioritize land access for active farmers over speculative buyers would help counteract this trend.

    Education and training also play a role. Many young people interested in farming lack the technical knowledge needed to navigate modern agricultural practices. While universities and vocational schools offer programs, they often fail to bridge the gap between theoretical learning and practical skills. Expanding apprenticeship programs and hands-on agricultural training initiatives would help create a more skilled and prepared generation of farmers.

    Technology offers another path forward. The EU Agricultural Outlook highlights the potential of automation, precision farming, and digital tools to improve efficiency and reduce labor intensity. Yet adoption remains slow, particularly among small and medium-sized farms. Increased investment in agri-tech and rural broadband access would enable young farmers to utilize these innovations, making farming more attractive and competitive.

    This question is larger than rural livelihoods – it’s about Europe’s food systems, economic stability, and resilience against external geopolitical factors. The data is clear and the warnings are stark. Europe must act decisively to keep farming a viable and attractive profession for future generations.

     

    Photo by Johny Goerend on Unsplash

    By Nathan Spears

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • 17 January 2025 Judith Bueno de Mesquita, Koldo Casla, Claiton Fyock and Marina Lostal, four members of the Human Rights Centre of the University of Essex, have submitted contributions to the UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (CESCR) in response to the Committee’s consultation on the draft general comment on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and the Environmental […]

    This post was originally published on Human Rights Centre Blog.

  • To help plan the inauguration, President-elect Donald Trump’s team tapped a man who was on the board of a charity accused by the Ohio attorney general of pocketing money it claimed to be collecting for victims of the Norfolk Southern train derailment in East Palestine, Ohio.

    Patrick Lee, the deputy director public liaison for the inaugural committee, was a member of the board of the Ohio Clean Water Fund, an LLC formed in Ohio days after the train derailed in February 2023. Trump’s appearance in East Palestine after the disaster became a major talking point in his presidential campaign.

    The Ohio Clean Water Fund claimed it was operating on behalf of the Second Harvest Food Bank of the Mahoning Valley, a group providing bottled water and other aid to those affected in East Palestine. The Ohio Clean Water Fund managed to raise over $141,000 in less than five weeks, according to a preliminary injunction and the terms of a June 2023 settlement with Ohio Attorney General Dave Yost. 

    The partnership it touted, however, was not real, the attorney general’s office charged. After the food bank said publicly that there was no relationship between the two groups, the Ohio Clean Water Fund provided the Second Harvest Food Bank with a $10,000 check, keeping the remaining $131,000, according to the attorney general’s office. Yost later declared the Ohio Clean Water Fund to be a “phony charity” run by “scammers.” 

    “The sham charity must turn over more than $131,000 in pocketed donations so the money truly does benefit East Palestine.”

    A lawyer representing Lee said the settlement is not an admission of wrongdoing by Lee or the charity. “Mr. Lee vigorously disputes the allegations,” attorney Michael Columbo wrote in a letter threatening legal action against The Intercept.

    Lee was not named as a defendant and did not answer questions about his role with Ohio Clean Water Fund, which, according to court documents, shared an address with Lee’s home in Alexandria, Virginia. The Intercept used business documents and public records to confirm Lee’s identity. 

    In exchange for choosing to forgo claims against Lee and his group, Yost’s settlement barred Lee from certain charitable activities in Ohio and required him and the Ohio Clean Water Fund to pay a six-figure restitution. 

    “Under a settlement reached with the Ohio Clean Water Fund, the sham charity must turn over more than $131,000 in pocketed donations so the money truly does benefit East Palestine residents,” Yost’s office said in a press release. “The food bank had not given OCWF permission to fundraise on its behalf, and Yost’s lawsuit revealed that the ‘charity’ had pocketed at least $131,000 of the donated funds, while sending only $10,000 to the food bank.”

    In his letter to The Intercept, Columbo, of the Dhillon Law Group — helmed by Harmeet Dhillon, Trump’s pick to run the Justice Department’s Civil Rights Division — noted that Lee, the Ohio Clean Water Fund, and the Ohio attorney general settled to avoid lengthy and expensive litigation with no admission of wrongdoing. 

    “The agreement speaks for itself,” Columbo wrote. “It appears that the Intercept will be misusing an agreement that settled allegations as evidence the allegations were true.” 

    As part of a subsequent investigation into the Ohio Clean Water Fund’s finances, the attorney general’s office found that the group had raised nearly $150,000 and had paid a fundraiser to collect the sum through text message solicitations. 

    As part of the settlement, Lee and the Ohio Clean Water Fund were jointly liable, leaving them responsible to pay over $116,000 in restitution, and another $15,000 in civil penalties. 

    Lee is barred from forming an Ohio charitable trust and from soliciting donations on behalf of any charity in Ohio, according to the settlement. And he is not allowed to be a director, officer, contractor, or board member of any charitable organization in Ohio for the rest of his life. 

    The settlement permits Lee to volunteer at an Ohio-based charity if his role does not involve donations or funds.

    Former President Donald Trump heads out of the East Palestine Fire Department next to his son, Donald Trump, Jr., as he visits the area in the aftermath of the Norfolk Southern train derailment Feb. 3 in East Palestine, Ohio, Wednesday, Feb. 22, 2023. In the background is a pallet of personalized Trump water he donated. (AP Photo/Matt Freed)
    Donald Trump visits East Palestine, Ohio, on Feb. 22, 2023, with his son Donald Trump Jr., in the aftermath of the train derailment. Photo: Matt Freed/AP

    The East Palestine train derailment, which released hazardous materials and toxins in the surrounding community, became a political football in the 2024 presidential campaign. Trump’s team touted his appearance — and Joe Biden’s absence — at the disaster site. And Trump invited East Palestine Mayor Trent Conaway to speak at the Republican National Convention last summer. 

    After his victory, Trump staffers hailed his handling of East Palestine as a crucial moment in the race. 

    Related

    One Year After East Palestine, Some Senate Republicans “Haven’t Looked” at Rail Safety Bill

    “This was the moment that really set the campaign on a trajectory to victory,” incoming White House communications director Steven Cheung posted to X last month. “The ripples from that day do not get enough attention.” 

    Lee has worked in national and state politics for years, including with the Republican National Committee. 

    He was the field director for the Congressional Leadership Fund, a super PAC that was criticized for spreading misinformation. His consulting firm, LCM Strategies, contracted with the Georgia Republican Party last year. 

    Since the June 2023 settlement, LCM Strategies has received payments from Ohio Republican state Reps. Justin Pizzulli and Adam Mathews. 

    “I was not familiar with Patrick Lee, the Ohio Clean Water Fund, or the details of the alleged misuse of donations until receiving your email,” Pizzulli told The Intercept, noting that LCM had been hired as a subcontractor, rather than directly by his campaign. “These allegations are concerning, and I trust the Attorney General’s office is ensuring restitution and accountability.”

    While FEC records indicate neither the Trump campaign nor the RNC directly hired Lee during the 2024 campaign season, prior reporting and sources confirm he was involved in logistics for the convention. 

    Lee’s duties as deputy director of public liaison for Trump’s inaugural committee were not clear.

    Lee was not the only political operative involved with the alleged “sham charity.” Ohio Clean Water Fund founder Mike Peppel worked for U.S. Rep. Mike Rulli, R-Ohio, before becoming involved with the East Palestine group. As part of a separate settlement with Yost in August, Peppel was also required to pay restitution and forgo certain charitable activities. The settlement notes that Peppel disputed the allegations and reached the deal to avoid costly litigation.

    Earlier this month, The Vindicator reported that Rulli had rehired Peppel. Rulli’s campaign had also contracted with Lee’s group, LCM Strategies, in 2021 and 2022. 

    “I have said from the beginning that we will continue to fight for the people of East Palestine, which is exactly what we did here,” Yost said in a statement after the second settlement. “These scammers preyed on generous donors to try to line their own pockets, but ultimately were stopped and shut down.”

    The post Trump Inauguration Official’s “Phony Charity” Allegedly Pocketed East Palestine Train Disaster Funds appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • The fossil fuel industry pumped tens of millions of dollars into President-elect Donald Trump’s successful bid for a second White House term — and it could begin seeing a return on its investment on his very first day in office. Trump pledged on the campaign trail to be a “dictator” on day one in the service of accelerating U.S. fossil fuel production, which is already at record levels as…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated
    A road with trees and smoke Description automatically generated

    The author’s former home in Altadena, CA, in flames, Jan 8, 2024. Video: “Vanguard Blacklight, ” (Screenshot)

    Remembrance of things lost

    News about the fire arrived in fragments. First, that the blaze in Eaton Canyon was spreading rapidly, then that a few homes in the foothills were consumed, then whole neighborhoods, including my former one on the southern perimeter of the Angeles Crest National Forest. The house I owned on Jaxine Drive, designed in 1959 by Randell Makinson, burned to the ground. The loss to the current occupant is obviously much greater than mine. I hope that she finds solace in the love of family and friends, and that she may rebuild if she chooses.

    I haven’t lived in Altadena for more than 25 years, and most of my friends from there have also moved on. But the place still figures large in my memory. It was there that the sweetness of life in Southern California was revealed. Of course, the distance of time and space enhances flavors, so there may be some unintentional exaggeration in what follows.

    Life in Altadena felt easy — il dolce far niento. My (former) wife Mary and I entertained friends – mainly artists and academics — on the redwood deck of our house, beneath the shade of a 400-year-old oak tree. About 200 yards up the road lived Bill (a lighting and set designer) and Joyce (a sculptor). They often invited us over to use their pool or for a barbecue. Their rambling house, cluttered with Mexican artesanias and other folk art, was often filled with the music of the Grateful Dead – Bill was a dedicated Deadhead. Their little boy Matt liked to play with our daughter Sarah, and because there was almost no traffic on our cul-de-sac, they could walk up or down without supervision.

    Our neighborhood was in a shallow canyon that contained no more than about 30 houses. Updated fire regulations banned any new building in the area. We were surrounded on three sides by mountains and the national forest. The word “forest” gives a misimpression. Most of the terrain was chaparral with occasional oak thickets and pine woods. Its predominant color was not green but the tan of decomposed granite. That changed in the late winter and spring – assuming the rains came – when there was green everywhere. But much of the verdure was foxtail, a tall grass annual that when it ripens, sheds barbed seeds that stick to shoes and socks and can get lodged in the noses of dogs. (Foxtail actually describes several, similar species of grass.) In the summer and autumn, it goes from green to brown — and can easily catch fire. When it does, it races up and down hills like a lit fuse, sparking other flammable material.

    From my front door, I’d could jog about 500 yards to reach a steep trail that led up into the National Forest, then down another trail to Millard Canyon campgrounds, and then up along a fire road, and down again toward Arroyo Seco Park and the Rose Bowl. But that would be about 10 miles and too far for me to run. So, I usually turned around at the top of the fire road or else took an entirely different route into the mountains, up a steep trail toward Echo Mountain, the site of the former Mt. Lowe tramway. The Alpine Tavern and other facilities at the top, including the funicular itself, were destroyed by fire and the Great Depression. But the view from up there is terrific – you can see the Pacific Ocean and Catalina Island.

    Along the trails in the spring were yellow/orange monkey flowers, white Matilija poppies, purple lupins, yellow tower mustard, purple nightshade, and blue California lilacs. Sometimes I bent down to snack on the abundant miner’s lettuce. In rainy years, small streams crossed the paths in several places, requiring me to leap to clear them. Still, today, when I want to fall asleep, I imagine myself bounding down the eroded trails, springing from rock to rock, and over streams without fear of falling. I still run, but it’s mostly flat here in Norfolk and muddy – in any case, my days of bounding are over.

    During my decade in Altadena, I taught at Occidental College in Los Angeles, about eight miles away. It was a good job – excellent colleagues, a diverse and energetic student body, and a handsome campus, mostly designed in the 1920s by Myron Hunt. But the absence of graduate students was frustrating – one could teach up to a certain level, and no higher. Plus, I had to do all my own grading. While running down steep trails remains a recurring dream, slogging through hundreds of “bluebooks” (a blue-covered paper book used for answering test questions) is a recurring nightmare. Nevertheless, it was with regret that I left Oxy in 1998 for a position at Northwestern University. They hired Mary too, in the Department of Anthropology – the offer was too good to refuse.

    In the decades that followed, successive writing and research projects brought me back to Altadena, and to the city of Pasadena, its larger, wealthier neighbor. My friends Peter (a brilliant studio musician) and Irmi (a manager at the Goethe Institute) offered me use of their guest cottage, just a block from my old house. And even when my gigs in Pasadena ended, I kept coming back — for the last decade and a half with my wife, Harriet. She’s less keen on Los Angeles than I am, but Altadena and Pasadena always pleased her. She enjoyed the sight of the mountains looming above both communities (snowcapped in the winter), the historic Craftsman and mid-century architecture, the museums, and especially the hikes in the forest, including Millard and Eaton canyons.

    A house with a lawn and trees Description automatically generated

    Robert Gordon, architect, former Maunu/Kocian residence, 1955 (additions by Fung and Blatt). Photo: Peter Maunu (with permission). Now destroyed.

    There were portents of disaster. In 1993, the Kinneloa fire burned the slopes of Eaton Canyon and a few dozen homes. We could see the smoke from our house and the leaping flames from Bill and Joyce’s. At one point, Bill climbed up on his roof with a garden hose to extinguish any cinders that landed. I thought he was crazy. “The biggest risk for you is falling off the roof,” I shouted. Between the sound of branches jostled by Santa Ana winds, and the steams of water, I don’t think he heard me. Mary and I (Sarah wasn’t yet in the picture) retreated to our house, packed a few essentials, including a favorite etching by Goya, and drove off to spend a couple of days in a motel by the beach in Santa Monica. Our homes were all spared.

    The neighborhood generally practiced good fire hygiene. We planted xerophytic gardens, scrupulously raked leaves in fire season, and plowed under fields covered with foxglove. (The county did this for a fee.) For several years, Bill and Joyce kept a pair of goats to munch the grasses on slopes that couldn’t be reached by their bush-hog. We all knew, however, that grazing animals weren’t the solution. If a big fire arrived, our mostly wooden, mid-century houses would go up like matchboxes.

    Altadena history, in brief

    It’s a silly name, a real estate promoter’s name. Alta in Spanish is the feminine form of “tall”. “Dena” signifies nothing. Put together, they were supposed to mean “above Pasadena.” Pasadena is an Ojibwe word meaning “valley”. The Ojibway tribe flourished 3,000 miles away in the Great Lakes region, and Pasadena is not a valley. But what’s in a name when there is money to be made? By the 1880s, a group of real estate entrepreneurs, including John and Frederick Woodbury, had bought up a huge tract of agricultural land and enticed some rich businessmen from the East and Midwest to plant stakes. Among them was the Chicago printing mogul Andrew McNally. His stately Queen Anne on East Mariposa Street was constructed in 1887. It burned down last week. So did the Arts and Crafts style Scripps Mansion built in 1904 for the newspaper magnate William Armiger Scripps. (For decades, it’s been used as a Waldorf School.) The 1907 Woodward home designed by Myron Hunt and Elmer Grey — a little later the residence of the popular writer of American westerns, Zane Gray — also burned.

    The 1920s was a major period of residential building in Altadena, especially low-cost craftsman and Spanish revival bungalows. The developer and con man E.P. Janes built several hundred cheap houses in a mashed-up craftsman, Spanish, Tudor and Queen-Anne style. They generally had tall gables, arched doorways, trowel-swept stucco walls, cement terraces, and dormer windows. In 1926, he left town in a hurry, leaving behind several hundred unfinished (but paid-for) houses and a pile of debt. The houses were eventually finished, and “Janes Village” became a sought-after Altadena address. Last week, dozens of these houses were destroyed by fire.

    In Northwest Altadena, fire damage was equally significant, consuming hundreds of homes, schools and churches, including the United Methodist Church. The fact that its congregation is primarily Black, tells another significant story about Altadena. Because it was unincorporated, the community lay outside the redlined zone established by the Federal Home Owners’ Loan Association during the New Deal. (De jure segregation was not only a Southern thing.) Nevertheless, Altadena’s Black population remained small until the 1960s and ‘70s. That’s when fair housing laws spurred white flight in both west Altadena and adjacent parts of Pasadena. The non-white population surged again a decade later with the completion of the 210 (Foothill) freeway. It destroyed or divided several, primarily Black neighborhoods of Pasadena, with many of the 3,000 displaced folks moving a half-mile north to Altadena. The Black population surged to 43% by the mid-1980s, about the time we arrived. Today, its 18%.

    Overall, 58% of residents in Altadena are people of color, including 27% Latino. The Eaton fire destroyed homes that, in some cases, had been passed down for two or more generations. It also eliminated hundreds of affordable apartment rentals in a region with a severe shortage of them. But with home prices in Altadena now averaging about $1.5 million, it’s unclear whether a new generation of middle-class property owners or lower-income renters will ever again be able to move there. With little new home building and an unregulated rental market, Altadena was rapidly gentrifying. The fires will only hasten the process – the vultures of disaster capitalism have already alighted.

    Why Altadena burned

    The fires in Southern California, including the Eaton fire, began as forest wildfires and quickly spread into what’s called the “wildland-urban interface” (WUI) – the potentially hazardous zone where homes or other structures abut or mix with undeveloped wildland. Contrary to suggestions that fire victims bear some responsibility for their predicament by choosing to live in the WUI, residents of Los Angeles are less likely to live in a WUI than people elsewhere in the country. In California, about a third of the population (over 11 million people) live in the WUI, consistent with the national figure. In Los Angeles, the number is about 15%. While significant parts of Altadena (as well as Pacific Palisades and Malibu) do abut or reach into the WUI, the real cause of the disaster was dryness, heat, and strong, Santa Ana winds, all exacerbated by climate change. The failure of emergency responders is another factor. There were simply too few of them, and when Altadena burned, they were nowhere to be found.

    2024 was globally the hottest year on record. Los Angeles experienced its warmest summer ever, following a decade of record heat. To make matters worse, a succession of stationary high-pressure systems prevented the arrival of seasonal rains. New research indicates this may be the consequence of record-high ocean temperatures disrupting or blocking the usual path of the jet stream. The same kind of perturbation may have been the cause of the excessive heat and drought that brought brush fires last year to parts of New York City. In addition, “hydroclimate whiplash” – large, sudden or frequent changes from very dry to very wet conditions – appear to be an additional consequence of global warming. Los Angeles was subject to two years of drenching “atmospheric rivers”, followed this year by drought – just four millimeters of rain have fallen this season. In California, 17 of the largest 20 fires in state history occurred in the past 18 years, with 5 of the 6 largest coming since August 2020, not including the Palisades, Malibu, and Eaton conflagrations. The recent fires may prove to be the most damaging and costly in U.S. history. Estimates are approaching $200 billion.

    In addition to global warming, poor land and fire management practices have also contributed to the extent and severity of the destruction. There is considerable debate about this, but otherwise intelligent writers, including David Wallace-Wells, offer too easy and often mistaken formulas for fire prevention. Historically, the U.S. Forest Service employed fire suppression for all wildfires, including those that don’t threaten people or structures. This led to artificially high fuel loads and fires of much higher intensity than otherwise. In recent years, the Forest Service reversed course and began to use prescribed burns in areas with a more than-average fuel load. Then this year, it stopped its program of burning in California for budgetary reasons.

    The best research (contra Wallace-Wells) indicates that most woodlands should simply be left alone to burn or not burn, except for areas immediately contiguous to homes. Logging and grazing in forested lands – often proposed as a means to reduce fire risk – actually increases it. The former by removing larger and more valuable trees that resist fires, and the latter by removing native grasses that burn slowly, while promoting the growth of invasive grasses – like foxtail — that burn faster and hotter. In addition, thinning forests tends to increase wind speed in woodlands, fanning any flames that erupt and carrying embers further than otherwise. Also, the fuel load in burned forests is quickly replenished, meaning that burns need to be repeated on a massive scale, and with few evident benefits. The forests surrounding Altadena (mostly chaparral) have had multiple fires in recent years – they did little, if anything, to prevent the latest blaze. More frequent burns, as George Wuerthner recently observed, would only destroy the chaparral ecology, making space for invasive species with even greater flammability. More important than prescribed burns is fortifying individual homes and neighborhoods against the flying embers from inevitable fires.

    Wildfires ignite homes in three possible ways: embers, heat, and flames. Embers are the most common. Depending on the type of fuel and wind speed, embers can travel upwards of 20 kilometers, igniting new spot fires far from the original flame front. Under conditions of high wind, fuel breaks – highways, rivers, ditches, prescribed burn areas — are useless. Embers fall in a blizzard and quickly accumulate on structures or infiltrate homes through windows, vents, or other gaps. They may also inflame vegetation or other fuels around a home. Doorbell videos from Altadena show wind-blown embers raining down on houses and businesses and quickly igniting them. Once a structure starts to burn, its heat may suffice to ignite buildings within the approximately 30-meter home ignition zone. Contact with direct flame of course, whether from vegetation, piles of firewood, fences, cars, or other structures, spreads fires even more rapidly. Once a single house goes up in flames, the one next to it will go, and so on until fuel sources are exhausted, fire engines arrive, or it starts to rain.

    If there had been fire trucks on the scene, many of the fires in Altadena could easily have been extinguished. Stories of homes saved by people with garden hoses prove the point. (Doing so, however, can be deadly.) As one eyewitness and videographer reported, “there were no fire personnel anywhere.” On Jan 14, The New York Times reported:

    “Carlos Herrera, a spokesman for the Los Angeles County Fire Department,…said that by the time the Eaton fire had broken out on Tuesday, all resources were already dedicated to the raging Palisades fire across town.”

    If confirmed by further investigation, the fires in Altadena – an unincorporated community of 40,000 that is nearly 60% non-white – may have been a victim of environmental racism as well as climate change and bad luck. The irony is that the wealthier and whiter residents of Pacific Palisades fared no better. They may, however, better afford to rebuild.

    It’s possible to protect homes in the WUI better than currently. In addition to having well-supported fire services, local and state governments can mandate (and support with grants where appropriate) defensible zones around properties. This entails separating houses from vegetation and any flammable attachments, such as decks and fences. Home and apartment owners should also use structural elements that are fire-resistant. Windows that are not outfitted for wildfire conditions – for example vinyl — can easily melt, break, or ignite if exposed to radiant heat, flames, or ember buildup. Roofs are one of the most vulnerable parts of a home. While any roofing material can be treated to make it fire resistant, metal or tile roofs are best, however, testing has found that the latter (common in Southern California) are vulnerable to ignition from showers of embers due to spaces between the tiles. (Homeowners can install rooftop sprinkler systems.) Vents are also common entry point for embers to flow into a home. Noncombustible mesh coverings can help slow down penetration. The exterior siding of a home, though less important than other structural features for wildfire resilience, is sometimes the weak link. Noncombustible or ignition-resistant materials such as metal, adobe, or fiber cement should be used if a house is located in a vulnerable WUI or within 30 feet of another house or combustible vegetation. There are many other ways to make homes safer, but zoning, construction, and insurance regulations have not kept up with the increased level of fire risk due to climate change.

    The future in the past – Gregory Ain’s Park Planned Homes

    Because I’m especially interested in art, architecture and design, I’ve been struck by the destruction of so many fine buildings in Altadena. I mentioned some earlier. Here’s another loss, the remembrance of which could offer a guide to Altadena’s successful rebuilding: Park Planned homes by Gregory Ain and landscape architect Garett Eckbo. (21 of 28 Ain houses were destroyed.)

    A row of houses with power lines Description automatically generated
    A drawing of a house Description automatically generated

    Gregory Ain and Gerrit Eckbo, Park Planned Homes, 1947, Altadena, 21 or 28 houses destroyed. Photos: Gregory Ain papers, Architecture and Design Collection. Art, Design & Architecture Museum; University of California, Santa Barbara (Fair use).

    The complex was designed and built in 1947 to solve a problem: How to provide affordable homes to returning, limited income GIs and their families at a time of housing and material shortages. Ain’s solution, developed in Altadena and then a little later in Mar Vista and Silver Lake, entailed use of standardized plans; common finishes, hardware and appliances; easy access to the outside; and privacy sufficient to affirm the American ideology of individualism while still suggesting communalism. Each house was about 1350 sf, (considered generous at the time), and contained an open plan with adjacent kitchen, dining and living rooms. A built-in closet/cabinet, separating the living and dining areas, stopped well short of the ceiling to allow the passage of light and air. Three bedrooms are accessed by a corridor.

    The houses are symmetrically paired along Highview Avenue, but mirrored, creating a sense of different-but-same. Each has a shared patio/driveway in front (partly divided by a low wall) and a private garden in back; property lines are thereby both denied (in the front) and affirmed (in the back). Neighbors may be either welcomed or not, as determined by circumstance. The building type looks back at once to the formerly ubiquitous L.A. bungalow courts of the 19teens and twenties, and the much larger Siedlungen (collective housing) from the same period, made by Bauhaus architects for the Weimar Republic.

    A parking lot with cars parked in front of it Description automatically generated

    Gregory Ain, Planned Park Homes, Altadena, Google Street View.

    Ain’s project was only partially realized; he originally intended to build twice as many Park Planned Homes. But the fires in Altadena suggest his plans ought to be rescued from the archives and reanimated. Or, more appropriately, new sets of architectural plans developed using modular or pre-fabricated elements that can be assembled in a factory or workshop and quickly assembled on site. They must, of course, be fire resistant. Burned public properties should be made available for the siting of attractive, new housing – a mix of rentals and low-cost owner-occupied units. Ain’s mostly destroyed Park Planned Homes, with their assertion of the value of both community and individuality, can thereby support the rebirth of Altadena as a community of mixed-income and ethnic diversity.

    The post A Neighborhood’s Death Foretold appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • Sometimes people don’t want to hear the truth because they don’t want their illusions destroyed.

    – Friedrich Nietzsche

    Listen carefully. Can you hear that low-pitched sound? A death rattle is descending upon Yellowstone National Park’s remnant wild buffalo population.

    In the winter of 2025, death approaches Yellowstone’s at risk buffalo herds with the stealth of a hungry mountain lion wearing a Taylor Swift mask. State and federal government agencies, Indian nations, and wealthy so-called conservation NGOs are lurking, salivating with plunder in their eyes. These perennial looters relish the annual buffalo killing spree. Bulls, full-term pregnant cows, and newborns, all must die to meet Yellowstone Park’s arbitrary population cap. Euphemistically dubbed the Yellowstone Bison Conservation Transfer Program, dominion, colonization, domestication, and death aims to extinguish any wildness that hasn’t already been excised. Putting lipstick on this pig can’t hide the bloodlust for a good massacre.

    The Transfer Program (A.K.A. culling) operates as a gaslighting tool to manipulate the public’s perception of buffalo management in the Greater Yellowstone Ecosystem. Buffalo genocide is shapeshifting. The risk of wild buffalo transmitting brucellosis to livestock is 0%. A new name and fancy public image campaign can’t hide The Big Lie. The story about brucellosis is 100% fabricated to conceal the ongoing range war over who controls the land and grass in the Greater Yellowstone Ecosystem. Under the authoritarian direction of Animal and Plant Health Inspection Service’s (APHIS-USDA) surveillance-capture-detention (“quarantine”) and extra-territorial abduction and rendition program (prison “transfer”), wild Yellowstone buffalo are being farmed (domesticated), commodified and traded on a burgeoning interstate wild meat market.

    More capital means more corrals inside Yellowstone Park to imprison more kidnapped wild buffalo, break up tight-knit family groups, and condemn isolated individuals to years of quarantine and torture. From the Park penitentiary, wild buffalo are stuffed like sardines into trailers and trucked to another quarantinefacility at the Fort Peck Indian Reservation located 500 miles North of their ancestral homeland in Yellowstone National Park.

    Huge injections of capital are streaming in from multiple (private and public) funding sources. Various Indian nations are being courted and bribed by multiple federal management agencies and NGOs to do the government’s deadly dirty work. If the $100 million in federal Farm Bill and Inflation Reduction Act money passes through the U.S. Department of Agriculture’s Regional Conservation Partnership Program (RCPP) the 2025 capture-quarantine-transfer (truck and trailer) program may pose the greatest threat to free-roaming buffalo since the 1800s.

    Many buffalo subjected to the domestication program die in captivity or en route to fenced pastures on Indian Reservations or are slaughtered for meat. Inbreeding in captivity destroys their family structure and natural migration instinct.Last fall, Yellowstone National Park estimated a population of 5,449 animals.

    The Park’s goal is to maintain a population between 3,500 to 6,000 individuals. Park biologists recently estimated the carrying capacity at close to 11,000 individuals. This year’s “magic” herd reduction number is 1,375. Go figure! Where is the compassion for America’s last wild buffalo? They are wildlife, not livestock.

    Yellowstone National Park’s 2024 Bison Management Plan degrades the natural evolutionary processes foundational to the preservation of Yellowstone’s wild bison genome and the natural landscape upon which all wildlife depend.

    Take action to protect habitats for all sacred lifeforms now facing the real risk of extermination – even inside the boundaries of Yellowstone National Park. Domestication and genocide of wild buffalo underscores just how indifferent and violent our government and culture has become. Surely, we can all dream into existence a world where greed, competition and division give way to a higher consciousness of inseparable cooperation and compassion for all life.

    Help silence the death-rattle threatening Yellowstone buffalo.

    The post Wild Yellowstone Buffalo Death Rattle appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • Elk in Point Reyes National Seashore.

    A historic agreement has just been struck to settle a decades-long land-use conflict over the future of cattle and wildlife on Point Reyes National Seashore. Under the deal, most of the beef and dairy ranches on Point Reyes National Seashore will depart, and former ranch lands will be managed as a Scenic Landscape Zone according to a new General Management Plan approved by the National Park Service. Tule elk will have the freedom to roam unmolested throughout Point Reyes National Seashore, opportunities for public recreation will improve, and the land will have the opportunity to return to native coastal grassland.

    The settlement was struck between three environmental groups (Resource Renewal Institute, Center for Biological Diversity, and Western Watersheds Project), represented by Advocates for the West, and the National Park Service, and a subset of ranchers who had intervened in our lawsuit that had challenged the prior General Management Plan at Point Reyes. In addition (and importantly), the Nature Conservancy provided the private funding for the voluntary ranch buyouts after being invited to join negotiations when mediation was underway.

    Before the settlement, ranchers had faced constant challenges and uncertainty surrounding their leases, impacting the viability of their operations. Environmentalists pointed to the impacts of agricultural leasing on wildlife management and the protection of the park’s natural resources. The situation had become untenable for everyone. The settlement and new General Management Plan usher in a new era of healing on Point Reyes National Seashore.

    On the National Seashore, 12 of the 14 ranches have accepted voluntary buyouts from the Nature Conservancy, brokered with private funds, and will depart these public lands. On Golden Gate National Recreation Area, all seven ranches will remain, with a 16% reduction in the number of cattle in this part of the Park. Remaining ranchers will be authorized to operate under longer 20-year leases.

    The most controversial aspect of the package is that the new General Management Plan allows targeted grazing by domestic livestock on the Scenic Landscape Zone vacated by the departing ranchers. A plan will be drawn up in the future for targeted grazing in the Scenic Landscape Zone to assist in maintain desired conditions, enhancing native vegetation and controlling invasive plants, which will be conducted by the Park Service, the Nature Conservancy, and/or another conservation nonprofit. Numbers of livestock for targeted grazing are capped at 1,200 cow-calf pairs in the wettest years, 600 cow-calf pairs in an average year, and near zero during drought. The maximum limit represents a 75% reduction in livestock for this zone compared to previous numbers of cattle that grazed here, and for an average-rainfall year the published number of livestock represents an 87% decrease from previous authorizations. The Park Service’s plan gives the agency flexibility to manage livestock numbers to achieve ecological objectives outlined in the plan. We expect the actual cattle numbers to be much, much lower than the figures published in the new General Management Plan.

    For the rare tule elk, the new plan means that they will have the opportunity to roam freely throughout all of Point Reyes National Seashore. Elk will no longer be allowed to be hazed away from ranch pastures as they were in the past. Elk populations will be allowed to expand and reach self-regulated levels. But disappointingly, tule elk will not be allowed to expand into Golden Gate National Recreation Area, or to disperse outside the Park, even though they are a wildlife species native to the region.

    Other rare native species should also have a better opportunity to thrive at the Seashore under the new plan. The new plan contains helpful language to fence off streamside areas that will enhance the ability to protect spawning habitats for embattled runs of coho and chinook salmon and steelhead. Water quality should also improve, and it will be required to meet Clean Water Act standards.

    As fences come down in the Scenic Landscape Zone, expanded trail systems will be developed, increasing recreation opportunities and public access. The recreational experience will be enhanced by an increase in wildlife, expanding wildlife viewing opportunities.

    The Federated Indians of Graton Rancheria will continue to have a say in the management of livestock management and tule elk conservation under the new plan, which commits the Park Service to incorporating traditional ecological knowledge into land management. Traditional burning could be a part of the mix to help return the land to natural conditions.

    A plan is being developed to assist the transition of ranch workers, with cooperation from the conservation groups, and some of the necessary funding has already been secured to help workers find employment and housing outside the National Seashore.

    Under the settlement, the departing ranchers will have about 15 months to wind down their operations and move off the land, and when that happens, the environmental groups will drop our legal challenge.

    From the beginning, WWP and our allies have focused on restoring healthy native coastal grasslands and allowing the rare tule elk to recover on Point Reyes National Seashore. This package offers opportunities to achieve both of our goals. It has been a long and complex negotiation, and nobody walked away from this process with everything they wanted. But in the end, this agreement starts a new era for Point Reyes National Seashore, and we look forward to better days ahead for lands and wildlife as a result of the deal.

    The post Landmark Agreement Boosts Native Ecosystems on Point Reyes National Seashore appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • British director of Human Rights Watch attacks ‘dangerous hypocrisy’ of government

    Britain’s crackdown on climate protest is setting “a dangerous precedent” around the world and undermining democratic rights, the UK director of Human Rights Watch has said.

    Yasmine Ahmed accused the Labour government of hypocrisy over its claims to be committed to human rights and international law.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • The apocalyptic wildfires that have erupted in the boreal forest in Siberia, the Russian Far East and Canada, climate scientists repeatedly warned, would inevitably move southwards as rising global temperatures created hotter, more fire-prone landscapes. Now they have. The failures in California, where Los Angeles has had no significant rainfall in eight months, are not only failures of preparedness — the mayor of Los Angeles, Karen Bass, decreased funds for the fire department by $17 million — but a failure globally to halt the extraction of fossil fuel.

    The post Fire Weather appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

    In the last years before the fires that destroyed Pacific Palisades, California, the great civic debate in my hometown was over the meaning of a shopping mall.

    Some residents feared that the Palisades Village, a 3-acre archipelago of posh boutiques and restaurants that opened in 2018, was driving a gleaming stake through the heart of the place where we grew up. That “Old Palisades” was a mythologized, upper-middle-class community where people knew one another, raised happy families and tempered even the old, analog status-seeking of Malibu and Beverly Hills.

    The Village, with its Gucci and Saint Laurent stores and its nouveau-McMansion architectural style, marked our final conquest by overly tanned, overly toned immigrants from Hollywood and Silicon Valley. Who else would stroll into the Erewhon grocery and tap down $20 for a Hailey Bieber Strawberry Glaze Skin Smoothie?

    But plenty of people did. They liked the “bespoke, walkable village,” as the developers advertised it, seeing it as an overdue upgrade from Mort’s Deli and the family-run stores that the developer (and later mayoral candidate) Rick Caruso bulldozed away. They seemed happy to pay $27 for a seat in the Bay Theatre, a luxury multiplex that pirated its name and iconic facade from the long-closed movie house on Sunset Boulevard where my friends and I snuck into films like “Billy Jack” and “Big Wednesday.”

    On either side of the mall debate, people rarely paused to note that these were rich people’s problems.

    Unlike neighboring Santa Monica, an incorporated city with a spirited government, the Palisades didn’t raise its own taxes or run its own services. We call it a town, but it’s really a neighborhood in the City of Los Angeles. Still, there is a community council and a couple of local newspapers, and none of them worried more than occasionally about the threat that catastrophic wildfires might sweep down on us as they had on so many other California towns.

    We had been lucky, and we knew it.

    Wildfire ravaged a building on Sunset Boulevard in Pacific Palisades. (Sarahbeth Maney/ProPublica)

    On New Year’s Day, a handful of my old friends from Paul Revere Junior High were texting to that effect. “We have it so good,” my lawyer friend Eric wrote. He was looking out at the Pacific from the deck of his new home, having moved triumphantly back to the Palisades after years away.

    It went without saying that our blessings included having grown up in a place where we could spend blissful days at the beach, attend very good public schools, learn how to work at miserable after-school jobs and get into trouble with minimal consequences.

    Homes in that bygone Palisades could still be had for less than $100,000. We didn’t want to be Malibu or Brentwood. There were many wealthy Palisadians even then, but our baroque teenage hierarchies had little to do with who had money and who had less. There were Reagan Republicans and liberal Democrats, but the prevailing political vibe was tolerant and democratic.

    The Palisades was still very white. There were separate beach clubs for WASPs and Jews; for years, some did not admit Blacks. But about a third of our classmates at Palisades High were bused from heavily African American neighborhoods like Crenshaw and Baldwin Hills. Whatever its failings, that integration shared what was arguably the city’s best public high school with thousands of less-privileged students. It also taught the white kids something about living in a more diverse society.

    An impressive proportion of my classmates from those varied backgrounds went on to build meaningful lives. There are professors and social workers and doctors and film people. A star defensive tackle on the football team, who also sang in the chorus, became the actor and director Forest Whitaker. The businesspeople include a couple of zillionaires. For some, the ultimate marker of success was to afford a home in the neighborhood and send their kids to our old schools.

    The Palisades changed a lot after I left for college. Despite the dangers, wealthier people built bigger, fancier homes, pushing out over the canyons and higher into the hills. We had long understood that we were living our nice lives in defiance of some powerful forces. I can still see the terror on my mom’s face one afternoon in the fall of 1978, as a wildfire swept toward us from Mandeville Canyon and we frantically packed the car with the most precious possessions we could gather up.

    Even as they leveled quaint, old bungalows to build lot-to-lot monstrosities, many of the Hollywood people who flocked to the Palisades came for the sort of things that had always brought us together — the 10K runs and the Fourth of July parade; the beaches and parks and schools; the great hiking trails that wove into the Santa Monica Mountains from almost every hillside in town.

    On New Year’s Day, my friend Eric closed our text conversation with a photograph of the evening’s spectacular sunset. The next images in the chat came a week later, in a video shot from the other side of his deck. A wall of gray-black smoke was billowing behind the ridge, not far from the home where my family lived for almost 50 years.

    Less than an hour after he took the picture, Eric, his wife and their son fled down Chautauqua Boulevard, named for the high-minded Methodist educational movement that established the Palisades in the 1920s. Their home, along with the one my parents built and those of many friends, soon burned to the ground.

    In photographs, the remains of the Palisades now evoke the streets of Aleppo or Homs, in Syria. Unlike most of my hometown friends, I’ve seen streets like those before. In Mexico City and San Salvador after devastating earthquakes in the 1980s. In Gaza. In the wastelands of Kabul, where American largesse never quite bandaged the scars of the Soviet war.

    The ruins of buildings on Sunset Boulevard are reflected in the window of a Saint Laurent store that is part of the largely undamaged Palisades Village mall. (Sarahbeth Maney/ProPublica)

    Imagery might be the only valid comparison between our tragedy and those in which tens of thousands of people were killed. Many Palisades residents displaced by the fire have enviable resources; they are reported to be filling four- and five-star hotels from Montecito to Laguna Beach. Compared with Syrians or Gazans or refugees from the Ukraine, the Palisadians have a far better shot at rebuilding their lives.

    But the trauma remains overwhelming. To have our past so violently erased makes me wonder what we can really rebuild. Big developers are likely to snap up the burned-out lots of people who were uninsured or underinsured. What takes their place will inevitably be bigger and more generic construction, much of it in the nouveaux-McMansion style.

    Even my friends in their early 60s have been weighing whether they will have the time and fortitude to rebuild their homes. And whose Palisades, they wonder, will be rebuilt around them? For now, the only section of the town center that stands somewhat unscathed is the Palisades Village mall, where Caruso called in private firefighters and water trucks to protect his investment.

    As a young foreign correspondent, I spent a lot of time in Managua, a city that had been leveled by an earthquake in 1972. After years of war and revolution, Nicaragua was destitute; there was no money for street signs. But the Nicaraguans had a powerful collective memory, and I came to understand it as one of their great strengths.

    In those days, a typical Managua address might be, “Del arbolito, tres cuadras hacía el lago,” or, “From the old tree, three blocks toward the lake.” The old tree hadn’t existed for years. But everyone remembered.

    This post was originally published on ProPublica.

  • Diablo Canyon Nuclear Plant. Photo: Tracey Adams. CC BY 2.0

    Los Angeles is now being destroyed by fire.

    Next will be the “Big One” earthquake everyone knows is coming.

    And then—unless we take immediate action—Diablo Canyon’s radioactive cloud will make this region a radioactive dead zone.

    My family is now besieged by four fires raging less than four miles away.  We don’t know how long our luck will hold.

    We are eternally grateful to the brave fire-fighters and public servants who are doing their selfless best to save us all.

    We are NOT grateful that Gavin Newsom has recklessly endangered us by forcing continued operation at two unsafe, decrepit nuclear power plants perched on active earthquake faults, set to pour radioactive clouds on us from just four hours north of here.

    The Nuclear Regulatory Commission’s resident site inspector—Dr. Michael Peck—after five years at Diablo warned that it cannot withstand the earthquakes we all know are coming.

    In 2006 the NRC confirmed that Unit One was already seriously embrittled.  Its fragile core makes a melt-down virtually certain to cause a catastrophic explosion, shooting a lethal apocalyptic cloud right at us…and then across the state and continent.

    These wildfires make clear that these city, state and federal governments—maybe NO government ANYWHERE—can begin to cope with these kinds of mega-crises.

    Imagine watching our public servants trying to cope while dressed in radiation suits, knowing everything around us has been permanently contaminated.

    Imagine leaving all you own forever behind while racing to get yourself and your family out of here under the universal evacuation order demanded by radioactive clouds like those that decimated the downwind regions from Chernobyl and Fukushima, not to mention Santa Susanna and Three Mile Island, Windscale and Kyshtym.

    Pre-empting such a catastrophe was a major motivation for the 2018 plan to phase out the two Diablo nukes in 2024 and 2025,

    That landmark blueprint was crafted over a two-year period with hundreds of meetings, scores of hearings involving the best and brightest in energy, the economy, the ecology and the hard engineering realities of aging atomic power reactors.

    It was signed by the then-Governor (Jerry Brown), Lieutenant Governor (Gavin Newsom), state legislature, state regulatory agencies, the Nuclear Regulatory Commission, plant owner (PG&E), labor unions, local governments, environmental groups and many more.

    The economic and energy security goals of this plan have been far exceeded by advances in renewable generation and battery storage.  California now regularly gets 100% of its electricity from solar, wind and geothermal.  Battery back-up capabilities exceed Diablo’s capacity by a factor of four or more.  Its inflexible baseload production unfortunately interferes with far cheaper renewables filling our grid.

    The grid’s most serious blackout threats now come from disruptive malfunctions and potential disasters at Diablo Canyon.

    All this has been well known since 2018, when Newsom signed the shut-down agreement.

    The phase-out proceeded smoothly for four years, largely exceeding expectations.

    But in 2022, Newsom strongarmed the legislature into trashing the transition plan.  His Public Utilities Commission decimated the statewide rate structure, costing our solar industry, billions in revenues and at least 17,000 jobs.

    Instead Newsom fed PG&E about $1.4 billion in public subsidies and $11 billion in over-market charges to keep Diablo running through 2030.

    Neither the NRC nor state nor PG&E have done the necessary tests to guarantee Diablo’s safety, refusing to re-test for embrittlement even though such defects forced the NRC to shut the Yankee Rowe reactor in 1991.

    Diablo has no private liability insurance.  Should it irradiate Los Angeles, NONE of us can expect compensation.

    So as we shudder amidst the horrors of this firestorm, we know that our loss of life, health and property will be orders of magnitude—literally, infinitely—more devastating when, by quake or error, the reactors at Diablo Canyon melt and explode.

    Responsibility for this needless, unconscionable threat lies strictly with Gavin Newsom.  There is no sane economic, electric supply or common sense reason for him to impose this gamble on us.

    Governor Newsom: NOTHING can make public sense of this radioactive throw of the dice.

    We respectfully beg, request, demand, beseech that you honor the sacred word you gave in 2018 to phase out the Diablo Canyon atomic reactors.

    As we see the devastation engulfing us, and the inability of government to make it right, there is zero mystery as to why these nukes must shut.

     NOW!!!

    The post Newsom’s Atomic Folly: Now By Fire, Next by Quake, Then by Apocalyptic Radiation?   appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • Graphic: Ad Council, National Association of State Foresters, and US Forest Service.

    Smokey Bear tells us “only you can prevent wildfires.” That has been Smokey’s simple message since 1944, but nevertheless he has been long associated with the policy of immediately suppressing all wildfires. This policy was called the 10 AM policy, and it meant that all wildfires should be suppressed by 10 AM of the morning after the wildfire was ignited. The 10 AM policy resulted in over-suppression of wildfires and disrupted the beneficial role of wildfire in forest ecosystems, so the policy was rightly discontinued in 1978. The fire suppression policy is sometimes known as the “Smokey Bear Effect.” In actuality, Smokey did not make any comments about fire suppression.

    Smokey is correct that a greater focus on preventing unwanted human-caused wildfire ignitions will help to mitigate our wildfire management dilemma. Western forests are being heavily cut and burned for a primary purpose of moderating wildfire behavior, with substantial adverse impacts to both forests and communities. It would be much more direct and cost-effective to put greater emphasis on avoiding unwanted human-caused wildfire ignitions in the first place. This can be done while still allowing lightning strike fires to fulfill their natural and beneficial role on our forest landscapes, when safe to do so. This can be supplemented by judicious implementation of prescribed burns, only during the safest burn windows.

    However, Smokey needs to clarify at whom he is pointing a rather accusatory paw. Who all needs to prevent wildfires? Does he just mean the public, or does he also include the Forest Service? The Forest Service and other land management agencies are responsible for a significant amount of wildfire ignitions and acres burned on our forest landscapes, and at times their actions have exacerbated wildfires. We need to consider all the sources of wildfire ignitions and hone our prevention strategies accordingly.

    The primary ignition source of wildfire in the US is human-caused ignitions. According to a 2023 report by the Congressional Research Service, nationally 89% of wildfires from 2018 to 2022 were human-caused. According to a research paper by Balch et al., human-related ignitions have increased, resulting in larger and hotter wildfires, and the length of the wildfire season has more than tripled. University of Colorado Professor Virginia Iglesias wrote in a recent article that wildfires ignited by human activities pose a greater risk to people and cause more severe ecosystem effects than lightning-started fires. She states:

    Lightning-started fires often coincide with storms that carry rain or higher humidity, which slows fires’ spread. Human-started fires, however, typically ignite under more extreme conditions – hotter temperatures, lower humidity and stronger winds. This leads to greater flame heights, faster spread in the critical early days before crews can respond, and more severe ecosystem effects, such as killing more trees and degrading the soil.

    Human-ignited fires often occur in or near populated areas, where flammable structures and vegetation create even more hazardous conditions. As urban development expands into wildlands, the probability of human-started fires and the property potentially exposed to fire increase, creating a feedback loop of escalating wildfire risk.

    The three primary elements that cause wildfire to ignite and spread – known as the wildfire triangle – are an ignition source. dry fuel, and hot, dry and windy weather. While all three elements are necessary, a wildfire cannot occur without an ignition. So considering ignitions of undesired human-caused wildfires, and finding ways to avoid such ignitions, is paramount for wildfire management.

    Because it is now widely agreed upon to allow a certain amount of wildfire to burn on our landscapes instead of immediately suppressing all fires, the Forest Service’s focus in recent decades has been to aggressively log, “thin” and apply prescribed fire to forest landscapes in order to allow wildfires to burn more safely. This change of focus caused Smokey and his original campaign slogan, “Remember, only you can prevent forest fires,” to become obsolete, as the Forest Service itself was sometimes essentially setting forest fires during implementation of prescribed burns. As a result, the slogan was changed in 2001, to “Only you can prevent wildfires.” “Wildfires” means fires other than agency intentionally-set fires that remain within the intended containment perimeters.

    The primary strategy has shifted from reducing wildfire ignitions to reducing fuels (trees and other vegetation). Since the number of forest wildfire ignitions and of acres burned at high severity have been overall steadily increasing, the fuels reduction strategy appears to not be very effective.

    Additionally, the aggressive “cut and burn” strategy has caused an enormous amount of ecosystem damage in our forests, and in a few cases it has resulted in escaped prescribed fire burning entire communities, such as occurred during the Hermits Peak and Calf Canyon Fires. Implementing much lighter and more targeted cutting and burning treatments, focusing more on genuine restoration projects that support the retention of moisture in forest ecosystems, and refocusing on reducing unwanted human-caused wildfire ignitions, may be the best route for moderating the amount and severity of fire burning in our forests. It may also be the best way to protect our communities and infrastructure. This strategy should be combined with fire hardening homes and reducing fuels in the 100 feet surrounding structures.

    Forest management strategies need to be considered differently in different ecosystem types. In wetter forests, wildfire is still in a historical deficit, including high severity fire. However in some drier forests, such as the Santa Fe National Forest, there has been too much wildfire, including too much high severity fire. And post-fire conifer regeneration in this dry forest appears to be either delayed or not occurring at all in some locations. The Santa Fe National Forest could be considered the “canary in the coalmine” of climate effects on forests, and we need to learn from what is occurring in this area and quickly develop climate-appropriate conservation strategies.

    The New Mexico State Forester Laura McCarthy recently authored an op-ed, “Let’s bring back a proven campaign to prevent wildfires.” In it, she calls for a New Mexico wildfire prevention campaign built on New Mexico’s Smokey Bear program and modeled after Utah’s successful FireSense Program. She states that “the [FireSense] campaign reduced human-caused wildfires by 75% within three years.” Such campaigns can be an important conservation strategy, as avoiding human-caused ignitions has fewer adverse impacts on ecosystems and communities than heavily treating millions of acres of forest to moderate the effects of such ignitions.

    However, State Forester McCarthy’s op-ed and the research papers and articles referenced above do not mention that much more comprehensive measures need to be taken to prevent wildfires ignited by the US Forest Service and by other land management agencies prescribed burns escapes. In the Santa Fe National Forest during the past 25 years, the majority of acres burned by wildfire were ignited by Forest Service and National Park Service escaped prescribed burns.

    Out of a total of over 784,000 acres burned by wildfire in the Santa Fe National Forest during this time period, almost 435,000 acres were burned due to escaped prescribed fire ignited by these two federal land management agencies, as opposed to just over 253,000 acres ignited by all other human-caused ignitions. Less than 97,000 acres were burned due to natural ignitions (lightning strikes). Also, the largest wildfire that burned due to a lightning strike ignition was just over 17,000 acres — a relatively small area compared with the enormous areas burned by escaped prescribed fire. None of the lightning strike fires caused significant damage to either communities or infrastructure. If the large agency-ignited wildfires had not occurred, wildfires in the Santa Fe National Forest would have occurred well within a natural range.

    The Forest Service claims that nationally less than 1% of their prescribed burns escape, which amounts to about seven wildfires per year. However escaped prescribed burns often result in very large and hot wildfires, and are often ignited near communities and infrastructure. So the impacts of prescribed fire escapes can be much greater than this Forest Service statistic suggests. Much more valid and meaningful statistics would be the total acres burned due to escaped prescribed burns, and the amount of damage to human resources. It’s also necessary to consider that as the climate becomes warmer and drier, the risk of escaped prescribed burns will inevitably increase, especially in dry forests.

    It’s critical to reevaluate the Forest Service and other agencies’ prescribed burn practices in order to reduce wildfires caused by prescribed fire escapes. The Forest Service has made some efforts to do so, but its analysis is limited, its assumptions are sometimes unproven and controversial, and its new policy recommendations are not nearly enough to adequately improve prescribed burn safety.

    Logging and “thinning” practices need to be also reconsidered, as such practices can at times exacerbate wildfire risk, wildfire size, and burn severity, instead of reducing them. Aggressively cutting trees and opening up forest canopies often results in drier forests with more flammable fuels and can allow wind to blow more intensely and drive fire up into the tree crowns. This occurred during the 2022 Santa Fe National Forest Calf Canyon Fire which was ignited by a pile burn escape. This fire was largely fueled by windthrow of trees due to aggressive logging and “thinning” having opened up the forest canopy, along with unburned slash piles.

     

    There are a number of other strategies that can be employed by the Forest Service to reduce human-caused fires. These include closing and decommissioning unneeded forest roads (as road density has been linked with increases in human-caused wildfire), increasing forest closures during extremely hot, dry and windy weather, enacting more restrictive regulations concerning campfires, and increasing law enforcement in national forests.

    Promoting Smokey Bear to the forefront again in order to educate the public about prevention of human-caused wildfire ignitions is a good strategy – or to implement vigorous alternative fire prevention campaigns. However, Smokey Bear needs to get real and be more honest about what else is necessary to prevent human-caused wildfires. We all need to do what we can, but this must include a major wildfire policy shift by the Forest Service and other land management agencies.

    Hermits Peak/Calf Canyon Fire near Highway 518 in Sapello, NM Photo: Inciweb.

     

    The post Smokey Bear is Partially Right appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.