Category: environment

  • Unbeknownst to much of the public, Big Tech exacts heavy tolls on public health, the environment, and democracy. The detrimental combination of an unregulated tech sector, pronounced rise in cyberattacks and data theft, and widespread digital and media illiteracy—as noted in my previous Dispatch on Big Data’s surveillance complex—is exacerbated by legacy media’s failure to inform the public of these risks. While establishment news outlets cover major security breaches in Big Tech’s troves of personal identifiable information (PII) and their costs to individuals, businesses, and national security, this coverage fails to address the negative impacts of Big Tech on the full health of our political system, civic engagement, and ecosystems.

    Marietje Schaake, an AI Policy fellow at Stanford University’s Institute for Human-Centered AI Policy, argues that Big Tech’s unrestrained hand in all three branches of the government, the military, local and national elections, policing, workplace monitoring, and surveillance capitalism undermine American society in ways the public has failed to grasp. Indeed, little in the corporate press helps the public understand exactly how data centers—the facilities that process and store vast amounts of data—do more than endanger PII. Greenlit by the Trump administration, data centers accelerate ecosystem harms through their unmitigated appropriation of natural resources, including water, and the subsequent greenhouse gas emissions that increase ambient pollution and its attendant diseases.

    Adding insult to the public’s right to be informed, corporate news rarely sheds light on how an ethical, independent press serves the public good and functions to balance power in a democracy. A 2023 civics poll by the University of Pennsylvania’s Annenberg School found that only a quarter of respondents knew that press freedom is a constitutional right and a counterbalance to the powers of government and capitalism. The gutting of local news in favor of commercial interests has only accelerated this knowledge blackout.

    The demand for AI by corporatists, military AI venture capitalists, and consumers—and resultant demand for data centers—is outpacing utilities infrastructure, traditional power grid capabilities, and the renewable energy sector. Big Tech companies, such as Amazon and Meta, strain municipal water systems and regional power grids, reducing the capacity to operate all things residential and local. In Newton County, Georgia, for example, Meta’s $750 million data center, which sucks up ​​approximately 500,000 gallons of water a day, has contaminated local groundwater and caused taps in nearby homes to run dry. What’s more, the AI boom comes at a time when hot wars are flaring and global temperatures are soaring faster than scientists once predicted.

    Constant connectivity, algorithms, and AI-generated content delude individual internet and device users into believing that they’re well informed. However, the decline of civics awareness in the United States—compounded by rampant digital and media illiteracy, ubiquitous state and corporate surveillance, and lax news reporting—makes for an easily manipulated citizenry, asserts attorney and privacy expert, Heidi Boghosian. This is especially disconcerting given the creeping spread of authoritarianism, smackdown on civil liberties, and surging demand for AI everything.

    Open [but not transparent] AI

    While the companies that develop and deploy popular AI-powered tools lionize the wonders of their products and services, they keep hidden the unsustainable impacts on our world. To borrow from Cory Doctorow, the “enshittification” of the online economy traps consumers, vendors, and advertisers in “the organizing principle of US statecraft,” as well as by more mundane capitalist surveillance. Without government oversight or a Fourth Estate to compel these tech corporations to reveal their shadow side, much of the public is not only in the dark but in harm’s way.

    At the most basic level, consumers should know that OpenAI, the company that owns ChatGPT, collects private data and chat inputs, regardless of whether users are logged in or not. Any time users visit or interact with ChatGPT, their log data (the Internet Protocol address, browser type and settings, date and time of the site visit, and interaction with the service), usage data (time zone, country, and type of device used), device details (device name and identifiers, operating system, and browser used), location information from the device’s GPS, and cookies, which store the user’s personal information, are saved. Most users have no idea that they can opt out.

    OpenAI claims it saves data only for “fine-tuning,” a process of enhancing the performance and capabilities of AI models, and for human review “to identify biases or harmful outputs.” OpenAI also claims not to use data for marketing and advertising purposes or to sell information to third parties without prior consent. Most users, however, are as oblivious to the means of consent as to the means of opting out. This is by design.

    In July, the US Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit vacated the Federal Trade Commission’s “click-to-cancel” rule, which would have made online unsubscribing easier. The ruling would have covered all forms of negative option marketing—programs that give sellers free rein to interpret customer inaction as “opting in,” consenting to subscriptions and unwittingly accruing charges. Director of litigation at the Electronic Privacy Information Center, John Davisson, commented that the court’s decision was poorly reasoned, and only those with financial or career advancement motives would argue in favor of subscription traps.

    Even if OpenAI is actually protective of the private data it stores, it is not above disclosing user data to affiliates, law enforcement, and the government. Moreover, ChatGPT practices are noncompliant with the EU’s General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), the global gold standard of data privacy protection. Although OpenAI says it strips PII and anonymizes data, its practice of “indefinite retention” does not comply with the GDPR’s stipulation for data storage limitations, nor does OpenAI sufficiently guarantee irreversible data de-identification.

    As science and tech reporter Will Knight wrote for Wired, “Once data is baked into an AI model today, extracting it from that model is a bit like trying to recover the eggs from a finished cake.” Whenever a tech company collects and keeps PII, there are security risks. The more data captured and stored by a company, the more likely it will be exposed to a system bug, hack, or breach, such as the ChatGPT breach in March 2023.

    OpenAI has said it will comply with the EU’s AI Code of Practice for General-Purpose AI, which aims to foster transparency, information sharing, and best practices for model and risk assessment among tech companies. Microsoft has said that it will likely sign on to compliance, too; while Meta, on the other hand, flatly refuses to comply, much like it refuses to abide by environmental regulations.

    To no one’s surprise, the EU code has already become politicized, and the White House has issued its own AI Action Plan to “remove red tape.” The plan also purports to remove “woke Marxist lunacy in the AI models,” eliminating such topics as diversity, equity, and inclusion and climate change. As Trump crusades against regulation and “bias,” the White House-allied Meta decries political concerns over compliance with the EU’s AI code. Meta’s claim is coincidental; British Courts, based on the United Kingdom’s GDPR obligations, ruled that anyone in a country covered by the GDPR has the right to request Meta to stop using their personal data for targeted advertising.

    Big Tech’s open secrets

    Information on the tech industry’s environmental and health impacts exists, attests artificial intelligence researcher Sasha Luccioni. The public is simply not being informed. This lack of transparency, warns Luccioni, portends significant environmental and health consequences. Too often, industry opaqueness is excused by insiders as “competition” to which they feel entitled, or blamed on the broad scope of artificial intelligence products and services—smart devices, recommender systems, internet searches, autonomous vehicles, machine learning, the list goes on. Allegedly, there’s too much variety to reasonably quantify consequences.

    Those consequences are quantifiable, though. While numbers vary and are on the ascent, there are at least 3,900 data centers in the United States and 10,000 worldwide. An average data center houses complex networking equipment, servers, and systems for cooling systems, lighting, security, and storage, all requiring copious rare earth minerals, water, and electricity to operate.

    The densest data center area exists in Northern Virginia, just outside the nation’s capital. “Data Center Alley,” also known as the “Data Center Capital of the World,” has the highest concentration of data centers not only in the United States but in the entire world, consuming millions of gallons of water every day. International hydrologist Newsha Ajami has documented how water shortages around the world are being worsened by Big Data. For tech companies, “water is an afterthought.”

    Powered by fossil fuels, these data centers pose serious public health implications. According to research in 2024, training one large language model (LLM) with 213 million parameters produced 626,155 pounds of CO2 emissions, “equivalent to the lifetime emissions of five cars, including fuel.” Stated another way, such AI training “can produce air pollutants equivalent to more than 10,000 round trips by car between Los Angeles and New York City.”

    Reasoning models generate more “thinking tokens” and use as much as 50 percent more energy than other AI models. Google and Microsoft search features purportedly use smaller models when possible, which, theoretically, can provide quick responses with less energy. It’s unclear when or if smaller models are actually invoked, and the bottom line, explained climate reporter Molly Taft, is that model providers are not informing consumers that speedier AI response times almost always equate to higher energy usage.

    Profits over people

    AI is rapidly becoming a public utility, profoundly shaping society, surmise Caltech’s Adam Wierman and Shaolei Ren of the University of California, Riverside. In the last few years, AI has outgrown its niche in the tech sector to become integral to digital economies, government, and security. AI has merged more closely with daily life, replacing human jobs and decision-making, and has thus created a reliance on services currently controlled by private corporations. Because other essential services such as water, electricity, and communications are treated as public utilities, there’s growing discussion about whether AI should be regulated under a similar public utility model.

    That said, data centers need power grids, most of which depend on fossil fuel-generated electricity that stresses national and global energy stores. Data centers also need backup generators for brownout and blackout periods. With limited clean, reliable backup options, despite the known environmental and health consequences of burning diesel, diesel generators remain the industry’s go-to.

    Whether the public realizes it or not, the environment and citizens are being polluted by the actions of private tech firms. Outputs from data centers inject dangerous fine particulate matter and nitrogen oxides (NOx) into the air, immediately worsening cardiovascular conditions, asthma, cancer, and even cognitive decline, caution Wierman and Ren. Contrary to popular belief, air pollutants are not localized to their emission sources. And, although chemically different, carbon (CO2) is not contained by location either.

    Of great concern is that in “World Data Capital Virginia,” data centers are incentivized with tax breaks. Worse still, the (misleadingly named) Environmental Protection Agency plans to remove all limits on greenhouse gas emissions from power plants, according to documents obtained by the New York Times. Thus, treating AI and data centers as public utilities presents a double-edged sword. Can a government that slashes regulations to provide more profit to industry while destroying its citizens’ health along with the natural world be trusted to fairly price and equitably distribute access to all? Would said government suddenly start protecting citizens’ privacy and sensitive data?

    The larger question, perhaps, asks if the US is truly a democracy. Or is it a technogarchy, or an AI-tocracy? The 2024 AI Global Surveillance (AIGS) Index ranked the United States first for its deployment of advanced AI surveillance tools that “monitor, track, and surveil citizens to accomplish a range of objectives— some lawful, others that violate human rights, and many of which fall into a murky middle ground,” the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace reported.

    Surveillance has long been the purview of authoritarian regimes, but in so-called democracies such as the United States, the scale and intensity of AI use is leveraged both globally through military operations and domestically to target and surveil civilians. In cities such as Scarsdale, New York, and Norfolk, Virginia, citizens are beginning to speak out against the systems that are “immensely popular with politicians and law enforcement, even though they do real and palpable damage to the citizenry.”

    Furthermore, tracking civilians to “deter civil disobedience” has never been easier, evidenced in June by the rapid mobilization of boots on the ground amid the peaceful protests of ICE raids in Los Angeles. AI-powered surveillance acts as the government’s “digital scarecrow,” chilling the American tradition and First Amendment right to protest and the Fourth Estate’s right to report.

    The public is only just starting to become aware of algorithmic biases in AI training datasets and their prejudicial impact on predictive policing, or profiling, algorithms, and other analytic tools used by law enforcement. City street lights and traffic light cameras, facial recognition systems, video monitoring in and around business and government buildings, as well as smart speakers, smart toys, keyless entry locks, automobile intelligent dash displays, and insurance antitheft tracking systems are all embedded with algorithmic biases.

    Checking Big Tech’s unchecked power

    Given the level and surreptitiousness of surveillance, the media are doubly tasked with treading carefully to avoid being targeted and accurately informing the public’s perception of data collection and data centers. Reporting that glorifies techbros and AI is unscrupulous and antithetical to democracy: In an era where billionaire techbros and wanna-be-kings are wielding every available apparatus of government and capitalism to gatekeep information, the public needs an ethical press committed to seeking truth, reporting it, and critically covering how AI is shifting power.

    If people comprehend what’s at stake—their personal privacy and health, the environment, and democracy itself—they may be more inclined to make different decisions about their AI engagement and media consumption. An independent press that prioritizes public enlightenment means that citizens and consumers still have choices, starting with basic data privacy self-controls that resist AI surveillance and stand up for democratic self-governance.

    Just as a healthy environment, replete with clean air and water, has been declared a human right by the United Nations, privacy is enshrined in Article 12 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Although human rights are subject to national laws, water, air, and the internet know no national borders. It is, therefore, incumbent upon communities and the press to uphold these rights and to hold power to account.

    This spring, residents of Pittsylvania County, Virginia, did just that. Thanks to independent journalism and civic participation, residents pushed back against the corporate advertising meant to convince the county that the fossil fuels powering the region’s data centers are “clean.” Propagandistic campaigns were similarly applied in Memphis, Tennessee, where proponents of Elon Musk’s data center—which has the footprint of thirteen football fields—circulated fliers to residents of nearby, historically Black neighborhoods, proclaiming the super-polluting xAI has low emissions. “Colossus,” Musk’s name for what’s slated to be the world’s biggest supercomputer, powers xAI’s Hitler-loving chatbot Grok.

    The Southern Environmental Law Center exposed with satellite and thermal imagery how xAI, which neglected to obtain legally required air permits, brought in at least 35 portable methane gas turbines to help power Colossus. Tennessee reporter Ren Brabenec said that Memphis has become a sacrifice zone and expects the communities there to push back.

    Meanwhile, in Pittsylvania, Virginia, residents succeeded in halting the proposed expansion of data centers that would damage the region’s environment and public health. Elizabeth Putfark, attorney with the Southern Environmental Law Center, affirmed that communities, including local journalists, are a formidable force when acting in solidarity for the public welfare.

    Best practices

    Because AI surveillance is a threat to democracies everywhere, we must each take measures to counter “government use of AI for social control,” contends Abi Olvera, senior fellow with the Council on Strategic Risks. Harlo Holmes, director of digital security at the Freedom of the Press Foundation, told Wired that consumers must make technology choices under the premise that they’re our “last line of defense.” Steps to building that last line of defense include digital and media literacies and digital hygiene, and at least a cursory understanding of how data is stored and its far-reaching impacts.

    Best defensive practices employed by media professionals can also serve as best practices for individuals. This means becoming familiar with laws and regulations, taking every precaution to protect personal information on the internet and during online communications, and engaging in responsible civic discourse. A free and democratic society is only as strong as its citizens’ abilities to make informed decisions, which, in turn, are only as strong as their media and digital literacy skills and the quality of information they consume.

    This essay first published here: https://www.projectcensored.org/hidden-costs-big-data-surveillance-complex/

    The post The Hidden Costs of the Big Data Surveillance Complex first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • On August 5, the Federal Emergency Management Agency, known as FEMA, told approximately 100 staffers that they had been reassigned to Immigration and Customs Enforcement — and that if they refused to comply with their reassignment, they could be fired. The American Prospect published a copy of the email. “If you choose to decline this reassignment, or accept but fail to report for duty…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • Photo: Jeffrey St. Clair.

    It’s not exactly big news that the Trump administration – famous for slashing Biden era clean energy subsidies and cheering on fossil fuels to the tune of “Drill Baby, Drill” – is not interested in policies to address climate change. And lately they have been busy finding new ways to undermine the science that enhances our understanding of the threats posed by a warming planet.

    Back in April, the administration announced that it was dismissing the academics and experts who compile the federal government’s National Climate Assessment, a Congressionally mandated report that is released every few years. The next edition had been planned for 2027, and was intended to address how warming would impact public health, agriculture, water, and the broader economy. The report is used widely by researchers and government officials.

    That was just the start. In July, NPR reported that the website that hosts the most recent assessment had stopped working. It is hard to imagine a clearer sign of the administration’s disdain for science. But the next step came weeks later, when the Department of Energy published a new report titled “A Critical Review of Impacts of Greenhouse Gas Emissions on the US Climate.” It was authored by a small group of well-known climate ‘skeptics’ who argue that the overwhelming scientific consensus should not be considered ‘settled,’ and that there is generally too much alarmism about the impacts of climate change. As the New York Times noted, the report could be seen as Trump’s intention to “wage a battle against climate change research, a long-held goal of some conservative groups and fossil fuel companies.”

    The hurried report did not sit well with some of the researchers cited in the document. Among the reactions: One said it “completely misrepresents my work,” another called it “a serious misuse of my research,” while one more said her work “was taken out of context.” One researcher found that a supplementary graph in one of his papers was cited, but noted that “the actual content of my paper went counter to the narrative they were trying to present, and thus was ignored.”

    More broadly, scientists who were willing to speak said the DOE report “gives a terribly skewed view of the underlying climate science” that cherry-picks data to support specific conclusions (in one case, to support the contention that sea level rise is not actually accelerating). Michael Mann of the University of Pennsylvania sumed it up this way: “They constructed a deeply misleading antiscientific narrative, built on deceptive arguments, misrepresented datasets, and distortion of actual scientific understanding. Then they dressed it up with dubious graphics composed of selective, cherry-picked data.”

    On the same day that this climate ‘review’ was released, the administration had more news: It was seeking to revoke the 2009 endangerment finding, which forms the legal basis for the rules crafted by the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) to limit climate pollution from sources like cars and power plants. It is, as Politico put it, “the most audacious attempt yet by President Donald Trump to undo federal restrictions on fossil fuels.” Indeed, their intentions could not be any clearer.

    This first appeared on CEPR.

    The post Trump White House Elevates Climate “Skepticism” appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up for Dispatches, a newsletter that spotlights wrongdoing around the country, to receive our stories in your inbox every week.

    This is how misinformation gets accepted as fact.

    A year after Oregon endures its most destructive fire season on record in 2020, state lawmakers order a map estimating the wildfire risk for every property in the state. It’s the kind of rating now available on real estate sites like Zillow. The state wants to use the results to decide where it will apply forthcoming codes for fire-resistant construction and protections around homes.

    Around the same time, insurance companies start dropping Oregon homeowners’ policies and raising premiums to limit future losses, much as they have done in other disaster-prone states. Insurers have their own sophisticated risk maps to guide them, but some brokers instead tell homeowners the blame lies with the map the state produced. The belief gets treated as fact both on social media and in mainstream news — even though insurers and regulators say it’s not true.

    The anger quickly spreads. Not only is Oregon’s map seen as at fault for higher insurance premiums, one conservative talk radio host calls it an attempt to “depopulate rural areas.” People in an anti-map Facebook group start musing about “Agenda 21,” a conspiracy theory implicating the United Nations in an effort to force people into cities so they can be more easily controlled.

    By the time the state pulls back the map and starts over, the myths about it have gained so much momentum there’s no stopping them. Oregon’s hotter, drier climate isn’t the problem; the map is.

    Christine Drazan, the Oregon House Republican leader, joins more than a dozen other Republicans in February 2025 behind a sign that says “REPEAL THE WILDFIRE HAZARD MAP.” She calls the state’s map “faulty, defective, harmful” and says it, along with related fire-safe building and landscaping rules that are in the works, is “a heavy-handed bureaucratic takeover” that’s kept rural residents from insuring or selling homes.

    “This map is destroying their property values,” she says.

    In the end, what’s most remarkable about the campaign against Oregon’s wildfire map isn’t that misinformation found an audience.

    It’s that it worked.

    A melted sign hangs from a fence in Lyons, Oregon, in 2020. (Nathan Howard/Getty Images)

    Chris Dunn, a wildfire risk scientist at Oregon State University and a former wildland firefighter, thought Oregon had a chance to be a national model for adapting to wildfire risks when he was asked to make the statewide map in 2021.

    Oregon adopted a unique set of land use laws in the late 1960s and 1970s that helped curb urban sprawl. A coalition of farmers and conservationists formulated the legislation to preserve farmland and keep cities compact. To Dunn, protecting homes seemed within reach because the state had maintained agricultural buffers around cities, helping to serve as firebreaks.

    At the time, Zillow hadn’t yet come out with risk ratings. By building its own map, Oregon could use local input and make adjustments as it went along.

    The map results would help Oregon decide where to require a tool proven to save homes from wind-driven wildfires: “defensible space.” Owners would have to prune trees up and away from their houses; they would need to keep their roofs clear of leaves, needles and other dead vegetation. The idea was to deny wind-borne embers fuel that can burn down dwellings — a problem fresh on lawmakers’ minds after Oregon’s devastating 2020 fire season destroyed more than 2,000 homes.

    Dunn knew public communication would be important. Before the map was released, a private property rights group had warned its members in a letter that the map and its rules were worrisome. Gov. Kate Brown’s wildfire council, advising state leaders about the map’s rollout, knew about the letter and the potential for pushback, according to emails Dunn provided to ProPublica.

    Dunn said he was clear with Brown’s wildfire director, Doug Grafe, and others on the council that the map needed a significant, coordinated and effective communications campaign starting months before its release. Dunn said all the state developed was a one-page document on the roles of each government agency.

    (Brown and Grafe did not respond to ProPublica’s questions. Grafe told Oregon Public Broadcasting in 2022 that “we are committed to ensuring people understand what they can do to increase the likelihood their homes and properties will survive wildfires.”)

    Without state outreach, many homeowners learned their homes were in “extreme risk” zones from a July 2022 letter in the mail. It gave them 60 days to appeal the designation or face complying with new building and defensible-space codes the state was developing.

    The wildfire hazard map and online user interface, created by Chris Dunn, a wildfire scientist at Oregon State University, shows high hazard areas in orange and those with moderate hazards in purple. (Screenshot by ProPublica of the Oregon Statewide Wildfire Hazard Map)

    Dunn could see that an uproar was building around his work. One community meeting where he was scheduled to present was canceled after state officials received threats of violence.

    On Facebook, more than 6,000 people joined a private group, ODF Wildfire Risk Map Support, a base of opposition. ODF stands for the Oregon Department of Forestry, the state agency overseeing the map’s creation.

    One member warned that state officials would snoop around their rural properties to tell owners what to do.

    “Guys this is a agenda 21,” said the member, referencing the conspiracy theory promoted in part by former Fox News talk show host Glenn Beck.

    Along with 31 thumbs-ups, eight angry faces and several other emojis, the post got 24 comments.

    • This insane bill out of Salem is crazy! Every designation was decided by an algorithm by politicians in Salem who don’t a clue about our property, our house, our lifestyles! If you think it’s not their agenda to destroy rural property owners, think again. (10 likes)
    • The UN Sustainable Development Goals are driving this push to eliminate rural living. Look into ICLEI and see how the UN infiltrates state and local governments and influences policy and legislation. https://iclei.org (6 likes)
    • I learned about this when I first became involved in conservative politics. Back when globalist-backed Agenda 21 and now Agenda 2030 were still thought of as conspiracy theories. (6 likes, 1 sad reaction)

    These Facebook comments have been excerpted to preserve anonymity.

    Oregon can’t stop firestorms with regulations, conservative talk show host Bill Meyer told listeners, “unless you just get people off the land, and people wonder if that’s what the intent of all of this is ultimately.” Invoking a phrase associated with the Agenda 21 conspiracy, Meyer said rural residents would wind up having to move into “stack-and-pack” housing in Oregon’s cities. (Meyer did not respond to ProPublica’s emails.)

    State officials’ lack of communication with the public “led to really significant challenges,” Dunn told ProPublica. “We don’t know if we could have well-communicated and sort of avoided those conspiracy theories and misinformation. But it was just so propagated in the media that it just took over.”

    Jeff Golden, the Democratic state senator who helped draft the bill creating the map, said rural residents were understandably upset. The impacts of climate change were abstract to many people, Golden said, until they started getting those letters — at the same time insurance companies were dumping them.

    “It’s a really hard adjustment,” said Golden, chairperson of the Senate’s Natural Resources and Wildfire Committee. “This is a very big chicken coming home to roost.”

    Misinformation stoked people’s anger. “It makes a conversation that would have been difficult at best almost impossible,” Golden said.

    State officials withdrew the map just over a month after its 2022 release, saying that while they had met the legislative deadline for delivering it, “there wasn’t enough time to allow for the type of local outreach and engagement that people wanted, needed and deserved.”

    Oregon state Sen. Jeff Golden helped draft the bill creating the wildfire risk map. (Jenny Kane/AP Photo)

    After homeowners blamed the newly released risk map for insurance cancellations and premium increases, Oregon’s insurance regulator formally asked insurers: Did you use the state risk map?

    Companies filed statements, required by law to be answered truthfully, saying they had not. Oregon’s then-insurance commissioner, Andrew Stolfi, announced the industry’s response publicly at the time.

    “Insurance companies have been using their own risk maps and other robust risk management tools to assess wildfire risk for years in making rating and underwriting decisions,” Stolfi said in a news release.

    Stolfi told consumers to submit any documentation they received from insurance companies showing that the state’s map had been used to influence underwriting or rating decisions. Jason Horton, a spokesperson for Oregon’s insurance regulator, told ProPublica the agency has not substantiated any complaints.

    For good measure, lawmakers in 2023 passed a bill explicitly banning insurers from using the map to set rates.

    But as Dunn reworked the map, the cloud of misinformation continued to swirl on social media.

    After Zillow and other real estate sites began posting wildfire risk ratings on properties nationwide last year, participants in the anti-map Facebook group alleged the state was behind it.

    “Who would decide to move out here after seeing that?” one asked.

    Zillow uses data from the research firm First Street, a Zillow spokesperson told ProPublica. A First Street spokesperson also said the group doesn’t use Oregon’s map.

    Andrew DeVigal, a University of Oregon journalism professor who has studied news ecosystems around the state, said places where news outlets have shrunk or closed down have grown particularly reliant on such Facebook groups. These community watercoolers help confirm participants’ biases. “You surround yourself with people who think like you, so you’re in your space,” he said.

    A ProPublica reporter identified himself to the group’s participants, asking in June for evidence that they’d been harmed by the state’s map. None provided definitive proof. Some acknowledged that they couldn’t demonstrate that the map had affected them but said they suspected it lowered their homes’ values or their insurability.

    Among the respondents was Chris Dalton, who lives in La Pine, south of Bend. Dalton described spending about $2,000 trimming trees and another $500 putting down gravel to create defensible space.

    However, Dalton said, the house’s location had been designated as being at moderate risk. That means it was not subject to the state’s defensible-space requirements. And even if Dalton’s property had been designated as high enough risk to be governed by the new regulations, they had not been finalized at that point and were not being enforced.

    “I guess you could say we used common sense to get ahead of future problems,” Dalton said.

    The Darlene Fire burned more than 3,000 acres around La Pine, Oregon, in June 2024. (Deschutes County Sheriff’s Office)

    Watch video ➜

    Oregon officials decided to give the map another try last year.

    They re-released it, this time doing more outreach. Following California’s lead and aiming to make the map less confusing, Oregon also changed its nomenclature. Properties weren’t in risk classes, they were in hazard zones. The highest rating was no longer “extreme,” it was “high.” Dunn, the Oregon State scientist, said he thought the map had survived the effort to kill it.

    But the backlash continued. Of the 106,000 properties found to face the highest hazard, more than 6,000 landowners filed appeals. At least one county appealed the designation on behalf of every high-hazard property in its borders — more than 20,000 of them.

    In January, a new Oregon legislative session kicked off and wildfire preparedness was once again a top priority for the body’s Democratic leadership. Gov. Tina Kotek ordered a pause on decisions about homeowners’ appeals until the session ended, giving lawmakers a chance to decide what to do with the map.

    Drazan, the House minority leader, led fellow Republicans in opposition.

    She told ProPublica she “can’t know for sure” that the map caused homeowners to lose insurance or have trouble selling, as she’d asserted at February’s news conference. “I am reflecting what we were told,” she said.

    Regardless, she said, the mandates on protecting properties went too far. “We’re not looking for the state to be the president of our homeowner’s association and tell us what color our paint can be,” Drazan said.

    Even Golden, who’d helped shepherd the original bill mandating a map, began to waver.

    Golden described conversations with homeowners who struggled to understand why work they’d done to protect their properties from fires didn’t lower their state risk rating. He said the map couldn’t account for the specific characteristics of each property, ultimately making it clear to him that it couldn’t work.

    “I got tired of trying to convince people that the model was smarter than they were,” Golden said.

    Dunn told ProPublica that the map was not intended to reflect all the changing conditions at a particular property, only the hazards that the surrounding topography, climate, weather and vegetation create. It wasn’t about whether homeowners had cleared defensible space — just whether they should. The work they do makes their individual homes less vulnerable, he said, but it doesn’t eliminate the broader threats around them.

    Neighbors walk through their destroyed neighborhood in Phoenix, Oregon, in 2020. Hundreds of homes in the area were destroyed. (Mason Trinca for The Washington Post via Getty Images) Fire retardant coats a playground in a neighborhood largely destroyed by a wildfire in Talent, Oregon, in 2020. Climate change has increased the risk of wildfires in the state. (David Ryder/Getty Images)

    By April, the map was on its way out.

    The state Senate voted unanimously, Golden included, to repeal the state’s defensible-space and home-hardening requirements as well as the map that showed where they would apply.

    Ahead of a 50-1 vote in the House to kill the map, familiar claims got repeated — including from a legislative leader’s office.

    Virgle Osborne, the House Republican whip, lamented in a May press release: “These wildfire maps have cost people property values, insurance increases, and many heartaches.”

    Osborne told ProPublica he stood behind his comment even though he had no evidence for it. Osborne said he believed Oregon’s maps helped insurance companies justify rate increases and policy cancellations.

    “I can’t give you, you know, here’s the perfect example of somebody that, you know, did it, but no insurance company is that foolish,” Osborne said. “They’re not going to write a statement that would put them in jeopardy. But common sense is going to tell you, when the state is on your side, the insurance companies are going to bail out. And they have.”

    With or without a map, former California insurance commissioner Dave Jones said, Oregon lawmakers could require insurers to provide incentives for homeowners to protect their properties. Colorado, for instance, ordered insurers this year to account for risk-reduction efforts in models used to decide who can obtain insurance and at what price.

    Jones nonetheless called Oregon’s decision to kill the wildfire map “very unfortunate.”

    “One of the biggest public health and safety challenges states are facing are climate-driven, severe-weather-related events,” Jones said. “Not giving people useful information to make decisions on that, to me, is not a path to public health and safety.”

    During the June vote in the Oregon House, the lone person who voted to preserve Oregon’s wildfire map and its associated mandates was Dacia Grayber, a Democrat from the Portland area who’s a longtime firefighter and worked a brush rig during the 2020 wildfires.

    She told ProPublica that by training, the first things she looks for while defending homes in wildland fires are the types of hazards the state intended to target: firewood under the deck, cedar shake siding, flammable juniper bushes growing close to homes.

    Grayber said she was disturbed by the sentiment in the Capitol as the repeal vote neared. The decision to kill the map and eliminate home-hardening requirements, she said, had become a “feel-good, bipartisan vote.”

    “We are walking away from a very clear decision to build safer, more resilient communities,” Grayber said.

    The tragedy of it, she said, is “that it was 100% based in misinformation.”

    Kotek, Oregon’s Democratic governor, signed the repeal on July 24.

    Oregon Rep. Dacia Grayber is the sole legislator who voted to keep the wildfire hazard map alive. (Jenny Kane/AP Photo)

    This post was originally published on ProPublica.

  • Gray wolf. Photo: Jeffrey St. Clair.

    In an amazing court victory for wild wolves and advocates who tirelessly speak on their behalf, the federal district court in Missoula, Montana ruled that the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service violated the Endangered Species Act when it determined that gray wolves in the western United States do not warrant federal protections.

    Western Watersheds Project, Alliance for the Wild Rockies, WildEarth Guardians, International Wildlife Coexistence Network, Predator Defense, Protect the Wolves, Trap Free Montana,Wilderness Watch, Friends of the Clearwater, and Nimiipuu Protecting the Environment filed a lawsuit in January challenging the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service’s denial of their petitions to list a western U.S. distinct population segment (DPS) of gray wolves under the ESA, or alternatively, to re-list the Northern Rocky Mountain DPS, which Congress “delisted” in 2011.

    The ruling means that the Fish and Wildlife Service’s finding that gray wolves in the West do not qualify for listing  is vacated and sent back to the agency for a new decision, consistent with the Endangered Species Act and best available science.

    We hope this order will help blunt some of the lingering bigotry, senseless killing and fear mongering that nearly wiped wolves out before they were listed as endangered under the provisions of the federal Endangered Species Act in 1974.

    The court order states that the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service failed to consider the “best available science” on wolf populations and the impacts of hunting and trapping; the full extent of the species’ historical range; and the threat posed by inadequate state and federal regulations that often bow to political pressure.

    The court ordered the Fish and Wildlife Service to re-analyze threats to the gray wolf population in the West in accordance with the requirements of the Endangered Species Act. These include the requirement to use the best available science.

    Specifically, the court noted the agency failed to consider wolves’ lost historic range throughout the West in its assessment.

    The court also ruled that the Fish and Wildlife Service  failed to apply the best available science on population estimates and genetic threats from their small population size; incorrectly assumed connectivity among wolves in the West would continue despite high levels of mortality in the Northern Rockies.

    To sum it up, the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service didn’t follow the law to protect wolves from Montana’s, Idaho’s, and Wyoming’s wolf extermination policies. Wolves have yet to recover across the West, and allowing a few states to undertake aggressive wolf slaughters is inconsistent with the law.

    The Alliance successfully sued to overturn the delisting of the gray wolf in 2012, but Montana’s Democratic Senator Jon Tester broke his campaign promise to not use riders to overturn court decisions and attached a rider to a must-pass Defense appropriation bill to remove wolves from Endangered Species list despite the court’s order. It is time to once again manage wolves in the Northern Rockies and throughout the west based on science, not politics, since Montana, Idaho and

    Wyoming have demonstrated that they are not capable of doing so.

    I would like to thank Matt Bishop, an attorney at Western Environmental Law Center for representing us and winning. 

    The post Wolves Can’t Go to Court, So We Went for Them…and Won! appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • By Emma Page

    Greenpeace says moves to weaken ocean protection through dodgy fisheries “reforms” will be met with strong opposition, as Oceans and Fisheries Minister Shane Jones announces he wants to proceed with a raft of proposed changes to fisheries laws.

    The controversial changes are some of the largest in decades, and would restrict public access to cameras on boats footage, remove the requirement for fishers to land all their catch, and stop legal challenges to catch limits that have been successful in protecting species in recent years.

    The reforms will also give the minister the ability to set catch limits for five years.

    Greenpeace oceans campaigner Ellie Hooper said these proposals would give the industry carte blanche on ocean destruction, weaken transparency and block the public from having input into fisheries decisions.

    “These changes spell disaster for the already struggling ocean around us,” she said.

    “Championed by the Minister for Oceans and Fisheries, the changes green light ocean destruction and remove the already minimal checks and balances designed to keep the fishing industry accountable.

    “It is yet another example of how this government is pandering to the fishing industry while ignoring the overwhelming majority of New Zealanders who want more ocean protection, not less.

    “New Zealanders want a healthy, thriving ocean where fish are plentiful and ecosystems are thriving.

    ‘More destruction’
    “These reforms will mean more destruction, more decline in fish populations, and will allow the industry to go back to operating in the dark — hiding the impact they have.”

    One of the proposed reforms is to restrict access to footage from cameras on boats to industry and government only.

    “This is not how it should work,” said Hooper.

    “There are far more people in this country than just the commercial fishing industry who have a right to know how the ocean is being impacted, and have a say on what happens about protecting it.”

    Hooper also warns that setting catch limits for five years could spell disaster for fish numbers, noting the recent collapse of the Chatham Rise Orange Roughy fishery, which has been so mismanaged it could now be at 8 percent of its original size.

    “Greenpeace, backed by thousands of New Zealanders, stands for defending nature and ocean health. We are calling for an urgent end to destructive bottom trawling on seamounts and other vulnerable features, and for all footage from cameras on boats to be made accessible via the OIA (Offical Information Act),” she said.

    “During a biodiversity and ocean crisis, we will strongly oppose moves to expedite destruction at the hands of the commercial fishing industry, as will the tens of thousands of New Zealanders who also back ocean protection.”

    Republished from Greenpeace News.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • I don’t know what word in the English language—I can’t find one—that applies to people who are willing to sacrifice the literal existence of organized human life … so they can put a few more dollars into highly overstuffed pockets. The word ‘evil’ doesn’t begin to approach it.

    Noam Chomsky

    Unlike other historical periods of extreme wealth inequality, the added fact that our planet’s life support systems are currently being pushed toward a breaking point adds a new level of horror to current governance by the elites. As Chomsky implies, we need new words to describe our daily and worsening situation.

    The short answer to Chomsky’s question is that these people, mostly oligarchs, are corporate economic terrorists, answering to no one as they are executing the suicide hijacking of the natural systems that pilot the planet Earth, in their quest to rule a now-burning planet of their own making. Operating mostly by stealth to keep fossil fuel king, their cumulative crimes over the last five decades amount to a mostly slow-motion, everyday reign of terror over the whole planet, punctuated by the turbo–charged, greenhouse gas-fueled, climate chaos of extreme weather events.

    Exposing the Entrapocracy

    Extreme weather terror, or turbochuggf*cks in the vernacular, is most recently evident in July 2025, in the human catastrophes caused by floods in Texas, New Mexico, and North Carolina, as well as in the heatwaves across Europe and around many other parts of the world that do not merit media coverage in the US. Increasing in number and intensity each year, such disasters are the sharp end of global warming, which is pushing the planet’s life support systems towards the brink of collapse. Crucial, but absent in most of the reporting of these disasters and climate change in general, is the role of the corporate-powered climate denial lobby in prolonging the shelf life of fossil fuels for decades beyond their sell-by date.

    The most profitable business in the history of the world has leveraged its vast wherewithal to assume political, judicial, and cultural control of those human systems necessary to prolong its own primacy, by completely normalizing this insanity. In the face of now long standing near total agreement amongst climate scientists that as a global community we simply need to stop using fossil fuels, the fossil fuel industry seized control of the invisible hand to throttle dissent, whilst slamming down its invisible foot harder on the accelerator of increasing fossil fuel production, driving the planet ever closer towards the climate precipice.

    Whilst mostly sticking to the shadows of their dark money universe, these corporate economic terrorists do have names, and they should be made to answer for their eco-cidal crimes. Best in Show corporate economic terrorist is Charles Koch, who pioneered in practice the now much-copied template for bending the US political system away from genuine democracy and towards authoritarianism, and, in his case, in favor of the bottom line of his personal economic agenda.

    Koch stands head and shoulders above his peers as a key organizer in terms of coordinating billionaire “solidarity,” not least enabling allegedly competing brands within the fossil fuel industry to work in unison, if not direct collusion, to use any means necessary to prop up the fossil fuel oligopoly’s monopoly on how the planet is powered. Acting like a protection racket, this entrapocracy ensures that the general public’s subsistence needs are largely dependent on an infrastructure specifically designed for the exclusive use of fossil fuels’ key products, keeping us, the global citizenry, largely entrapped, often against our better judgment, but nonetheless hooked.

    “Climate Homicide”

    The fatal “side effects” of unregulated capitalism are long known. Back in 1845, Friedrich Engels formulated the concept of “social murder,” defining it as an unnatural death that results from social, political or economic oppression, “whereby the class which at present holds social and political control … places hundreds of proletarians in such a position that they inevitably meet a too early and an unnatural death,” precisely because of the unregulated dominating activities of the ruling class. Engels’s point wasn’t rhetorical. In 2022, a US worker was killed at work every ninety-six minutes, on average, according to records kept by the US Bureau of Labor Statistics.

    Jason Hickel identifies a second era of horror unleashed on the Global South by corporate power mongers in the Global North as “colonialism 2.0.” Hickel calls the catastrophic harm to billions of people in poorer nations from the “excess emissions of a few rich nations” a “crime against humanity” and stresses that “we should have the clarity to call it that.”

    A joint study by the Harvard School of Public Health and three British universities in 2021 found that 1 in 5 global deaths, or around 8.7 million people per year, can be attributed to fine particulate fossil fuel pollution. These deaths are on top of those directly resulting from turbochuggf*ck weather events.

    In a 2024 journal article, published in the Harvard Environmental Law Review and covered by Common Dreams, David Arkush and Donald Braman describe the man-made climate crisis as not only “globally catastrophic” (as the fossil fuel industry has known for years) but also “climate homicide.” They point out that the oil majors have been “technically sophisticated enough to know that they could hide the harms they were generating from lay observers for decades, allowing them to earn trillions of dollars while researchers, activists, and regulators struggled to overcome the sophisticated disinformation and political influence campaigns these profits supported.”

    Further, Arkush and Braman contend that, “The case for [climate] homicide prosecutions is increasingly compelling. A steady growth in the information about what [Fossil Fuel Companies] knew and what they did with that knowledge is revealing a story of antisocial conduct generating lethal harm so extensive it may soon become unparalleled in human history.”

    Charles Koch inherited a fortune and then multiplied it many times over. Initially, in 1969, as a rookie CEO, he secured control of the Pine Bend refinery in Minnesota and refined the tariff-free, dirtiest of “garbage crudes” from the Canadian tar sands, to become the Koch cash cow for decades to come. Lee Fang described Koch Industries as a “pollution-based empire,” engaged in what George Monbiot and Peter Hutchison called the modern expression of capitalism’s essential DNA—colonial looting— which has made Koch the twenty-second richest man in the world today.

    Toxic Business Activism

    As if mirroring their extremely profitable and ever-expanding ventures of turning the world’s most toxic raw materials into sellable products, Charles Koch and his brother David pioneered an equally toxic form of business activism, which continues to push the planet to the brink of habitability and the US political system into authoritarianism.

    In a 1974 speech organized by the Institute for Human Studies, Charles Koch praised the infamous Powell Memo, which urged business activism, but noted that it did not go far enough. Recommending a radical corporate libertarian vision for the country, where government only exists to oversee the police and the military in their duties to protect the private property rights of the elites, Koch envisioned a world where any taxes on elites amounted to theft, where the progressive reforms of the twentieth century would be rolled back, and where all regulations against corporate activity would be abolished. We can call this Koch’s Project 1974, and, some fifty years later, many of Koch’s wishes are being fulfilled by the second Trump administration in the form of Project 2025, which, of course, Koch himself partly funded.

    The political machine he built to this end became known as the Kochtopus, for its multi-tentacled, democracy distorting, and unprecedented seizure of US politics. Call this Koch math, i.e., billionaires weaponizing what, for them, is chump change (the millions of dollars available from their tax evasion schemes) to secure billions of dollars in return in the form of further tax cuts, corporate perks, and government deregulation. Koch initiated donor summits in 2003, harnessing the undisciplined billionaire instinct of throwing money at causes and weaponizing its collective power in the form of what Theda Skocpol and her colleagues called a “donor consortia,” thus multiplying times over what good, old-fashioned, dirty oil money could buy in terms of actual political influence.

    Couching the defense of fossil fuel in the broader realm of the conservative tent of rabid market fundamentalism, the Kochtopus became a toxic ideological engineering pipeline, pedaling this capitrickalist free malarketry from ideas generated by paid-for-professors and taught in funded university programs across the country; refined into policy proposals in conservative think-tanks and deployed in the real world in “scripts” handed to paid-for-politicians; all of which were distilled and seeded as invasive species of dominant narratives in the corporate owned media. The Kochtopus’s reach was further and uniquely magnified by the addition of astroturf boots on the ground, facilitated by paid-for-organizers, often graduates from the above network, with budgets leftists and progressives could only dream of.

    Promoting Climate Denial

    We now know that Big Fossil Fuels’ own scientists predicted, with remarkable accuracy, turbochuggf*cks and climate breakdown as a result of global warming all the way back in the 1970s. Koch was certainly privy to this insider knowledge at the time. By 1988, NASA scientist James Hansen had testified before Congress, putting the world on notice that global warming was real and was happening.

    In response, Koch’s own Cato Institute hosted the world’s first climate denial conference in 1991, the details of which remained buried until Christopher Leonard revealed it in his 2019 book, Kochland. Fifteen years ahead of the Tea Party, Koch’s own free-market thought police, the fake populist Citizens for a Sound Economy, led the efforts to defeat the Clinton-Gore administration’s attempts to tax carbon. And the Kochtopus joined the industry-wide pushes to derail the Kyoto Protocol and to prevent Al Gore from becoming President in 2000.

    Theda Skocpol and Alexander Hertel-Fernandez document how, by the mid-2010s, the Koch effect operated on the scale of a national U.S. political party … but despite its massive size, the Koch network is a leveraging operation—not a separate third party—because it is intertwined with (although not subordinated to) the institutional GOP … the Koch network operates as a force field to the right of the Republican Party, exerting a strong gravitational pull on many GOP candidates and officeholders. The overall effect is to reset the range of issues and policy alternatives to which candidates and officeholders are responsive.

    In 2004, after Citizens for a Sound Economy underwent a rebranding, it emerged as Americans for Prosperity. During the Obama administration, the much expanded group bullied politicians, with the threat of primary challenges from the right, into taking a “climate pledge” that effectively flipped almost the entire Republican Party into the party of climate denial. By 2014, “only eight out of 278 Republicans in Congress were willing to acknowledge that man-made climate change was a reality.”

    If all this were not enough, Koch’s key cognizant pre-meditated climate crime is the massive expansion of Koch Industries into frack-f**cking the planet. Its Corpus Christi refinery in Texas, which had focused on light oil refining, was ideally positioned to capitalize on the fracked oil boom of the early 2010s. Despite the well-established and public climate science that recommended remaining fossil fuel reserves stay in the ground, Koch doubled down on fracking, confirming his intentions to stay the course. Around this same time, Koch began trying to whitewash his own image using the smallest of his small change, as the Kochtopus used its massive wherewithal to continue to bully the GOP and the country towards the authoritarianism that would be essential to defending his businesses in the 2020s.

    The Other DEI: Domestic Election Interference

    Americans for Prosperity gloated over the recent passage of Trump’s Big Abomination of an Abysmal Bill, praising how it “unleashes American Energy” by reducing regulations and increasing tax breaks for the fossil fuel industry, oblivious as ever to the economic terror guaranteed by this implementation of this Project 1974 “economic freedom über alles.”

    Koch has weaponized the template for the other DEI, domestic election interference, by billionaires. As Bill McKibben noted in 2016, the Koch Brothers may be “the most important unelected figures in American political history.” The strategies of political manipulation they pioneered have not only been adopted by conservative forces from The Federalist Society to AIPAC, but they also enabled the corporate coup d’état on full display at the 2024 Trump inauguration. The Koch brothers might have scoffed at Elon Musk wielding a chainsaw, but their concerted assault on the democratic process helped lay the groundwork for DOGE.

    In late 2024, Connor Gibson and Robert J. Brulle, joined what is now a chorus of journalists and researchers who have exposed the Koch brothers as leaders of climate denialism, if not the scam’s leading perpetrators; yet when I play the songs from my Kochtopus’s Garden recording at shows and ask who has heard of the Koch brothers, very few people raise their hands.

    Unable to let go, Charles Koch remains CEO of Koch Inc. Now aged 89, he’s likely to escape in death any punishment for his life of economic terrorism. In 2023, as an hors d’oeuvre for his undeclared plans for life after death, he bequeathed, tax-free, a record-breaking $5 billion to sustain the Kochtopus after his passing. For those inheriting the burning planet that is the Kochtopus’s Garden, documenting his crimes and stopping their daily recurrence is up to us—by dissent, by court cases, and by dismantling the corrupt, oligarchic political system Koch did so much to create.

    This article first appeared in https://www.projectcensored.org/economic-terror-turbochuggfck-in-texas/

    The post ECONOMIC TERROR AND THE TURBOCHUGGF*CK IN TEXAS first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • I don’t know what word in the English language—I can’t find one—that applies to people who are willing to sacrifice the literal existence of organized human life … so they can put a few more dollars into highly overstuffed pockets. The word ‘evil’ doesn’t begin to approach it.

    Noam Chomsky

    Unlike other historical periods of extreme wealth inequality, the added fact that our planet’s life support systems are currently being pushed toward a breaking point adds a new level of horror to current governance by the elites. As Chomsky implies, we need new words to describe our daily and worsening situation.

    The short answer to Chomsky’s question is that these people, mostly oligarchs, are corporate economic terrorists, answering to no one as they are executing the suicide hijacking of the natural systems that pilot the planet Earth, in their quest to rule a now-burning planet of their own making. Operating mostly by stealth to keep fossil fuel king, their cumulative crimes over the last five decades amount to a mostly slow-motion, everyday reign of terror over the whole planet, punctuated by the turbo–charged, greenhouse gas-fueled, climate chaos of extreme weather events.

    Exposing the Entrapocracy

    Extreme weather terror, or turbochuggf*cks in the vernacular, is most recently evident in July 2025, in the human catastrophes caused by floods in Texas, New Mexico, and North Carolina, as well as in the heatwaves across Europe and around many other parts of the world that do not merit media coverage in the US. Increasing in number and intensity each year, such disasters are the sharp end of global warming, which is pushing the planet’s life support systems towards the brink of collapse. Crucial, but absent in most of the reporting of these disasters and climate change in general, is the role of the corporate-powered climate denial lobby in prolonging the shelf life of fossil fuels for decades beyond their sell-by date.

    The most profitable business in the history of the world has leveraged its vast wherewithal to assume political, judicial, and cultural control of those human systems necessary to prolong its own primacy, by completely normalizing this insanity. In the face of now long standing near total agreement amongst climate scientists that as a global community we simply need to stop using fossil fuels, the fossil fuel industry seized control of the invisible hand to throttle dissent, whilst slamming down its invisible foot harder on the accelerator of increasing fossil fuel production, driving the planet ever closer towards the climate precipice.

    Whilst mostly sticking to the shadows of their dark money universe, these corporate economic terrorists do have names, and they should be made to answer for their eco-cidal crimes. Best in Show corporate economic terrorist is Charles Koch, who pioneered in practice the now much-copied template for bending the US political system away from genuine democracy and towards authoritarianism, and, in his case, in favor of the bottom line of his personal economic agenda.

    Koch stands head and shoulders above his peers as a key organizer in terms of coordinating billionaire “solidarity,” not least enabling allegedly competing brands within the fossil fuel industry to work in unison, if not direct collusion, to use any means necessary to prop up the fossil fuel oligopoly’s monopoly on how the planet is powered. Acting like a protection racket, this entrapocracy ensures that the general public’s subsistence needs are largely dependent on an infrastructure specifically designed for the exclusive use of fossil fuels’ key products, keeping us, the global citizenry, largely entrapped, often against our better judgment, but nonetheless hooked.

    “Climate Homicide”

    The fatal “side effects” of unregulated capitalism are long known. Back in 1845, Friedrich Engels formulated the concept of “social murder,” defining it as an unnatural death that results from social, political or economic oppression, “whereby the class which at present holds social and political control … places hundreds of proletarians in such a position that they inevitably meet a too early and an unnatural death,” precisely because of the unregulated dominating activities of the ruling class. Engels’s point wasn’t rhetorical. In 2022, a US worker was killed at work every ninety-six minutes, on average, according to records kept by the US Bureau of Labor Statistics.

    Jason Hickel identifies a second era of horror unleashed on the Global South by corporate power mongers in the Global North as “colonialism 2.0.” Hickel calls the catastrophic harm to billions of people in poorer nations from the “excess emissions of a few rich nations” a “crime against humanity” and stresses that “we should have the clarity to call it that.”

    A joint study by the Harvard School of Public Health and three British universities in 2021 found that 1 in 5 global deaths, or around 8.7 million people per year, can be attributed to fine particulate fossil fuel pollution. These deaths are on top of those directly resulting from turbochuggf*ck weather events.

    In a 2024 journal article, published in the Harvard Environmental Law Review and covered by Common Dreams, David Arkush and Donald Braman describe the man-made climate crisis as not only “globally catastrophic” (as the fossil fuel industry has known for years) but also “climate homicide.” They point out that the oil majors have been “technically sophisticated enough to know that they could hide the harms they were generating from lay observers for decades, allowing them to earn trillions of dollars while researchers, activists, and regulators struggled to overcome the sophisticated disinformation and political influence campaigns these profits supported.”

    Further, Arkush and Braman contend that, “The case for [climate] homicide prosecutions is increasingly compelling. A steady growth in the information about what [Fossil Fuel Companies] knew and what they did with that knowledge is revealing a story of antisocial conduct generating lethal harm so extensive it may soon become unparalleled in human history.”

    Charles Koch inherited a fortune and then multiplied it many times over. Initially, in 1969, as a rookie CEO, he secured control of the Pine Bend refinery in Minnesota and refined the tariff-free, dirtiest of “garbage crudes” from the Canadian tar sands, to become the Koch cash cow for decades to come. Lee Fang described Koch Industries as a “pollution-based empire,” engaged in what George Monbiot and Peter Hutchison called the modern expression of capitalism’s essential DNA—colonial looting— which has made Koch the twenty-second richest man in the world today.

    Toxic Business Activism

    As if mirroring their extremely profitable and ever-expanding ventures of turning the world’s most toxic raw materials into sellable products, Charles Koch and his brother David pioneered an equally toxic form of business activism, which continues to push the planet to the brink of habitability and the US political system into authoritarianism.

    In a 1974 speech organized by the Institute for Human Studies, Charles Koch praised the infamous Powell Memo, which urged business activism, but noted that it did not go far enough. Recommending a radical corporate libertarian vision for the country, where government only exists to oversee the police and the military in their duties to protect the private property rights of the elites, Koch envisioned a world where any taxes on elites amounted to theft, where the progressive reforms of the twentieth century would be rolled back, and where all regulations against corporate activity would be abolished. We can call this Koch’s Project 1974, and, some fifty years later, many of Koch’s wishes are being fulfilled by the second Trump administration in the form of Project 2025, which, of course, Koch himself partly funded.

    The political machine he built to this end became known as the Kochtopus, for its multi-tentacled, democracy distorting, and unprecedented seizure of US politics. Call this Koch math, i.e., billionaires weaponizing what, for them, is chump change (the millions of dollars available from their tax evasion schemes) to secure billions of dollars in return in the form of further tax cuts, corporate perks, and government deregulation. Koch initiated donor summits in 2003, harnessing the undisciplined billionaire instinct of throwing money at causes and weaponizing its collective power in the form of what Theda Skocpol and her colleagues called a “donor consortia,” thus multiplying times over what good, old-fashioned, dirty oil money could buy in terms of actual political influence.

    Couching the defense of fossil fuel in the broader realm of the conservative tent of rabid market fundamentalism, the Kochtopus became a toxic ideological engineering pipeline, pedaling this capitrickalist free malarketry from ideas generated by paid-for-professors and taught in funded university programs across the country; refined into policy proposals in conservative think-tanks and deployed in the real world in “scripts” handed to paid-for-politicians; all of which were distilled and seeded as invasive species of dominant narratives in the corporate owned media. The Kochtopus’s reach was further and uniquely magnified by the addition of astroturf boots on the ground, facilitated by paid-for-organizers, often graduates from the above network, with budgets leftists and progressives could only dream of.

    Promoting Climate Denial

    We now know that Big Fossil Fuels’ own scientists predicted, with remarkable accuracy, turbochuggf*cks and climate breakdown as a result of global warming all the way back in the 1970s. Koch was certainly privy to this insider knowledge at the time. By 1988, NASA scientist James Hansen had testified before Congress, putting the world on notice that global warming was real and was happening.

    In response, Koch’s own Cato Institute hosted the world’s first climate denial conference in 1991, the details of which remained buried until Christopher Leonard revealed it in his 2019 book, Kochland. Fifteen years ahead of the Tea Party, Koch’s own free-market thought police, the fake populist Citizens for a Sound Economy, led the efforts to defeat the Clinton-Gore administration’s attempts to tax carbon. And the Kochtopus joined the industry-wide pushes to derail the Kyoto Protocol and to prevent Al Gore from becoming President in 2000.

    Theda Skocpol and Alexander Hertel-Fernandez document how, by the mid-2010s, the Koch effect operated on the scale of a national U.S. political party … but despite its massive size, the Koch network is a leveraging operation—not a separate third party—because it is intertwined with (although not subordinated to) the institutional GOP … the Koch network operates as a force field to the right of the Republican Party, exerting a strong gravitational pull on many GOP candidates and officeholders. The overall effect is to reset the range of issues and policy alternatives to which candidates and officeholders are responsive.

    In 2004, after Citizens for a Sound Economy underwent a rebranding, it emerged as Americans for Prosperity. During the Obama administration, the much expanded group bullied politicians, with the threat of primary challenges from the right, into taking a “climate pledge” that effectively flipped almost the entire Republican Party into the party of climate denial. By 2014, “only eight out of 278 Republicans in Congress were willing to acknowledge that man-made climate change was a reality.”

    If all this were not enough, Koch’s key cognizant pre-meditated climate crime is the massive expansion of Koch Industries into frack-f**cking the planet. Its Corpus Christi refinery in Texas, which had focused on light oil refining, was ideally positioned to capitalize on the fracked oil boom of the early 2010s. Despite the well-established and public climate science that recommended remaining fossil fuel reserves stay in the ground, Koch doubled down on fracking, confirming his intentions to stay the course. Around this same time, Koch began trying to whitewash his own image using the smallest of his small change, as the Kochtopus used its massive wherewithal to continue to bully the GOP and the country towards the authoritarianism that would be essential to defending his businesses in the 2020s.

    The Other DEI: Domestic Election Interference

    Americans for Prosperity gloated over the recent passage of Trump’s Big Abomination of an Abysmal Bill, praising how it “unleashes American Energy” by reducing regulations and increasing tax breaks for the fossil fuel industry, oblivious as ever to the economic terror guaranteed by this implementation of this Project 1974 “economic freedom über alles.”

    Koch has weaponized the template for the other DEI, domestic election interference, by billionaires. As Bill McKibben noted in 2016, the Koch Brothers may be “the most important unelected figures in American political history.” The strategies of political manipulation they pioneered have not only been adopted by conservative forces from The Federalist Society to AIPAC, but they also enabled the corporate coup d’état on full display at the 2024 Trump inauguration. The Koch brothers might have scoffed at Elon Musk wielding a chainsaw, but their concerted assault on the democratic process helped lay the groundwork for DOGE.

    In late 2024, Connor Gibson and Robert J. Brulle, joined what is now a chorus of journalists and researchers who have exposed the Koch brothers as leaders of climate denialism, if not the scam’s leading perpetrators; yet when I play the songs from my Kochtopus’s Garden recording at shows and ask who has heard of the Koch brothers, very few people raise their hands.

    Unable to let go, Charles Koch remains CEO of Koch Inc. Now aged 89, he’s likely to escape in death any punishment for his life of economic terrorism. In 2023, as an hors d’oeuvre for his undeclared plans for life after death, he bequeathed, tax-free, a record-breaking $5 billion to sustain the Kochtopus after his passing. For those inheriting the burning planet that is the Kochtopus’s Garden, documenting his crimes and stopping their daily recurrence is up to us—by dissent, by court cases, and by dismantling the corrupt, oligarchic political system Koch did so much to create.

    This article first appeared in https://www.projectcensored.org/economic-terror-turbochuggfck-in-texas/

    The post ECONOMIC TERROR AND THE TURBOCHUGGF*CK IN TEXAS first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • Before the clenching constipation of reluctant and cloddish policy makers, climate change advocates have found courts surprisingly amenable to their concerns. Bodies of environmental law in national courts and international tribunals are now burgeoning on the obligations of states to address ecological harms and the effects of greenhouse gas emissions. As is often the case, it’s the children at the vanguard, pointing scolding fingers at the adults in filing petitions and drawing attention to the dangers of tardiness.

    2025 is proving to be something of a good year for climate change litigants and activists. On July 3, 2025, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, as requested by Chile and Colombia, issued an advisory opinion addressing the scope and extent of obligations with respect to respecting, protecting and fulfilling substantive rights regarding the climate emergency; procedural rights relevant to the same; and clarifying obligations towards vulnerable groups (children, environment activists, women, indigenous groups and so forth).

    The advisory note is more onerous in not merely insisting that States observe a negative obligation – that is, to not violate rights directly – but that they also take positive steps through “reinforced due diligence” to deal with foreseeable harms arising from climate change. This entailed identifying a right to a safe climate. The prohibition against causing irreversible damage to the climate and the environment was also deemed a jus cogens norm, compellable under international customary law similarly to the prohibition against genocide, slavery and torture.  Striking a novel note, the IACtHR also noted that Nature and its components should be acknowledged as subjects of rights, a move in what has been described as “ecological constitutionalism” in the Latin American context.

    On July 23, the International Court of Justice also handed down an advisory opinion that promises to be momentous in its aggravations and irritations – at least to certain lawmakers and industries. For those countries still reaping the material, gluttonous rewards of fossil fuel exploration, production and consumption, this is bound to be of some concern. Begun daringly in 2019 as an action by a group of Pacific Island students from the University of the South Pacific, with able support from Vanuatu, the court unanimously found that producing and consuming fossil fuels “may constitute an internationally wrongful act attributable to that state”.

    Vanuatu’s submission to the Court emphasised the grim consequences of not adequately addressing state obligations to address greenhouse gas emissions, including the shocks of internal displacement. “The forced displacement from ancestral lands and ecosystems leads to grave cultural losses. It impairs territorial sovereignty and inhibits the affected peoples from making a free choice about their futures.”

    The decision is important in several respects. It opines that countries have a legal obligation to mitigate climate change and limit the rise in global temperature to 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels, a goal outlined in the Paris Agreement. States are accordingly obligated to advance climate plans that reflect their “highest possible ambition” in making “adequate contribution” in limiting temperature rises to that level.  The discretion of countries to arrive at elastic “nationally determined contributions” was limited by the requirements of “due diligence”.  Any such determined contributions had to be compliant with the obligations under the Paris Agreement and international environmental law.

    The Court also reached the view that responsibility for breaches of climate change treaties “and in relation to the loss and damage associated with the adverse effects of climate change, is to be determined by applying the well-established rules on State responsibility under customary international law.”

    Direction is also given on what a State wrong in not mitigating climate change might look like. A failure to take the appropriate steps to protect the climate system from greenhouse gas emissions, “including through fossil fuel production, fossil fuel consumptions, the granting of fossil fuel exploration licenses or the provision of fossil fuel subsidies” could be “an internationally wrongful act which is attributable to that State.” The wrong arises, not from the emissions as such, but from the failure to protect “the climate change system from significant harm resulting from anthropogenic emissions of such gases.”

    The decision is crucial in considering historical responsibility and the thorny issue of reparations, the nature and quantum of the latter being dependent “on the circumstances”. Both nation states and “injured individuals” could seek reparations from historically heavy emitters, a point previously dealt with most unsatisfactorily via “loss and damage” finance discussions through UN climate negotiations.  The impediment that such finance be only provided voluntarily is potentially overcome by the legal obligation to repair harm. This is particularly important for countries with economies at risk to climate change disruption (tourism, fishing, agriculture) and the enormous costs arising from dealing with environmental disasters.

    The ICJ proved dismissive of arguments – often made by states with powerful fossil fuel lobbies – that attributing precise responsibility in the context of climate change was impossible. The Court observed “that while climate change is caused by cumulative GHG emissions, it is scientifically possible to determine each State’s total contribution to global emissions, taking into account both historical and current emissions.”

    Vanuatu’s climate change minister, Ralph Regenvanum, is already filling his file with teasing blackmail for appropriate targets. Given its location in the Pacific, and prominence as a fossil fuel exporter, Australia is in his sights. “Australia,” he told Australia’s Radio National, “is committing internationally wrongful acts as it is sponsoring and subsidising fossil fuel production and excessive emissions.” Canberra needed “to align itself with the advisory opinion and cease this conduct that is contributing to emissions and start making reparations.”

    From being a slow field of speculative pursuit and vague pronouncements, climate change litigation has become a branch of international customary law. Current developments in this field even include a petition to the African Court of Human and Peoples’ Rights from May 2025 seeking to do something along the lines pursued by the ICJ and the IACtHR, with a focus on African states. This development will be unwelcome among the fossil fuel lobby groups that still threaten and bribe political representatives – and it’s been a long time coming.

    The post Adjusting the Temperature: Climate Change and International Law first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • Pipeline company Energy Transfer LP and its CEO, Kelcy Warren, were the fossil fuel industry’s top contributors to a super PAC supporting President Donald Trump during the first half of 2025, making a combined $25 million in contributions to that PAC alone. Best known as the company behind the Dakota Access Pipeline that sparked an Indigenous-led resistance movement at Standing Rock in 2016…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • Three times this year the world has been close to nuclear catastrophe of one form or another — the India–Pakistan conflict, the ongoing Ukraine–Russia war and more recently the Israel/US–Iran “12 day war”. Here is one of the speeches at the 80th anniversary of Hiroshima Day in Sydney before the “March for Humanity” on Sydney Harbour Bridge.

    COMMENTARY: By Peter Murphy

    I acknowledge the Gadigal People of the Eora Nation as the Traditional Owners of the Land on which we are gathered and pay respect to their Elders past and present. I also acknowledge the Pitjantjatjara and other peoples of the APY lands who suffered the direct impact of nuclear weapons tests at Maralinga and nearby in the 1950s and early 1960s.

    I am standing in here for Michael Wright, the national secretary of the Electrical Trades Union, who was unable to take up our invitation to be here today.

    The Electrical Trades Union (ETU) has a very solid record for opposing the nuclear industry and nuclear weapons, and really campaigned hard on this issue against Peter Dutton and the Coalition in the May federal elections.

    The ETU campaigned in Dutton’s seat of Dickson and he lost his seat to Labor’s Ali France. You have to conclude that among the many reasons that Australian voters deserted the Coalition and Dutton, the Coalition’s nuclear energy policy was a big one.

    Since the election, the Coalition has continued to entertain the idea of a nuclear-powered Australia, showing that they just refuse to listen to the Australian people. But they are only too happy to listen to and take the money of the fossil fuel corporations and the nuclear power companies like Westinghouse, who are the ones who benefit from government policies to foster nuclear power.

    They are determined to delay the transition to renewable energy as long as possible, whatever the cost to all of us in runaway climate disasters.

    The ETU’s official policy against the nuclear industry dates back to the 1950s, resulting from the shared experiences of ETU members who returned from Japan after the Second World War. In the decades since, the ETU has regularly revisited this policy to learn more about the nuclear fuel cycle, changes and advances to technologies, technical interaction with the network and economic viability.

    Opposed nuclear industry
    Let’s honour those long-gone ETU members who recognised the crimes that took place at Nagasaki and Hiroshima 80 years ago by vigorously opposing the nuclear industry and nuclear weapons today. And let’s remember some other Australians who were there then — Tom Uren saw the mushroom cloud over Nagasaki from the copper mine where he was working as a prisoner of war; and Wilfred Burchett, the journalist, who first told the world from Hiroshima about radiation sickness.

    Nuclear power stations generate radioactive waste such as spent reactor fuel, reprocessing effluents, and contaminated tools and work clothing. These materials can remain radioactive and hazardous to human health for tens of thousands of years.

    And this is the kind of waste that comes from nuclear-powered submarines, during regular maintenance, and at the end of their life — 30 years we have been told for the AUKUS submarine nuclear reactors.

    This waste will need to be trucked across the country on public roads to be disposed of in a nuclear waste facility.

    But, Australia does not have a dedicated national radioactive waste facility. And the Albanese government is refusing to say where they plan to put that waste.

    The people of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, and those at the nuclear tests sites in Nevada, the Marianas, French Polynesia, Algeria, Kazakhstan, and the Monte Bello Islands, Emu Fields, Maralinga in Australia have been living with these nuclear wastes in their environment for up to 80 years.

    We don’t want this to go any further in Australia or anywhere else in the world.

    Democratic failure over AUKUS
    How dare the Albanese government commit future generations to somehow keep that deadly nuclear waste safe for tens of thousands of years.

    The ETU stood up at the August 2023 ALP National Conference and opposed the AUKUS project, spelling out these concerns and also the democratic failure of Labor to consult the public and the Parliament before committing to the AUKUS deal.

    The Albanese leadership tried very hard to make sure that AUKUS was not debated at that ALP National Conference. So it was a victory first of all to have the debate and openly discuss the big problems with AUKUS.

    The pro-AUKUS case was so weak that the Defence Industry Minister at the time, Pat Conroy, defended it by accusing the critics of being like the appeasers of the Nazis in the 1930s. In doing so he was saying that China is a fascist state and it is the enemy we have to fight with these hopeless submarines.

    The grotesque comparison of us and of China to Nazis is ironically more appropriate for Trump and the USA, who are right now purging people of colour from the streets and workplaces of the United States and supporting a genocide in Gaza.

    AUKUS is one building block in the US plan to wage war on China to remove its capacity to challenge US primacy in this region and world-wide. A conga line of US military commanders and cabinet secretaries have made this clear.

    It is imperial madness writ large.

    The deeper reason
    And this is the deeper reason why we must oppose AUKUS, because we have to stop this deadly drive for a war between nuclear-armed superpowers. Such a war would almost certainly go nuclear, the world would go into nuclear winter, there would be no winners and huge huge casualties.

    Japan, the Philippines, and Australia would be very early targets in such a war.

    We remember that 200,000 people, almost all civilians, men women and children of all ages, were killed by those two nuclear bombs 80 years ago, and endless suffering has continued down to this day.

    So we recommit to opposing nuclear weapons and the nuclear industry which produces them. We commit to getting Australia’s signature on the Treaty to Prohibit Nuclear Weapons.

    We commit to stopping AUKUS. We commit to stopping the active US and Australian plan for a war with China.

    This is edited from Peter Murphy’s speech at the 80th anniversary Horoshima Day rally for the Sydney Peace and Justice Coalition and Sydney Anti-AUKUS Coalition on 3 August 2025.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • The Arctic island of Svalbard is so reliably frigid that humanity bet its future on the place. Since 2008, the Svalbard Global Seed Vault — set deep in frozen soil known as permafrost — has accepted nearly 1.4 million samples of more than 6,000 species of critical crops. But, the island is warming six to seven times faster than the rest of the planet, making even winters freakishly hot…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

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    A graph showing the number of countries/regions AI-generated content may be incorrect.
    This figure shows changes in heat content of the top 700 meters of the world’s oceans between 1955 and 2023 (US EPA)

    A new study published in ScienceDaily claims severe ocean overheating may be causing a fundamental climate shift. Ocean heatwaves over the past couple of years have been massive and extensive and intensive on a scale never seen before at times covering 96% of the world’s oceans, which should be impossible. (The Oceans are Overheating – and Scientists Say a Climate Tipping Point May be Here, ScienceDaily d/d July 26, 2025)

    Starting in 2022-23, massive ocean heatwaves persisted for more than 500 days covering nearly the entire globe. This shocking event, never witnessed before, puts the entire global warming scenario on a new level that’s predictably negative. The message is as clear as a bell: World leadership should focus on removal of fossil fuel emissions as soon as possible. Global warming, especially in the ocean, is on a rapid upswing and not waiting around, as such, fully 2/3rds of the planet is suffering a very dangerous heat stroke that’s separate and apart from extreme heatwaves on land.

    After all, Earth is basically a liquid planet, according to NASA: “Covering more than 70% of Earth’s surface, our global ocean has a very high heat capacity. It has absorbed 90% of the warming that has occurred in recent decades due to increasing greenhouse gases, and the top few meters of the ocean store as much heat as Earth’s entire atmosphere.” (Ocean Warming/ Vital Signs, NASA)

    Scientists fear system-wide climate change may be in the works, threatening ocean marine ecosystems such corals, fisheries, and aquaculture, as well as goosing up terrestrial temperatures way too fast too soon across the planet. Marine heatwaves this decade have lasted four times (4x) longer than the historical record. Hot oceans accelerate climate change. As water temperatures rise, oceans lose ability to absorb excessive heat and land temperatures rise accordingly.

    “According to the study’s researchers, the 2023 MHWs may mark a fundamental shift in ocean-atmosphere dynamics, potentially serving as an early warning of an approaching tipping point in Earth’s climate system,” Ibid.

    Given the duration of the heatwave, which began in earnest in 2023 and continues today in some regions, Zhenzhong Zeng, PhD, co-author of the study, Earth systems scientist China Southern University of Science and Technology believes it is the start of a “new normal for the world’s oceans.” Emerging data indicates the heat in the oceans is accumulating exponentially, a trend that defies climate model predictions. It’ll accelerate heat on land, leading to more severe and widespread droughts, heatwaves, wildfires and storms, which are already seriously severe in today’s world.

    Zhenzhong Zeng claims to be “very scared” by the potential regime shift in the oceans: “I think almost all of the Earth system model projections are wrong… Record marine heatwaves may signal a permanent shift in the oceans.”

    Some impacts of the shift are starting to appear: “When Ocean temperatures rise dramatically, they trigger a cascade of effects that lead to mass fish deaths. The primary mechanism involves oxygen depletion, as warmer water holds less dissolved oxygen while simultaneously increasing fish’s metabolic rates and oxygen requirements. This double impact can lead to widespread suffocation. Additionally, fish are ectothermic (cold-blooded), making them particularly vulnerable to temperature changes.” (Marine Heatwaves Trigger Mass Fish Deaths in Australian Waters, Aussie Animals, 2025)

    Devastating results hit western Australia early in 2025. Temperatures 5°C above normal killed tens of thousands of fish. Scientists agree this represents a broader global challenge as research shows climate change has multiplied the event of marine heat zones by 20 times. Now, it’s coming home to roost as the world’s oceans turn away from decades of absorbing excessive global heat.

    Ocean Payback

    According to Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution, the ocean won’t hold its heat forever. Eventually, it’ll feed back into the climate system, causing acceleration of global warming beyond all expectations, as “it’s too late” becomes reality.

    It’s not just oceans that are overheating: “Water temperatures have surged above 85 degrees in the Mediterranean Sea, where records have been broken every day for weeks.” (The Mediterranean Sea is Experiencing a Record-Smashing Heat Wave, The Washington Post, July 4, 2025) Scientists have expressed concern over the potential for sizeable losses of marine life.

    Ocean Heat Impact – Antarctica & Greenland

    The Greenland and Antarctic Ice Sheets represent the largest land store of freshwater, which, should they completely melt and flow into the ocean, would add a total of 7.5 and 58 m to global-mean sea level, respectively. Recent observations have shown the ice sheets melting at an accelerating rate. Now, ocean heat has become a bigger-than-expected threat to the stability of the major ice sheets much, much earlier than science expected.

    The Greenland ice sheet is particularly vulnerable, as warm ocean currents undercut fjords and erode outlet glaciers, undercutting and destabilizing calving.

    The leading cause of ice mass loss for the West Antarctica Ice Sheet is ocean heat. Only recently, under the auspices of the Australian Antarctic Program Partnership, 450 polar scientists held an emergency meeting to alert the world to clear evidence of instability of the ice sheet. They strongly suggest immediate halt to fossil fuels.

    Statement of Polar scientists’ group: “The services of the Southern Ocean and Antarctica – oceanic carbon sink and planetary air-conditioner – have been taken for granted. Global warming-induced shifts observed in the region are immense. Recent research has shown record-low sea ice, extreme heatwaves exceeding 40°C [104°F] above average temperatures, and increased instability around key ice shelves. Shifting ecosystems on land and at sea underscore this sensitive region’s rapid and unprecedented transformations. Runaway ice loss causing rapid and catastrophic sea-level rise is possible within our lifetimes. Whether such irreversible tipping points have already passed is unknown.” (“Emergency” Warning for Antarctica Issued by Nearly 500 Polar Scientists, IFLScience, Nov. 22, 2024)

    Unfortunately, climate change is not about to go away, rather, it is gaining momentum by the year as CO2 emissions from fossil fuels skyrocket into the atmosphere, as of June 2025 at 430 ppm, a new record high for atmospheric concentration. Moreover, the annual rate of CO2 increase in 2024 (also setting a new record) was 3.50 ppm, more than double the annual rate in 2000 at 1.24 ppm, when atmospheric CO2 concentration was at 37o ppm.

    According to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, in 2015 an international group of scientists determined anything above 350 ppm atmospheric CO2 would be beyond the “safe zone.” Nobody has suggested the scientists have changed their minds. But that issue is now upstaged by the world’s property/casualty insurance industry as it screams, hollers, complains, rejects, doubles rates, drops coverage all because of climate change. Property insurers have brought to the fore in full public view a climate change monster that’s destroying the American dream of home ownership.

    Based upon referenced sources herein, fossil fuel emissions must be stopped as soon as possible to hopefully mitigate a whacky climate system that is already threatening the very foundations of the current socio/economic system, unwittingly suggesting maybe ‘it should also go’ the way of fossil fuels.

    As if out of the blue, within only a couple of years, climate change has become capitalism’s biggest nightmare. Maybe they should scramble to do whatever is scientifically necessary to try to mitigate whatever can be mitigated. Too bad CO2 capture and sequester is a decidedly weak, and inconsequential, solution. “It’s a fraud!” (Al Gore)

    Robert Hunziker

    Los Angeles

     

    The post Massive Ocean Regime Shift, Alarming appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • Mesquite Flat Sand Dunes, Death Valley National Park. Photo: Jeffrey St. Clair.

    I think of climate as a package in 3 basic parts – temperature, water, and wind. Here in the US, this trio is basic to the Forest Service “Hot Dry Windy Index” for measuring likely risk of dangerous wildfire.

    The future of temperature is a key point of interest, because increased heat can make a difference to other parts of the package. Jason Smerdon, a Lamont-Doherty paleoclimatologist, provides an example in plain language — “Precipitation is just the supply side. Temperature is on the demand side, the part that dries things out.” 

    How high might temperatures go?

    One climate model’s peek down the road shows a world with temperatures 2.4C hotter than back before we started setting the torch to coal, oil, and gas. 

    Another model shows us a possibility of getting 2.7C hotter, while yet another points to the possibility of heat increased to 3.1C over and above temperatures common to the 1850s

    An attention-getting article of some years back warned of a “Hothouse Earth” at 5C. There’s even been a more recent study suggesting that we might, just maybe, if worse comes to worst, be on course to barreling past 3.5C on our way to 7C.

    Given this smorgasbord of possible futures, it’s utterly realistic to be thinking about uncertainty. After all, the fact of disagreements among the models is plain to see. 

    And yet, at the same time, it’s equally plain that these varied and otherwise disagreeing models all agree on the direction we’re headed – toward and increasingly into a hotter world. This agreement leaves some elbow room for thinking about a bit of certainty in the mix.

    The thing about models

    Anyone who’s built a model car, plane, ship or train can be certain of two truths about models. They aren’t the real thing. They’re judged on how well they match up to the real thing. It’s basically the same for climate models.

    The building of climate models has been going on for a long time. Consider the case of Svante Arrhenius, in the 1890s, for example. Arrhenius has been credited with playing a leading role in uniting physicists and chemists to recognize a new scientific topic for scientific thought, physical chemistry. 

    Based on the model he built, the crudest, most-simplistic model in the history of climate science, just a back-of-the-envelope kind of thing, Arrhenius concluded that an increasing scale of fossil fuel combustion would leave the world hotter-enough to make things hard for the likes of snow. 

    Has Arrhenilus’ model matched up with the real world?

    In essence, Arrhenius’ crude little 1890s model pointed ahead to some future world hot enough to make snow an endangered form of water. 

    The current real-world low flows of the Colorado River have been traced back to loss of snow. Low flows in Montana rivers are traceable back to the same thing – a shortage of snow. There’s nuance here, and detail. But an increasing retreat of snow is a real thing, in lots of places, and Arrhenius wasn’t the last to think about it.

    The April 20, 2004 Issue of Science published interviews with researchers known for investigating the future of snow. One researcher told Science that, “Snow is our water storage in the West,” and where snow is lost there is no way to make up for it.  

    Arrhenius likely had to shovel snow during winters in his home country, Sweden. Maybe that’s why he noted that life with less snow looked pretty good. 

     

    The post How Hot Might It Get? Uncertainty and Certainty in Climate Models appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • Partner: Center for Justice Governance and Environmental Action (CJGEA) Team: Daniella Aning, Ekaterina Luzina, Louise Kazek, Zunaid Saiyed Supervisor: Dr. Stephen Turner Picture a coastal Kenyan village where lush vegetation thrives, fishermen cast their nets at dawn, and communities live in harmony with the land and sea that sustain them. Now imagine a nuclear power […]

    This post was originally published on Human Rights Centre Blog.

  • DURA, OCCUPIED WEST BANKAs recently as Christmas, this small community near Hebron thought it had a deal with the United States to tackle one of its most pressing issues: water supply.

    In December, Dura joined the municipalities of Halhul and Hebron to sign a memorandum with the U.S. Agency for International Development to fund a $46 million program shoring up their local water systems.

    It was a project of tremendous local import. The three neighboring communities are among the most water-deprived in the West Bank. They rely on irregular water supplies from Israel. When water does arrive, some 30-40 percent is lost in distribution, chiefly due to leaks and theft.

    It’s this 30-40 percent that the project meant to fix. But in late February, a month after President Donald Trump’s inauguration, it was terminated.

    A State Department spokesperson said by email that it was “determined to not fit within the standards laid out by Sec. [Marco] Rubio for U.S. foreign assistance, which must make the United States stronger, safer, or more prosperous.”

    Since taking office, Trump, with the help of Elon Musk, has eviscerated the U.S. foreign aid budget. In March, Rubio terminated 80 percent of USAID programs after a review by Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency. The administration also said foreign aid would be shrunk and reconstituted under the State Department. On July 1, USAID formally dissolved.

    The consequences of this retrenchment will land on Palestinian communities like Dura, which for decades have counted on the U.S. as the preeminent funder of water infrastructure in the Occupied Territories.

    The water supply for Palestinians in the West Bank is already tight. 

    While Israelis consume an average 200-300 liters per day, comparable to Americans, the West Bank average is 86 liters — an average that masks gigantic differences between the haves, in well-supplied areas, and the have-nots.

    A number of critical water projects in Palestinian population centers have been abandoned because of USAID’s collapse.

    In Jericho, USAID was funding work to connect thousands of homes to sewer lines for the first time. Not only is the work unfinished, but the municipality has also had to reach into its own pocket to repave the roads that American taxpayers paid to dig up.

    In Tulkarem, where USAID was improving wastewater services for a community in desperate need of them, the sudden stop to work means sewage continues to build up in nearby lagoons, breeding mosquitoes.

    Subhi Samhan, director of research and development at the Palestinian Water Authority, called the abrupt pullout “catastrophic.”

    “There’s no other actor in the context right now to fill the gap,” said a humanitarian worker who works in the region but requested anonymity to avoid Israeli or American retaliation against their organization’s work. “There’s no Plan B on this.”

    JERICHO, WEST BANK - MAY 02: A view of the dried Al-Auja Spring, one of the most important natural resources of West Bank, is being dried up almost completely by Israeli forces in Jericho, West Bank on May 02, 205. Palestinian officials state that the Aujah Spring, one of the most important natural resources of the occupied West Bank, has dried up completely "for the first time" in decades as a result of the deliberate practices of the Israelis. The drying up of the Aujah Spring, which is located in the town of al-Aujah in the city of Jericho in the east of the Jordan Valley and is considered the lifeblood of agriculture, animal husbandry and domestic tourism due to its abundance of water in the summer months, brought life to a standstill in the town. (Photo by Issam Rimawi/Anadolu via Getty Images)
    In another part of the West Bank, Al-Auja Spring is shown almost completely dried up by Israeli forces in Jericho on May 2, 2025.Photo: Issam Rimawi/Anadolu/Getty Images

    That’s evident in Dura, a hilly community of about 90,000 people on the outskirts of Hebron.

    Unlike some places in the West Bank, Dura has no wells or reservoirs. Its primary water supply is a single 24-inch pipe. It’s operated by the Palestinian Water Authority, but the actual water comes from Mekorot, Israel’s national water company, according to Dura municipal officials. (They requested anonymity to speak freely.)

    Since occupying the West Bank in 1967, Israel has also controlled the majority of its water resources. The Palestinian Liberation Organization signed agreements with Israel for rights to a fixed volume from the land’s main aquifer in the 1990s, but the Palestinian population in the West Bank has grown 75 percent since then, making this share increasingly inadequate.

    Related

    Israeli Parliament Votes for Making Apartheid Official. Fetterman: “I Haven’t Been Following It.”

    In much of the West Bank, Israeli authorities keep a tight grip on Palestinian efforts to build wells, reservoirs, pipelines, or any other infrastructure. Today, West Bankers buy 60 percent of their household water supplies from Israeli water companies, according to the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics.

    In Dura, the water in the pipe is neither reliable nor sufficient for local needs. The municipality stores what they get in tanks, then parcels it around the city on a rotating, published schedule. Residents often gripe to the municipality about the meager flows. “The reality is, our water supply is not enough for our needs,” a Dura official said.

    The average Dura resident consumes about 45 liters per day, falling short of the 50-100 liters that’s sufficient, according to World Health Organization experts, to meet water needs most of the time. But when supplies are limited, people’s usage can drop as low as 26 liters per day.

    The USAID project planned, among other things, to shore up the 228 kilometers of pipe that make up Dura’s water grid. It was hoped that by plugging leaks and reducing theft, the city could sell more water the legal way, strengthening its own finances. In principle, this would also spare Dura residents from buying triple-priced private water supplies — or just going without.

    Water has long been a pillar of America’s policy in the Occupied Territories. From 1993 to 2023, the U.S. spent $7.6 billion in aid in the West Bank and Gaza, with about a third of that going to the category of economic growth and infrastructure — like water.

    Dave Harden, a former mission director for USAID in the West Bank and Gaza, reckons the agency spent “probably hundreds of millions” on water and sanitation projects since the Oslo Agreements of the 1990s.

    The U.S. was well aware that water was choking Palestinian development. A 2024 State Department report on the territories’ investment climate — since removed — listed water insecurity among the “most immediate impediment[s]” for the Palestinian economy.

    As president, Joe Biden echoed the longtime U.S. foreign policy consensus when he argued that improving Palestinian living conditions could bolster support for the Palestinian Authority and improve chances for a sustainable two-state solution.

    Some pro-Israel groups agreed. The Israel Policy Forum, a U.S. NGO, specifically named improving the parlous conditions of water access in the West Bank as one of 50 steps to facilitate a negotiated peace.

    Related

    Israel Used U.S. Weapons to Destroy U.S. Assets and Aid Projects in Gaza

    In the West Bank and Gaza, USAID has paid for dozens of wells and hundreds of miles of pipelines. It’s built reservoirs, storage tanks, and sewage infrastructure. As of 2016, USAID claimed to have improved clean water access for 1 million Palestinians.

    While many countries fund water infrastructure in the Palestinian territories, none match the financial heft of the U.S., said Samhan of the Palestinian Water Authority. “Most of the projects funded by USAID are major projects. Not all countries can organize these funds. USAID can do $60, $70, $100 million at once,” he said.

    Yet despite decades of work by the U.S. and other donors, the scope of need remains astronomical.

    Leaky water infrastructure is a common problem throughout the West Bank. The World Bank estimates that if the West Bank recovered all of its lost water, it would amount to boosting total supply by around 40 percent.

    Asked what they plan to do now that the USAID money is gone, Dura officials took a laconic attitude, saying they hope to find a European funder.

    What galls many Palestinians is the sense that while they scrounge for water, their Israeli neighbors have plenty.

    Water shortages are reshaping the West Bank countryside. Water insecurity is among the compounding pressures forcing people to leave rural areas for crowded, miserable conditions in cities. 

    Climate change is putting this inequity into sharper relief. Last winter, precipitation levels in much of the Holy Land were about half of their historical average.

    Climate forecasts for the region anticipate soaring average temperatures, intensifying heatwaves, and nastier droughts. This will likely stress water supplies as more surface water gets cooked off into the air and aquifers are less fully replenished.

    In February, Israeli President Isaac Herzog pointed to the weak winter rains and warned Israelis could experience “a summer of massive natural disasters.”

    But on water, Israel is well prepared. It gets most of its drinking water from state-of-the-art desalination plants on the Mediterranean Sea. It recycles much of this water, after it flows through Israeli homes, into its ultra-efficient agricultural sector. Its water grid has one of the world’s lowest leakage rates.

    Samer Kalbouneh, acting director general for projects and international relations at the Palestinian Environment Quality Authority, said one of the West Bank’s biggest climate-adaptation needs is interconnectivity: linking its water-rich areas with its water-poor ones.

    A trained water engineer, he said a logical move would be for West Bank cities to process their own sewage, then send the reclaimed water to desperate farmers and ranchers in the Jordan Valley. (Today, Palestinian cities send sewage to Israel, which reclaims the water and charges the Palestinian Authority $30 million a year for the service.)

    But in practice, Palestinian localities can’t build the infrastructure for this. Kalbouneh said, “You can’t even build a 1×1-meter outhouse in the Jordan Valley without it being demolished,” as this qualifies as Area C, a zone controlled by the Israeli military.

    As for USAID, he said it tended to promote projects like the one in Dura, which asked Palestinian communities to work within the constraints of Israeli occupation — rather than releasing those constraints.

    Asked why, he said, “The U.S. is managing the conflict, not ending it.”

    The post USAID Cuts Leave West Bank Water Supply High and Dry appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • DURA, OCCUPIED WEST BANKAs recently as Christmas, this small community near Hebron thought it had a deal with the United States to tackle one of its most pressing issues: water supply.

    In December, Dura joined the municipalities of Halhul and Hebron to sign a memorandum with the U.S. Agency for International Development to fund a $46 million program shoring up their local water systems.

    It was a project of tremendous local import. The three neighboring communities are among the most water-deprived in the West Bank. They rely on irregular water supplies from Israel. When water does arrive, some 30-40 percent is lost in distribution, chiefly due to leaks and theft.

    It’s this 30-40 percent that the project meant to fix. But in late February, a month after President Donald Trump’s inauguration, it was terminated.

    A State Department spokesperson said by email that it was “determined to not fit within the standards laid out by Sec. [Marco] Rubio for U.S. foreign assistance, which must make the United States stronger, safer, or more prosperous.”

    Since taking office, Trump, with the help of Elon Musk, has eviscerated the U.S. foreign aid budget. In March, Rubio terminated 80 percent of USAID programs after a review by Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency. The administration also said foreign aid would be shrunk and reconstituted under the State Department. On July 1, USAID formally dissolved.

    The consequences of this retrenchment will land on Palestinian communities like Dura, which for decades have counted on the U.S. as the preeminent funder of water infrastructure in the Occupied Territories.

    The water supply for Palestinians in the West Bank is already tight. 

    While Israelis consume an average 200-300 liters per day, comparable to Americans, the West Bank average is 86 liters — an average that masks gigantic differences between the haves, in well-supplied areas, and the have-nots.

    A number of critical water projects in Palestinian population centers have been abandoned because of USAID’s collapse.

    In Jericho, USAID was funding work to connect thousands of homes to sewer lines for the first time. Not only is the work unfinished, but the municipality has also had to reach into its own pocket to repave the roads that American taxpayers paid to dig up.

    In Tulkarem, where USAID was improving wastewater services for a community in desperate need of them, the sudden stop to work means sewage continues to build up in nearby lagoons, breeding mosquitoes.

    Subhi Samhan, director of research and development at the Palestinian Water Authority, called the abrupt pullout “catastrophic.”

    “There’s no other actor in the context right now to fill the gap,” said a humanitarian worker who works in the region but requested anonymity to avoid Israeli or American retaliation against their organization’s work. “There’s no Plan B on this.”

    JERICHO, WEST BANK - MAY 02: A view of the dried Al-Auja Spring, one of the most important natural resources of West Bank, is being dried up almost completely by Israeli forces in Jericho, West Bank on May 02, 205. Palestinian officials state that the Aujah Spring, one of the most important natural resources of the occupied West Bank, has dried up completely "for the first time" in decades as a result of the deliberate practices of the Israelis. The drying up of the Aujah Spring, which is located in the town of al-Aujah in the city of Jericho in the east of the Jordan Valley and is considered the lifeblood of agriculture, animal husbandry and domestic tourism due to its abundance of water in the summer months, brought life to a standstill in the town. (Photo by Issam Rimawi/Anadolu via Getty Images)
    In another part of the West Bank, Al-Auja Spring is shown almost completely dried up by Israeli forces in Jericho on May 2, 2025.Photo: Issam Rimawi/Anadolu/Getty Images

    That’s evident in Dura, a hilly community of about 90,000 people on the outskirts of Hebron.

    Unlike some places in the West Bank, Dura has no wells or reservoirs. Its primary water supply is a single 24-inch pipe. It’s operated by the Palestinian Water Authority, but the actual water comes from Mekorot, Israel’s national water company, according to Dura municipal officials. (They requested anonymity to speak freely.)

    Since occupying the West Bank in 1967, Israel has also controlled the majority of its water resources. The Palestinian Liberation Organization signed agreements with Israel for rights to a fixed volume from the land’s main aquifer in the 1990s, but the Palestinian population in the West Bank has grown 75 percent since then, making this share increasingly inadequate.

    Related

    Israeli Parliament Votes for Making Apartheid Official. Fetterman: “I Haven’t Been Following It.”

    In much of the West Bank, Israeli authorities keep a tight grip on Palestinian efforts to build wells, reservoirs, pipelines, or any other infrastructure. Today, West Bankers buy 60 percent of their household water supplies from Israeli water companies, according to the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics.

    In Dura, the water in the pipe is neither reliable nor sufficient for local needs. The municipality stores what they get in tanks, then parcels it around the city on a rotating, published schedule. Residents often gripe to the municipality about the meager flows. “The reality is, our water supply is not enough for our needs,” a Dura official said.

    The average Dura resident consumes about 45 liters per day, falling short of the 50-100 liters that’s sufficient, according to World Health Organization experts, to meet water needs most of the time. But when supplies are limited, people’s usage can drop as low as 26 liters per day.

    The USAID project planned, among other things, to shore up the 228 kilometers of pipe that make up Dura’s water grid. It was hoped that by plugging leaks and reducing theft, the city could sell more water the legal way, strengthening its own finances. In principle, this would also spare Dura residents from buying triple-priced private water supplies — or just going without.

    Water has long been a pillar of America’s policy in the Occupied Territories. From 1993 to 2023, the U.S. spent $7.6 billion in aid in the West Bank and Gaza, with about a third of that going to the category of economic growth and infrastructure — like water.

    Dave Harden, a former mission director for USAID in the West Bank and Gaza, reckons the agency spent “probably hundreds of millions” on water and sanitation projects since the Oslo Agreements of the 1990s.

    The U.S. was well aware that water was choking Palestinian development. A 2024 State Department report on the territories’ investment climate — since removed — listed water insecurity among the “most immediate impediment[s]” for the Palestinian economy.

    As president, Joe Biden echoed the longtime U.S. foreign policy consensus when he argued that improving Palestinian living conditions could bolster support for the Palestinian Authority and improve chances for a sustainable two-state solution.

    Some pro-Israel groups agreed. The Israel Policy Forum, a U.S. NGO, specifically named improving the parlous conditions of water access in the West Bank as one of 50 steps to facilitate a negotiated peace.

    Related

    Israel Used U.S. Weapons to Destroy U.S. Assets and Aid Projects in Gaza

    In the West Bank and Gaza, USAID has paid for dozens of wells and hundreds of miles of pipelines. It’s built reservoirs, storage tanks, and sewage infrastructure. As of 2016, USAID claimed to have improved clean water access for 1 million Palestinians.

    While many countries fund water infrastructure in the Palestinian territories, none match the financial heft of the U.S., said Samhan of the Palestinian Water Authority. “Most of the projects funded by USAID are major projects. Not all countries can organize these funds. USAID can do $60, $70, $100 million at once,” he said.

    Yet despite decades of work by the U.S. and other donors, the scope of need remains astronomical.

    Leaky water infrastructure is a common problem throughout the West Bank. The World Bank estimates that if the West Bank recovered all of its lost water, it would amount to boosting total supply by around 40 percent.

    Asked what they plan to do now that the USAID money is gone, Dura officials took a laconic attitude, saying they hope to find a European funder.

    What galls many Palestinians is the sense that while they scrounge for water, their Israeli neighbors have plenty.

    Water shortages are reshaping the West Bank countryside. Water insecurity is among the compounding pressures forcing people to leave rural areas for crowded, miserable conditions in cities. 

    Climate change is putting this inequity into sharper relief. Last winter, precipitation levels in much of the Holy Land were about half of their historical average.

    Climate forecasts for the region anticipate soaring average temperatures, intensifying heatwaves, and nastier droughts. This will likely stress water supplies as more surface water gets cooked off into the air and aquifers are less fully replenished.

    In February, Israeli President Isaac Herzog pointed to the weak winter rains and warned Israelis could experience “a summer of massive natural disasters.”

    But on water, Israel is well prepared. It gets most of its drinking water from state-of-the-art desalination plants on the Mediterranean Sea. It recycles much of this water, after it flows through Israeli homes, into its ultra-efficient agricultural sector. Its water grid has one of the world’s lowest leakage rates.

    Samer Kalbouneh, acting director general for projects and international relations at the Palestinian Environment Quality Authority, said one of the West Bank’s biggest climate-adaptation needs is interconnectivity: linking its water-rich areas with its water-poor ones.

    A trained water engineer, he said a logical move would be for West Bank cities to process their own sewage, then send the reclaimed water to desperate farmers and ranchers in the Jordan Valley. (Today, Palestinian cities send sewage to Israel, which reclaims the water and charges the Palestinian Authority $30 million a year for the service.)

    But in practice, Palestinian localities can’t build the infrastructure for this. Kalbouneh said, “You can’t even build a 1×1-meter outhouse in the Jordan Valley without it being demolished,” as this qualifies as Area C, a zone controlled by the Israeli military.

    As for USAID, he said it tended to promote projects like the one in Dura, which asked Palestinian communities to work within the constraints of Israeli occupation — rather than releasing those constraints.

    Asked why, he said, “The U.S. is managing the conflict, not ending it.”

    The post USAID Cuts Help Push West Bank Into Extreme Water Shortages appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • Last week, the UN’s highest court issued a stinging ruling that countries have a legal obligation to limit climate change and provide restitution for harm caused, giving legal force to an idea that was hatched in a classroom in Port Vila. This is how a group of young students from Vanuatu changed the face of international law.

    SPECIAL REPORT: By Jamie Tahana for RNZ Pacific

    Vishal Prasad admitted to being nervous as he stood outside the imposing palace in the Hague, with its towering brick facade, marble interiors and crystal chandeliers.

    It had taken more than six years of work to get here, where he was about to hear a decision he said could throw a “lifeline” to his home islands.

    The Peace Palace, the home of the International Court of Justice, could not feel further from the Pacific.

    Yet it was here in this Dutch city that Prasad and a small group of Pacific islanders in their bright shirts and shell necklaces last week gathered before the UN’s top court to witness an opinion they had dreamt up when they were at university in 2019 and managed to convince the world’s governments to pursue.

    The International Court of Justice in The Hague
    The International Court of Justice in The Hague last week . . . a landmark non-binding rulings on the climate crisis. Image: X/@CIJ_ICJ

    “We’re here to be heard,” said Siosiua Veikune, who was one of those students, as he waited on the grass verge outside the court’s gates. “Everyone has been waiting for this moment, it’s been six years of campaigning.”

    What they wanted to hear was that more than a moral obligation, addressing climate change was also a legal one. That countries could be held responsible for their greenhouse gas emissions — both contemporary and historic — and that they could be penalised for their failure to act.

    “For me personally, [I want] clarity on the rights of future generations,” Veikune said. “What rights are owed to future generations? Frontline communities have demanded justice again and again, and this is another step towards that justice.”

    And they won.

    Vishal Prasad of the Pacific Islands Students Fighting Climate Change group speaks to the media
    Vishal Prasad of the Pacific Islands Students Fighting Climate Change group speaks to the media in front of the International Court of Justice following the conclusion last week of an advisory opinion on countries’ obligations to protect the climate. Image: Instagram/Pacific Climate Warriors

    The court’s president, Judge Yuji Iwasawa, took more than two hours to deliver an unusually stinging advisory opinion from the normally restrained court, going through the minutiae of legal arguments before delivering a unanimous ruling which largely fell on the side of Pacific states.

    “The protection of the environment is a precondition for the enjoyment of human rights,” he said, adding that sea-level rise, desertification, drought and natural disasters “may significantly impair certain human rights, including the right to life”.

    After the opinion, the victorious students and lawyers spilled out of the palace alongside Vanuatu’s Climate Minister, Ralph Regenvanu. Their faces were beaming, if not a little shellshocked.

    “The world’s smallest countries have made history,” Prasad told the world’s media from the palace’s front steps. “The ICJ’s decision brings us closer to a world where governments can no longer turn a blind eye to their legal responsibilities”.

    “Young people around the world stepped up, not only as witnesses to injustice, but as architects of change”.

    Vanuatu's Climate Minister Ralph Regenvanu talks to the media
    Vanuatu’s Climate Minister Ralph Regenvanu talks to the media after the historic ICJ ruling in The Hague on Tuesday. Image: Arab News/VDP

    A classroom exercise
    It was 2019 when a group of law students at the University of the South Pacific’s campus in Port Vila, the harbourside capital of Vanuatu, were set a challenge in their tutorial. They had been learning about international law and, in groups, were tasked with finding ways it could address climate change.

    It was a particularly acute question in Vanuatu, one of the countries most vulnerable to the climate crisis. Many of the students’ teenage years had been defined by Cyclone Pam, the category five storm that ripped through much of the country in 2015 with winds in excess of 250km/h.

    It destroyed entire villages, wiped out swathes of infrastructure and crippled the country’s crops and water supplies. The storm was so significant that thousands of kilometres away, in Tuvalu, the waves it whipped up displaced 45 percent of the country’s population and washed away an entire islet.

    Cyclone Pam was meant to be a once-in-a-generation storm, but Vanuatu has been struck by five more category five cyclones since then.

    Belyndar Rikimani
    Foormer Solomon Islands student at USP Belyndar Rikimani . . . It was seen as obscene that the communities with the smallest carbon footprint were paying the steepest price for a crisis they had almost no hand in creating.” Image: RNZ Pacific

    Among many of the students, there was a frustration that no one beyond their borders seemed to care particularly much, recalled Belyndar Rikimani, a student from Solomon Islands who was at USP in 2019. She saw it as obscene that the communities with the smallest carbon footprint were paying the steepest price for a crisis they had almost no hand in creating.

    Each year the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) was releasing a new avalanche of data that painted an increasingly grim prognosis for the Pacific. But, Rikimani said, the people didn’t need reams of paper to tell them that, for they were already acutely aware.

    On her home island of Malaita, coastal villages were being inundated with every storm, the schools of fish on which they relied were migrating further away, and crops were increasingly failing.

    “We would go by the sea shore and see people’s graves had been taken out,” Rikimani recalled. “The ground they use to garden their food in, it is no longer as fertile as it has once been because of the changes in weather.”

    The mechanism used by the world to address climate change is largely based around a UN framework of voluntary agreements and summits — known as COP — where countries thrash out goals they often fail to meet. But it was seen as impotent by small island states in the Pacific and the Caribbean, who accused the system of being hijacked by vested interests set on hindering any drastic cuts to emissions.

    So, the students argued, what if there was a way to push back? To add some teeth to the international process and move the climate discussion beyond agreements and adaptation to those of equity and justice? To give small countries a means to nudge those seen to be dragging their heels.

    “From the beginning we were aware of the failure of the climate system or climate regime and how it works,” Prasad, who in 2019 was studying at the USP campus in Fiji’s capital, Suva, told me.

    “This was known to us. Obviously there needs to be something else. Why should the law be silent on this?”

    The International Court of Justice (ICJ) is the main court for international law. It adjudicates disputes between nations and issues advisory opinions on big cross-border legal issues. So, the students wondered, could an advisory opinion help? What did international law have to say about climate change?

    Members of the Pacific Islands Students Fighting Climate Change.
    Members of the Pacific Islands Students Fighting Climate Change activist group. Image: RNZ Pacific/PISFCC

    Unlike most students, who would leave such discussions in the classroom, they decided to find out. But the ICJ does not hear cases from groups or individuals; they would have to convince a government to pursue the challenge.

    Together, they wrote to various Pacific governments hoping to discuss the idea. It was ambitious, they conceded, but in one of the regions most threatened by rising seas and intensifying storms, they hoped there would at least be some interest.

    But rallying enough students to join their cause was the first hurdle.

    “There was a lot of doubts from the beginning,” Rikimani said. “We were trying to get the students who could, you know, be a part of the movement. And it was hard, it was too big, too grand.”

    In the end, 27 people gathered to form the genesis of a new organisation: Pacific Island Students Fighting Climate Change (PISFCC).

    A couple of weeks went by before a response popped up in their inboxes. The government of Vanuatu was intrigued. Ralph Regenvanu, who was at that time the foreign minister, asked the students if they would like to swing by for a meeting.

    “I still remember when [the] group came into my office to discuss this. And I felt solidarity with them,” Regenvanu recalled last week.

    “I could empathise with where they were, what they were doing, what they were feeling. So it was almost like the time had come to actually, okay, let’s do something about it.”

    The students — “dressed to the nines,” as Regenvanu recalled — gave a presentation on what they hoped to achieve. Regenvanu was convinced. Not long after the wider Vanuatu government was, too. Now it was time for them to convince other countries.

    “It was just a matter of the huge diplomatic effort that needed to be done,” Regenvanu said. “We had Odi Tevi, our ambassador in New York, who did a remarkable job with his team. And the strategy we employed to get a core group of countries from all over the world to be with us.

    "A landmark ruling . . . International Court of Justice sides with survivors, not polluters."
    “A landmark ruling . . . International Court of Justice sides with survivors, not polluters.” Image: 350 Pacific

    “It’s interesting that, you know, some of the most important achievements of the international community originated in the Pacific,” Regenvanu said, citing efforts in the 20th century to ban nuclear testing, or support decolonisation.

    “We have this unique geographic and historic position that makes us able to, as small states, have a voice that’s much louder, I think. And you saw that again in this case, that it’s the Pacific once again taking the lead to do something that is of benefit to the whole world.”

    What Vanuatu needed to take the case to the ICJ was to garner a majority of the UN General Assembly — that is, a majority of every country in the world — to vote to ask the court to answer a question.

    To rally support, they decided to start close to home.

    Hope and disappointment
    The students set their sights on the Pacific Islands Forum, the region’s pre-eminent political group, which that year was holding its annual leaders’ summit in Tuvalu. A smattering of atolls along the equator which, in recent years, has become a reluctant poster child for the perils of climate change.

    Tuvalu had hoped world leaders on Funafuti would see a coastline being eaten by the ocean, evidence of where the sea washes across the entire island at king tide, or saltwater bubbles up into gardens to kill crops, and that it would convince the world that time was running out.

    But the 2019 Forum was a disaster. Pacific countries had pushed for a strong commitment from the region’s leaders at their retreat, but it nearly broke down when Australia’s government refused to budge on certain red lines. The then-prime minister of Tuvalu, Enele Sopoaga, accused Australia and New Zealand of neo-colonialism, questioning their very role in the Forum.

    “That was disappointing,” Prasad said. “The first push was, okay, let’s put it at the forum and ask leaders to endorse this idea and then they take it forward. It was put on the agenda but the leaders did not endorse it; they ‘noted’ it. The language is ‘noted’, so it didn’t go ahead.”

    Another disappointment came a few months later, when Rikimani and another of the students, Solomon Yeo, travelled to Spain for the annual COP meeting, the UN process where the world’s countries agree their next targets to limit greenhouse gas emissions.

    But small island countries left angry after a small bloc derailed any progress, despite massive protests.

    Solomon Yeo of the Pacific Islands Students Fighting Climate Change, standing second left, with youth climate activists.
    Solomon Yeo (standing, second left) of the Pacific Islands Students Fighting Climate Change, with youth climate activists. Image: RNZ Pacific/PISFCC

    That was an eye-opening two weeks in Madrid for Rikimani, whose initial scepticism of the system had been validated.

    “It was disappointing when there’s nothing that’s been done. There is very little outcome that actually, you know, safeguards the future of the Pacific,” she said.

    “But for us, it was the COP where there was interest being showed by various young leaders from around the world, seeing that this campaign could actually bring light to these climate negotiations.”

    By now, Regenvanu said, that frustration was boiling over and more countries were siding with their campaign. By the end of 2019, that included some major countries from Europe and Asia, which brought financial and diplomatic heft. Other small-island countries from Africa and the Caribbean had also joined.

    “Many of the Pacific states had never appeared before the ICJ before. So [we were] doing write shops with legal teams from different countries,” he said.

    “We did write shops in Latin America, in the Caribbean, in the Pacific, in Africa, getting people just to be there at the court to present their stories, and then of course trying to coordinate.”

    Meanwhile, Prasad was trying to spread word elsewhere. The hardest part, he said, was making it relevant to the people.

    International law, The Hague, the Paris Agreement and other bureaucratic frameworks were nebulous and tedious. How could this possibly help the fisherman on Banaba struggling to haul in a catch?

    To rally support, the Pacific Islands Students Fighting Climate Change decided to start close to home.
    To rally support, the Pacific Islands Students Fighting Climate Change decided to start close to home. Image: RNZ Pacific/PISFCC

    They spent time travelling to villages and islands, sipping kava shells and sharing meals, weaving a testimony of Indigenous stories and knowledge.

    In Fiji, he said, the word for land is vanua, which is also the word for life.

    “It’s the source of your identity, the source of your culture. It’s this connection that the land provides the connection with the past, with the ancestors, and with a way of life and a way of doing things.”

    He travelled to the village of Vunidologa where, in 2014, its people faced the rupture of having to leave their ancestral lands, as the sea had marched in too far. In the months leading up to the relocation, they held prayer circles and fasted. When the day came, the elders wailed as they made an about two kilometre move inland.

    “That’s the element of injustice there. It touches on this whole idea of self-determination that was argued very strongly at the ICJ, that people’s right to self-determination is completely taken away from them because of climate change,” Prasad said.

    “Some have even called it a new face of colonialism. And that’s not fair and that cannot stand in 2025.”

    Preparing the case
    If 2019 was the year of building momentum, then a significant hurdle came in 2020, when the coronavirus shuttered much of the world. COP summits were delayed and the Pacific Islands Forum postponed. The borders of the Pacific were sealed for as long as two years.

    But the students kept finding ways to gather their body of evidence.

    “Everything went online, we gathered young people who would be able to take this idea forward in their own countries,” Prasad said.

    On the diplomatic front, Vanuatu kept plugging away to rally countries so that by the time the Forum leaders met again — in 2022 — they were ready to ask for support again.

    “It was in Fiji and we were so worried about the Australia and New Zealand presence at the Forum because we wanted an endorsement so that it would send a signal to all the other countries: ‘the Pacific’s on board, let’s get the others’,” Prasad recalled.

    “We were very worried about Australia, but it was more like if Australia declines to support then the whole process falls, and we thought New Zealand might also follow.”

    They didn’t. In an about-turn, Australia was now fully behind the campaign for an advisory opinion, and the New Zealand government was by now helping out too. By the end of 2022, several European powers were also involved.

    Attention now turned to developing what question they wanted to actually ask the international court. And how would they write it in such a way that the majority of the world’s governments would back it.

    “That was the process where it was make and break really to get the best outcome we could,” said Regenvanu.

    “In the end we got a question that was like 90 percent as good as we wanted and that was very important to get that and that was a very difficult process.”

    By December 2022, Vanuatu announced that it would ask the UN General Assembly to ask the International Court of Justice to weigh what, exactly, international law requires states to do about climate change, and what the consequences should be for states that harm the climate through actions or omissions.

    More lobbying followed and then, in March 2023, it came to a vote and the result was unanimous. The UN assembly in New York erupted in cheers at a rare sign of consensus.

    “All countries were on board,” said Regenvanu. “Even those countries that opposed it [we] were able to talk to them so they didn’t oppose it publicly.”

    They were off to The Hague.

    A tense wait
    Late last year, the court held two weeks of hearings in which countries put forth their arguments. Julian Aguon, a Chamorro lawyer from Guam who was one of the lead counsel, told the court that “these testimonies unequivocally demonstrate that climate change has already caused grievous violations of the right to self-determination of peoples across the subregion.”

    Over its deliberations, the court heard from more than 100 countries and international organisations hoping to influence its opinion, the highest level of participation in the court’s history. That included the governments of low-lying islands and atolls, which were hoping the court would provide a yardstick by which to measure other countries’ actions.

    They argued that climate change threatened fundamental human rights — such as life, liberty, health, and a clean environment — as well as other international laws like those of the sea, and those of self-determination.

    In their testimonies, high-emitting Western countries, including Australia, the United States, China, and Saudi Arabia maintained that the current system was enough.

    It’s been a tense and nervous wait for the court’s answer, but they finally got it last Wednesday.

    “We were pleasantly surprised by the strength of the decision,” Regenvanu said. “The fact that it was unanimous, we weren’t expecting that.”

    The court said states had clear obligations under international law, and that countries — and, by extension, individuals and companies within those countries — were required to curb emissions. It also said the environment and human rights obligations set out in international law did indeed apply to climate change, and that countries had a right to pursue restitution for loss and damage.

    The opinion is legally non-binding. But even so, it carries legal and political weight.

    Individuals and groups could bring lawsuits against their own countries for failing to comply with the court’s opinion, and states could also return to the ICJ to hold each other to account, something Regenvanu said Vanuatu wasn’t ruling out. But, ultimately, he hoped it wouldn’t reach that point, and the advisory opinion would be seen as a wake-up call.

    “We can call upon this advisory opinion in all our negotiations, particularly when countries say they can only do so much,” Regenvanu said. “They have said very clearly [that] all states have an obligation to do everything within their means according to the best available science.

    “It’s really up to all countries of the world — in good faith — to take this on, realise that these are the legal obligations under custom law. That’s very clear. There’s no denying that anymore.

    “And then discharge your legal obligations. If you are in breach, fix the breach, acknowledge that you have caused harm. Help to set it right. And also don’t do it again.”

    Student leader Vishal Prasad
    Student leader Vishal Prasad . . . “Oh, it definitely does not feel real. I don’t think it’s settled in.” Image: Instagram/Earth.org

    Vishal Prasad still hadn’t quite processed the whole thing by the time we met again the next morning. In shorts, t-shirt, and jandals, he cut a much more relaxed figure as he reclined on a couch sipping a mug of coffee. His phone had been buzzing non-stop with messages from around the world.

    “Oh, it definitely does not feel real. I don’t think it’s settled in,” he said. “I got, like, a flood of messages, well wishes. People say, ‘you guys have changed the world’. I think it’s gonna take a while.”

    He was under no illusions that there was a long road ahead. The court’s advisory came at a time when international law and multilateralism was under particular strain.

    When the urgency of the climate debate from a few years ago appears to have given way to a new enthusiasm for fossil fuel in some countries. He had no doubt the Pacific would continue to lead those battles.

    “People have been messaging me that across the group chats they’re in, there’s this renewed sense of courage, strength and determination to do something because of what the ICJ has said,” he said.

    “I’ve just been responding to messages and just saying thanks to people and just talking to them and I think it’s amazing to see that it’s been able to cause such a shift in the climate movement.”

    Watching the advisory opinion being read out at 3am in Honiara was Belyndar Rikimani, hunched over a live stream in the dead of the night.

    “What’s very special about this campaign is that it didn’t start with government experts, climate experts or policy experts. It started with students.

    “And these law students are not from Harvard or Cambridge or all those big universities, but they are students from the Pacific that have seen the first-hand effects of climate change. It started with students who have the heart to see change for our islands and for our people.”

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Log landing, western Montana. Photo: Jeffrey St. Clair.

    Four conservation groups, Alliance for the Wild Rockies, Council on Wildlife and Fish, Yellowstone to Uintas Connection, and Native Ecosystems Council, filed suit on July 28th in Federal District Court in Missoula challenging the Cyclone Bill Logging Project, which is about 13 miles west of Whitefish, Montana, in the Flathead National Forest.

    We are taking the Flathead National Forest to court over this project because the agency is violating its own Forest Plan rules for protecting old growth forest and grizzly connectivity requirements. The surest way to keep grizzly bears from recovering is allowing the Forest Service to continue their massive deforestation of the West.

    Over the last decade, the Tally Lake Ranger District has run roughshod over the old growth forests and wildlife habitat west of Whitefish, authorizing project-after-project without ever considering the overall impact of their logging and roadbuilding apparatus. They have ignored how their litany of projects deters grizzly bears from connecting between recovery zones. They have ignored how logging is contributing to a mass die-off of species dependent on old growth forests, and how it is ruining lynx critical habitat. This death by a thousand cuts must stop.

    Cyclone Bill authorizes logging and burning on 12,331 acres, including 9,192 acres – 14.3 square miles – of commercial logging and clearcutting. It also includes bulldozing 13.4 miles of logging roads in the already heavily roaded area which is federally designated critical habitat for Canada lynx and secure habitat for grizzly bears.

    Here are the problems with the project.

    1) The Forest Service and U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service’s Biological Opinion violates the Endangered Species Act by failing to adequately analyze cumulative effects from state and private lands on grizzly bears.

    The Tally Lake Ranger District is checkerboarded with state and private lands that routinely experience logging, roadbuilding, and residential development, yet the Forest Service did not look at how these stressors would impact grizzly bears. That makes no sense since we won a court decision on the same issue and stopped the Ripley logging project in the nearby Kootenai National Forest.

    2) The project violates the National Environmental Policy Act and the Forest Plan by failing to take a hard look at connectivity to grizzly bears and demonstrate consistency with the Forest Plan’s connectivity guidelines.

    The agency’s own Forest Plan addresses the importance of secure connectivity, stating: ‘The demographic connectivity area provides habitat that can be used by female grizzly bears and allows for bear movement between grizzly bear ecosystems. There’s no way around it, clearcuts and bulldozing logging roads destroy grizzly habitat.

    The U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service says there is one population of grizzly bears in the lower 48 states. Yet, to recover grizzly bears, the separate populations of grizzlies must be able to travel through safe and connected corridors for genetic interchange to avoid inbreeding. Which is why it makes no sense since this project calls for massive clearcuts and miles of new logging roads in a designated grizzly corridor in the Flathead Forest Plan.

    3) The Forest Service violated the National Environmental Policy Act because they failed to analyze the impacts of the Cyclone Bill Project and Round Star Project together, even though they are right next to each other. 

    Just as the project failed to account for cumulative effects from logging and road-building on state and private lands, it also failed to account for the impacts from nearby logging and road-building on National Forest lands. For years the Tally Lake Ranger District has authorized massive logging projects, only to narrow their resource analysis to the project-level, effectively ignoring that wildlife experience impacts at a landscape level.

    4) The project violates the agency’s own Forest Plan requirement to protect old growth forests.

    Old growth habitat, which has the highest density and diversity of birds nesting in tree cavities, is especially important for birds in western Montana. Old growth and mature forests also provide habitat for declining species such as flammulated owls, northern goshawks, black-backed woodpeckers, and fishers.

    5) The Cyclone Bill Project fails to take a hard look at impacts to old growth-dependent wildlife in violation of the national Environmental Policy Act.

    Not only did the Forest Service ignore its own old growth retention requirements, the agency failed to analyze the impacts on a host of old-growth dependent wildlife.

    6) The Forest Service’s refusal to analyze the Cyclone Bill Project in a full Environmental Impact Statement violates the National Environmental Policy Act. 

    Because this area has been so heavily logged and roaded in the past, the impacts from even more extensive road-building and logging require the in-depth analysis typically found in a more robust environmental impact statement. Instead, the public got the insufficient, or completely missing, analysis in the agency’s environmental assessment.

    The Forest Service has broken the law over and over in the past. It’s even worse now under the Trump administration. Maybe they thought we would cower in fear but we are not, and we will not. The American people are expected to follow the law and will continue to fight to ensure the federal government does, too.

    Please consider helping us pay for the cost of this litigation and also please consider donating to Counter Punch for keeping the world informed.

    The post Conservation advocates sue Flathead Forest Service and U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service to Stop Another Massive Clearcutting Project West of Whitefish, Montana appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • Despite growing momentum, world governments failed to agree to a moratorium on deep-sea mining as the 30th session of the International Seabed Authority wrapped up on Friday.

    The authority’s July meeting was the first since U.S. President Donald Trump signed an executive order to expedite permits for deep-sea mining under U.S. authority and The Metals Company (TMC) promptly applied for U.S. permits. Governments rebuked the U.S. and TMC for their unilateral approach and did not agree on a mining code that would allow the controversial practice to move forward under international law.

    The post World’s Governments Fail On Moratorium On Deep-Sea Mining appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • ProPublica is a nonprofit newsroom that investigates abuses of power. Sign up to receive our biggest stories as soon as they’re published.

    The continents are rapidly drying out and the earth’s vast freshwater resources are under threat, according to a recently released study based on more than 20 years of NASA satellite data. Here are the report’s key findings and what they portend for humankind:

    Much of the Earth is suffering a pandemic of “continental drying,” affecting the countries containing 75% of the world’s population, the new research shows.

    The study, published in the journal Science Advances, examined changes to Earth’s total supply of fresh water and found that nearly 6 billion people live in the 101 countries facing a net decline in water supply, posing a “critical, emerging threat to humanity.”

    Mining of underground freshwater aquifers is driving much of the loss.

    According to the study, the uninhibited pumping of groundwater by farmers, cities and corporations around the world now accounts for 68% of the total loss of fresh water at the latitudes where most people live.

    Much of the water taken from aquifers ends up in the oceans, contributing to the rise of sea levels.

    Mined groundwater rarely seeps back into the aquifers from which it was pumped. Rather, a large portion runs off into streams, then rivers and ultimately the oceans. According to the researchers, moisture lost to evaporation and drought, plus runoff from pumped groundwater, now outpaces the melting of glaciers and the ice sheets of either Antarctica or Greenland as the largest contributor of water to the oceans.

    Water From Land Has Become a Leading Driver of Sea Level Rise

    Most of the water lost from drying regions is from groundwater pumping, which ultimately shifts fresh water from aquifers into the oceans.

    Note: Glaciers refer to the parts of the continents covered in glaciers but excludes the ice sheets of Greenland and Antarctica. Drying land and aquifers refer to the water lost by the continents in areas not covered by glaciers, including river flow and evaporation. Groundwater loss accounts for 68% of the drying in those places. As droughts grow more extreme, farmers increasingly turn to groundwater.

    Worldwide, 70% of fresh water is used for growing crops, with more of it coming from groundwater as droughts grow more extreme. Only a small amount of that water seeps back into aquifers. Research has long established that people take more water from underground when climate-driven heat and drought are at their worst.

    Drying regions of the planet are merging.

    The parts of the world drying most acutely are becoming interconnected, forming what the study’s authors describe as “mega” regions. One such region covers almost the whole of Europe, the Middle East, North Africa and parts of Asia.

    Drying of the Earth has accelerated in recent years.

    The study examines 22 years of observational data from NASA’s Gravity Recovery and Climate Experiment, or GRACE, satellites, which measure changes in the mass of the earth and have been applied to estimate its water content. Since 2002, the sensors have detected a rapid shift in water loss across the planet. Around 2014, the study found the pace of drying appears to have accelerated. It is now growing by an area twice the size of California each year.

    The Drying of the Earth Accelerated in Recent Years

    The dramatic depletion of groundwater and surface water plus the melting of glaciers between 2014-24 has connected once-separate arid places, forming “mega-drying” regions that stretch across whole continents.

    Watch video ➜

    Note: Data is for February 2003 to December 2013 and January 2014 to April 2024. The first time period contains seven more months of data than the second. Water pumped from aquifers is not easily replaced, if it can be at all.

    Major groundwater basins underlie roughly one-third of the planet, including about half of Africa, Europe and South America. Many of those aquifers took millions of years to form and might take thousands of years to refill. The researchers warn that it is now nearly impossible to reverse the loss of water “on human timescales.”

    As continents dry and coastal areas flood, the risk for conflict and instability increases.

    The accelerated drying, combined with the flooding of coastal cities and food-producing lowlands, heralds “potentially staggering” and cascading risks for global order, the researchers warn. Their findings all point to the likelihood of widespread famine, the migration of large numbers of people seeking a more stable environment and the carry-on impact of geopolitical disorder.

    Data Source: Hrishikesh. A. Chandanpurkar, James S. Famiglietti, Kaushik Gopalan, David N. Wiese, Yoshihide Wada, Kaoru Kakinuma, John T. Reager, Fan Zhang (2025). Unprecedented Continental Drying, Shrinking Freshwater Availability, and Increasing Land Contributions to Sea Level Rise. Science Advances. https://www.science.org/doi/10.1126/sciadv.adx0298

    Graphics by Lucas Waldron

    This post was originally published on ProPublica.

  • In an era of runaway climate change, ecological collapse, global fascism, and heightened economic insecurity, it is only natural that readers to the left of Mussolini would be looking for a reassuring book which presents an easy route to a better world. A new bestseller, Abundance, by Ezra Klein of The New York Times and […]

    To read this article, log in here or subscribe here.
    If you are logged in but can’t read CP+ articles, check the status of your access here
    In order to read CP+ articles, your web browser must be set to accept cookies.

    The post The Dead End of Liberal Futurism appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • INTERVIEW: By Don Wiseman, RNZ Pacific senior journalist

    One of the first women to hold an open seat in Bougainville, Theonila Roka Matbob, is confident she can win again.

    Bougainville goes to the polls in the first week of September, and Roka Matbob aims to hold on to her Ioro seat in central Bougainville, where she is up against nine men.

    The MP, who is also the Minister of Community Government, recently led the campaign that convinced multinational Rio Tinto to clean up the mess caused by the Panguna Mine.

    RNZ Pacific asked her if she is enjoying running for a second election campaign.

    THEONILA ROKA MATBOB: Very, very much, yes. I guess compared to 2020, it is because it was my first time. I had a lot of butterflies, I would say. But this time has been very different. So I am more relaxed, more focused, and also I am more aware of issues that I can actually concentrate on.

    DON WISEMAN: And one of those issues you’ve been concentrating on is the aftermath of the Panguna Mine and the destruction and so on caused both environmentally and socially. And I guess that sort of work is going to continue for you?

    TRM: Yes, so the work is continuing. I had three platforms when I was contesting in 2020: leadership, governance, institutional governance and the accountability on the issues, legacy issues of Panguna Mine. I thought that the third one was going to be very challenging, given that it involved international stakeholders.

    But I would say that the one that I thought was going to be very challenging was actually the one that got a lot of traction, and it’s already in motion while I’m like back on the trail, defending my seat.

    DW: In terms of the work that has been undertaken on an assessment of the environmental damage, the impact that the process had had, and the report that has come out, and the obligations that this now places on Rio Tinto?

    TRM: The recommendations that were made by the report was on a lot of like imminent survey areas that is like on infrastructure that were built by the company back then in the operation days that is now tearing down.

    And also a lot more than that, there was a call for more intrusive assessment to be done on health and bloodstreams as well for the people, but those other things and also now to into the remediation vehicle, what is it going to look like?

    These are clear responsibilities that are at the overarching highest level of engagement through the what we call this process, the CP process. It has put the responsibility on Rio Tinto to now tell us, what does the remediation vehicle look like.

    At the moment, Rio Tinto is looking into that to be able to engage expertise in communication with us, to see how the design for the remediation vehicle would look. It is from the report that the build-up is now coming up, and there is more tangible or visible presence on the ground as compared to the time we started.

    DW: So that process in terms of the removal of the old buildings that’s actually got underway, has it?

    TRM: That process is already underway, the demolition process is underway, and BCL [Bougainville Copper Limited] is the one that’s taking the lead. It has engaged our local expertise, who are actually working abroad, but they have hired them because under the process we have local content policy where we have to do shopping for experts from Bougainville, before we’ll look into experts from overseas.

    Apart from that as well, one of the things that I have seen is there is an increased interest from both international and national and local partners as well in understanding the areas where the report, assessment report has pointed out.

    There is quite a lot happening, as compared to the past years when, towards the end of our political phase in parliament, usually there is always silence and only campaigns go on. But for now, it has been different.

    A lot of people are more engaged, even participating on the policy programmes and projects.

    DW: Yes, your government wants to reopen the Panguna Mine and open it fairly soon. You must have misgivings about that?

    TRM: I have been getting a lot of questions around that, and I have been telling them my personal stance has never changed.

    But I can never come in between the government’s interest. What I have been doing recently as a way of responding and uniting people, both who are believers of reopening and those that do not believe in reopening, like myself.

    We have created a platform by registering a business entity that can actually work in between people and the government, so that there is more or less a participatory approach.

    The company that we have registered is the one that will be tasked to work more on the politics of economics around Panguna and all the other prospects that we have in other natural resources as well.

    I would say that whichever way the government points us, I can now, with conviction, say that I am ready with my office and the workforce that I have right now, I can comfortably say that we can be able to accommodate for both opinions, pro and against.

    DW: In your Ioro electorate seat it’s not the biggest lineup of candidates, but the thing about Bougainville politics is they can be fairly volatile. So how confident are you?

    TRM: I am confident, despite the long line up that we have about nine people who are against me — nine men, interestingly, were against me. I would say that, given the grasp that I have and also building up from 2020, I can clearly say that I am very confident.

    If I am not confident, then it will take the space of giving opportunity for other people and also on campaign strategies as well. I have learnt my way through in diversifying and understanding the different experiences that I have in the constituency as well.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Despite growing momentum, world governments failed to agree to a moratorium on deep-sea mining as the 30th session of the International Seabed Authority wrapped up on Friday. The authority’s July meeting was the first since U.S. President Donald Trump signed an executive order to expedite permits for deep-sea mining under U.S. authority and The Metals Company (TMC) promptly applied for U.S.

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • In a landmark finding, the United Nations’ top court on Wednesday issued an advisory opinion stating that a “clean, healthy and sustainable environment” is a human right.

    The International Court of Justice (ICJ) ruling supports the obligation of UN member states to tackle the climate crisis and outlines the consequences they could face if they fail to do so.

    “The consequences of climate change are severe and far-reaching: they affect both natural ecosystems and human populations. These consequences underscore the urgent and existential threat posed by climate change,” said ICJ president Yuji Iwasawa, as The Guardian reported.

    The post UN’s Top Court Rules ‘Clean, Healthy’ Environment Is A Human Right appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • As the planet gets hotter and its reservoirs shrink and its glaciers melt, people have increasingly drilled into a largely ungoverned, invisible cache of fresh water: the vast, hidden pools found deep underground.

    Now, a new study that examines the world’s total supply of fresh water — accounting for its rivers and rain, ice and aquifers together — warns that Earth’s most essential resource is quickly disappearing, signaling what the paper’s authors describe as “a critical, emerging threat to humanity.” The landmasses of the planet are drying. In most places there is less precipitation even as moisture evaporates from the soil faster. More than anything, Earth is being slowly dehydrated by the unmitigated mining of groundwater, which underlies vast proportions of every continent. Nearly 6 billion people, or three quarters of humanity, live in the 101 countries that the study identified as confronting a net decline in water supply — portending enormous challenges for food production and a heightening risk of conflict and instability.

    The paper “provides a glimpse of what the future is going to be,” said Hrishikesh Chandanpurkar, an earth systems scientist working with Arizona State University and the lead author of the study. “We are already dipping from a trust fund. We don’t actually know how much the account has.”

    The research, published on Friday in the journal Science Advances, confirms not just that droughts and precipitation are growing more extreme but reports that drying regions are fast expanding. It also found that while parts of the planet are getting wetter, those areas are shrinking. The study, which excludes the ice sheets of Antarctica and Greenland, concludes not only that Earth is suffering a pandemic of “continental drying” in lower latitudes, but that it is the uninhibited pumping of groundwater by farmers, cities and corporations around the world that now accounts for 68% of the total loss of fresh water in those areas, which generally don’t have glaciers.

    Groundwater is ubiquitous across the globe, but its quality and depth vary, as does its potential to be replenished by rainfall. Major groundwater basins — the deep and often high-quality aquifers — underlie roughly one-third of the planet, including roughly half of Africa, Europe and South America. But many of those aquifers took millions of years to form and might take thousands of years to refill. Instead, a significant portion of the water taken from underground flows off the land through rivers and on to the oceans.

    The researchers were surprised to find that the loss of water on the continents has grown so dramatically that it has become one of the largest causes of global sea level rise. Moisture lost to evaporation and drought, plus runoff from pumped groundwater, now outpaces the melting of glaciers and the ice sheets of either Antarctica or Greenland as the largest contributor of water to the oceans.

    Water From Land Has Become a Leading Driver of Sea Level Rise

    Most of the water lost from drying regions is from groundwater pumping, which ultimately shifts fresh water from aquifers into the oceans.

    Note: Glaciers refer to the parts of the continents covered in glaciers but excludes the ice sheets of Greenland and Antarctica. Drying land and aquifers refer to the water lost by the continents in areas not covered by glaciers, including river flow and evaporation. Groundwater loss accounts for 68% of the drying in those places.

    The study examines 22 years of observational data from NASA’s Gravity Recovery and Climate Experiment, or GRACE, satellites, which measure changes in the mass of the earth and have been applied to estimate its water content. The technique was groundbreaking two decades ago when the study’s co-author, Jay Famiglietti, who was then a professor at the University of California, at Irvine, used it to pinpoint where aquifers were in decline. Since then, he and others have published dozens of papers using GRACE data, but the question has always lingered: What does the groundwater loss mean in the context of all of the water available on the continents? So Famiglietti, now a professor at Arizona State University, set out to inventory all the land-based water contained in glaciers, rivers and aquifers and see what was changing. The answer: everything, and quickly.

    Since 2002, the GRACE sensors have detected a rapid shift in water loss patterns around the planet. Around 2014, though, the pace of drying appears to have accelerated, the authors found, and is now growing by an area twice the size of California each year. “It’s like this sort of creeping disaster that has taken over the continents in ways that no one was really anticipating,” Famiglietti said. (Six other researchers also contributed to the study.) The parts of the world drying most acutely are becoming interconnected, forming what the study’s authors describe as “mega” regions spreading across the earth’s mid-latitudes. One of those regions covers almost the whole of Europe, the Middle East, North Africa and parts of Asia.

    The Drying of the Earth Accelerated in Recent Years

    The dramatic depletion of groundwater and surface water plus the melting of glaciers between 2014-24 has connected once-separate arid places, forming “mega-drying” regions that stretch across whole continents.

    Watch video ➜

    Note: Data is for February 2003 to December 2013 and January 2014 to April 2024. The first time period contains seven more months of data than the second.

    In the American Southwest and California, groundwater loss is a familiar story, but over the past two decades that hot spot has also spread dramatically. It now extends through Texas and up through the southern High Plains, where the Ogallala aquifer is depended on for agriculture, and it spreads south, stretching throughout Mexico and into Central America. These regions are connected not because they rely on the same water sources — in most cases they don’t — but because their populations will face the same perils of water stress: the most likely, a food crisis that could ultimately displace millions of people.

    “This has to serve as a wake-up call,” said Aaron Salzberg, a former fellow at the Woodrow Wilson Center and the former director of the Water Institute at the University of North Carolina, who was not involved with the study.

    Research has long established that people take more water from underground when climate-driven heat and drought are at their worst. For example, during droughts when California has enforced restrictions on delivery of surface water to its farmers — which the state regulates — the enormous agriculture enterprises that dominate the Central Valley have drilled deeper and pumped harder, depleting the aquifer — which the state regulates less precisely — even more.

    For the most part, such withdrawals have remained invisible. Even with the GRACE data, scientists cannot measure the exact levels or know when an aquifer will be exhausted. But there is one foolproof sign that groundwater is disappearing: The earth above it collapses as the ground compresses like a drying sponge. The visible signs of such subsidence around the world appear to match what the GRACE data says. Mexico City is sinking as its groundwater aquifers are drained, as are large parts China, Indonesia, Spain and Iran, to name a few. A recent study by researchers at Virginia Tech in the journal Nature Cities found that 28 cities across the United States are sinking — New York, Houston and Denver, among them — threatening havoc for everything from building safety to transit. In the Central Valley, the ground surface is nearly 30 vertical feet lower than it was in the first part of the 20th century.

    Ground subsidence around the world is one of the clearest ways to identify where groundwater is overdrawn.

    When so much water is pumped, it has to drain somewhere. Just like rivers and streams fed by rainfall, much of the used groundwater makes its way into the ocean. The study pinpoints a remarkable shift: Groundwater drilled by people, used for agriculture or urban supplies and then discarded into drainages now contributes more water to the oceans than melting from each of the world’s largest ice caps.

    People aren’t just misusing groundwater, they are flooding their own coasts and cities in the process, Famiglietti warns. That means they are also imperiling some of the world’s most important food-producing lowlands in the Nile and Mekong deltas and cities from Shanghai to New York. Once in the oceans, of course, groundwater will never again be suitable for drinking and human use without expensive and energy-sucking treatment or through the natural cycle of evaporating and precipitating as rain. But even then, it may no longer fall where it is needed most. Groundwater “is an intergenerational resource that is being poorly managed, if managed at all,” the study states, “at tremendous and exceptionally undervalued cost to future generations.”

    That such rapid and substantial overuse of groundwater is also causing coastal flooding underscores the compounding threat of rising temperatures and aridity. It means that water scarcity and some of the most disruptive effects of climate change are now inextricably intertwined. And here, the study’s authors implore leaders to find a policy solution: Improve water management and reduce groundwater use now, and the world has a tool to slow the rate of sea level rise. Fail to adjust the governance and use of groundwater around the world, and humanity risks surrendering parts of its coastal cities while pouring out finite reserves it will sorely need as the other effects of climate change take hold.

    How Groundwater Becomes Ocean Water
    1. The process starts when deep underground aquifers are tapped to make up for a lack of water from rainfall and rivers.
    2. Worldwide, 70% of fresh water is used for growing crops, with more of it coming from groundwater as droughts grow more extreme. Only a small amount of that water seeps back into aquifers.
    3. Instead, most of the water runs off the land into streams, eventually flowing into rivers.
    4. The rivers ultimately drain into the ocean, where fresh water becomes salt water. For that water to be usable again, it must either be industrially treated or return to the land as rain. But with climate change, these same drying regions are seeing less rainfall.

    If the drying continues — and the researchers warn that it is now nearly impossible to reverse “on human timescales” — it heralds “potentially staggering” and cascading risks for global order. The majority of the earth’s population lives in the 101 countries that the study identified as losing fresh water, making up not just North America, Europe and North Africa but also much of Asia, the Middle East and South America. This suggests the middle band of Earth is becoming less habitable. It also correlates closely with the places that a separate body of climate research has already identified as a shrinking environmental niche that has suited civilization for the past 6,000 years. Combined, these findings all point to the likelihood of widespread famine, the migration of large numbers of people seeking a more stable environment and the carry-on impact of geopolitical disorder.

    Peter Gleick, a climate scientist and a member of the National Academy of Sciences, lauded the new report for confirming trends that were once theoretical. The ramifications, he said, could be profoundly destabilizing. “The massive overpumping of groundwater,” Gleick said, “poses enormous risk to food production.” And food, he pointed out, is the foundation for stability. The water science center he co-founded, the Pacific Institute, has tracked more than 1,900 incidents in which water supplies were either the casualty of, a tool for or the cause of violence. In Syria, beginning in 2011, drought and groundwater depletion drove rural unrest that contributed to the civil war, which displaced millions of people. In Ghana, in 2017, protesters rioted as wells ran dry. And in Ukraine, whose wheat supports much of the world, water infrastructure has been a frequent target of Russian attacks.

    “Water is being used as a strategic and political tool,” said Salzberg, who spent nearly two decades analyzing water security issues as the special director for water resources at the State Department. “We should expect to see that more often as the water supply crisis is exacerbated.”

    India, for example, recently weaponized water against Pakistan. In April, following terrorist attacks in Kashmir, Prime Minister Narendra Modi suspended his country’s participation in the Indus Waters Treaty, a river-sharing agreement between the two nuclear powers that was negotiated in 1960. The Indus system flows northwest out of Tibet into India, before turning southward into Pakistan. Pakistan has severely depleted its groundwater reserves — the region is facing one of the world’s most urgent water emergencies according to the Science Advances paper. The Indus has only become more essential as a supply of fresh water for its 252 million people. Allowing that water to cross the border would be “prejudicial to India’s interests,” Modi said. In this case, he wasn’t attempting to recoup water supply for his country, Salzberg said, but was leveraging its scarcity to win a strategic advantage over his country’s principal rival.

    What’s needed most is governance of water that recognizes it as a crucial resource that determines both sovereignty and progress, Salzberg added. Yet there is no international framework for water management, and only a handful of countries have national water policies of their own.

    The United States has taken stabs at regulating its groundwater use, but in some cases those attempts appear to be failing. In 2014, California passed what seemed to many a revolutionary groundwater management act that required communities to assess their total water supply and budget its long-term use. But the act doesn’t take full effect until 2040, which has allowed many groundwater districts to continue to draw heavily from aquifers even as they complete their plans to conserve those resources. Chandanpurkar and Famiglietti’s research underscores the consequences for such a slow approach.

    Arizona pioneered groundwater regulations in 1980, creating what it called active management areas where extraction would be limited and surface waters would be used to replenish aquifers. But it only chose to manage the water in metropolitan areas, leaving vast, unregulated swaths of the state where investors, farmers and industry have all pounced on the availability of free water for profit. In recent years, Saudi investors have pumped rural water to grow feed for cattle exported back to the Arabian Peninsula, and hedge funds are competing to pump and sell water to towns near Phoenix. Meanwhile, four out of the original five active management areas are failing to meet the state’s own targets.

    “They like to say, ‘Oh, the management’s doing well,’ but when you look out at the end of the century, there’s no water left. We drained it, and no one talks about that,” Famiglietti said. “I don’t think it’s an exaggeration to say it’s an existential issue for cities like Phoenix.”

    Both California and Arizona grow significant portions of America’s fruits and vegetables. Something has to give. “If you want to grow food in a place like California,” Famiglietti asked, “do you just bring in water? If we deplete that groundwater, I don’t think there’s enough water to really replace what we’re doing there.” The United States might not have much choice, he added, but to move California’s agriculture production somewhere far away and retire the land.

    Chandanpurkar, Famiglietti and the report’s other authors suggest there are ready solutions to the problems they have identified, because unlike so many aspects of the climate crisis, the human decisions that lead to the overuse of water can be speedily corrected. Agriculture, which uses the vast majority of the world’s fresh water, can deploy well-tested technologies like drip irrigation, as Israel has, that sharply cut use by as much as 50%. When California farms reduced their take of Colorado River water in 2023 and 2024, the water levels in Lake Mead, the nation’s largest reservoir, jumped by 16 vertical feet as some 390 billion gallons were saved by 2025. Individuals can reduce water waste by changing simple routines: shortening showers or removing lawns. And cities can look to recycle more of the water they use, as San Diego has.

    A national policy that establishes rules around water practices but also prioritizes the use of water resources for national security and a collective interest could counterbalance the forces of habit and special interests, Salzberg said. Every country needs such a policy, and if the United States were to lead, it might offer an advantage. But “the U.S. doesn’t have a national water strategy,” he said, referring to a disjointed patchwork of state and court oversight. “We don’t even have a national water institution. We haven’t thought as a country about how we would even protect our own water resources for our own national interests, and we’re a mess.”

    Data Source: Hrishikesh. A. Chandanpurkar, James S. Famiglietti, Kaushik Gopalan, David N. Wiese, Yoshihide Wada, Kaoru Kakinuma, John T. Reager, Fan Zhang (2025). Unprecedented Continental Drying, Shrinking Freshwater Availability, and Increasing Land Contributions to Sea Level Rise. Science Advances. https://www.science.org/doi/10.1126/sciadv.adx0298

    Visual editing by Alex Bandoni. Additional design and development by Anna Donlan.

    This post was originally published on ProPublica.

  • Cleacut adjacent to the Dark Divide Roadless Area, Gifford Pinchot National Forest, Washington Cascades. Photo: Jeffrey St. Clair.

    The Trump Administration recently promised to bring “common sense management of our natural resources” to 58 million acres of roadless public lands mostly in the West. Translation: we’re going to build more roads and cut down a lot of trees in many of the most remote and beautiful places left in the country, wreaking havoc on the land’s other resources, like water and wildlife and recreation, including hunting and fishing.

    Trump’s Orwellian version of common sense ignores the hard-earned lessons of decades of experience managing our national forests, experience that led eventually in the late 1990’s to the truly common sense decision that the best way to manage these remaining roadless, undeveloped lands was to simply leave them be and prohibit the building of roads and logging.

    There are reasons that these lands remained roadless into the late 90’s, surviving unscathed through the mid-century decades of over harvesting on the national forests when the Forest Service served mainly as a timber cutting agency. Then came the environmental movement and the major environmental legislation of the 60’s and 70’s, the National Forest Management Act, the National Environmental Policy Act, the Clean Water Act, the Endangered Species Act, the Wilderness Act and more. These laws grew out of the burgeoning awareness of the many values that forests provide other than saw logs, even as the endless frontier of the American West and the attitudes that went with it were rapidly waning. More people began to pay attention to what went on in the back woods, and the Forest Service began to change its management practices to take into consideration all those other values the forests provide. The agency didn’t change its ways overnight, or even willingly in many cases. Lawsuits were filed challenging Forest Service plans and actions and court decisions were reached, interpreting the meaning of the new laws and how they applied to forest management practices.

    As the value of resources other than timber came into clearer focus, the economics of cutting timber also came under greater scrutiny. The 58 million remaining roadless acres protected by the roadless rule in the late 90’s were still roadless largely because they were simply the least economically feasible places to cut timber. This is due in part to their remoteness but also to the fact that most of these sites are just not the best places to grow trees for commercial purposes. And this is before you even begin to factor in the value of the other resources these lands provide that would be harmed by timber harvesting and road building. This process of learning to balance the values of all the resources (multiple use management) led eventually to the roadless rule.

    The simple fact is that by the 70’s the vast majority of the best growing sites had already been cut. In the 70’s, a major controversy arose over the Forest Service practice of subsidizing the timber industry by paying for the construction of the roads that made harvesting possible. Many of the agency’s timber sales were not economically feasible for the timber companies without these subsidies. You heard that right. Without the public paying to build the roads and ravage the water resources and the hunting and fishing and hiking, the timber companies wouldn’t have been able to make a buck cutting down the trees. They would not have entered those areas on their own.

    This was especially true in places away from the temperate rain forest that covers the coastal mountains of the Pacific Northwest, where trees grow huge and they grow fast with abundant rain and perfect growing climate. Take much of the State of Idaho, where I worked as a newspaper reporter covering the Forest Service and natural resource and public land issues for 13 years in the late 70’s and 80’s. Idaho is the most mountainous state in the union, by percentage of surface area covered by mountains. North of the Snake River Plain in southern Idaho that makes up the state’s major agricultural area (think potatoes), the state is mostly mountains all the way to Canada.

    There are lots of trees in those mountains, but most of the state is a much dryer climate than the coast, except the far north. There are some big ponderosa pines back in the canyons of the Salmon River, for instance, but many of those forests took hundreds of years to grow. So if you were to go in and cut those forests, particularly those on hotter south facing slopes, it would take several human lifetimes to grow them back, if you could achieve forest regeneration in the first place, which would take favorable conditions of rain and heat, far less likely to occur now in the time of climate change warming.

    And if you build all those roads in the granitic soils of the Idaho Batholith geological region, what’s very likely to happen is what happened on the South Fork of the Salmon River after the Forest Service first started building roads and cutting timber in the drainage from the 1940’s to the 60’s.  During that era, a very large rain on snow flooding event washed all those soils fractured by the road construction down into the river, burying the salmon spawning beds in layers of sediment and nearly wiping out one of the most important salmon runs in the state.

    Much of central Idaho and the Salmon River drainage will be protected from the Trump administration’s attempt to overturn the protections granted to these roadless areas, because it is the location of two of the largest designated wilderness areas in the lower 48, the Frank Church River of No Return Wilderness (2.367 million acres) and the Selway-BItterroot Wilderness (1.340 million acres). Designated wilderness areas are created by acts of Congress and thus are not subject to national forest rule-making and practices. By law they cannot be developed. But much of Idaho’s roadless terrain does not have this extra level of protection. These lands are protected only by the roadless rule, and this is what the Trumpers are going after.

    Trump’s Agriculture Secretary Brooke Rollins, a Texan with no apparent experience with forest management, called the roadless rule outdated. She claimed further that Trump is removing “absurd obstacles to common sense management of our natural resources” while opening “a new era of consistency and sustainability for our nation’s forests.”

    When Rollins talks about consistency and sustainability, she apparently is not aware that sustainability in terms of national forest timber management means attempting to manage for “sustained yield” of timber, an even and consistent flow of timber products that can be maintained in perpetuity. Her plans for opening up the roadless areas will no doubt result in what we now call resource extraction but we used to call rape, ruin and run. It is highly likely to result in subsidized road building entry to wild lands and one-off timber harvesting. The annual timber harvest on many national forests in the West is much lower than during the heyday of the timber free for all because, in addition to the new found consideration for the value of other resources, those levels of harvesting were eventually determined to be unsustainable.

    Subsequent harvests (sustained yield), if possible at all, could only happen on many of the vulnerable remaining roadless areas if investments were made in timber re-planting and road maintenance. The Forest Service, by the way, already has a massive backlog in its maintenance of the tens of thousands of miles of roads that already carve up the national forests. And the costs of all forms of ongoing management just add to the common sense decision not to cut timber in these places. Even if you wanted to manage many of these areas for the maximum sustained harvest, the yield and thus profit wouldn’t be enough to offset all the costs of managing these lands for timber.

    The Trumpers are also trying to manipulate the current forest fire prevention paranoia and fantasy as added justification for entering these roadless areas. They claim “thinning”  the forests will help prevent forest fires as an added benefit. Of course they are ignoring the fact that intact forest canopies are more successful at preventing fires than logged over areas. An intact forest canopy lets in less heat and wind which dry out the forest and make it more fire prone. Furthermore, attempting intensive ongoing fire prevention management of this kind over vast areas would only require more time and money, which no one is going to pay for in these remote areas. Controlled burning is expensive and risky (see recent blunders in New Mexico and the North Rim of the Grand Canyon). And while we’re on the subject, indigenous peoples practiced burning in limited areas for specific reasons. They were not out regularly burning tens of millions of acres of remote forests in order to prevent fires.

    Of course Rollins wants to present “absurd obstacles” like the roadless rule as some kind of WOKE approach to managing resources, some modern, weirdly contrived, nonsensical way of looking at real, down to earth situations. Forget about the history of how that rule came into being.  And don’t tell that to the people of Idaho, one of the most conservative states in the Union, where a Democrat like Frank Church could never get elected today and where calling someone WOKE is fightin’ words. The good people of Idaho don’t want their wild areas desecrated. Idahoans love them some hunting and fishing and wild places. The national forests are where the locals go to hunt and fish and play. The national parks are full of too many tourists.

    Rollins and Trump don’t seem to understand that relation and attachment to place is an ancient, fundamental human characteristic. When they look at our wild lands, the only thing they see is dollar signs resulting from the extraction of resources, and they won’t look back to see the destruction. They want to take us back to the good old days of rape, ruin and run.

    But the people of Idaho and the rest of the West’s areas that border on the wild live there not in spite of its wild nature but because of it. These wild lands are a part of their identity. If it were all just turned into one big tree farm (or worse), the land would never be the same, and neither would they.

     

    The post The Return of Rape, Ruin and Run to the National Forests appeared first on CounterPunch.org.

    This post was originally published on CounterPunch.org.

  • Last summer, Bristol’s butterflies sent an urgent SOS through Butterfly Conservation’s Big Butterfly Count. Citizen scientists in Bristol spotted only 4,883 butterflies and day-flying moths during the three-week period – revealing a damning picture of their decline.

    Big Butterfly Count: butterflies on the brink

    Results up and down the UK echoed this. The wildlife charity declared a nationwide butterfly emergency after the marked and deeply concerning nose-dive in butterfly numbers. Significantly, these were the lowest in the Big Butterfly Count’s history.

    The 2024 figures follow a pattern of long-term decline. Butterflies have struggled against a backdrop of habitat degradation, climate breakdown and pesticide use.

    That’s why this year, Butterfly Conservation is not just launching a citizen science survey. It is launching a nationwide rescue mission and need the people of Bristol to get involved.

    No lab coats. No science degrees. Just 15 minutes of their time.

    A call-out to Bristol citizen scientists: bring back the butterflies

    In 2024, people across Bristol did 771 Big Butterfly Counts. The Meadow Brown took the top spot for most seen species.

    Butterfly Conservation launched its Big Butterfly Count on Friday 18 July.  It runs until 10 August.  The charity is calling on thousands of everyday heroes across Bristol, from schoolkids to grandparents, dog walkers, hikers, even office workers on their lunch break, to take part.

    Worryingly, 80% of butterflies have declined since the 1970s. These delicate icons of summer respond quickly to environmental change, making their decline a powerful warning sign of a planet in peril.

    The good news? There is hope. With just 15 minutes of your time, you can help protect UK butterfly species for future generations.

    The mission? Spend 15 minutes in any outdoor space and count the butterflies and day-flying moths you see and submit your sightings to help build Butterfly Conservation’s interactive map.

    That’s it. One small action that contributes to a much bigger effort to help save butterfly species and the ecosystems they support.

    Turn your curiosity into conservation – join the Big Butterfly Count

    Head of Science at Butterfly Conservation Dr Richard Fox said:

    This is a chance to turn curiosity into conservation and make a real contribution to protecting butterflies in the UK for generations to come. Butterflies are beautiful, yes — but they’re also incredibly important bioindicators. This means that as they continue to disappear, as they have over recent decades, it indicates something is going seriously wrong in our natural world. We need to heed that warning and take action before it’s too late.

    If we lose butterflies, we lose more than beauty — we lose balance in our ecosystems and that will have serious repercussions for wildlife in the UK. Taking part in the Big Butterfly Count only takes 15 minutes and it’s something everybody in Bristol can do. If you do one thing for nature this year, get out for the Count this summer! – Every count really does make a difference.

    Whether you see a Red Admiral, a Common Blue, or an entire kaleidoscope of Meadow Browns, your sightings provide vital data that help scientists understand where butterflies are thriving, struggling, or shifting due to habitat loss or restoration.

    And by taking part, you’re doing more than logging data – you’re standing up for nature. Your observations will help add Bristol’s butterflies to a live map of UK biodiversity, visible in real-time through the Big Butterfly Count website and free app.

    How to take part

    1. Download the free Big Butterfly Count app or visit the website.

    2. Between 18 July and 10 August, spend 15 minutes in any outdoor space and count the number and type of butterflies you see.

    3. Log your sightings on the website or app and help protect UK wildlife for future generations.

    Become a citizen scientist. Be part of the comeback. Help bring butterflies and wild spaces in Bristol and across the UK back to life.

    Featured image supplied

    By The Canary

    This post was originally published on Canary.