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  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    Republicans say that able-bodied adults who don’t work would lose Medicaid coverage under the House tax-cuts-and-spending bill, while Democrats say the legislation would hurt vulnerable groups. The bill’s main target is those able-bodied adults, but other groups would lose coverage due to paperwork burdens and other provisions in the bill, health policy experts say.

    Photo by Postmodern Studio / stock.adobe.com

    The majority of coverage losses under the bill would come from those who became eligible for Medicaid due to an expansion of the program under the Affordable Care Act — those enrollees would face new work requirements unless they were subject to an exemption.

    “The challenge here is that these work requirements also become sort of a paperwork requirement,” Jennifer Tolbert, deputy director of the Program on Medicaid and the Uninsured at the health policy research group KFF, told us in an interview. In order to keep their Medicaid coverage, people have to document that they’re working the required number of hours or meet the criteria for an exemption. It’s not yet known what kind of documents will be required, she said, but it’s “quite likely that there will be people … who have reported disabilities, who have other chronic conditions, and … who are caring for children or elderly parents, who may also lose coverage” because they aren’t able to provide the correct documents.

    Overall, the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office estimated that the bill would lead to 10.9 million more people being uninsured in 2034, with 7.8 million of those due to the bill’s Medicaid provisions and the rest due to changes concerning the Affordable Care Act’s insurance marketplaces. The House narrowly passed the bill on May 22, and the Senate is now considering it.

    House Speaker Mike Johnson and other Republican lawmakers have said that those losing insurance coverage would be people who shouldn’t have received it in the first place.

    “The numbers of Americans who are affected are those that are entwined in our work to eliminate fraud, waste and abuse,” Johnson said on CNN’s “State of the Union” on May 25. He claimed that “pregnant women and young single mothers, the disabled, the elderly … are protected” under the bill.

    The House speaker and other Republicans have said the bill, called the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, actually saves the Medicaid program, even though it cuts federal Medicaid spending. In a May 20 statement, Rep. Tom Cole of Oklahoma said the bill “stops the subsidization of competent adults who are just choosing to not work.”

    KFF estimated that the bill would reduce federal Medicaid spending by a net $793 billion over 10 years, based on CBO’s analysis. That’s a 12% reduction in federal Medicaid funding. Yet, Johnson has claimed that the spending cuts aren’t cuts at all. “There are no Medicaid cuts in the Big Beautiful Bill. We’re not cutting Medicaid,” he said on NBC’s “Meet the Press” on June 1. “What we’re doing is strengthening the program. We’re reducing fraud, waste and abuse that is rampant in Medicaid to ensure that that program is essential for so many people, ensure that it’s available for the most vulnerable.”

    (Johnson has also cited “more than 1.4 million illegal aliens on Medicaid.” We’ve already written about that false claim. The CBO said those individuals would lose coverage from “state-only funded programs,” not from Medicaid. The bill would reduce federal Medicaid funding to states that continue their own health insurance programs for immigrants in the U.S. illegally.)

    Democrats, meanwhile, have focused on potential impacts on “vulnerable” groups.

    Democratic Sen. Michael Bennet of Colorado said on CNN on May 25 that Johnson’s comments about “able-bodied adults” and “illegal aliens” were “not true.” Bennet said the House bill would drive “a lot” of health care providers “out of business,” and suggested that kids and families in poverty would be affected by the Medicaid provisions.

    The bill has financial implications for some providers, such as community health centers and hospitals, but it’s unclear to what extent they would close as a result. Tolbert said “it will be hard to say” if closures are directly related to the bill.

    In a May 27 press conference, Sen. Elizabeth Warren said that “every one” of the approximately 2 million people on Massachusetts’ Medicaid program “will be at risk of losing their health coverage” under the Republican bill.

    Leonardo Cuello, a research professor at the Georgetown University McCourt School of Public Policy’s Center for Children and Families, told us: “Basically every type of Medicaid enrollee could be at risk of coverage loss.” 

    But, of course, the vast majority of Medicaid enrollees wouldn’t be expected to lose coverage, even if many are “at risk,” as Warren put it. The health insurance program for low-income individuals covers about 83 million people and is jointly funded by the federal government and the states. Coverage losses would vary by state – and there’s uncertainty about how states would react to the bill’s changes. But KFF estimated that Massachusetts’ enrollment would drop by 11% in 2034 under the bill. 

    Nationwide, Medicaid projected enrollment would decline by 12% in 2034, KFF said. 

    We’ll go through what the bill would do and how it could affect Medicaid enrollees.

    The Bill’s Work Requirements

    A large portion of the Medicaid savings in the bill come from new work requirements, or what the legislation calls “community engagement,” for adults who gained coverage under a Medicaid expansion in the Affordable Care Act. This aspect of the bill saves an estimated $344 billion over 10 years.

    Forty states plus Washington, D.C., have implemented that Medicaid expansion. It broadened eligibility to adults under age 65 who earn up to 138% of the federal poverty level, and the federal government provides 90% of the funding for that population. The income eligibility threshold before that varied by state. 

    The expansion population was estimated at 21.3 million people in 2024, according to KFF.

    The House bill would require those in the expansion group ages 19 to 64 to work, or participate in community service or job training, for a minimum of 80 hours per month. Attending an educational program at least half-time would also qualify, as would earning income equivalent to 80 hours’ worth of minimum-wage work. 

    States would be required to exempt certain groups, including pregnant people, parents and caretakers of dependent children and disabled family members, people with substance use disorders and some medical conditions, some people with disabilities, and those who had been in foster care as children, according to a breakdown of the bill by Georgetown University’s Center for Children and Families.  

    States would need to confirm that requirements were met for at least one month before someone applied for Medicaid or renewed their eligibility, and those renewals must happen at least twice a year. The work requirements would have to be instituted no later than Dec. 31, 2026. 

    Impact of Work Requirements

    The CBO estimated that Medicaid coverage would drop by 5.2 million people in 2034 because of the work requirement provision, with 4.8 million being uninsured. Its June 4 letter on these figures said that 18.5 million would be subject to the requirement, though “some” would be exempt.

    It’s unclear how many are “able-bodied” and choosing not to work.

    Studies have found a small percentage of Medicaid enrollees would fit that description. In an analysis of 2024 Census Bureau survey data, KFF determined that 8% of Medicaid recipients under age 65 and not also getting Social Security disability benefits weren’t working because they were retired, unable to find work or another reason. The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities found that half of that group was retired.

    Nearly two-thirds – 64% – were working full-time or part-time, and the rest weren’t working due to a disability or illness, caregiving responsibilities, or being a student.  

    Johnson has referred to “about 4.8 million able-bodied workers, young men, for example, who are on Medicaid and not working. They are choosing not to work when they can,” calling this “fraud.” But the 4.8 million figure is the CBO estimate of the number who would become uninsured due to the work requirements. The House Energy and Commerce Committee, in a post on X, said these were all “able bodied adults choosing not to work.” 

    It’s unknown how many of those individuals fit Johnson’s description. We contacted the House speaker’s office about this figure and his other claims, but we haven’t received a response. 

    Tolbert told us she didn’t know if a CBO breakdown would be able to provide details of what types of Medicaid enrollees will lose coverage under the work requirements, such as single adults, parents or those with disabilities. 

    “It is patently false that the impact is only going to be on able-bodied individuals,” Cuello said, adding that many people with disabilities aren’t enrolled with an official disability determination and instead are in the expansion population. 

    Michael Karpman, a principal research associate in the health policy division at the Urban Institute, told us that if there’s a group of enrollees in the expansion population that should be working but choose not to “it’s small.” The think tank has found that at least 90% of the adults in the expansion population “are working … are in fair or poor health or have a disability, likely have some caregiving responsibilities, or are looking for work. And so most people, the vast majority of people, are participating in the activities prescribed by the policy, or could potentially meet the exemption criteria from the work requirement.” 

    But “in practice,” he said, “a lot of people who are likely to qualify for an exemption are not going to actually get that exemption” because they’ll have trouble with the reporting requirements. “That’s what we saw in states that previously implemented work requirements. Some people were automatically exempted by the state; most of those who weren’t had difficulty with the reporting bureaucracy in terms of showing that they were exempt or meeting the work requirement.”

    Two states have tried such requirements. 

    In Arkansas, which implemented work requirements for Medicaid in 2018, more than 18,000 adults were disenrolled that year. A federal court ruling stopped the program in 2019, after a group of Medicaid enrollees in the state sued. The case provided anecdotal evidence of the problems people had with the reporting requirements. One man in his 40s, who worked at a poultry business, successfully filed documentation at first but then lost coverage when he was unaware that he needed to keep doing so monthly. 

    An Urban Institute study found that the work requirement was associated with an increase in the uninsured among the target group for the policy, 30- to 49-year-olds with low incomes. But researchers didn’t find changes in employment.

    And in Georgia, which, like the House bill, requires proof of work before enrolling applicants, “very few people who are eligible for the program have been able to enroll,” Karpman said. 

    As of April 30, the state had enrolled about 7,400 low-income adults since the program launched in July 2023, but the state had expected to enroll 47,000 in the first two years. The Georgia Budget & Policy Institute has said 240,000 people in the state are “potentially eligible.”

    Jennifer Haley, also a principal research associate at the Urban Institute, told us that states won’t have perfect information on enrollees’ health conditions that would be subject to an exemption. There’s not ”a database of whether someone’s, quote, able bodied or not.”

    Workers who are self-employed or gig workers also might have a hard time producing documents showing hours worked, these experts said.  

    Karpman and Haley were co-authors on a March report from the Urban Institute that analyzed a more limited 2023 congressional proposal for work requirements. “Our findings suggest states will disenroll significantly more expansion adults who should be exempt or are already engaged in work activities relative to the disenrollment of adults who are not engaged in work activities and do not meet the exemption criteria,” the report said.

    Under the current bill, the expansion population has to renew eligibility at least twice a year, instead of once a year, which could lead to more people losing coverage because they miss notices or don’t file the correct paperwork — or what’s known as procedural disenrollment — not because they aren’t eligible. 

    This can have a ripple effect, where some children who are eligible could lose coverage when their parents are dropped from Medicaid for failing to complete the renewal process. If parents enroll, they are more likely to get their kids enrolled, and the reverse impact also occurs. “We know that when parents lose coverage, often their children still lose coverage as well,” Tolbert said.

    The CBO estimated an increase in the uninsured of 700,000 people in 2034 due to the eligibility redeterminations.

    There are a lot of unknowns with how the work requirements could play out, Tolbert said. States have the option to require more frequent eligibility renewals or proof of more than one prior month of work. “State choices here could have significant implications in terms of who is able to meet the requirements or not,” she said.

    And federal guidance will come later on specific medical conditions that qualify for an exemption or what documents states will accept.

    Other Provisions

    While the work requirements are expected to have the largest impact on enrollment, there are other provisions that could lead to lost or reduced coverage.

    The bill delays the implementation of some Biden-era rules until 2035. One of those made it easier for seniors or people with disabilities with Medicare coverage who are also eligible for Medicaid to enroll in the latter. In these cases, Medicaid pays for supplemental benefits and Medicare cost-sharing. A preliminary CBO report estimated that 1.3 million in 2034 would lose their Medicaid coverage due to this provision but retain Medicare.

    That Biden-era rule also streamlined enrollment and renewals for children and eliminated waiting periods for kids to enroll in the Children’s Health Insurance Program. “The eligibility enrollment rule would fix those problems, and they are repealing that rule,” Cuello said. “So again, that is absolutely going to impact the eligibility of children. Less children will have coverage under the Children’s Health Insurance Program because of those policies.”

    The CBO estimated that this provision would increase the number of uninsured by 600,000 in 2034.

    Cuello’s center also wrote that the bill prohibits Medicaid payments from going to Planned Parenthood clinics for 10 years, limiting at least some people’s access to care.

    And there are the 1.4 million immigrants in the country illegally who CBO estimated would lose coverage through state-only programs. These aren’t Medicaid or CHIP enrollees, but the bill uses Medicaid to pressure states to drop those programs. As we’ve explained, the bill proposes reducing the federal Medicaid match for states’ ACA expansion populations from 90% to 80% if they provide health coverage to people living in the country illegally, regardless of how that program is funded.

    According to KFF, there are 14 states, plus Washington, D.C., that have such programs to cover children regardless of immigration status, including seven states and D.C. that also cover some adults.

    In addition, the bill increases cost-sharing for expansion enrollees with income above the federal poverty level, adding a $35 co-pay for services, but exempting primary care, and services for mental health or substance use disorders.

    Impact on Health Care Providers

    Democrats have said that the bill would force health care providers, such as nursing homes, community health centers or rural hospitals, to close. On CNN, Bennet said the legislation would drive “a lot” of health care providers “out of business,” while Warren, in her press conference, said that “hospitals and community health centers” would be “forced to close.” The bill could hurt the finances of these providers, but how many would close their doors as a result is unknown.

    Tolbert told us that “it will be hard to say that any hospital closures or other providers going out of business … is directly related to these Medicaid changes.” But there will be financial implications, she said.

    Community health centers, for example, are required to provide care regardless of someone’s ability to pay, she said. So centers that see a decrease in their patients’ Medicaid coverage would face increased financial pressure.

    Rural hospitals also could be at risk. The bill would prohibit states from increasing or instituting new provider taxes, which states have used to supplement payments to hospitals to cover uncompensated care, Tolbert explained.

    Cuello said that some rural hospitals will go bankrupt because of the bill’s provisions. “I can say with a good degree of comfort that if you have, at current level of funding, a lot of hospitals at risk of closure, and you massively decrease funding … we can safely assume that there will be some greater number of hospitals that closes.”

    Cuello pointed us to a June report from the Center for Healthcare Quality & Payment Reform that said about a third of rural hospitals in the U.S. “are at risk of closing because of the serious financial problems they are experiencing,” and 14%, or 314 rural hospitals, are “at immediate risk of closing.”

    Similarly, Bennet’s and Warren’s offices pointed to the financial frailty of rural hospitals and health centers and how a reduction in Medicaid payments and increased uncompensated care costs would hurt them.

    For instance, Warren’s office cited a report from the Urban Institute that estimated that spending for health care services would decline by $771 billion over 10 years due to the bill and uncompensated care costs for the uninsured would go up $198 billion.

    The senator’s office also cited comments by Shade Cronan with the Massachusetts League of Community Health Centers, who said the average community health center gets about a third of its revenue from Medicaid. Cronan told New England Public Media in April that the state probably wouldn’t be able to cover a cut in that revenue stream. “And then health centers will have to make really difficult decisions, potentially to reduce services, to close sites, to lay off staff.”

    About 19% of hospital care spending in 2023 came from Medicaid, KFF reported, and half of rural hospitals in non-ACA-expansion states and 41% in expansion states had negative margins that year.

    All of that shows that a reduction in Medicaid revenue would have a financial impact. But it’s unclear to what extent health care providers would be forced to close because of it and, as Tolbert said, difficult to determine later.


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  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    In the past two weeks, U.S. public health authorities have skirted normal procedures and announced two major policy changes that will likely reduce access to COVID-19 vaccines and restrict use to higher-risk populations. 

    On May 20, the Food and Drug Administration announced a new regulatory framework that suggests that without new placebo-controlled trials, the agency will only approve updated COVID-19 vaccines in the future for people 65 and older and those with at least one risk factor for severe COVID-19.

    On May 27, Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. said in a video posted on X that the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention was no longer recommending a COVID-19 vaccine for healthy children or healthy pregnant women. Previously, the CDC recommended COVID-19 vaccines for everyone 6 months of age and older.

    In both cases, officials skipped the regular process for such decision-making, which typically includes guidance from advisory committees and input from vaccine makers, scientists and regular people during meetings that are livestreamed and open to the public.  

    “These were announcements, not actual discussions,” Dorit Reiss, a professor of law at University of California Law San Francisco who specializes in vaccine law and policy, told us. “They both can have the effect of making it harder for people who want COVID vaccines to get them.” 

    Both decisions also leave many outstanding questions that the agencies have not yet clarified. Here, we explain what we know — and don’t — about these new COVID-19 vaccine policies.

    What did the FDA announce?

    FDA Commissioner Dr. Marty Makary and Dr. Vinay Prasad, director of the agency’s division that regulates vaccines, announced the new framework for COVID-19 vaccines in a livestreamed video and commentary published in the New England Journal of Medicine on May 20.

    Citing COVID-19 vaccine recommendations from other high-income countries — none of which has a universal recommendation — along with what they described as uncertainty about whether healthy, younger people benefit from the vaccines, the two officials indicated that future COVID-19 vaccines would only be approved for people 65 years and older and those with at least one risk factor for severe COVID-19.

    Those approvals, they explained, would be based on immunogenicity data, or evidence that the vaccine generates an antibody response in people. That’s a slightly higher bar than the evidence required for last year’s updated shots, which relied on antibody data in animals in addition to other accumulated evidence. (With earlier updates, companies have sometimes submitted clinical antibody data, but given that the change to the vaccine is so minor, the FDA did not require clinical data, similar to how the agency handles seasonal influenza vaccines.)

    For everyone else, the officials wrote in their commentary, the “FDA anticipates the need for randomized, controlled trial data evaluating clinical outcomes” before approval. 

    The regulatory change is similar to the FDA’s recent, more limited approval of Novavax’s protein-based COVID-19 vaccine for people 65 and older or those with at least one underlying health condition. According to reporting by Politico and the Wall Street Journal, political appointees delayed and intervened in the approval.

    The new framework does not apply to the COVID-19 vaccines currently on the market. It only applies to updates or new formulations of the vaccines. For the 2025-2026 season, the FDA is advising that vaccines continue to target the JN.1 lineage, but says that it prefers an update to a specific subvariant. Last year, the FDA authorized and approved updated vaccines in late August.

    What did Kennedy announce?

    A week later, in a 58-second video also featuring Makary and National Institutes of Health Director Jay Bhattacharya, Kennedy made another announcement.

    “I couldn’t be more pleased to announce that, as of today, the COVID-19 vaccine for healthy children and healthy pregnant women has been removed from the CDC recommended immunization schedule,” Kennedy said.

    “It’s common sense and it’s good science,” Bhattacharya added, even though no evidence was provided.

    Notably, Kennedy’s announcement is at odds with the new FDA framework, which includes pregnancy as a high-risk condition for which updated vaccines would be approved without new trials.

    Kennedy’s announcement also does not entirely match with how the CDC ultimately updated its childhood immunization schedule. The schedule is a timetable for when recommended vaccines should be given and dictates which vaccines insurance providers are required to cover without a copay under the Affordable Care Act.

    Although Kennedy said in the video that the policy was effective on May 27, the CDC did not update the schedule until the evening of May 29. Instead of removing the COVID-19 vaccines for “healthy” children, however, the schedule changed the recommendation for all children without compromised immune systems to one of shared clinical decision-making, meaning such children “may” receive a vaccine after consultation with their health care providers. For children who are moderately to severely immunocompromised, the full recommendation to receive a vaccine remains. 

    Kennedy never said what he meant by “healthy” children, but previously, Makary and Prasad have suggested that the FDA views them as children without a risk factor for severe COVID-19. Many children have one or more risk factors but are not necessarily immunocompromised.

    Photo by fstop123 via Getty Images.

    For pregnant adults, the CDC schedule now lists the vaccine as “no guidance/not applicable.”

    HHS did not respond to a detailed list of our questions trying to clarify various aspects of the different policies.

    “The old COVID-19 vaccine recommendations for healthy children under 18 and for pregnant women have been removed from the CDC vaccine schedule,” a spokesperson said in a statement. “Under the leadership of Secretary Kennedy, HHS is restoring the doctor-patient relationship. If a parent desires their healthy child to be vaccinated, their decision should be based on informed consent through the clinical judgement of their healthcare provider.”

    Reiss told us the HHS statement was “pretty disingenuous,” noting that “the decision to vaccinate is always a personal one, and most people do it through their doctor.”

    Following news coverage that the CDC schedule retains a modified recommendation for children, HHS has since insisted in a post on X that the media are wrong and that the schedule is “very clear” that the vaccine “is not recommended” for pregnant women or healthy children.

    However, as we said, the recommendation for now is one of shared clinical decision-making for kids who are not immunocompromised.

    How does this change who can get a COVID-19 vaccine?

    Immediately, there may not be a large change. But soon, some kids (or their parents) and pregnant people may have to pay out of pocket for a vaccine, and some providers may be more hesitant to recommend the shots to patients. And in the fall, if the vaccines are updated under the new framework, that is likely to be the case for even larger swaths of the population.

    The reason for the intense focus on the language of the policy — and whether the vaccines are truly removed from the CDC’s immunization schedule or not — is because removal from the schedule would mean that insurers are no longer required to cover the vaccines with no cost-sharing under the Affordable Care Act. 

    People without a recommendation could still get them, Reiss said, but they would need to pay out of pocket if their insurer decided to drop coverage of the vaccine. CVS currently charges around $200 for a single dose.

    Some insurance companies might still cover the shots if it’s cost-effective for them. “But that would be up to the insurance company,” Reiss said.

    Under the current language used in the amended CDC schedules, Reiss said, insurance companies are no longer required to cover the shots for pregnant adults. Insurers are still required to cover vaccines recommended under shared clinical decision-making, although she said that in practice, that doesn’t always happen.

    Come fall, the FDA appears poised to approve updated vaccines only for higher-risk groups, since it’s not possible for any new trials with younger, healthier people to have been completed, even if companies decide to start them.

    Prasad and Makary have emphasized that the list of medical conditions the CDC uses to define high risk — which includes pregnancy, obesity, depression, physical inactivity and being a current or past smoker — is “vast” and estimated to include around 100 million to 200 million Americans.

    “This is a tremendously broad category,” Prasad said in the livestreamed video. “At-risk Americans can be reassured that they will be covered by such approvals.”

    Experts told us updated vaccines could still be prescribed off-label for younger people who aren’t high risk, but if there isn’t a CDC recommendation, then insurance coverage won’t be required. And if the vaccines are both not licensed and not recommended, Reiss said, “more doctors may hesitate to prescribe” them. The vaccines may also be harder to find, and pharmacies, for example, may not be willing to administer them.

    Charlotte Moser, co-director of the Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia’s Vaccine Education Center and a member of the CDC’s outside Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices, told us in an email that it’s “possible that the ACIP would vote to have the vaccines used ‘off-label,’ which would mean using them differently than the way the FDA licensed them.”

    But the ACIP recommendations would need to be accepted by the director of the CDC, and currently, there doesn’t appear to be an acting director. The recommendations ACIP made in its last meeting in April went directly to Kennedy, and so far, he has only accepted one of three recommendations, Moser said.

    Even if the vaccines aren’t updated to target a new variant, the CDC recommendations could still shift.

    “I don’t quite know what CDC will do and how this will go,” Reiss said. “It’s a mess.”

    How do both policy changes diverge from the standard vaccine recommendation process?

    Typically, the FDA is in charge of licensing vaccines and giving general indications for their use, and the CDC’s job is to make tailored recommendations about who should use them, when and how. And as we’ve mentioned, both the FDA and the CDC have panels of independent, outside experts that inform those decisions. 

    But in this case, both policy changes were made without the input of the agencies’ advisory committees, even though both ACIP and the FDA’s Vaccines and Related Biological Products Advisory Committee were scheduled to meet to discuss COVID-19 vaccine recommendations in the near future — on May 22 for VRBPAC and late June for ACIP.

    Dr. Kathryn M. Edwards, a retired vaccinologist and pediatrician and former member of the VRBPAC and ACIP, wrote in a STAT opinion piece that the way in which the FDA changed its regulatory framework “is in stark contrast” with the standard process.

    “The usual practice is to provide Draft Guidance Documents, comprehensively outlining specific requirements in the Federal Register, and inviting a period of public comment so experts in a broad range of fields, including immunology, biostatistics, and clinical care, can add their perspectives. Then the FDA finalizes the document and posts it to the FDA website,” she wrote. 

    “The FDA guidance presented in the NEJM was not released in the Federal Register, did not invite comment, and provided only a general outline for Covid-19 vaccine licensure. The report lacked detail, and a clear blueprint was not provided,” she continued.

    The decision to change the CDC vaccine schedules also circumvented the way in which vaccine recommendations are typically made. As Reiss told us when we reported on Kennedy’s intention to remove the COVID-19 vaccines from the childhood vaccination schedule, the decision should have been made after discussion with ACIP. 

    “This decision bypasses a long-established, evidence-based process used to ensure vaccine safety and ignores the expertise of independent medical experts, including members of CDC committees who are examining the evidence regarding the vaccine to make recommendations for the fall,” said Dr. Sean O’Leary, an associate professor of pediatrics at the University of Colorado and chair of the American Academy of Pediatrics Committee on Infectious Diseases, in a statement sent to us by the AAP.

    By not following the established procedures, the HHS agencies are vulnerable to legal challenges, Reiss told us.

    “This is really bad administrative procedure, even before we talk about circumventing ACIP,” she wrote on social media. Under administrative law, she said, agency decisions have to meet certain criteria. For instance, they must include explanations of the agency’s fact-finding and how the facts support the decisions.

    On June 3, Reuters and CBS News reported that a pediatric infectious disease expert at the CDC who had helped lead ACIP’s working group resigned from her position. “My career in public health and vaccinology started with a deep-seated desire to help the most vulnerable members of our population,” she wrote in an email to colleagues, “and that is not something I am able to continue doing in this role.”

    What do experts think about the modified CDC recommendations?

    Physicians’ and other experts’ confusion and frustration have been followed by relief after the CDC did not go through with Kennedy’s stated plan of removing the COVID-19 vaccine from the childhood immunization schedule for healthy children, which would have removed the requirement that the vaccine be covered by insurance.

    While the guidance “allows families to continue to choose the Covid vaccine, how we got here is troubling,” the AAP said in a post on X.

    As we’ve reported, and as the AAP noted in a statement, ACIP was already leaning toward shifting from a universal recommendation to a risk-based recommendation for certain populations, recognizing that the vaccine is significantly more beneficial to older people and those with conditions that put them at higher risk.

    Children are typically at much lower risk of getting severely ill from COVID-19 than older adults, and some doctors do not think healthy kids need to receive annual doses. At the same time, data presented at the last ACIP meeting in April shows COVID-19 does still kill and hospitalize children, including those without any risk factors. There is also evidence that the vaccine protects children and adolescents from long COVID.

    At the last ACIP meeting, nearly 90% of ACIP work group members who supported a risk-based recommendation also supported allowing anyone who wanted protection from vaccination to receive a vaccine.

    Experts have pushed back on changing the recommendation for pregnant people and have also been particularly concerned about babies and other young children receiving an initial series of shots, given evidence that very young children are among the most affected by COVID-19.

    In a LinkedIn post, Moser pointed out that in practice, the shared clinical decision-making recommendation “often does not translate into a focus on individual benefits” and is “particularly troublesome” for high-risk children, “who now have a weaker recommendation than adults with similar conditions,” and for unvaccinated children.

    “Every year in this country, 3 to 4 million children are born and don’t have any immunity to this virus,” she told us in an interview.

    In the past, experts have argued that shared clinical decision-making recommendations are confusing and hard to implement, and can ultimately create an access barrier for vaccination.

    Women who get vaccinated during pregnancy can pass on protective antibodies to their babies, as we have reported and as a CDC webpage on the issue still said, as of June 4. Maternal vaccination during pregnancy is associated with a reduced risk of infection and hospitalization from COVID-19 during the first six months of a baby’s life, and particularly during the newborn period, according to multiple studies. 

    “[G]rowing evidence shows just how much vaccination during pregnancy protects the infant after birth, with the vast majority of hospitalized infants less than six months of age—those who are not yet eligible for vaccination—born to unvaccinated mothers,” Dr. Steven J. Fleischman, president of the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, said in a statement following Kennedy’s announcement.

    Evidence shows that vaccination also protects the pregnant person from severe COVID-19.

    “Removing pregnant women from the vaccine schedule is neither common sense nor good science,” Dr. Robert T. Schooley, a distinguished professor of medicine at the University of California, San Diego and former VRBPAC member, told us, referencing Bhattacharya’s comments in the announcement video. “This is an example of decision-making that is wrong on both process and outcome.”

    In an interview on CBS’ “Face the Nation” on June 1, Makary misleadingly claimed, as he did previously in an interview with NBC News, that the data on the COVID-19 vaccine during pregnancy is “mixed.”

    “Those 67 studies are mixed. The data in pregnant women is different for healthy versus women with a – a co-morbid condition. So, it’s a very mixed bag,” he said, when presented with a 2024 systematic review and meta-analysis of 67 studies evaluating the safety and effectiveness of COVID-19 vaccines during pregnancy. “So, we’re saying, your obstetrician, your primary care doctor and the pregnant woman should together decide whether or not to get it.”

    Victoria Male, a senior lecturer in reproductive immunology at Imperial College London, told us that studies have included pregnant people regardless of underlying health conditions, so in that sense they are “mixed.” But the results themselves have not been mixed.

    “It is unequivocal that COVID vaccination during pregnancy does not increase the risk of any problems during the pregnancy or with the baby, and is effective at preventing severe disease, which can cause problems,” she said.

    It’s also misleading for Makary to have presented the policy change for pregnant people as simply one of discussing the option with a doctor, since by removing the CDC’s recommendation, insurance companies are no longer required to cover the vaccine.

    “ACOG is concerned that as a result of the new CDC recommendations, payers may be less likely to cover the COVID-19 vaccines, leaving patients to pay out of pocket or unable to get vaccinated at all,” an ACOG spokesperson told us in an email.

    What do experts think of the FDA’s new framework?

    Many experts are skeptical of the framework’s call for new randomized, placebo-controlled trials before approving COVID-19 vaccines for healthy people below the age of 65. 

    In the NEJM commentary, Makary and Prasad said that the FDA considers the healthy 50- to 64-year-old population an “ideal population for future trials,” but that vaccine companies can also choose to conduct trials for other younger, healthy groups. They noted that very young children — those below the age of 4 — are at higher risk of severe COVID-19 than older children, but the risks “remain lower than those for adults 65 years or older and on par with those for adults 50 to 64 years old.”

    The two officials indicated that the FDA would want the trials to demonstrate a significant reduction in the risk of symptomatic infection — 95% confidence that the vaccine’s efficacy is above 30% — with follow-up of at least six months, in a population that includes participants who have had COVID-19 in the past year. The trials should also assess outcomes of severe COVID-19, hospitalization and death, they said.

    It’s not clear whether vaccine makers will want to conduct those trials, as they are likely to take time and be very expensive. Makary said in a Senate hearing on May 22 that he anticipated the trials would take “roughly a year” to complete. As staffers and advisers with the Vaccine Integrity Project, an initiative with the University of Minnesota’s Center for Infectious Disease Research and Policy, wrote in a viewpoint article, it is unclear how that timeline fits with a vaccine that would need to be rolled out within the same season to target the primary variants in circulation.

    Experts have also noted that conducting placebo-controlled trials is ethically questionable, given that there is now a vaccine available. Typically, investigators can only ethically conduct a trial when there is genuine uncertainty over whether a vaccine is beneficial. Otherwise, a trial would be denying a protective vaccine from one group. And ultimately, experts question the benefit of doing new trials, when an abundance of safety and effectiveness data already exists.

    In their video, Prasad and Makary pointed to former FDA Commissioner Dr. Robert Califf, who served under Presidents Barack Obama and Joe Biden, endorsing the idea of performing such trials.

    “In the case of COVID-19 I believe it would now be quite reasonable, and even advisable, to conduct placebo-controlled trials for ‘boosters’ using updated versions of the vaccine in people who are not high-risk,” Califf wrote in a May 9 Substack post, echoing a viewpoint he published in the Journal of the American Medical Association.

    Other experts, however, disagree.

    “I can’t imagine an institutional review board would approve that kind of study,” Dr. Paul Offit, a pediatrician and vaccine expert at the Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia who’s a current member of VRBPAC and a former member of ACIP, told us in an interview, citing consistent CDC data that annual updated shots provide a benefit, regardless of age or risk factors, even in the background of high immunity. “I think it’s a wholly unethical prospect.”

    In the May 22 VRBPAC meeting, Dr. Eric J. Rubin, an adjunct professor of immunology and infectious diseases at Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health and editor-in-chief of the NEJM, also questioned the proposal, noting that the CDC had just presented a lot of “very reassuring” effectiveness data on the vaccine, which could mean there is not enough uncertainty to ethically conduct such trials.

    Even though he’s “a believer” when it comes to randomized controlled trials, Rubin said, “observational data has a lot more richness in the case of a very varied population with all kinds of different exposures. So I think this is a case where we learn a lot more out of observational data than we would out of an RCT and I don’t think the RCT is feasible.”

    In the CBS interview, Makary also insisted that pregnant people could not rely on observational data and need a randomized controlled trial before continuing to receive COVID-19 vaccines. “A randomized controlled trial was set up and it was closed without any explanation,” he said.

    Male, however, said that for that trial, there was “so much epidemiological data showing that COVID vaccination in pregnancy is safe and effective, that it was unethical to continue recruiting to the unvaccinated group.” She also noted that there is some data on the COVID-19 vaccines during pregnancy from the original trials, as 102 people in the Pfizer and Moderna trials became pregnant unintentionally. There was no increased risk of pregnancy problems in those who received the vaccines, she said.


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  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    The Urban-Brookings Tax Policy Center estimates that, on average, Americans’ taxes would rise about 7.5% if the 2017 tax cuts are allowed to fully expire at the end of the year. But President Donald Trump has repeatedly claimed that if the Republican budget bill, called the One Big Beautiful Bill Act, doesn’t pass, Americans “will get a 68% tax increase.”

    The White House did not respond to our request for information about where the president’s number came from, but it appears he may be referring to the percentage of Americans who would see a tax increase of some amount if the tax cuts expire. Some independent analyses put that percentage at close to the president’s number. But that’s not the way the president has repeatedly presented the figure.

    For instance, speaking to reporters on May 25, Trump said, “If the Democrats don’t vote, it’s a 68% tax increase.”

    In another press conference on May 30, Trump said, if the bill doesn’t get approved, “you’ll have a 68% tax increase. You’re going to go up 68%. That’s a number that nobody’s ever heard of before. You’ll have a massive tax increase.”

    The bill extends provisions from the 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act that would expire at the end of this year. So, without an extension, individual income tax rates would revert to 2017 levels.

    As we said, it is possible the president may have meant that 68% of Americans would see a tax increase if the bill fails.

    That’s how Rep. Andy Barr, a Republican from Kentucky, framed the statistic in an interview with CNN on May 21. “Anyone who votes against this bill, whether you’re a grandstander or a Democrat who votes against this bill, is voting for a $4 trillion tax increase, a tax increase on 68% of Americans,” Barr said.

    That’s roughly in line with the conclusions of a Tax Policy Center analysis.

    “We estimate 64.2 percent of households would pay more taxes in 2026 if the law expires,” John Buhl, spokesman for the Tax Policy Center, told us in an email, referring to a March analysis of the effect of extending certain provisions of the TCJA.

    Similarly, the Tax Foundation estimates 62% of tax filers would experience a tax increase if the TCJA provisions are allowed to expire. And Kent Smetters, a professor of business economics and public policy at the University of Pennsylvania, told us that based on a Penn Wharton Budget Model analysis, “it is true that a bit more than half of households would see their tax bill increase relative to” before the TCJA “if no bill were passed.”

    In other words, the way Barr framed the statistic is defensible.

    But we could find no analysis that concluded taxes would rise 68% on average, relative to current policy, if the bill didn’t pass. To the contrary, the Tax Policy Center put the figure at closer to 7.5%.

    “Overall, taxes would increase by an average of about $2,100, reducing after-tax income by 2.1 percent,” Joseph Rosenberg, a senior fellow at the Urban Institute who researches federal tax issues at the TPC, explained in an email, referring to the estimated impact in 2026. “That corresponds to roughly a 7.5 percent increase in taxes, on average.”

    A Tax Foundation analysis of the bill considered its effect on after-tax income — which is not the same as the effect on taxes paid. Nonetheless, in its “dynamic” model that considered the economic benefits of the tax cuts, those in the bottom 40% of incomes — making less than $37,364 — would see a 2.8% to 3.3% increase in after-tax income. Middle-income earners — those making between $37,364 and $71,067 — would have 2.5% more in after-tax income in 2026 if the bill passes. The top 20% of earners — those making more than $125,315 — would see a 3.8% increase.

    It’s true that Democrats in the House unanimously opposed the budget package, which includes many other provisions in addition to extending the 2017 tax cuts. Two Republicans also voted against it, though it narrowly passed the House 215-214. The president’s comments ignore that Democrats have advocated extending the tax cuts for the vast majority of Americans, but not those earning above certain income levels.

    Robert Farley contributed to this story.


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  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    Multiple independent analyses say the recently passed House reconciliation bill  — even with its deep spending cuts in some areas — would add trillions of dollars to the federal deficit over 10 years. Those analyses contradict Republican lawmakers who have downplayed the net cost of the bill and White House claims that it wouldn’t increase the deficit at all.

    The House passed H.R. 1, dubbed the “One Big Beautiful Bill Act,” on May 22 after an all-night session. The vote was 215 to 214, with two Republicans voting against it. The bill would extend the 2017 tax cuts, make other tax cuts, boost border security funding and cut Medicaid spending, among other provisions. It now goes to the Senate, where it faces some Republican opposition to the bill’s effect on the national debt.

    The Trump administration has tried to cast the House bill in the rosiest light. At a May 19 press briefing, White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt said, “This bill does not add to the deficit.” On the morning of May 22, Leavitt celebrated its passage in the House with a post on X claiming, in part, “Largest deficit reduction in nearly 30 years, securing $1.6 trillion in mandatory savings.”

    That same morning, Republican Rep. John Rutherford of Florida, said on Facebook, “Contrary to what you are hearing about the One Big Beautiful Bill, it will NOT be a huge deficit bill.”

    Rutherford was responding to a Congressional Budget Office report on the bill that said for the years 2026 to 2034, despite some proposed spending cuts, there would, on net, be “an increase in the federal deficit of $3.8 trillion attributable to tax changes, including extending provisions of the 2017 tax act.”

    In an interview on CNN’s “State of the Union” on May 25, House Speaker Mike Johnson, also addressing the nonpartisan budget office’s report, said the CBO doesn’t do “dynamic scoring. What that means is, they don’t account for the growth that will be fostered by all the policies that are in this big piece of legislation. … Just remember the last Trump administration. After the first two years, we brought about the greatest economy in the history of the world, not just the U.S.”

    On CBS’ “Face the Nation” the same day, Johnson agreed with host Margaret Brennan that the bill would cost between $4 trillion and $5 trillion over the next 10 years. “That’s about the right estimate,” Johnson said. “But, at the same time, we have historic savings for the American people, cuts to government to make it more efficient and effective and – and work better for the people,” he continued.

    “So, in the calculation here, there’s more than $1.5 trillion in savings, Margaret, for the people. And that’s – that’s the largest amount – biggest cut in government really in at least 30 years and, if you adjust for inflation, probably the largest in the history of government,” Johnson said.

    As we’ve written before, the U.S. didn’t have “the greatest economy” during President Donald Trump’s first term, as Johnson claimed. Economists examine inflation-adjusted gross domestic product growth to measure economic health, and that figure exceeded Trump’s peak year of 3% growth more than a dozen times before he took office. (Also, as we’ve written, economists disagree with Trump’s assertion that the 2017 tax cuts resulted in a net increase in federal revenue.)

    And while Johnson claimed the CBO doesn’t account for “dynamic” growth in its report on the House bill, other organizations that do include growth in their assessments estimate the bill would add $1.7 trillion or $3.2 trillion to the deficit over 10 years.

    Adding Trillions to the Deficit

    “The bill is certainly not the largest deficit reduction in nearly 30 years – it’s not deficit reduction at all,” Marc Goldwein, senior vice president of the nonpartisan Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget, told us in response to Leavitt’s claim. The increase to the deficit over 10 years will be $3.1 trillion with interest, according to CRFB’s breakdown.

    “And the bill isn’t the largest spending cut in 30 years … I don’t even think it’s the largest spending cut in 30 months,” Goldwein said, referring to Johnson’s claim. “In June of 2023, President Biden signed the Fiscal Responsibility Act – which reduced non-interest spending by $1.34 trillion and reduced total spending with interest by $1.53 trillion.”

    “What’s important to know about the $1.5 or $1.6 trillion of spending cuts is that it doesn’t count spending increases in other parts of the bill – such as for defense and homeland security,” Goldwein said in an email. (Emphasis is his.) CRFB’s breakdown of the bill on May 21 showed $144 billion in additional spending for defense and $67 billion extra directed to homeland security for immigration enforcement.

    Howard Gleckman, a senior fellow at the Urban-Brookings Tax Policy Center, told us in an email that the House bill “not only is not the largest deficit reduction in 30 years, it would add trillions of dollars to the deficit by any reasonable estimate. It is one of the biggest peacetime increases in the debt in history.” (Emphasis is his.)

    “The biggest reason, by far, is the tax cut,” Gleckman said, referring to the extension of the 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act and the bill’s other measures, including no tax on tips or overtime, a tax deduction for those 65 and older, and a deduction for interest on loans for cars made in the U.S.

    The nonpartisan Penn Wharton Budget Model arrived at a similar figure as CRFB for the deficit increase in its review of the House bill. “We estimate the House-passed reconciliation bill increases primary deficits by $2.8 trillion over 10 years. GDP rises slightly, as labor supply and savings respond to a reduced safety net, but the dynamic score is larger ($3.2 trillion) than the conventional,” PWBM reported. (Emphasis is PWBM’s.)

    “So, the claim of a deficit reduction is wrong,” Kent Smetters, a professor of business economics and public policy at the University of Pennsylvania, said. But Johnson’s estimate of $1.5 trillion in spending cuts over 10 years is “a reasonable statement,” Smetters, faculty director of the PWBM, also told us in an email.

    However, PWBM’s analysis contradicts Johnson’s suggestion in his CNN interview that “dynamic scoring” that accounted for economic effects would bring down the reported cost of the legislation. PWBM’s dynamic score increased the estimated cost over 10 years. 

    “Including dynamic effects does not reduce the legislative costs despite small, positive increases in GDP over the first decade,” the report said. The savings from economic growth won’t occur until 2033 and won’t be enough to counterbalance higher costs that come in earlier years, according to the PWBM. But after 2033, “the dynamic costs fall relative to conventional, a difference which persists until 2054.”

    The Penn Wharton report found that “[o]n a dynamic lifetime basis, lower-income households and some in the middle class are worse off, despite positive economic effects,” largely due to the cut in safety net programs and higher federal debt. Under dynamic scoring, some households reduce their number of hours worked and gain Medicaid coverage (whereas they would lose it under conventional scoring), and some higher-income households work fewer hours, and therefore contribute less in tax revenue, among other economic effects, causing the dynamic cost to be higher. 

    Another analysis found that dynamic scoring would lower the net cost of the legislation, though it would still be a deficit-increaser. The Tax Foundation estimated the bill would add $2.6 trillion to the deficit over 10 years, but the figure would drop to $1.7 trillion on a dynamic basis.

    The Tax Foundation’s model “does not incorporate any economic impact from more federal debt,” Smetters said of the difference in that group’s estimate.

    We reached out to the White House and Johnson’s office for comment on the findings of the independent analyses, but we didn’t receive a response.

    As we noted, the bill moves next to the Senate, which is expected to debate various changes through July. Both chambers must approve identical legislation before it goes to the president for his signature.


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  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    Under the Trump administration, the Department of Health and Human Services has canceled or frozen billions of dollars in scientific research grants and attempted to cull around 20,000 agency employees, including some scientists. HHS Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr., however, has minimized the effects of the cuts to the scientific enterprise, misleadingly claiming that there have been no cuts to “life-saving” research or “working scientists.”

    Echoing previous statements, Kennedy’s claims came before Congress in recent hearings that were held to discuss the large proposed cuts to HHS for the next fiscal year, but also focused on reductions that have already occurred or are in motion. President Donald Trump’s budget proposal calls for reducing HHS funding by about $33 billion, or 26%.

    “Whose decision is it to withhold thousands of grants and billions in funding for life-saving medical research at [the National Institutes of Health] that we approved on a bipartisan basis in this subcommittee?” Sen. Tammy Baldwin, a Democrat from Wisconsin, asked Kennedy during a May 20 Senate appropriations subcommittee hearing, referring to funding for the current fiscal year.

    “We are not abandoning any life-saving research,” Kennedy replied, going on to claim that cuts were targeting administrators, waste and duplicative programs.

    But funding for a wide range of research on potentially lethal or life-altering conditions has been cut, as documented in a list of terminated grants posted by HHS, as well as a scientist-run project to track cuts to grants that documents some terminations not included on the HHS site. It’s hard to predict with certainty which individual research projects will be life-saving, but NIH grants have been cut on topics ranging from COVID-19 to cancer and HIV to amyotrophic lateral sclerosis, or ALS. There also has been a significant slowdown in new grants being awarded, according to an analysis by STAT.

    In a May 14 Senate Health, Education, Labor & Pensions Committee hearing, Kennedy shifted the conversation away from the cuts to grants and toward the question of whether “working scientists” have been fired, while attempting to narrowly define scientists.

    Sen. Bill Cassidy asked Kennedy about cuts to the NIH, including those affecting scientists at Louisiana universities. “The cuts we have made to date are administrative cuts,” Kennedy told the Louisiana Republican, after stating that cuts have been made to studies on DEI — otherwise known as diversity, equity and inclusion — gain-of-function research and grants to “foreign scientists from adversarial countries.” He continued, “As far as I know, we have not fired any working scientists, the working scientists, the people who are actually doing science. There are some people who are scientists that were doing IT or administration … who did lose their jobs. But in terms of working scientists, our policy was to make sure none of them were lost and that that research continues.”

    Later in the hearing, Kennedy made a similar claim to Sen. Angela Alsobrooks, a Democrat from Maryland. “I didn’t fire any working scientist, senator,” he said. He later repeated, “As I said, there were no working scientists fired during the RIF,” referring to the April 1 reduction in force of HHS employees, which aimed to lay off 10,000 HHS employees, half of the agency’s goal. We reached out to HHS to ask if Kennedy was referring to NIH scientists specifically or HHS scientists in general, and to further clarify his definition of working scientists, but we did not receive a reply.

    The reduction in force has been paused, after a U.S. District Court judge concluded on May 22 that “agencies may not conduct large-scale reorganizations and reductions in force in blatant disregard of Congress’s mandates, and a President may not initiate large-scale executive branch reorganization without partnering with Congress.” Employees remain on administrative leave.

    Scientists across multiple HHS agencies, including the NIH, were told they were being let go during the reduction in force, although some scientists were subsequently reinstated. Scientists were also dismissed or forced out of HHS via other mechanisms, such as the firing of probationary employees in February. HHS has not provided detailed data on what roles have been affected by cuts. This story is based on various news reports as well as our interviews with former and current HHS employees and grant recipients. 

    Alsobrooks told the HuffPost following the hearing that she had heard from fired federal scientists, and her office sent us links to various news reports of scientists who received reduction in force letters or were let go from HHS via other mechanisms.

    “Yes, by the usual definition of scientists, a number of them were fired,” Dr. Robert Califf, former commissioner of the U.S. Food and Drug Administration, told us via email, speaking of cuts at his former agency. “I heard there was some quibbling over the definition at the budget hearing, but I think most people would agree that plenty of people who were fired had PhD’s or masters degrees or MDs and were doing scientific work.”

    Many Centers for Disease Control and Prevention scientists were also part of the April 1 cuts, according to a union representing CDC employees, including people studying sexually transmitted infections, environmental health, smoking and tobacco control, and more.

    At the NIH, some lab heads received notice April 1 they were being let go, according to the Transmitter, although they were later told it was an error and were reinstated May 20. Scientists serving as contract workers for the NIH also have been dismissed, STAT reported.

    Cuts at the NIH and other agencies already reportedly have affected the abilities of those still employed to carry out their work, which includes not only doing scientific research, but funding, supporting and implementing research.

    “With respect to NIH, much of the scientific work is conducted under government grants, which are being terminated on an unprecedented scale,” Sarah Sorscher, director of regulatory affairs at the Center for Science in the Public Interest, told us via email. Nature has reported that more than 1,500 NIH grants have been cut, often based on directives from the new Department of Government Efficiency. “It’s misleading to say you are not firing ‘scientists’ at the same time you are terminating federal grants for science on a mass scale,” Sorscher said.

    Scientists Were Included in HHS Staffing Cuts

    Complicating matters, Kennedy on April 3 said that 20% of the personnel cut “are going to have to be reinstated, because we’ll make mistakes.” But our reporting and other news reports indicate scientists have been let go across multiple HHS agencies since the beginning of the Trump administration, during multiple rounds of cuts.

    Some scientists have been reinstated. FDA employees who were initially told they had been cut during the April reduction in force included scientists working in labs that monitored food and drug safety. After FDA Commissioner Dr. Marty Makary repeatedly told news outlets that no scientists had been cut from his agency, chemists and microbiologists monitoring food safety told CBS News that they, along with their colleagues, had in fact been cut.

    The scientists had been working on such projects as testing pet food for bird flu and baby formula for contaminants. Food scientists were reinstated, as were scientists doing drug testing.

    Some FDA scientists who lost their jobs have not returned, said Califf, who served as FDA commissioner during the Obama and Biden administrations.

    “All of the people who were terminated from the probationary cuts have been removed from federal service,” epidemiologist Brian King, former director of the FDA’s Center for Tobacco Products, told us of the February cuts to his center, which included scientific reviewers. “And so, those people are gone. And that included scientists, which can have an adverse impact on the agency’s ability to effectively do its job.”

    King, who was himself forced out of the FDA in April before taking a job as an executive at the nonprofit Campaign for Tobacco-Free Kids, explained that reviewing any given tobacco product requires “dozens of scientists,” including toxicologists, physicians, epidemiologists, social scientists, engineers and others. He added that the Center for Tobacco Products is entirely funded by fees from companies, so cuts to scientists and other staff are “not saving the taxpayers a dime.”

    Dr. Janet Woodcock, former principal deputy commissioner at the FDA, also pointed out during an April 7 conference that cuts to support staff and leadership matter, comparing these cuts to letting go all of a hospital’s employees except for doctors.

    “Doctors can’t just walk in and perform surgery all by themselves,” she said, according to Fierce Biotech. “The reviewer is the same.”

    A similar roller coaster ride of cuts and reinstatements played out at the NIH. Five days after Kennedy’s May 14 hearing, CBS News reported that 11 lab heads were still in limbo, despite having been told more than a month earlier that they had been accidentally let go. The day after the CBS News report, the employees received a letter officially stating they were being reinstated, the Transmitter reported.

    The NIH also let go and then reinstated some early-career scientists in an earlier round of cuts to probationary employees, according to Science. And as we’ve said, scientists working at the NIH as contract workers were let go, according to STAT.

    A National Institutes of Health building in Bethesda, Maryland. Photo by Grandbrothers / stock.adobe.com

    The NIH also employs scientists who might not meet Kennedy’s narrow definition of a “working scientist” but nonetheless apply specialized knowledge in their roles.

    In a May 21 forum held by Democratic senators, chemist Jeremy Berg, former director of the NIH’s National Institute of General Medical Sciences, said that the NIH “lost institute directors, experienced PhD scientists who serve as program officers and scientific review officers, and … grants management specialists.” Berg departed the NIH in 2011 and is now a professor at the University of Pittsburgh.

    Program and scientific review officers, who help give out and oversee NIH grants, may not be doing experiments in the lab anymore, Berg said, but they are still “PhD-trained people” who play an important role. Berg told us via email that “quite a number” of program officers and scientific review officers were terminated.

    “These individuals are key to the careful stewardship of 80% of the NIH appropriation that is distributed to universities, academic medical centers and research institutes across the country,” Berg said at the Senate forum, referring to the research grants distributed by the NIH that make up the majority of the agency’s budget.

    Other employees in roles like communications might be helping to save lives. For example, STAT and the Medill News Service reported that staff at the NIH who worked on a longstanding campaign to promote safe infant sleep were part of the reduction in force at the agency.

    Berg also said during the forum that firing support staff hinders the ability of those scientists who remain at the NIH to do their jobs. For instance, the NIH Clinical Center runs clinical trials, but STAT and the Cancer Letter reported that reductions in force have delayed some studies. “For some trials, even delay of a month or two has the potential to invalidate the entire trial,” Berg said, and delays can be “heartbreaking” for cancer patients hoping to start a trial after they have “exhausted all other treatments.”

    Many scientists in leadership positions have also left HHS. In some cases, leaders were reassigned to other positions in faraway locations or otherwise forced out. While it’s standard for there to be changes in some top roles at agencies with new administrations, many people who left have previously served across multiple administrations.

    One fired scientist in a leadership position at the National Cancer Institute publicly objected to Kennedy’s claims that no “working scientists” were fired. Erin Lavik, former deputy director and chief technology officer of the NCI Division of Cancer Prevention, told the Cancer Letter that many “probationary employees who were fired at the NCI were working scientists dedicated to identifying and supporting programs in cancer research.” Lavik wrote on LinkedIn that she herself continued to be a working scientist even as she took on a leadership role, including serving as the project scientist for the International Skin Imaging Collaboration consortium, a project to improve skin cancer screening and diagnosis.

    Scientists are also leaving the NIH in response to a combination of incentives to leave and worsening conditions at the agency. For instance, Science spoke with a researcher who said that 25 of around 320 physician-scientists at the NIH Clinical Center were departing. An eminent nutrition researcher, Kevin Hall, left the NIH after he said officials censored his ability to communicate about his work. Hall was asked to come back but recently told STAT he likely would not return.

    Kennedy Fires Scientists While Claiming Their Work Will Continue

    At the May 20 Senate hearing, Kennedy said the CDC would “return to core missions tracking diseases, investigating outbreaks and sustaining public health infrastructure while cutting waste.”

    But as we’ve said, many scientists at the CDC were part of the April 1 reduction in force. Kennedy has said that programs will be moved to the new Administration for a Healthy America, but details are lacking on when this new administration will be formed and what programs will in fact be funded.

    “Very little information has been released about Kennedy’s plans for AHA,” CSPI’s Sorscher said. Trump’s proposed budget does list one increase of $500 million to HHS for the “Make America Healthy Again” initiative, which she said “may be intended to support the new AHA as there are no other lines in the budget for such an agency.” But the increase does not make up for the proposed cuts of about $33 billion to HHS overall, including reductions of $3.5 billion to the CDC and nearly $18 billion to the NIH.

    The CDC lost more than 1,500 “scientists, medical professionals, veterinary professionals, engineers, and other STEM leaders,” representing more than half of those cut at the agency during the reduction in force, according to a webpage from the chapter of the American Federation of Government Employees that represents CDC workers. The union stated that the numbers are estimates based on reports from union members and “from our understanding of the workforce at CDC.”

    News outlets have reported that those fired at CDC include scientists focused on injuries, sexually transmitted disease, tobacco and hepatitis, for example. A large number of scientists who assist with worker safety programs were also let go, although some have been reinstated.

    “If your grandmother was recently exposed to hepatitis when she visited a pain clinic in Florida, she won’t be able to get the specialized screening test she needs because the CDC lab that was going to aid Florida in this outbreak already got shut down,” Dr. Anne Schuchat, former principal deputy director of the CDC, said during the May 21 Senate forum on research cuts, referring to a recent breach in infection control protocol at a Melbourne, Florida, pain clinic that exposed patients to hepatitis C.

    When asked about program losses at CDC, Kennedy has often said that the programs would continue but has not offered any details.

    For instance, Rep. Rosa DeLauro, a Democrat from Connecticut, asked Kennedy about the elimination of the CDC’s Office on Smoking and Health during a May 14 House Appropriations Committee hearing on the HHS budget. “I will just say broadly, many of the programs that the Democrats are now saying were cut at CDC were not cut at all,” Kennedy said, stating that he had been advised not to talk about the reorganization. “Those programs were transferred to the Administration for Healthy America.”

    King, who worked at the Office on Smoking and Health before starting his former position at the FDA, said that if there are plans to continue the role of the office as part of AHA, they have not been “tangibly relayed to the American public.” Right now, “the CDC’s Office on Smoking and Health has been completely removed, and they are responsible for a variety of life-saving activities, including monitoring tobacco use, educating the public about the risks of tobacco use, and also importantly funding state tobacco control programs and quit lines,” King said.

    The Division of Environmental Health Science and Practice, which included the CDC’s lead poisoning team, also has been cut.

    But when pressed on the elimination of this team and the failure of the CDC to respond to a school lead crisis in Milwaukee, Kennedy has said the CDC’s lead program would be reinstated and cutting it had been a mistake. An HHS official denied that the program was being reinstated but told ABC News that the “work will continue elsewhere at HHS.” As recently as May 20, Kennedy told Sen. Jack Reed, a Democrat from Rhode Island, that “we are continuing to fund the program” and that “we have a team in Milwaukee.”

    But a spokesperson for the Milwaukee Health Department told CNN that the city’s “formal Epi Aid request was denied by the CDC” — a type of request to the CDC for decision-making help that has in the past been granted. The department did recently receive a visit from a CDC staffer from a different part of the agency who helped calibrate a machine, a preexisting request that was independent from the school lead crisis.

    “None of us have been rehired. Not even the lead branch,” environmental epidemiologist and exposure scientist Erik Svendsen, who is on administrative leave from his position as director of the Division of Environmental Health Science and Practice, told us in a written message. His division, which houses the lead program and has been behind investigations into problems such as illness on cruise ships and lead-tainted children’s food, was entirely eliminated. “The majority of our staff are scientists and front line public health professionals. The rest support us in critical ways,” Svendsen said.

    “We have repeatedly heard from HHS leadership that they are ‘streamlining’ and ‘prioritizing’ important topics,” the AFGE union webpage says. “However, staff in each of these ‘priority’ units have simply been eliminated, without any ability to transfer programs or ensure that work continues.”

    NIH Cancels Potentially Life-Saving Research

    As we have said, Kennedy claimed on May 20 that HHS isn’t abandoning “life-saving” research, despite widespread cuts to NIH grants, including research into cancer, HIV and neurodegenerative disease. He also said during the May 14 House hearing that “we are not withholding any funding for life-saving research.”

    Berg, the former National Institute of General Medical Sciences director, told us via email that “life-saving research” has “almost certainly” been halted, given the large number of grant terminations.

    Of course, Berg said, the answer depends on how “life-saving research” is defined. If it “requires a specific death that has already occurred that was connected to stoppage of a research grant, then I cannot provide examples,” he said. But if the question is whether “research has been halted that would lead to life-saving advances in the longer term, then this seems extremely likely to be true,” he said

    At the May 20 Senate hearing, Sen. Dick Durbin, a Democrat from Illinois, asked Kennedy “why you’ve canceled ALS grants at institutions across this country.”

    “Senator, I don’t know about those cuts,” Kennedy said.

    Durbin referred to some specific ALS grants, including one to a Harvard researcher terminated “last week.” A Durbin aide told us that the Harvard researcher in question was David Sinclair, a professor of genetics who studies aging.

    “We were using [artificial intelligence] to find drugs – old and new – that could treat ALS by reversing the aging process at the epigenetic level,” Sinclair told us via email, referring to the chemical modifications that affect how a person’s genes are expressed. He said that his lab had lost a grant for $438,000 over six years, which covers a lab member’s salary “plus a supplemental amount for a research technician to assist in her work studying motor neuron diseases such as ALS.” He also lost a grant for $1.5 million over five years that “provides the lab’s financial foundation,” he said.

    We also heard from a second Harvard researcher, David R. Walt, who said he lost a contract from an NIH lab to his lab to develop a method for testing to determine the progression of a person’s ALS.

    “[C]ancelling these types of grants will unquestionably delay the development of new diagnostic tests that can detect disease early, enabling treatments to be administered before the disease progresses to the point where patients suffer debilitating symptoms,” Walt told us via email. “The cancellations will also delay the discovery and introduction of these new drugs that can help delay or prevent disease progression.”

    Kennedy said in the Senate hearing that HHS would “fund cutting-edge research at the NIH while cutting risky or nonessential studies,” such as “research based upon radical gender ideology.” But what he called “nonessential” could also be life-saving.

    Many canceled grants around the country, for instance, have dealt with LGBTQ+ health. Two groups, including researchers in the field, have now sued HHS and Kennedy for terminating grants focused on LGBTQ+ populations, on topics including risk of cardiovascular problems, HIV, tobacco use, and alcohol use and dating violence.

    Epidemiologist Brittany Charlton, founding director of the LGBTQ Health Center of Excellence at the Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health and Harvard Pilgrim Health Care Institute, wrote in STAT that she is part of a lawsuit objecting to cancelation of her grants looking into stillbirth in lesbians and the effects of anti-LGBTQ+ laws on mental health. “Both projects had the potential to save lives — and both were abruptly shut down,” she wrote.


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  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    A TV ad from a group supportive of President Donald Trump makes misleading claims, and uses outdated data, to argue that he is “fixing” an economy “ruined” by Democrats.

    For example, the ad says that “inflation and gas prices” are now “at four-year lows,” based on data from March. National average gasoline prices have increased since then and are several cents higher than when Trump took office. And economists have warned that inflation also may soon increase again because of Trump’s tariff policies.

    The ad also says that “Trump’s plan” is to provide “middle-class tax cuts.” The Republican budget bill would benefit middle-income taxpayers by extending the 2017 tax cuts — on average, every income group would get some tax relief. However, a nonpartisan tax policy organization has found that the majority of the tax cut benefits would go to the wealthiest 20% of households.

    According to Axios, Securing American Greatness, the nonprofit group behind the 30-second ad, paid in the “high seven figures” to run the commercial for two weeks in 20 targeted congressional districts nationwide, on cable TV and online. Axios said the ad started airing May 12.

    We’ll address the ad’s questionable claims in order.

    Economy

    The ad begins with a narrator saying that “they’ve ruined our economy,” as photos of Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer, Rep. Nancy Pelosi and former President Joe Biden, all Democrats, are shown on screen. “President Trump is fixing it,” the narrator later says. That claim distorts the facts.

    The economy wasn’t the best it’s ever been when Trump took office again in January – but it also wasn’t in ruin.

    We’ve said before that Trump inherited an economy experiencing significant annual growth, monthly job and stock market gains, plus much lower inflation than in 2022.

    Even the director of the White House National Economic Council during Trump’s first term, Gary Cohn, said in a December interview on “Face the Nation” that Trump was inheriting from Biden a “very stable economy.”

    Tax Cuts

    While talking about “Trump’s plan” for the country, the ad’s narrator mentions “middle-class tax cuts.”

    It’s true that the House-passed budget reconciliation bill would reduce taxes for middle-income households compared with what they would pay if the individual income tax cuts in a 2017 tax law are allowed to expire at the end of the year.

    “Middle-income households would receive an average tax cut of about $1,800, or about 2.4 percent of their after-tax income,” according to Tax Policy Center estimates. Those households have incomes between about $66,800 and $119,200.

    However, the TPC also found that “60 percent of the tax cuts would go to the top 20 percent of households and more than one-third would go to those making $460,000 or more.” The “biggest beneficiaries,” the TPC said, would be households making between $460,000 and $1.1 million, whose taxes would be reduced by an average of nearly $21,000, or 4.3% of their after-tax income.

    Meanwhile, the bottom 20% of households, who make about $35,000 or less, would get a tax cut of less than 1%, or about $160 on average.

    To be clear, most people won’t experience this as a new tax cut. Rather, it’s an extension of the status quo and the absence of a tax increase at year’s end.

    An analysis of the budget bill by the Penn Wharton Budget Model says that the benefits disparity is even larger when factoring in the bill’s cuts to safety net programs like Medicaid and supplemental food assistance. According to PWBM, even when considering the bill’s tax relief, in the long-term “lower-income households and some in the middle class are worse off, despite positive economic effects.” Meanwhile, PWBM said, “The top 10% of the income distribution receives about 70 percent of the total value of the legislation.”

    Tariffs

    The narrator of the ad goes on to claim that “we’re already seeing results” from Trump’s economic plan, as text on screen says “Trump’s Tariffs … Delivered Results.” Before that, the ad lists some of the purported economic benefits from Trump’s second-term tariffs.

    But the quote attributed to the New York Times isn’t about results for the economy. The March 5 story highlighted in the ad was about tariffs that Trump announced this year on imports of Mexican goods that got Mexico to produce results for the U.S. on illegal immigration and fentanyl smuggling. The quote used in the ad is a truncated version of the article’s headline and subhead.

    “Trump’s Tariffs Stun Mexico,” the headline says in part, followed by the subhead: “President Claudia Sheinbaum’s government made major concessions — and delivered results — to avert President Trump’s 25 percent tariffs. He imposed them anyway.”

    The Times reported that “Sheinbaum dispatched thousands of National Guard troops to the state of Sinaloa, the hub of fentanyl trafficking, where they seized vast amounts of the synthetic opioid and busted hundreds of laboratories.” Then she “sent thousands more” troops to the U.S. border, “contributing to a plunge in the number of illegal crossings,” the story said.

    In addition, the Times noted, Mexico had “agreed to send more than two dozen alleged cartel heads to be tried in the United States,” reversing the Mexican government’s position on extraditions.

    Prices

    From there, the ad’s narrator says that “the cost of living is coming down,” adding that “inflation and gas prices [are] at four-year lows.”

    The ad refers to core inflation, which is a measure of the change in the price of goods excluding food and energy items. The April 10 Forbes article cited in the ad reported that the annual rate of core inflation was 2.8% in March, the lowest since March 2021. Core CPI was also 2.8% in April, the most recent data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics.

    But the same Forbes article noted that tariffs that Trump implemented in early April, and ones that are currently on a 90-day pause, could end up increasing inflation again. It said that “Goldman forecasted the core CPI rate,” influenced by Trump’s tariffs, “would jump to 3.7% by the end of 2025, which would be a level not seen since March 2024.”

    Furthermore, average prices for regular gasoline are not at a four-year low. The claim appears to be based on a March 13 Inc article – not one from April 13, as the on-screen text says. Inc reported that average retail gasoline prices in early March “slid to a multi-year low, according to GasBuddy data.” At the time, GasBuddy, which tracks fuel prices, said that the national average cost had fallen to about $3.03 per gallon, “the lowest March level since the pandemic.”

    But, as of the week ending May 19, the average price of gasoline nationally was about $3.17 per gallon, according to the Energy Information Administration. That was up from about $3.11 when Trump took office, according to EIA figures.

    Wages

    Next, the ad’s narrator says “wages are up” while viewers see the words “hourly earnings increased,” which is a quote from the April 4 CNBC article cited in the ad.

    While CNBC reported that the one-month increase in average hourly earnings for private workers was 0.3% in March, the news outlet said that the annualized growth rate of 3.8% was the lowest level since July 2024. Then average hourly earnings increased 0.2% month over month in April, and, again, the year-over-year increase was 3.8%, according to the BLS.

    As of April, average hourly earnings had increased 0.6% since Trump took office again.

    Jobs

    Finally, the narrator says “we’re creating American jobs,” as the text “451,000 jobs” is shown.

    But that figure is from an April 22 Fox Business article, which said that roughly $5.2 trillion in announced investments in U.S. business since Jan. 20 is “estimated to generate at least 451,000 new jobs for Americans.” As we’ve written, there’s no guarantee that all of those investments will happen, or that those jobs will materialize.

    BLS data show that total employment increased by 464,000 between January and April. That’s lower than a 586,000 increase in employment during the same period in 2024.

    But as we’ve written, job gains and losses are often tied to economic factors beyond a president’s control.


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  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    Since regaining power, the Trump administration has repeatedly claimed with false certainty that the COVID-19 pandemic originated in a lab.

    In late January, White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt said that a lab leak is “the confirmable truth.” 

    In mid-April, covid.gov and covidtests.gov, websites the government previously used to educate the public about the disease and allow people to place orders for free tests, redirected to a new, splashy White House webpage that declared a lab leak the “true origins” of COVID-19. 

    This month, in explaining a nearly $18 billion proposed cut to the National Institutes of Health, President Donald Trump’s budget request for the next fiscal year stated that a lab origin “is now confirmed by several intelligence agencies.”

    But there has been no such confirmation. In late January, the CIA joined the FBI and the Department of Energy in concluding a lab origin is “most likely.” But those determinations were each made with low or moderate confidence, and the agencies don’t agree on the source lab. As many as five other intelligence bodies lean toward a natural origin or are undecided.

    Joel Wertheim, a professor of medicine at the University of California San Diego who has published research on how the pandemic began, told us the website is “untrue.”

    As we’ve explained before, the origin of the coronavirus, SARS-CoV-2, is unknown. Multiple lines of scientific evidence, however, point to a natural origin, with the virus spilling over into humans from animals through the illegal wildlife trade in China. That is similar to what has happened in the past, including in the early 2000s with SARS, when a similar coronavirus caused a respiratory disease outbreak that began in China.

    “There’s overwhelming scientific evidence that COVID emerged from an animal market in Wuhan, which was miles away from a virology lab,” Gigi Gronvall, a senior scholar at the Johns Hopkins Center for Health Security and an associate professor at the Bloomberg School of Public Health, told us.

    While for many scientists the evidence for a natural origin is convincing, no intermediate animal has been found harboring a virus highly similar to SARS-CoV-2, so the theory remains unproved. Some scientists are uncertain and some favor a lab leak.

    It is unclear on what specific information the intelligence agencies are basing their determinations. Scientists who have studied the origins question closely have encouraged more transparency, but note that the scientific aspect of the investigation is highly technical. Michael Worobey, an expert in virus evolution at the University of Arizona who is an author of several of the major COVID-19 origins papers, told the Associated Press in 2023 that he doubted the individuals making the assessments “have the scientific expertise … to really understand the most important evidence.”

    Other Trump officials have also recently endorsed a lab leak, even if they do not always frame it as definitive. Food and Drug Administration Commissioner Dr. Marty Makary, for example, said the pandemic was “probably the result of some scientists messing with Mother Nature” and that a lab leak “is now the leading theory among scientists.” In congressional testimony on May 15, Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. stated that multiple agencies “have all agreed that NIH research almost certainly led to the pandemic.”

    Those statements are unsupported or contradicted by available evidence. As we said, there is neither a consensus nor strong confidence among the different U.S. intelligence agencies that there was a lab leak. But one thing nearly all did agree on, according to a declassified 2023 report, is that the coronavirus “was not genetically engineered.”

    Scientists have also previously told us that it’s virtually impossible that SARS-CoV-2 was engineered.

    “SARS-CoV-2 shows no evidence of being manipulated or passage[d] in a laboratory prior to its emergence,” Wertheim said. “The scientific literature is emphatic on this point, with broad consensus even among scientists who disagree regarding the particulars of the location and timing of the emergence of SARS-CoV-2.”

    There is also little to suggest that scientists now prefer the lab leak theory, as Makary said. In 2023, 156 scientists penned a commentary in the Journal of Virology that said that the zoonosis hypothesis, or the idea that the virus spilled over to humans from an animal, “has the strongest supporting evidence,” while lab leak scenarios have “no compelling evidence.” Subsequently, another 120 scientists with the Australasian Virology Society wrote to the journal to agree. A 2024 survey by the Global Catastrophic Risk Institute also found scientists overwhelmingly favored a natural origin.

    Wertheim objected to Makary’s characterization, noting that the “peer-reviewed literature is dominated by articles supporting a zoonotic origin” while lab leak papers “are rare, fringe, and mutually incompatible with each other.”

    Claims that the NIH funded work that led to the pandemic have been promoted for years. But as we’ve repeatedly explained, the small amount of NIH grant money that went to the Wuhan Institute of Virology funded experiments using viruses that are very different from SARS-CoV-2 and could not have led to the creation of the coronavirus.

    When asked what the Trump administration’s certainty about a lab leak was based on, and why it discounted the published research that supports a natural origin, White House spokesman Kush Desai pointed to the Intelligence Community assessments.

    “Multiple intelligence agency assessments have now substantiated that COVID-19 originated from a lab leak – an idea that the mainstream media once completely wrote off as a lunatic fringe conspiracy theory,” he told us in an email. “While the media continues to decimate what’s left of its record-low credibility, the Trump administration remains committed to transparency for the American people.”

    HHS did not respond to a similar inquiry about Kennedy’s and Makary’s statements.

    Factually Inaccurate Website

    In addition to incorrectly presenting a lab leak as an established fact, the White House webpage lists five numbered statements purporting to bolster its case. Each is either incorrect or misleading. We’ll address them one by one (the italic emphasis in each statement is the White House’s).

    A screenshot of the new White House webpage.

    “The virus possesses a biological characteristic that is not found in nature. False. This is presumably a reference to SARS-CoV-2’s furin cleavage site, or FCS, a short sequence that helps the virus enter cells. Much of the speculation about the coronavirus being lab-generated has stemmed from this site, since no other SARS-related coronavirus is known to have a FCS. But as we’ve explained before, the sites do exist in other, more distant coronaviruses. As a result, while unusual, the FCS is not inherently suspicious.

    “It is most certainly found in nature,” Wertheim said. 

    “Data shows that all COVID-19 cases stem from a single introduction into humans. This runs contrary to previous pandemics where there were multiple spillover events.” Data do not show this. A Science paper published in 2022, which analyzed genomic data from early COVID-19 cases, concluded that there were likely at least two spillovers from animals to humans.

    Wertheim, who was a senior author of that paper, said he took “particular umbrage” with this claim because “it was an uphill battle to convince other scientists that not only did multiple introductions occur, but that multiple introductions would be expected.”

    Wuhan is home to China’s foremost SARS research lab, which has a history of conducting gain-of-function research (gene altering and organism supercharging) at inadequate biosafety levels.” Wuhan is home to the Wuhan Institute of Virology, which worked on bat coronaviruses and genetically manipulated some of them. But there’s no evidence the WIV worked on any viruses remotely similar enough to have given rise to SARS-CoV-2 (whether the experiments qualified as gain-of-function is also subject to debate). 

    The intense focus on such issues is in many ways irrelevant, since the scientific literature is “unified” in concluding that the coronavirus “was not subject to manipulation or ‘gain-of-function’ experiments prior to its emergence,” Wertheim said.

    The presence of the institute can seem too unlikely to be a coincidence, but as we’ve explained before, Wuhan is a hub for the wildlife trade and is home to some 11 million people. The population density is key, since a spillover in rural China would likely have simply fizzled out, Wertheim said.

    Much is often made about the long distance between Wuhan and where SARS-CoV-2’s closest ancestors were identified in bats. But the coronavirus behind the 2002 SARS epidemic, which everyone agrees was a natural spillover, also traveled a similar distance to Guangdong. A paper published in May in Cell, co-authored by Wertheim, documents the similarities between the two cases and implicates travel via the wildlife trade for both.

    “Wuhan Institute of Virology (WIV) researchers were sick with COVID-like symptoms in the fall of 2019, months before COVID-19 was discovered at the wet market.” Rumors of sick WIV workers — with various details shifting over time — have circulated since 2020, as we’ve explained before. But the U.S. Intelligence Community has already said that the information is not relevant to the question of how the pandemic began. 

    Because “the researchers’ symptoms could have been caused by a number of diseases and some of the symptoms were not consistent with COVID-19,” the 2023 declassified report explains, the IC “continues to assess that this information neither supports nor refutes either hypothesis of the pandemic’s origins.”

    “By nearly all measures of science, if there was evidence of a natural origin it would have already surfaced. But it hasn’t. There is evidence of a natural origin; it’s just not conclusive. The lack of an intermediate animal — which might prove a natural origin, and is presumably what this is referencing — does not mean that the coronavirus must have originated in a lab.

    As we have written, the wet market where the first COVID-19 cases were recognized was quickly shut down. While some animal testing occurred early on, it was primarily in species that would not be expected to be the animals that transferred the virus to humans. China has also demonstrated little to no interest in looking any further for an intermediate animal, insisting instead that the virus came from abroadincluding from the U.S.

    “Evidence of zoonosis has surfaced,” Wertheim said, noting that there is now genetic evidence that animals known to transmit SARS-like viruses were in the same part of the market where the first cases were found, with remnants of SARS-CoV-2 where the animals were kept. “This evidence is exactly what you would expect to find had a zoonotic virus emerged.”

    That’s in addition to the epidemiology data, which show the earliest COVID-19 cases cluster around the market, even those without a known connection to the market.

    Again, all of this doesn’t formally rule out a lab leak. But it’s incorrect to claim that the lack of an intermediate animal is strong evidence of a lab leak.

    Clarification, May 23: We clarified that Wertheim was a senior author, and not just a co-author, of one of the scientific papers.


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  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    A House-passed reconciliation bill would reduce federal funding to states that provide state-funded health insurance to people in the U.S. illegally, resulting in 1.4 million people losing coverage, according to a preliminary Congressional Budget Office analysis. But President Donald Trump and Republican lawmakers have wrongly cast the bill as removing these immigrants from Medicaid.

    Medicaid is a joint federal-state government program that provides health coverage for low-income individuals and families. People living in the U.S. illegally are not eligible to receive Medicaid benefits other than for emergency medical services.

    “A state funded program is by definition not Medicaid,” Leonardo Cuello, a research professor at the Georgetown University McCourt School of Public Policy’s Center for Children and Families, told us in an email.

    But in a May 16 Truth Social post encouraging Republican lawmakers to support the wide-ranging House budget bill, which makes changes to Medicaid and extends expiring income tax cuts, among other things, Trump said the legislation would remove from Medicaid “millions” of people illegally residing in the country.

    Speaker of the House Mike Johnson speaks during a press conference celebrating the passage of the One Big Beautiful Bill Act on May 22. Photo by Matt McClain/The Washington Post via Getty Images.

    “Republicans MUST UNITE behind, ‘THE ONE, BIG BEAUTIFUL BILL!,’” Trump’s post reads. “Not only does it cut Taxes for ALL Americans, but it will kick millions of Illegal Aliens off of Medicaid to PROTECT it for those who are the ones in real need.”

    As for the tax cuts, about 80% of U.S. households – not 100% – would receive them under the bill, according to estimates by the nonpartisan Tax Policy Center.

    To support his Medicaid claim, the White House sent us a May 13 social media post from the Republican-led House Committee on Energy and Commerce. That post on X about “strengthening Medicaid” by “eliminating waste, fraud, and abuse” suggested that “1.4 million illegal immigrants” would lose Medicaid coverage as a result of the bill, according to a “preliminary CBO estimate on coverage changes.”

    The CBO estimated that overall, the Medicaid provisions in the Republican bill would reduce the number of people with Medicaid or Children’s Health Insurance Program coverage by 10.3 million by 2034, though some would retain or acquire other insurance. A net 7.6 million people would become uninsured, CBO said.

    But the agency did not say that 1.4 million people in the U.S. illegally would lose Medicaid benefits.

    The Senate Republicans account on X wrongly claimed in a May 20 post that the bill “protects Medicaid for eligible Americans by removing 1.4 million illegals.” That was a day after White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt also inaccurately claimed that, under the bill, “the 1.4 million illegal aliens who are currently improperly receiving Medicaid benefits will be kicked off the program to preserve it for hardworking American citizens who need it.”

    And after the House narrowly passed the bill early on May 22 with only Republican votes, House Speaker Mike Johnson claimed that Democrats voting against the bill showed they wanted “Medicaid for illegal immigrants.”

    CBO, which analyzed provisions in an early draft of the Energy and Commerce Committee’s portion of the House budget bill, said that, in 2034, 1.4 million people would lose “other coverage” — specifically health insurance through “state-only funded programs” under current law.

    The 1.4 million “includes people without verified citizenship, nationality, or satisfactory immigration status,” the CBO said.

    Those individuals are presumed to lose their state-provided health benefits because the House bill includes language penalizing states that provide “any form of financial assistance” for health coverage or “any form of comprehensive health benefits” to immigrants living in the country illegally “regardless of the source of funding.”

    For those states, the bill proposes reducing from 90% to 80% the Federal Medical Assistance Percentage rate that the federal government is required to pay to states that expanded Medicaid for eligible individuals under the Affordable Care Act.

    The CBO analysis assumes that at least some states, deterred by reduced federal payments for their Medicaid programs, would stop offering their state-funded health programs to immigrants without lawful immigration status, leaving more than 1 million of them uninsured.

    But those individuals would not come from the Medicaid program.

    “Medicaid is when a state is accepting federal Medicaid dollars in compliance with federal Medicaid coverage rules,” Cuello, the Georgetown University professor, told us. So the bill’s provisions aren’t about Medicaid, he said. “And of course, undocumented immigrants are also not eligible for comprehensive coverage in Medicaid.”

    The health policy research group KFF said that, as of April, there were 14 states, plus the District of Columbia, that use state taxpayer money, not federal funds, to cover children regardless of immigration status, including seven states and D.C. that also cover some adults regardless of immigration status.

    “So there are not millions of undocumented people losing [Medicaid] coverage because of this bill, since they don’t have comprehensive coverage under Medicaid to begin with, and the very limited emergency Medicaid coverage provided to immigrants is not changed under the bill,” Cuello said.

    Cuello told us that hospitals can request reimbursement for providing emergency medical assistance, such as emergency labor and delivery, to people in the country illegally who would otherwise be eligible for Medicaid if not for their immigration status. Those reimbursements are paid using state and federal money known as Emergency Medicaid funding.

    KFF has said that less than 1% of all Medicaid spending is used for covering emergency care for immigrants who are not U.S. citizens. That information comes from a CBO report on fiscal years 2017 to 2023.

    Since House Republicans have passed their bill, it now goes to the Senate for consideration.


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  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    Former President Joe Biden’s office announced on May 18 that he had been diagnosed with an aggressive form of prostate cancer two days earlier, following the discovery of a prostate nodule. President Donald Trump and others have suggested, without evidence, that Biden’s diagnosis had been known much earlier and hidden from the public. 

    We can only report what Biden’s office has said. However, the timing of the diagnosis is plausible, since the U.S. Preventive Services Task Force has recommended against routine prostate cancer screenings for men over age 70.  

    Trump wished Biden well in a May 18 Truth Social post, saying, “Melania and I are saddened to hear about Joe Biden’s recent medical diagnosis. We extend our warmest and best wishes to Jill and the family, and we wish Joe a fast and successful recovery.”

    By the next day, however, Trump’s reaction had shifted. “I’m surprised that it wasn’t — the public wasn’t notified a long time ago,” Trump told reporters, suggesting that the condition had been concealed from the public during Biden’s presidency.

    But there is no evidence that Biden was aware of the cancer before the May 16 diagnosis. A May 20 statement from a Biden spokesperson said his last known PSA, or prostate-specific antigen, test “was in 2014. Prior to [May 16], President Biden had never been diagnosed with prostate cancer.”

    The PSA test measures the amount of a specific protein produced by cancerous and noncancerous tissue in the prostate, a small gland below the bladder in males.

    Experts in prostate cancer told us it is likely that Biden’s cancer began growing years ago. But at age 82, he had not been tested since his early 70s. The diagnosis was made after Biden experienced urinary symptoms, the New York Times reported.

    “It is almost certain that President Biden had prostate cancer for months if not many years prior to his diagnosis,” Dr. Daniel Spratt, chief of radiation oncology at University Hospitals Seidman Cancer Center and Case Western Reserve University, told us. “This does not mean he or his physicians were aware of his diagnosis.”

    Biden’s cancer is Stage 4, meaning the disease has spread, in his case to bone, with a Gleason score of 9, which refers to a more aggressive cancer.

    Trump told reporters, “To get to Stage 9, that’s a long time,” confusing the cancer stage with the Gleason score. “You have to say, why did it take so long?” Trump said, adding later, “somebody is not telling the facts. It’s a big, it’s a big problem.”

    The president’s son Donald Trump Jr., in a post on X, wrote, “What I want to know is how did Dr. Jill Biden miss stage five metastatic cancer or is this yet another coverup???” Trump Jr. shared a post that claimed it was “highly likely” Biden’s diagnosis was known throughout his presidency.

    Former First Lady Jill Biden’s doctorate is in education, not medicine, and Joe Biden’s cancer is Stage 4, not 5.

    Leo Terrell, an official in Trump’s Department of Justice, reposted a baseless claim on X that Jill Biden knew about her husband’s health problems but still wanted him to seek a second term. “Elder Abuse! Criminal Charges??” Terrell wrote.

    The timing of Biden’s cancer diagnosis also coincides with the release of a book by Jake Tapper and Alex Thompson, “Original Sin: President Biden’s Decline, Its Cover-Up, and His Disastrous Choice to Run Again,” which reports that Biden’s inner circle hid his deteriorating mental and physical health.

    But, as we said, there is no evidence that Biden, his family or his doctors were aware of his prostate cancer before the diagnosis on May 16.

    Recommendations on Testing

    The latest guidelines from the U.S. Preventive Services Task Force advise against PSA screening for prostate cancer in men who are 70 and older. The group’s 2018 recommendations, which are in the process of being updated, were based on finding with “moderate certainty” that the potential benefits “do not outweigh the expected harms.” The USPSTF is an independent panel of medical experts that issues recommendations on preventive screenings and medications.

    For men 55 to 69 years of age, the task force said the decision to get a PSA test “should be an individual one,” and recommended that men discuss the pros and cons of testing with a clinician.

    “Screening offers a small potential benefit of reducing the chance of death from prostate cancer in some men,” the USPSTF recommendation for the younger group says. “However, many men will experience potential harms of screening, including false-positive results that require additional testing and possible prostate biopsy; overdiagnosis and overtreatment; and treatment complications, such as incontinence and erectile dysfunction.”

    Guidelines from other groups are broadly similar, often recommending that men only test after consulting with a health care provider, although some do not provide an age cut-off after which testing is advised against.

    High PSA levels “may indicate the presence of prostate cancer. However, many other conditions, such as an enlarged or inflamed prostate, also can increase PSA levels. Therefore, determining what a high PSA score means can be complicated,” according to the Mayo Clinic.

    Men with prostate cancer may also have normal PSA levels. “Some types of prostate cancer don’t cause elevated PSA levels. You may have prostate cancer even if a PSA test says your levels are normal,” the Cleveland Clinic explains.

    Reconsidering Testing Guidelines

    “Most prostate cancers are asymptomatic for a very long time,” Dr. Isaac Kim, chief of urology at Yale School of Medicine, told us. “When patients develop very large disease locally or extensively disseminated, symptoms develop. In general, it is considered that prostate cancer will become symptomatic when the disease is very very advanced.

    “It appears that President Biden became symptomatic recently,” he added, which would explain why the cancer was diagnosed so late.

    Doctors might have detected Biden’s cancer earlier if he had been tested, Kim said, “but it is very complicated. In many circles among doctors, prostate cancer screening is discouraged. This is true especially for men in their 70’s” and older, he said.

    Some have argued that the standard guidelines should not always apply to a president. At the same time, deviating from them could mean subjecting a president to unnecessary risks or procedures.

    Dr. Ezekiel J. Emanuel, a breast oncologist and vice provost for global initiatives at the University of Pennsylvania, told the New York Times that the way a president’s health is monitored, particularly one of Biden’s age, should be reassessed. “We have to have confidence that their health condition is not intervening,” he said.

    In a May 19 interview on MSNBC, Emanuel, who was on a COVID-19 advisory board for the Biden administration, said that Biden likely had cancer “at the start of his presidency in 2021.” This was interpreted by some as an admission that a cancer diagnosis was hidden from the public. Emanuel, however, later told the Washington Post that he was only saying that the cancer was present during Biden’s presidency.

    “I didn’t say that there was a conspiracy,” he said, adding that he “should have” clarified that he wasn’t saying Biden knew he had cancer.  “I was very clear that he did have cancer, that’s a fact. That he knew or didn’t know, I don’t know and they don’t know.”

    Dr. Jeffrey Tosoian, who specializes in early diagnosis and management of urologic cancers at Vanderbilt University Medical Center, told us in an email that PSA testing became widely used for prostate cancer screening in the 1990s. That resulted in “a large reduction in the number of deaths caused by prostate cancer in the U.S. But PSA testing also led to a number of unnecessary prostate biopsies” and “detection of non-aggressive prostate cancers.”

    The USPSTF then decided to recommend against PSA testing. “Unfortunately, but not unexpectedly, the reduction in PSA testing has been associated with an increase in diagnoses of metastatic prostate cancer in the U.S. … To many, the USPSTF decision to recommend against PSA screening was an example of throwing the baby (i.e. reducing death from prostate cancer) out with the bathwater (i.e. risk of negative outcomes from PSA testing),” Tosoian said.

    “In the past decade-plus, several advances have improved the risk vs. benefit balance of PSA screening.” Tosoian said. “Based on these crucial improvements, many of us that care for patients with prostate cancer are hopeful that PSA screening will be better supported by forthcoming policy changes.”

    Spratt, of Case Western Reserve, noted that “older men in studies consistently are more likely to harbor more aggressive prostate cancer. Thus, PSA screening should continue past 70 years old, but what doctors do with that information must be individualized to each patient to avoid over diagnosis and overtreatment.

    “Fortunately, President Biden has many effective therapies to treat his prostate cancer, including image guided radiotherapy and various forms of therapy that can inhibit or block testosterone,” Spratt said. The hormone testosterone propels the growth of prostate cancer cells.

    Gerald Denis, a research professor at the Shipley Prostate Cancer Research Center at Boston University’s medical school, said that prostate cancer that has spread to the bone is “generally considered to be advanced and incurable.” Survival after prostate cancer metastasis to bone is “only about 30 percent after five years,” Denis told BU Today.

    “Generally speaking, there are many treatment options available to strengthen bones and slow tumor growth and spread, even if the bones are involved. In short, he can still be treated, and the progress of the cancer slowed, even if it is regarded as incurable,” Denis also said.


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  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    In a salient moment with the leader of South Africa, President Donald Trump played a video that he said showed “burial sites” for a thousand white farmers — the victims of what he has called a genocide — along a roadside in South Africa.

    Ramaphosa and Trump look on as a video plays in the Oval Office on May 21. Photo by Chip Somodevilla via Getty Images.

    It actually showed a 2020 demonstration bringing attention to the issue of violence against farmers of all races in South Africa.

    Trump made his comments during a May 21 Oval Office meeting with South African President Cyril Ramaphosa a week after the U.S. accepted the first white South African refugees, whom Trump has described as victims of genocide. Ramaphosa pushed back against the claim that there is a white genocide happening in South Africa, and in response, Trump had a staffer dim the lights to play a video.

    Pointing to the screen, which showed an aerial view of a rural highway dotted on each side with white crosses, Trump said, “These are burial sites, right here. Burial sites — over a thousand of white farmers. And those cars are lined up to pay love on a Sunday morning. Each one of those white things you see is a cross and there’s approximately a thousand of them. They’re all white farmers. The family of white farmers.”

    “I’d like to know where that is, because, this — I’ve never seen,” Ramaphosa said.

    “I mean, it’s in South Africa,” Trump said.

    Rather than burial sites, as Trump claimed, the video showed a demonstration following the August 2020 murder of Glen and Vida Rafferty, who had been killed during a robbery at their farmhouse in Normandien, a rural area about 200 miles southeast of Johannesburg. The crosses along the road were meant to memorialize and draw attention to the many farmers who have been killed over the years.

    A screenshot of the video Trump showed of the 2020 demonstration in South Africa.

    There is a real issue with South African farmers being killed. Although some have cast the killings as a “white genocide,” experts say that’s not accurate, as we wrote recently. Rather, they said, most of the violent acts are committed during robberies in a country where most of the wealth and land post-apartheid are still owned by a relatively small white minority. White people own about 72% of the farm and agricultural holdings despite making up about 7% of the population, according to a 2017 land audit report commissioned by the South African government.

    And, experts told us, while there is a high rate of murder and violence in the country, there is no evidence that white farmers are being singled out. According to police data, murders of farmers are less than 1% of all murders in South Africa. There were 51 murders on farms in 2022-23, figures that aren’t delineated by race, out of a total of nearly 27,500 murders in the country.

    “On average, 76 people are murdered in South Africa every day according to 2023/2024 official police statistics,” Lizette Lancaster, of the Institute for Security Studies in South Africa, told us in an email.

    “Robberies and murders on farms are recognised as a serious problem by all sectors of society,” she said, going on to explain, though, that “almost all South Africans from all walks of life will agree that there is no white genocide. The government has reacted to persistent claims of a white genocide and the conflation of that with farm murders since Democracy in 1994.”

    In an interview with South Africa’s public broadcasting news service, Darell Brown, a farmer who helped organize the demonstration featured in the video Trump showed, said, “The message we’re trying to convey is: farm murders must stop. I don’t mean just murders of white commercial farmers. Farm murders must stop.” He explained that the roadside crosses were representative of farmers who had been killed and called on the government to take the issue seriously.

    The demonstration was held on Saturday, Sept. 5, 2020, and took place along the P39 highway between the Raffertys’ home and the nearby town of Newcastle.

    The South African news website IOL quoted a participant in the demonstration, Bob Hoatson, as saying that the initiative was not about white farmers: “It was for people from all walks of life who were concerned about farm murders,” he said.

    During the Oval Office exchange, Trump asserted, “When they kill the white farmer, nothing happens to them.”

    But according to Lancaster, it’s not true that “the government is willfully ignorant (e.g. police) or the security sector is actively complicit in the crimes committed against vulnerable groups.” In South Africa, she said, “government, public sector and community partnerships are yielding results. Farm murders have gone down, rural safety strategies are now in place, and there is nothing particularly exceptional about how gruesome these murders are when you look at the scale of violence in townships, for example.”

    In the case of the Rafferty murders, three men have been convicted and are serving time in prison.

    “The lives of farmers, farm workers and farm dwellers as well as every citizen of the country, black and white, matters,” then Deputy President David Mabuza said after the Rafferty murders, as he convened a meeting to discuss programs to curb violence against farmers. “It is for this reason that government will continue to work with the Justice, Crime Prevention and Security Cluster to ensure prevention as a priority in dealing with farm murders.”

    While violence remains a serious issue in South Africa, the video Trump played did not show 1,000 “burial sites” or prove there is a white genocide in the country.


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  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    Since his first full day back in office, President Donald Trump has repeatedly touted the value of announced financial investments in the U.S. and taken credit for attracting them. He started out citing $3 trillion in investments and, four months later, was claiming totals of more than $10 trillion.

    It’s unclear where, exactly, he’s getting these totals. But they appear to be an exaggeration of pledges to invest made by various companies and countries. The total listed by the White House as of May 19 was about $6 trillion.

    We’ll lay out what the president has said and explain what we know about the financial commitments that have been announced.

    Trump’s Claims

    On Jan. 21, the day after he’d been inaugurated, Trump said during a press conference, “Before the end of my first full business day in Washington in the White House, we’ve already secured nearly $3 trillion of new investments in the United States.”

    This first instance of his claim about the amount of investments was already out of step with what the White House press office would say. A Jan. 24 news release describing the progress of Trump’s “first 100 hours” said that he had “secured over $1 trillion in historic new investments.

    By March, the president cited $5 trillion, saying during a swearing-in ceremony on March 28, “here we are in two months, we think we’re up to close to $5 trillion of investment.”

    The following month, the total notched up to $7 trillion, a figure the president repeated several times. He finished the month claiming, in an April 30 Cabinet meeting, “after two months we have $8 trillion.”

    In early May, the number climbed to $9 trillion, and, by May 8, when Trump was announcing plans for a trade deal with the United Kingdom, he said, “I think that we can say that we’ll do close to $10 trillion of investment. I think that we’re actually at that number now if you add up some of the ones you haven’t heard about yet.” Trump credited his policies on trade and tariffs. 

    “They have plants going up and they haven’t even spoken to us. They’re doing it because of the tariffs,” he said. 

    We asked the White House for an accounting of the investments that the president has been citing, but we didn’t get a response.

    Since May 6, though, the White House has been keeping a “running list of new U.S. investment in President Trump’s second term” posted online.

    What’s on the List

    That list, which the White House describes as “non-comprehensive,” contains announcements of about $2 trillion in investments from companies — both domestic and foreign — and pledges of about $4 trillion from some countries to further invest in U.S. business.

    But the list includes some investments that may not be attributable to Trump’s policies.

    For example, plans for a $500 billion artificial intelligence infrastructure project were reportedly underway last spring, before Trump won the presidential election in November. A news story from March 29, 2024, reported that executives at OpenAI and Microsoft were discussing a “U.S.-based supercomputer, which they have referred to as ‘Stargate,’ as the biggest of a series of installations the companies are looking to build over the next six years.”

    OpenAI officially announced the Stargate project — with different partners — on Jan. 21. The same day, the company’s CEO, Sam Altman, appeared at a White House press conference with Trump and said, “We wouldn’t be able to do this without you, Mr. President.”

    A company spokeswoman confirmed to the Washington Post that Altman had been discussing plans for Stargate for at least 10 months before Trump took office. But she also said, “This deal at this magnitude only came together following the election as a result of heightened investor enthusiasm in anticipation of a Trump administration.”

    Regardless of whether Trump’s election encouraged more funding for the project, it was conceived, and construction began, before Trump was elected in November.

    Another example from the White House list of announced investments is a decision by Stellantis — a conglomerate that manufactures more than a dozen brands of vehicles, including Chrysler and Jeep — to reopen its Belvidere Assembly plant near Chicago.

    The company closed the plant in 2023, but the reason for its reopening isn’t clear.

    Stellantis Chairman John Elkann met with Trump and administration officials in January, shortly before the company announced it would reopen the plant, which is slated to start operation again in 2027. But others have taken some credit for Stellantis’ announcement.

    The United Auto Workers, a labor union that had also been pressuring Stellantis to reopen the plant, took credit for the change.

    And Illinois Gov. JB Pritzker, a Democrat, said, “My administration has worked tirelessly with our partners to secure this investment and we are excited to see it come to fruition.”

    The list of investments pledged by foreign countries also includes some debatable claims.

    For example, it says, “Japan announced a $1 trillion investment in the U.S.”

    It’s true that Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba said during a February visit to the White House that he was willing “to cooperate together to elevate Japan’s investment in the United States to an unprecedented amount of $1 trillion.”

    But counting that as a new $1 trillion investment is a stretch. Japanese press reported that Japan would be “expanding” its 2023 investment “to $1 trillion in the future.” Japan has been the biggest foreign investor in the U.S. since 2019, according to data from the Bureau of Economic Analysis. In 2023, the most recent year for which there is data, Japanese companies invested $783 billion in the U.S.

    So, Ishiba’s offer to encourage further investment in the U.S. would result in an additional $217 billion over the 2023 investment numbers. That’s less than one-quarter of the $1 trillion the White House has claimed.

    What Do Economists Say?

    Experts also have cautioned against taking the list — and Trump’s statements — at face value.

    “There’s no guarantee that any of the investments that are announced actually come to fruition,” Adam Hersh, a senior economist at the left-leaning Economic Policy Institute, told us in a phone interview.

    Various companies — or governments, for that matter — can announce that they plan to spend money building in the U.S., but any number of things could happen to halt a planned project before it’s actually built.

    As economists, “we wouldn’t count them until they’re actually in the ground,” Hersh said of evaluating the economic impact of the listed projects. “Until they actually happen, it’s just a lot of hot air.”

    Scott Lincicome, vice president of general economics at the libertarian Cato Institute, said something similar in a recent analysis of the Trump administration’s claims that its tariff policies are driving these announced investments.

    “[T]hey’re just promises—and often vague ones at that,” Lincicome wrote of the announcements from companies, giving two examples of announcements that included no time frame and very few, if any, specifics about the projects.

    “Companies often will make announcements to essentially curry favor with an incoming administration to show how committed they are to the United States,” Nick Nigro, the founder of Atlas Public Policy, which tracks clean energy investment in the U.S., told CBS News earlier this month. “It’s not unusual whether it was President Trump or President Biden or President Obama.”

    Also, many of these pledges — like the one from OpenAI — are for investments over a series of years, not to be realized this year.

    To put this in context, in 2024, which was a record year for building manufacturing facilities, the U.S. had $3.5 trillion in non-residential investment, which includes building structures, equipment, and research and development investments, Hersh said, citing data from the Bureau of Economic Analysis.

    “So, I don’t see this $10 trillion [claim by Trump] as a real number,” he said.


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  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    Speaking before Congress, Health and Human Services Secretary Robert. F. Kennedy Jr. misleadingly claimed that Europe doesn’t vaccinate children against chickenpox because a study shows that when you do, “you get shingles in older people.” While that is a theoretical concern, studies have not borne that out — and parts of Europe do vaccinate kids.

    Appearing before the House Appropriations Committee on May 14, Kennedy, a longtime anti-vaccine advocate, refused to definitively say when asked by Rep. Mark Pocan, a Democrat of Wisconsin, whether he would vaccinate his children against measles.

    “For measles? Probably for measles. What I would say is my opinions about vaccines are irrelevant,” he replied. “I don’t want to seem like I’m being evasive, but I don’t think people should be taking advice — medical advice from me.”

    Kennedy also deflected when asked about giving the chickenpox vaccine.

    “Again, I don’t want to give advice,” he said. “I can tell you in Europe they don’t use the chickenpox vaccine specifically because the preclinical trial shows that when you inoculate the population for chickenpox, you get shingles in older people, which is more dangerous.”

    Kennedy’s claim is partially correct but doesn’t tell the whole story. Some countries in Europe, including Austria, Germany, Italy and Spain, do routinely vaccinate children against chickenpox. Others do not, in part due to concerns about shingles. But there isn’t strong evidence that vaccinating children is causing a problem for older adults.

    We contacted HHS to ask what Kennedy meant by “the preclinical trial” and whether he was speaking of Europe as a whole or only of certain countries, but we did not get a reply.

    Photo by mmpile via Getty Images.

    As we’ve explained before, both chickenpox and shingles are caused by the same virus, the varicella-zoster, or VZV, virus. Shingles is typically much more severe than chickenpox, and occurs when the virus reactivates as a result of declining immunity. This usually happens later in life.

    Some studies suggest that exposure to children infected with chickenpox boosts VZV immunity in adults and reduces the risk of shingles. This has led to the concern that vaccinating kids against chickenpox would remove those exposures and temporarily raise the risk of shingles in older adults. Mathematical modeling based on that premise projected that in the first three to five decades after implementing routine chickenpox vaccination for children, the frequency of shingles would increase in older people. After that, however, the rate of shingles would drastically decline since the risk of shingles is higher in people naturally infected with chickenpox.

    There isn’t, however, much evidence that adults have been afflicted more by shingles as a result of pediatric chickenpox vaccination programs. Shingles did slowly become more common in the U.S. over time, according to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, but the increase began before the chickenpox vaccine became available in 1995 and did not escalate afterward. Recently, the agency says on its website, shingles rates have “plateaued or declined.”

    Meanwhile, chickenpox cases have dropped by more than 97%, the CDC notes, with the vaccine estimated to have saved nearly 2,000 lives and more than $23 billion in costs by 2020. The chickenpox vaccine also greatly reduces the risk of shingles in children. And for adults worried about shingles, fortunately there is an effective vaccine, which is recommended for people 50 years and older.

    Given the experience in the U.S., as well other countries, including Australia and Canada, a vaccine advisory committee in the U.K. decided in November 2023 to recommend the chickenpox vaccine for all children — a change from 2009, when it determined the vaccine was not cost effective because the vaccine might increase shingles cases in middle-aged people.

    “It was thought that removing community circulation by vaccinating children would cause a problematic rise in shingles for as long as 20 years, but a recent long-term study from the USA disproved that theory,” a press release announcing the new decision explained. “This evidence, combined with recent research from the University of Bristol that provided new information on the extent of chickenpox’s impact on children and the [National Health Service], opened the door for a UK-wide programme.”

    The U.K. is slated to begin such vaccinations in January 2026.


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  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    Asked by a reporter why he was welcoming white South Africans to the U.S. as refugees, President Donald Trump said there was “a genocide that’s taking place” against white farmers in the country. Experts say the president is misapplying that term.

    “Because they’re being killed and we don’t want to see people be killed,” Trump also said at the May 12 press conference.

    There is a real issue with South African farmers being killed or violently attacked, experts told us. But most of the violent acts are committed during robberies in a country where most of the wealth and land post-apartheid is still owned by a relatively small white minority.

    “Yes, white farmers are being killed in South Africa,” political scientist Jean-Yves Camus, co-director of the Observatory of Political Radicalism at the Jean Jaurès Foundation in Paris, told us via email. “However, there is nothing like a ‘white genocide.’ And the issue needs to be seen in the broader context of a country plagued by crime and gang activity.”

    Although police statistics are imprecise on the issue, there have been about 50 farm murders per year over the last several years. That’s less than 1% of all murders in the country.

    “Murder victimization is far more correlated to class, gender and location than race,” Lizette Lancaster of the Institute for Security Studies in South Africa, told us via email.

    “Farm attacks, including murders, do occur in South Africa, and many are undeniably brutal,” Anthony Kaziboni, a political and critical sociologist at the University of Johannesburg’s Centre for Social Development in Africa, told us via email. “However, South Africa must be understood in its broader socio-economic and historical context.” South Africa has “extreme inequality, with approximately 10% of the population (largely white) owning over 80% of the wealth. It also has a deeply violent past, and the country’s structural violence persists today alongside physical violence, economic violence, and many other forms of violence.”

    “Violent crime affects all sectors of society, not just farmers,” Kaziboni said.

    Trump’s Refugee Plan

    On his first day in office, Trump suspended all refugee admissions to the U.S. until such time as bringing in new refugees “aligns with the interests of the United States.” But on Feb. 7, Trump issued an order making an exception for South Africa’s white minority Afrikaner ethnic group. The order called Afrikaners “victims of unjust racial discrimination” and said “the United States shall promote the resettlement of Afrikaner refugees escaping government-sponsored race-based discrimination, including racially discriminatory property confiscation.”

    The “property confiscation” part refers to a law signed by South African President Cyril Ramaphosa in January that will allow the government to confiscate land, in some cases without compensation. While “just and equitable” compensation must be paid to owners whose land is confiscated in most cases, under the law, there are limited circumstances under which confiscation could take place without compensation. Those include cases “where the land is not being used and the owner’s main purpose is not to develop the land or use it to generate income, but to benefit from appreciation of its market value”; when land is not being used “for its core functions”; and “where an owner has abandoned the land by failing to exercise control over it despite being reasonably capable of doing so.”

    Ramaphosa defended the law on X, saying, “South Africa is a constitutional democracy that is deeply rooted in the rule of law, justice and equality. The South African government has not confiscated any land. The recently adopted Expropriation Act is not a confiscation instrument, but a constitutionally mandated legal process that ensures public access to land in an equitable and just manner as guided by the constitution.”

    Part of the aim of the law is to hasten a rebalance of the distribution of land in the country after decades of colonialism and apartheid. The 1913 Natives Land Act , enacted under British rule of South Africa, restricted Black ownership of land and resulted in thousands of Black families being forcibly removed from their land. Although those laws were repealed post-apartheid in 1991, great racial disparity remains in land ownership. According to a 2017 land audit report commissioned by the South African government, white people owned about 72% of the farm and agricultural holdings despite making up about 7% of the population.

    In 2021, the South African Human Rights Commission said South Africa’s “gross inequality often leads to racism and racial polarisation.”

    Defending the land expropriation policy in an op-ed in the Financial Times in 2018, Ramaphosa wrote: “Among the greatest obstacles to growth is the severe inequality between black and white South Africans. For the South African economy to reach its full potential, it is therefore necessary to significantly narrow gaps in income, skills, assets and opportunities. One of the areas where this disparity is most devastating is in the ownership and access to land. As the World Bank has observed, ‘South Africa’s historical, highly skewed distribution of land and productive assets is a source of inequality and social fragility.’”

    On X, Elon Musk, who was raised in South Africa and is a close Trump adviser, condemned the policy as “openly racist ownership laws.” On Truth Social, Trump concurred, saying, “South Africa is confiscating land, and treating certain classes of people VERY BADLY.”

    Trump’s Genocide Claim

    On May 12, the first 59 Afrikaner refugees were welcomed into the U.S.

    That day, during a press conference on drug prices, a reporter asked Trump why the U.S. had expedited Afrikaner refugee admissions from South Africa, “as you’ve halted virtually all refugee admissions for people fleeing famine and war from countries like Sudan and the Democratic Republic of Congo.”

    The first group of Afrikaners from South Africa arrive for resettlement at Washington Dulles International Airport in Dulles, Virginia, on May 12. Photo by Saul Loeb/AFP via Getty Images.

    Trump said the Afrikaners were being accepted as refugees “because they’re being killed.” He said the U.S. “essentially extended citizenship to those people to escape from that violence and come here.” He suggested he would not attend an upcoming G20 summit in South Africa “unless that situation’s taken care of.”

    “It’s a genocide that’s taking place that you people don’t want to write about,” Trump continued. “But it’s a terrible thing that’s taking place. And farmers are being killed. They happen to be white, but whether they’re white or Black, it makes no difference to me, but white farmers are being brutally killed and their land is being confiscated in South Africa and the newspapers and the media, television media doesn’t even talk about it. If it were the other way around, they’d talk about it. That would be the only story they’d talk about.”

    Ramaphosa said that Trump’s assessment of the situation in South Africa is inaccurate.

    “A refugee is someone who has to leave their country out of fear of political persecution, religious persecution, or economic persecution,” Ramaphosa said on May 12. “And they don’t fit that bill.”

    The claims about a “white genocide” in South Africa have circulated for decades, particularly on far-right sites and social media accounts, and the claims often grossly inflate statistics about farm murders. Trump, himself, has been making claims about the “large scale killing of farmers” at least as far back as 2018.

    Definition of Genocide

    The United Nations defines genocide as acts committed with the “intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group.”

    What’s happening in South Africa doesn’t fit that description, experts said.

    Lancaster, the project manager of the ISS Crime and Justice Information Hub, which provides data and analysis on crime and public violence in South Africa, said that when considering murder and violence in totality, there is no evidence to suggest white farmers are being singled out.

    “From the available evidence, white people are the least at risk of being murdered … with [Black] African people being the most at risk of being murdered,” Lancaster said. “If there was a racial motive for crime and murders in South Africa, then the murder of white people would be higher than their relative percentage of the population. Murder victimization is far more correlated to class, gender and location than race. About 50% of all murders take place in about 12% of [police] precincts, with 20% taking place in less the three per cent or 30 stations. All of these areas are primarily townships or poor areas in metropolitan cities, mostly populated by African people.”

    Murders of farmers are far less than 1% of all murders in South Africa, she said.

    According to data compiled by the Transvaal Agricultural Union of South Africa, a commercial farmers union made up mostly of Afrikaners, there were 32 farm murders in 2024, down from 50 in 2023 and 43 in 2022. (And a total of just under 2,300 farm murders since 1990.) Most — but not all — of the victims were white. According to data compiled by South Africa police, which do not delineate by race, there were 51 murders on farms in 2022-23, out of a total of nearly 27,500 murders in the country.

    According to the U.S. State Department’s most recent report on human rights in South Africa in 2023, “Some advocacy groups asserted white farmers were racially targeted for burglaries, home invasions, and killings, while many observers attributed the incidents to the country’s high and growing crime rate.” Similar language was used in State Department reports during the first Trump administration as well.

    In February, a South Africa court said that a “white genocide” was “clearly imagined and not real.”

    “White farmers being killed is a fact,” Camus said. “The phenomenon was, until recently, largely ignored by the European media and deserves attention and concern. However, it is used as a political weapon by the Far-Right. Just to make it clear, the South African press does report such attacks, especially the Afrikaans daily Die Burger.”

    Lancaster noted that one of the leading causes of murders in South Africa is robbery. That was one of the conclusions of a 2003 government inquiry into farm attacks.

    The report found that while farm murders were on the rise at that time, “All the investigating officers are of the opinion that the primary motive for the greater majority of cases – perhaps 90% – is robbery. They are also of the view that farm attacks are not politically motivated and that there is no evidence of an organized structure behind the attacks. There is a perception amongst perpetrators that farmers are wealthy and any business conducted on the farm is a precipitating factor.”

    “The isolation of farms makes farmers particularly vulnerable to crime, but this is a function of geography and socio-economic conditions rather than political or racial intent,” Kaziboni of the University of Johannesburg told us.

    “Given the UN’s definition, describing farm killings as genocide is a gross mischaracterization,” Kaziboni said “This does not diminish the seriousness of these crimes, nor the need for targeted rural safety interventions. But it is essential to approach such topics with clarity and care, grounded in credible evidence and context.”

    Lancaster noted that “one of the things that is typically considered in asylum claims is that the government is willfully ignorant (e.g. police) or the security sector is actively complicit in the crimes committed against vulnerable groups.” But in South Africa, she said, “government, public sector and community partnerships are yielding results. Farm murders have gone down, rural safety strategies are now in place, and there is nothing particularly exceptional about how gruesome these murders are when you look at the scale of violence in townships, for example.”

    Camus told us he personally witnessed the high level of violence when he visited South Africa in December.

    “What I saw in Capetown, Durban and Joburg was, above all, crime everywhere, targeting all communities, in townships as well as downtown,” Camus said. “Drugs are a cause for that. Poverty is another cause. … Farm attacks occur in areas which are less populated, so that farms are easier targets, although farmers are now organized and have set up emergency awareness networks.”


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  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    A preliminary Congressional Budget Office analysis said that a Republican legislative proposal that makes changes to Medicaid and the Affordable Care Act would leave “at least 8.6 million” people without health insurance by 2034. But many Democrats have exaggerated the figure, claiming that 13.7 million would lose their insurance under the proposal.

    That higher number includes a CBO estimate for insurance losses under a separate matter — the scheduled expiration of expanded ACA tax credits. The fate of those tax credits is still up in the air, but their extension is not directly tied to the GOP bill before Congress.

    For instance, on May 13, during a mark-up session on the budget reconciliation text that the House Committee on Energy and Commerce released May 11, the 13.7 million figure was mentioned several times by multiple Democratic lawmakers.

    Rep. Diana DeGette of Colorado, the top Democrat on that committee’s subcommittee on health, said: “For months, Republicans have insisted that they would not cut Medicaid in order to give tax cuts to billionaires. But here they are today with a bill that would do irreparable damage to Medicaid and the millions of Americans it supports. This agenda will kick at least 13.7 million people off of health care coverage according to the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office.”

    Later, Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez of New York said: “13.7 million people. 13.7 million Americans will be cut off from their health care and made completely uninsurable by the bill that Republicans are presenting today.”

    And in a press briefing that day, Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer said: “In other heinous news for Americans this weekend, the House Republicans unveiled their plan for the largest cut to Medicaid in American history. The largest cut to Medicaid in American history. 14 million Americans, at least 14 million, would be ripped off of their health insurance under this proposal.”

    However, the CBO didn’t say that the legislative proposal alone would increase the number of uninsured individuals by nearly 14 million.

    In a May 11 memorandum to the ranking Democrats on three House or Senate committees, the CBO provided its analysis of portions of “the Committee on Energy and Commerce’s reconciliation recommendations,” which were released that day. The committee was tasked with writing health care-related parts of an expansive budget bill that Republicans are trying to pass using the reconciliation process that only requires majority support in the Senate.

    Photo by H_Ko / stock.adobe.com

    Based on the sections it reviewed, the CBO said, “In total, we estimate that the legislation would reduce the number of people with health insurance by at least 8.6 million in 2034.”

    That figure included 7.7 million the agency estimated would lose coverage because of proposed changes to the Medicaid program, as well as 900,000 estimated to lose coverage due to changes to enrollment standards for the ACA health insurance marketplaces, which Republicans included in the legislation.

    But the CBO, as Democrats requested, also estimated what may happen if Republicans don’t continue ACA premium tax credits that Democrats expanded in 2021 and extended for three years in 2022. Those more generous tax credits, which lowered premiums for beneficiaries, allowing more people to purchase insurance, are set to expire at the end of the year.

    “We estimate that the expiration of the expanded premium tax credits will increase the number of people without health insurance by 4.2 million in 2034 relative to an estimate of a permanent extension of those credits,” the CBO said.

    Adding 4.2 million to the 8.6 million, plus an additional 900,000 the CBO said could lose coverage because of other changes to ACA marketplace rules proposed by the Trump administration, produces a total of 13.7 million uninsured people. That’s the larger figure that Democrats have been citing recently – although it includes millions of people who wouldn’t directly lose coverage because of the legislation that the CBO reviewed.

    (Prior to the committee’s mark-up session on May 13, DeGette posted a video of her explaining the 13.7 million figure better than she did in her opening statement.)

    Republicans reportedly are generally opposed to extending the enhanced tax credits, which, if made permanent, would cost $335 billion over 10 years, according to estimates by CBO and the Joint Committee on Taxation. But not every Republican is against it.

    Politico reported this month that “a growing number of Republicans have warmed to the idea, including Sens. Lisa Murkowski of Alaska and Thom Tillis of North Carolina and Rep. David Valadao of California.”

    Republicans face a “difficult choice,” Politico said. “[S]pend a significant amount of money to extend the subsidies associated with the Democrats’ 2010 health law they largely revile, or let them expire and see out-of-pocket costs rise for voters in an election year.”

    Tillis, a member of the Senate Committee on Finance, has suggested working on extending the ACA subsidies after the reconciliation bill is done, according to Axios.

    So, the fate of the tax credits is still to be determined, as is CBO’s final estimate of how many people may find themselves uninsured due to the reconciliation bill. The agency said it had yet to analyze other provisions in the legislation, provisions it said it expected would “somewhat further increase” its estimate of “coverage loss” if the bill became law.

    But for now, the CBO said that the proposed legislation will increase the number of uninsured by at least 8.6 million, not the 13.7 million figure that Democrats have used.


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  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    In signing an executive order aimed at reducing U.S. drug prices, President Donald Trump said some prices would be cut in half or more “almost immediately.” But the order is light on details of how the plan would be implemented.

    Trump said during a May 12 press conference that his administration would pursue a “most favored nation” drug pricing strategy, in which pharmaceutical companies selling drugs in the U.S. would be required to match the lowest price paid by other developed countries.

    “Some prescription drug and pharmaceutical prices will be reduced almost immediately, by 50% to 80% to 90%,” Trump said. “Big Pharma will either abide by this principle voluntarily, or we’ll use the power of the federal government to ensure that we are paying the same price as other countries.”

    The incentive for complying, Trump said, was that the U.S. would “help the drug companies with the other nations” via trade negotiations. 

    Tying U.S. drug prices to those in other countries is not a new idea, and some analyses suggest that the strategy could in theory lead to lower drug prices.

    However, experts told us the plan, which is only loosely outlined so far, could face legal challenges. Past analyses have predicted that “most favored nation” pricing models would likely run into various practical challenges, such as efforts by drug companies to obscure how much foreign countries were truly paying for drugs, or companies pulling out of supplying certain drugs to other countries entirely.

    “How this executive order will translate into lower prices that patients in the U.S. will pay for prescription drugs is pretty unclear,” Juliette Cubanski, deputy director of the program on Medicare policy at the health policy research group KFF, told us.

    Here we answer questions about drug prices in the U.S. versus internationally, and about the potential implications of the executive order.

    How much do drugs cost in the U.S. versus other countries?

    During the press conference, Trump said the U.S. “has the highest drug prices anywhere in the world,” sometimes by “a factor of five, six, seven, eight times. … There are even cases of 10 times higher.”

    Andrew W. Mulcahy, a senior health economist at RAND, a global policy research organization based in California, told us the first part of Trump’s claim is “broadly correct.” Prescription drugs are pricier in the U.S. than in other countries, according to a 2024 report he co-authored. But the overall price gap is not as high as Trump said.

    On average, the RAND report found prices in the U.S. are 2.78 times higher compared with 33 other developed countries from the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, based on 2022 data. The gap is bigger when comparing brand-name drugs, which on average are 4.22 times pricier in the U.S. before adjusting for discounts by manufacturers. A fact sheet on Trump’s executive order correctly said that the net price people in the U.S. pay for brand-name drugs averages “more than three times the price other OECD nations pay.” 

    Photo by wollertz / stock.adobe.com

    “For individual drugs, you can find examples of 5, 6, 7 or 8 times, or more, higher. But the actual average across all of the OECD countries and all drugs is in this 3 times range,” Mulcahy told us in a phone interview. 

    But Mulcahy said it’s important to note that Trump’s statement does not apply to generic drugs, which account for 90% of the prescriptions filled in the U.S. — “and our report finds that generics actually have lower prices in the U.S. than in most other countries.” Yet, generic drugs accounted for only 8% of U.S. prescription drug spending, while brand-name drugs accounted for 87% of the total spending in 2022, according to the RAND report. 

    Trump gave examples to illustrate how much more people in the U.S. pay for prescriptions. For instance, he said Ozempic, a drug for people with type 2 diabetes that’s also prescribed off-label for weight loss, costs 10 times more in the U.S. than in the “rest of the developed world.”

    According to a KFF analysis, the list price for one month of Ozempic in the U.S. as of 2023 was about 10 times more than in Sweden, the U.K., Australia and France. The list price was about five to six times higher than in Japan and Canada. But list prices are not necessarily what patients or insurers pay, as they don’t include rebates to insurers or coupons to patients, KFF noted. 

    Joshua P. Cohen, an independent consultant who focuses on health care policy and pricing, told us that “Trump told half-truths” during the briefing “not entirely consistent with the reality on the ground.”

    Cohen said that in the U.S., “prices consumers pay vary enormously for Ozempic and weight loss drugs like Wegovy (has the same active ingredient as Ozempic) depending on their coverage and eligibility for certain discounts off of the list price. In some cases patients only pay $25 a month; in others $1,000.”

    Cynthia Cox, a KFF vice president who has studied international data on drug prices, told us most of the comparison data available is on “certain very high-cost drugs, which do drive a lot of total spending.” But “a big caveat” when comparing these prices, she said, is that there’s “not very good” data on drug rebates, coupons and other discounts made by manufacturers, which “might” be more available in the U.S. 

    “So while the sticker price might look much higher in the U.S., it’s possible that pharmaceutical benefit managers are negotiating steep discounts and so those sticker prices may not be what the insurance company is actually paying for the drug,” said Cox, who directs the Peterson-KFF Health System Tracker Project that compares the U.S. health system with those in other countries.

    Cox said that a December 2024 Peterson-KFF analysis gets around “a lot of these problems” and is able to do a “true apples to apples comparison” of drug prices negotiated by Medicare with drug prices in peer nations, however.

    When we asked the White House about Trump’s price comparisons, a spokesperson directed us to that same analysis, co-authored by Cox.

    Under the Inflation Reduction Act, signed by former President Joe Biden in 2022, Medicare was allowed to negotiate prices for the first time, for some high-cost drugs. The Peterson-KFF analysis showed that for the first batch of 10 brand-name drugs, the Medicare negotiated price was still higher than the average price for 11 comparable countries. At the May 12 press conference, the administration presented a similar chart on those 10 drugs, which closely matched the Peterson-KFF analysis.   

    Trump used the comparison to criticize Biden, saying that “five out of the 10 drugs that he negotiated are now over 200% more expensive in America than the rest of the world, and far more expensive than when he even got involved, much more expensive than when he got involved.” That distorts the facts.

    Five of the 10 drugs are still 200% more expensive for Medicare, compared with the average for comparable countries, but the Peterson-KFF analysis showed that Medicare did negotiate price reductions. It found that the new prices were “on average 22% lower than current net prices in Part D,” Medicare’s prescription drug program, and lower than the prices negotiated by the Department of Veterans Affairs.

    The Congressional Budget Office estimated that the Medicare drug negotiation provisions of the 2022 law would save $98.5 billion over 10 years.

    Why are drug prices higher in the U.S. than in other countries?

    The Trump administration’s explanation for higher drug prices in the U.S. is that manufacturers overcharge the U.S. to be able to reduce their prices in other countries while still covering research and development costs. The executive order said the “egregious imbalance” in drug pricing “is orchestrated through a purposeful scheme in which drug manufacturers deeply discount their products to access foreign markets, and subsidize that decrease through enormously high prices in the United States.”

    “Other countries should pay research and development too,” Trump said, blaming both the drug companies for “price-gouging” and other countries that he said “forced Big Pharma” to offer them lower prices. The goal of the executive order is to lower prices and stop “foreign free-riding on American pharmaceutical innovation,” according to the administration’s fact sheet

    Yet, the experts we spoke with told us there are various factors that make prescription drugs in the U.S. more expensive. As the Peterson-KFF analysis explains, the U.S. has a fragmented health care system of multiple payers, including Medicare, the largest payer, and commercial insurers that each negotiate their own prices.

    “In other countries, there’s reference pricing or other kinds of direct regulation of drug prices, where their governments are playing a significant role in the prices that are paid for prescription drugs, and often for other services too, like hospital care or doctor visits,” KFF’s Cox told us.

    Mulcahy, the health economist from RAND, told us “there’s very little evidence to actually support” the notion that other countries are getting a free-ride while prices in the U.S. have to be higher to fund global R&D efforts – which has been “a talking point from Pharma for a long time,” he noted.

    “Other countries have lower prices for brand-name drugs in large part because they do research and analysis and have government bodies, or quasigovernmental bodies, that weigh in on what a fair price for a drug is,” he said. “In the U.S. we don’t do that — we let drug companies start the pricing process at wherever they want.” 

    According to the Peterson-KFF report, another factor that leads to price differences is the existence of generic drugs that can replace more expensive brand-name drugs in other countries. Those generics may not be available in the U.S. due to “[d]ifferences in U.S. and international patent laws, as well as differences in the regulatory groups that approve medications for public use,” the report said. 

    Other key factors, according to the report, include how drug prices are set. “For example, while Medicare evaluates the costs to manufacturers to research, develop, and produce the drug when setting prices, only two of the 11 comparable countries also consider these factors,” the report said. In addition, eight of the 11 comparable countries use drug prices in other countries as a reference for setting their own prices, while Medicare doesn’t. 

    Mulcahy said the administration’s argument about “free-riding” on the part of other countries may not be the case. “And what’s really just happening is other countries have policies to tackle high drug prices and the U.S. doesn’t,” he said. “And maybe, unsurprisingly for profit-maximizing companies, drug companies take advantage of that and set higher prices in the U.S.”

    What does the executive order do?

    The executive order proposed a “most favored nation” drug pricing policy, which could lower drug prices in theory, experts said. However, the current order lacked specifics on how many aspects of the plan would be carried out.

    It calls for the Health and Human Services secretary to “communicate most-favored-nation price targets to pharmaceutical manufacturers” within 30 days of the order. If there isn’t “significant progress” toward reaching those prices, the secretary “shall propose a rulemaking plan to impose most-favored-nation pricing.”

    “There really aren’t many details specified in this executive order as far as how these proposals for ‘most favored nation’ pricing will be implemented,” Cubanski, the Medicare policy expert at KFF, told us.

    For instance, she said, the executive order does not specify which countries exactly will be used to set the target prices, which drugs will be targeted and how the new prices will interact with the current system the U.S. has for paying for drugs, via private insurance, Medicare, Medicaid and other payers.

    It’s also not clear how the administration will compel drug companies to lower their U.S. prices if they do not voluntarily do so. The order is not specific about what the HHS secretary’s rulemaking would entail. 

    The order also said that in the event of noncompliance, the U.S. could allow “low-cost” drugs to be imported, take action against anti-competitive practices, “modify or revoke” drug approvals, and take action “regarding the export of pharmaceutical drugs or precursor material that may be fueling the global price discrimination.”

    It’s unclear what enforcement mechanisms the administration has the legal authority to carry out, Cubanski said.

    “Certainly it’s within the purview of the executive branch to issue rulemaking,” she said. “But the executive order outlines other actions that go beyond just rulemaking and seem to call for unspecified administrative actions by the Commerce Department and the [Federal Trade Commission] and other federal agencies that I just don’t know exactly what steps they will take or will have the power to take to address the so-called global freeloading on prescription drugs.”

    The executive order also directed HHS to “facilitate direct-to-consumer purchasing programs for pharmaceutical manufacturers that sell their products to American patients at the most-favored-nation price.”

    But Cubanski said the executive order does not explain what sort of system for direct-to-consumer drug sales the administration is proposing, what drugs would be offered via this platform and how many people it would benefit, given that most Americans have benefits via insurance that reduce their out-of-pocket costs for drugs. “If there were a new system of direct-to-consumer prescription drug sales, it might be beneficial for patients without insurance,” she said.

    The order said the Commerce secretary and U.S. trade representative also will look into whether other countries are using “unreasonable or discriminatory” measures that lead to higher drug prices in the U.S. and below-market prices in those countries. 

    Rena Conti, a health economist at Boston University, emphasized to us via email what the executive order did not do.

    The order could have directed HHS to immediately draft rules to require “most favored nation” pricing, she said, via parts of the Affordable Care Act that allow the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services to test new payment models. She also noted the absence of any language in the executive order directing Congress to propose such a policy or “build on the existing success of the IRA drug affordability provision,” referring to the 2022 Inflation Reduction Act.

    “I expect this will do little to advance Americans affordably accessing needed medicines,” Conti said of the executive order.

    How much could the order lower drug prices?

    Trump claimed a variety of percentages by which the executive order would lower drug prices.

    In a Truth Social post the morning of his announcement, Trump said, “DRUG PRICES TO BE CUT BY 59%, PLUS!” During the press conference, Trump repeated that figure, giving a range of 59% to 80%, but also going as high as 90% — and at one point said it would be even “more than that.”

    It is unclear how Trump derived his exact numbers. But if the administration were to successfully reduce prices for U.S. drugs to the lowest price paid in other developed countries, some reductions could be in the range Trump stated.

    For instance, the Peterson-KFF analysis of Medicare prices for 10 brand-name drugs showed that the negotiated prices were still higher than the average price in comparable countries. Medicare prices would be reduced by 53% to 86% if it instead paid the lowest price in these comparable countries.

    Similarly, Mulcahy said that using the estimates in his analysis, “you would expect to save about two-thirds” if the U.S. were able to bring drug prices down to match the average price in other OECD countries.

    However, it is unknown whether these savings will materialize for Americans.

    “The devil’s in the details in terms of how they would actually bring prices down to these lower levels,” Mulcahy said. “All of these important policy development and implementation questions would determine the actual magnitude of savings, and none of that detail is in the executive order.”

    Cubanski also said that the savings achieved by the executive order depend on “whether it can actually withstand legal challenges that might be filed by the pharmaceutical industry.” The prior Trump administration attempted to impose a “most favored nation” plan on certain drugs under Medicare, Cubanski said, but courts blocked the rule on procedural grounds and the Biden administration eventually rescinded it.

    And even if the administration were to successfully reduce some drug costs to the amount paid abroad, it’s uncertain how much individual Americans, who access drugs via health insurance, Medicare or some other payer, would save.

    There are also potential practical challenges associated with tying drug prices to those in foreign countries.

    A 2024 CBO report estimated that if a plan connecting drug prices in the U.S. to those in other countries were implemented, “manufacturers would respond in ways that would reduce access to and availability of those drugs for patients in those foreign countries to mitigate the effect on prices in the United States,” including delaying the launches of drugs in foreign countries or withdrawing them altogether from some countries. 

    CBO and other experts also have suggested that drug companies could provide different versions of drugs in other countries to try to get around comparisons, or provide rebates or otherwise try to reduce transparency into drug pricing.

    “All this talk will do is reduce Americans’ visibility into the prices paid for these medicines overseas,” said Conti, the health economist from Boston University.


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  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    Days before leaving on a diplomatic tour of the Middle East, news reports surfaced that President Donald Trump planned to accept a Boeing 747-8 jet from the Persian Gulf emirate of Qatar to replace the aging Air Force One aircrafts currently used by the president.

    But the proposed gift has raised a maelstrom of legal questions from Democrats, who say the gift would need the approval of Congress or would otherwise be a violation of the Constitution.

    Trump said it would be “stupid” not to take the gift, which the administration has said would be accepted by the Department of Defense and later donated to Trump’s presidential library after he leaves office.

    A legal expert told us a gift to the U.S. government for use as Air Force One would be legal, but donating it to the Trump library would be illegal.

    Here, we explore the legal and other questions surrounding this gift.

    Democrats’ Claims

    Democratic Rep. Jamie Raskin of Maryland, who serves on the House Committee on Oversight and Accountability, said in a May 11 post on X, “Trump must seek Congress’ consent to take this $300 million gift from Qatar. The Constitution is perfectly clear: no present ‘of any kind whatever’ from a foreign state without Congressional permission. A gift you use for four years and then deposit in your library is still a gift (and a grift).” (The Qatari jet would actually be valued at about $400 million if it were new, according to the New York Times.)

    Raskin was referring to the Constitution’s foreign emoluments clause, which states, in part: “And no Person holding any Office of Profit or Trust under them, shall, without the Consent of the Congress, accept of any present, Emolument, Office, or Title, of any kind whatever, from any King, Prince, or foreign State.” The purpose of the emoluments clause is to prevent officeholders from being improperly influenced through the receipt of gifts.

    Democratic Rep. Dan Goldman of New York told CNN that accepting the gift from Qatar “is brazen corruption, a violation of the Constitution, the Foreign Emoluments clause. It is a gift from a foreign government that is expressly not permitted under the Constitution.”

    Trump’s motorcade is parked next to an almost 13-year-old Qatari Boeing 747 sitting on the tarmac of Palm Beach International airport on Feb. 15. Photo by Roberto Schmidt/AFP via Getty Images.

    Another Democrat, Rep. Ritchie Torres of New York, has sent a letter to the Government Accountability Office comptroller general, the Department of Defense acting inspector general and the Office of Government Ethics acting director seeking an ethics review of Trump’s plan to accept the gift, which Torres said “would constitute the most valuable gift ever conferred on a president by a foreign government.”

    In addition, Democratic Sen. Chris Murphy of Connecticut said on May 13 that he would introduce a resolution of disapproval condemning acceptance of the gift by Trump, which could force a vote on the Senate floor, the Hill reported.

    Addressing Democrats’ concerns about the gift from the Qatari royal family, Trump said in a May 11 Truth Social post: “So the fact that the Defense Department is getting a GIFT, FREE OF CHARGE, of a 747 aircraft to replace the 40 year old Air Force One, temporarily, in a very public and transparent transaction, so bothers the Crooked Democrats that they insist we pay, TOP DOLLAR, for the plane. Anybody can do that! The Dems are World Class Losers!!!”

    So far, however, this has not been a “transparent transaction,” as Trump claimed.

    Attorney General Pam Bondi, who served as a paid lobbyist to Qatar in 2019 and 2020, has not publicly explained the legal path in accepting the gift from Qatar, according to the New York Times.

    “A person familiar with the matter said that Ms. Bondi had personally signed a Justice Department memo blessing the plan as lawful, although the person added that it had been drafted and cleared by lawyers in the department’s Office of Legal Counsel,” the Times reported.

    ABC News reported that, according to sources, lawyers for the White House counsel’s office and the Justice Department “drafted an analysis for Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth concluding that is legal for the Department of Defense to accept the aircraft as a gift and later turn it over to the Trump library.”

    The Times also reported that the Defense Department’s plan calls for the aircraft to serve as Air Force One until the end of Trump’s term, at which time it would be transferred to the Trump library and museum foundation.

    We reached out to the Department of Justice for a further explanation regarding the legal arrangement for the gift from Qatar, but did not receive a response.

    As of May 11, Qatar’s media attaché, Ali Al-Ansari, said the transfer of the jet to the U.S. was still under consideration by Qatar and the Defense Department.

    Legality of the Gift

    Determining whether the Qatari gift is legal depends on who receives it and how it is ultimately used, explained David Super, a professor of law and economics at Georgetown University Law Center.

    “If it is a gift to the president, it is clearly not legal,” Super told us. “If, as the president has said, it is a gift to the United States government, that would be legal. But if there’s a proviso as has been reported that [the aircraft] would be made available to the president after he leaves office” as a part of his library museum, “then it would be illegal.”

    Trump has said the jet would be decommissioned after he leaves office and donated to his presidential library. He noted that a similar arrangement was made for the Air Force One used by President Ronald Reagan, which was decommissioned in 2001 and presented to the Reagan museum. That aircraft was not a gift to Reagan from a foreign nation.

    Asked by a reporter at a press conference on May 12 if he planned to use the aircraft after he left office, Trump said, “No, I don’t. No. It would — it would go directly to the library after — after I leave office.”

    Regarding the Democrats’ claims that the gift would violate the emoluments clause, Super said that a gift to the U.S. government would not be a violation. “Many things are given to the government for the government’s use, and the standard approach under the law is when someone gives a gift to the president, the president accepts … but is doing so on behalf of the United States.”

    If the president “wants to keep it, the president actually has to buy it from the United States,” Super added. “If Mr. Trump wanted to buy it from the government at the conclusion of his term, there might be some national security issues there, but otherwise that would be in accordance with the law.

    “But in this case, it would be donated to an entity that he controls and would use it for his benefit,” making such a donation illegal.

    Democrats have also said the gift from Qatar must be approved by Congress. “If any part of this is a gift to Mr. Trump personally, yes,” it would need congressional approval, Super said. “But I’m not aware of any law that would require approval of a gift to the United States. The United States does receive gifts. Every year people leave their estate to the United States, and that’s fine.”

    Richard Painter, a law professor at the University of Minnesota who served as the White House ethics lawyer under President George W. Bush, told the Hill that under the arrangement that has been reported Trump “needs the consent of Congress, and if he can’t get consent of Congress, then he can’t accept it.”

    “Congress could have some questions about what’s going on here, legitimate questions, about, why are we receiving this plane?” Painter said.

    Cost of Retrofitting the Qatari Aircraft

    At the May 12 press conference, which focused on Trump’s executive order aimed at lowering prescription drug costs, the president said he has been waiting since his first term for Boeing to replace the decades-old aircrafts used by the chief executive.

    The two 747s that currently serve as Air Force One are about 35 years old. Boeing had been under contract to deliver new aircraft by 2024 for a cost of $3.9 billion, but the company has blamed delays on the bankruptcy of a supplier, high worker turnover and supply chain disruptions caused by the pandemic, the Washington Post reported.

    In his May 11 post on Truth Social, Trump said the gift from Qatar would be offered “free of charge.” But the 747 formally used by the Qatari royal family would require considerable and costly upgrades. The overhaul would include adding a presidential communications system, self-defense technology and electromagnetic shielding, Politico reported. Kevin Buckley, a former Air Force official, told Politico that “the presidential mission equipment is unique.”

    Democratic Rep. Joe Courtney of Connecticut, who serves on the House Armed Services Seapower and Projection Forces Subcommittee, told Politico, “You’d basically have to tear the plane down to the studs and rebuild it to meet all the survivability, security and communications requirements of Air Force One. It’s a massive undertaking — and an unfunded one at that.”

    The cost of the retrofit is “in the tens or even hundreds of millions of dollars,” Andrew Hunter, a former Air Force acquisitions chief, said.

    Republican Backlash

    Some Republicans and loyal Trump supporters have raised other concerns about accepting the gift from Qatar.

    Sen. Ted Cruz of Texas told CNBC that use of an aircraft from Qatar “poses significant espionage and surveillance problems.”

    He also said, “I’m not a fan of Qatar. I think they have a really disturbing pattern of funding theocratic lunatics who want to murder us, funding Hamas and Hezbollah. And that’s a real problem.” 

    Conservative commentator Ben Shapiro, noting Qatar’s past financial support for terrorist organizations while currying the favor of American politicians, called Trump’s decision to accept the jet “shady behavior” that “undermines his agenda and credibility,” according to The Wrap.

    Staunch Trump ally Laura Loomer also condemned accepting the aircraft from Qatar.

    Trump himself in 2017 referred to Qatar as a sponsor of “Radical Ideology,” and he supported an economic and diplomatic blockade of the nation.

    At his May 12 press conference, however, when he spoke about the gift of the luxury jet, Trump said, “I have a lot of respect for the leadership and for the leader of Qatar.”

    In recent years, the Trump Organization and members of the president’s family have reached deals with businesses in Qatar, including a Trump International Golf Club and villas near Doha, Axios reported.

    Ethical Questions

    Jacob T. Levy, a professor of political theory at McGill University, wrote in a Washington Post opinion column, “So how can the royal family of Qatar give Trump a $400 million ‘flying palace’ of a plane, one that will act as Air Force One during his presidency but remain his afterward?

    “The answer lies in a problem that predates Trump: the presidential library system,” Levy wrote. The libraries are “established through private donations, from anyone, in any amount.”

    “The Qatari plane will first be a time-limited gift to the Air Force. Shortly before Trump leaves office, after it has been upgraded at taxpayer expense, it will be transferred to the Donald J. Trump Presidential Library Fund, which will then keep it available for the fund’s namesake. Presto: a gift to the Air Force becomes one to the library fund becomes a lavish lifetime perk for Trump personally,” Levy continued.

    “As with donations to a presidential inaugural committee, gifts to the library fund fall between the cracks of campaign finance regulations and rules governing ethics in office.”

    Super, the Georgetown law professor, told us, “The president has sweeping discretion on international affairs, and can make decisions that either serve or undermine Qatar’s interests in many ways. Having them give a $400 million gift to someone who’s exercising those powers, it creates a huge conflict of interest. I should note that the president’s lawyers have been asserting that he has especially broad authority in international affairs and is not subject to review by anyone else. So having someone with effectively unreviewable authority who can help or hurt Qatar receive such a gift is profoundly unethical.”

    Whether or not Trump’s acceptance of the gift is unethical is, of course, a matter of opinion.


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  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    When the Washington Post reported via anonymous sources that a government intelligence assessment concluded the Venezuelan government was not directing the migration of members of the Trenreport de Aragua gang to the United States, Tulsi Gabbard, the director of national intelligence, dismissed such reports and said those “behind this illegal leak of classified intelligence” had “twisted and manipulated [the information] to convey the exact opposite finding.”

    But a redacted copy of the intelligence memo shows that the Washington Post’s reporting was accurate. 

    The April 7 intelligence assessment broadly concluded that Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro’s “regime probably does not have a policy of cooperating with TDA and is not directing TDA movement to and operations in the United States.”

    The six-page memo from the National Intelligence Council, “Venezuela: Examining Regime Ties to Tren de Aragua,” was released by the Office of the Director of National Intelligence on May 5 in response to a Freedom of Information Act request from the Freedom of the Press Foundation. The foundation provided us a copy of that memo.

    The conclusions in the National Intelligence Council memo — the shared assessment of 18 U.S. intelligence organizations — undercut the basis for President Donald Trump’s March 15 invocation of the Alien Enemies Act to summarily deport Venezuelan immigrants suspected of affiliation with Tren de Aragua. In that proclamation, the Trump administration argued that TdA is “conducting irregular warfare” in the U.S. and operating “in conjunction” with the Maduro regime, and in support of “the Maduro regime’s goal of destabilizing democratic nations in the Americas, including the United States.”

    As we have written, the Alien Enemies Act is an 18th century law that says that in times of war or during an “invasion or predatory incursion … by any foreign nation or government,” the president can apprehend, restrain, secure and remove any immigrants who came from the enemy country.

    Trump’s use of the Alien Enemies Act hinges on two assertions: that TdA is “perpetrating, attempting, and threatening an invasion or predatory incursion against the territory of the United States” and that it is acting “at the direction, clandestine or otherwise, of the Maduro regime in Venezuela.”

    As we said, the National Intelligence Council memorandum broadly contradicted that second statement.

    What the Memo Says

    According to the NIC memo, “While Venezuela’s permissive environment enables TDA to operate, the Maduro regime probably does not have a policy of cooperating with TDA and is not directing TDA movement to and operations in the United States.”

    The NIC memo listed several reasons for its conclusion.

    First, it said, “Venezuelan intelligence, military, and police services view TDA as a security threat and operate against it in ways that make it highly unlikely the two sides would cooperate in a strategic or consistent way.” The memo noted that in late January, “at least two Venezuelan National Guard units arrested TDA members in Venezuela in separate operations.”

    The memo further noted — citing press reports and redacted sources — that “[s]ince at least 2016, Venezuelan security forces have periodically engaged in armed confrontations with TDA, resulting in the killing of some TDA members.”

    The memo stated that the intelligence community “has not observed the regime directing TDA, including to push migrants to the United States, which probably would require extensive coordination, and funding between regime entities and TDA leaders that we would collect.” The memo stated that “the decentralized makeup of TDA … would make such a relationship logistically challenging.” The memo also noted that the IC “recognizes the regime appreciates migration as a safety valve, allowing discontented Venezuelans to leave.”

    In her April 21 social media post criticizing press reports about the then unreleased memo, Gabbard contradicted those assessments, saying, “The Office of the Director of National Intelligence fully supports the assessment that the foreign terrorist organization, Tren De Aragua, is acting with the support of the Maduro Regime, and thus subject to arrest, detention and removal as alien enemies of the United States.”

    “Illegal immigrant criminals have raped, tortured, and murdered Americans, and still, the propaganda media continues to operate as apologists for them,” Gabbard said in a released statement. “It is outrageous that as President Trump and his administration work hard every day to make America safe by deporting these violent criminals, some in the media remain intent on twisting and manipulating intelligence assessments to undermine the President’s agenda to keep the American people safe.”

    But the released NIC memo shows the media reports were not twisting the intelligence assessments. As the Washington Post reported on April 17, “The intelligence product found that although there are some low-level contacts between the Maduro government and Tren de Aragua, or TdA, the gang does not operate at the direction of Venezuela’s leader. The product builds on U.S. intelligence findings in February, first reported by the New York Times, that the gang is not controlled by Venezuela.”

    The FBI’s Position

    The FBI was the lone agency among the 18 U.S. intelligence organizations on the National Intelligence Council that offered partial dissent. (Other NIC organizations include the CIA, the five Department of Defense armed services, the Department of Homeland Security’s Office of Intelligence, and the Department of State’s Bureau of Intelligence and Research.)

    According to the memo, “While FBI analysts agree with the above assessment, they assess some Venezuelan government officials facilitate TDA members’ migration from Venezuela to the United States and use members as proxies in Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, and the United States to advance what they see as the Maduro regime’s goal of destabilizing governments and undermining public safety in these countries, based on DHS [Department of Homeland Security] and FBI reporting as of February 2024.” (The italics are the memo’s emphasis.)

    On April 23, Fox News Digital said it talked to an unnamed “senior administration official” who shared unclassified portions of an FBI report in which “[t]he FBI assesses that in the next six to 18 months, Venezuelan government officials likely will attempt to leverage Tren de Aragua members in the United States as proxy actors to threaten, abduct and kill members of the Venezuelan diaspora in the United States who are vocal critics of Maduro and his regime.”

    In a speech in Michigan on April 29, Trump referenced that report, saying, “The FBI recently assessed that these vicious gangs have been sent by the foreign regime in Venezuela to foment violence and instability in the United States of America.”

    The NIC memo, however, said that “most of the IC” has concluded that “intelligence indicating that regime leaders are directing or enabling TDA migration to the United States is not credible.”

    “Some regime officials are probably willing to capitalize on migration for personal financial or other benefits, even though the Maduro regime probably is not systematically directing Venezuelan outflows, such as to sow chaos in receiving countries,” the NIC memo stated. “The intelligence record indicates Venezuelans have migrated voluntarily, often at great personal risk, to flee political instability and near-collapse of Venezuela’s economy. The IC attributes increased migration flows, including the spike in US arrivals from 2021 to 2024 of Venezuelan nationals –which could include some TDA members — to a variety of push and pull factors including socioeconomic conditions, family ties to the United States, and migrants’ perceptions of US and regional enforcement.”

    But the NIC said that while Maduro may not have been directing the migration of Venezuelans, neither has he sought to stem it, saying that migration “helped him retain power by having dissidents leave the country.”

    “The Maduro regime may have also welcomed the logistical, financial, and political headaches that unregulated migration has caused for the US Government, its perceived principal adversary, even if not a principal intent,” the memo stated.

    Even in cases of “limited IC reporting suggesting a link between TDA and some Venezuelan officials aimed at facilitating TDA migration to the United States,” the memo noted that “in some cases, reporting warns that these sources could also be motivated to fabricate information.”

    An official in Gabbard’s ODNI, however, said there’s reason to put more credence in the FBI intelligence than the assessment from the umbrella National Intelligence Council. The FBI assessment is based on its domestic law enforcement operations against TdA in the U.S., an ODNI official told us. “This information and intelligence are the most robust and accurate given their focus on domestic security and crimes, versus limited intelligence assessments from other intelligence elements who by law focus solely on foreign intelligence collection, and who until President Trump took office, had very limited resources focused on TdA,” the official said.

    The ODNI official argued that the Venezuelan government is “aiding and abetting” TdA by creating conditions in the country that enable it to thrive — much the same way that the Taliban government in Afghanistan was providing sanctuary to al Qaeda, and thereby enabling al Qaeda to carry out its Sept. 11, 2001, attack in the U.S. The official also pointed to comments that José Gustavo Arocha, a former lieutenant colonel in the Venezuelan army, made to Fox News Digital in December. Arocha said that TdA is “a state-sponsored Maduro regime organization. The real boss of the Tren de Aragua is in Caracas, Venezuela. It is the Maduro regime, because they created TdA, and they use the TdA as a blackmail [tool] for any situation.”

    The NIC memo acknowledged, “The lack of transparency and accountability in Venezuela has created an environment for widespread corruption and for regime officials to benefit from a variety of illicit activities, an environment fueled by Maduro’s illegitimate and autocratic grip on power. This persistent outflow of migrants probably offers opportunities for some regime officials in capacities to facilitate migration movement to look for and receive personal kickbacks for their services, and to conceal the benefits they receive.”

    The memo noted that U.S. law enforcement reports claim members of the regime “have cooperated with TDA by providing financial or material support, but we cannot verify the sources’ access. Even so, these reports do not claim that these figures direct the group.”

    And, the NIC memo warned, “Some reports come from people detained for involvement in criminal activity in the United States or for entering the country illegally, which could motivate them to make false allegations about their ties to the Venezuelan regime in an effort to deflect responsibility for their crimes and to lessen punishment by providing exculpatory or otherwise ‘valuable’ information to US prosecutors.”

    Courts on Use of Alien Enemies Act

    The question of whether the Maduro regime in Venezuela is coordinating with TdA is central to the Trump administration’s argument for invoking the Alien Enemies Act in order to — as Trump put it — “expel every foreign terrorist from our soil as quickly as possible.” As we said, the act pertains to times of war or an “invasion” by a “foreign nation or government.”

    The act has been used three times in U.S. history, during the War of 1812, World War I and World War II.

    In his March 15 proclamation invoking the Alien Enemies Act, Trump declared that “TdA is perpetrating, attempting, and threatening an invasion or predatory incursion against the territory of the United States. TdA is undertaking hostile actions and conducting irregular warfare against the territory of the United States both directly and at the direction, clandestine or otherwise, of the Maduro regime in Venezuela.” And as a result, the proclamation said, “all Venezuelan citizens 14 years of age or older who are members of TdA, are within the United States, and are not actually naturalized or lawful permanent residents of the United States are liable to be apprehended, restrained, secured, and removed as Alien Enemies.”

    Trump invoked the act in March to summarily deport 238 Venezuelan migrants alleged to be members of TdA, who were then sent to a mega prison in El Salvador. But the New York Times found no evidence that a vast majority of the men had any connection to Tren de Aragua.

    Alleged members of Venezuela’s Tren de Aragua gang and members of the MS-13 gang, who were deported to El Salvador by the U.S. in San Salvador on March 31. Photo by El Salvador Press Presidency Office/Anadolu via Getty Images.

    Some federal judges have ruled that the administration can’t use the Alien Enemies Act in this way.

    On May 1, a federal district judge in Texas — who was appointed by Trump — concluded that Trump had improperly applied the Alien Enemies Act.

    “[T]he historical record renders clear that the President’s invocation of the AEA through the Proclamation exceeds the scope of the statute and is contrary to the plain, ordinary meaning of the statute’s terms,” U.S. District Judge Fernando Rodriguez Jr. wrote. “As a result, the Court concludes that as a matter of law, the Executive Branch cannot rely on the AEA, based on the Proclamation, to detain the Named Petitioners and the certified class, or to remove them from the country.”

    In similar cases in other states, two more federal judges have since concurred.

    “Since Respondents have not demonstrated the existence of a ‘war,’ ‘invasion’ or ‘predatory incursion,’ the AEA was not validly invoked by the Presidential Proclamation,” Judge Alvin Hellerstein, a federal judge in the Southern District of New York who was appointed by President Bill Clinton, wrote in a May 6 ruling.

    “Petitioners have not been given notice of what they allegedly did to join TdA, when they joined, and what they did in the United States, or anywhere else, to share or further the illicit objectives of the TdA,” Hellerstein wrote. “Without such proof, Petitioners are subject to removal by the Executive’s dictate alone, in contravention of the AEA and the Constitutional requirements of due process.”

    The same day, a federal district judge in Colorado, an appointee of President Joe Biden, said she found “unpersuasive” the Trump administration’s definition of “invasion” to broadly include “hostile entrance,” or “hostile encroachment.” U.S. District Judge Charlotte Sweeney said she agreed the word “invasion” meant military action against the U.S.

    These decisions can all be appealed by the Trump administration, and the question of whether the president can use the Alien Enemies Act may ultimately end up before the Supreme Court.


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  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    The national average price of a gallon of regular gasoline is still over $3, and no state has an average price below $2.60. But since mid-April, President Donald Trump has falsely claimed, repeatedly, that gasoline prices “hit $1.98 a gallon” in multiple states. Now we may know his source.

    Before publishing our April 24 story about the president’s inaccurate claims of much lower gasoline prices, we asked the White House for supporting evidence. Officials didn’t provide any.

    After Trump made the $1.98 gasoline claim again, on social media May 2, CNBC reported that Trump was likely referring to the trading price for RBOB, a form of gasoline called reformulated blendstock for oxygenate blending. That price isn’t what drivers pay at the pump.

    “When asked by CNBC whether the president was referencing RBOB, Trump administration officials pointed to the contract’s recent price action [dropping below $2 per gallon],” Spencer Kimball, a CNBC energy reporter, wrote in a May 5 article.

    Photo by aradaphotography/stock.adobe.com

    We contacted the White House to confirm the report, but we received no reply.

    RBOB is an unfinished gasoline product that is “intended for blending with oxygenates,” such as ethanol, “to produce finished reformulated gasoline,” according to the Energy Information Administration. Before it’s mixed to make gasoline that goes in vehicles, RBOB is traded as a commodity.

    For example, contracts for RBOB futures traded on the New York Mercantile Exchange sold for between $1.96 per gallon and $1.99 per gallon for a few days in April, down from about $2.11 when Trump took office on Jan. 20.

    EIA says: “In addition to trading physical quantities of petroleum products, market participants can also use futures contracts to buy or sell gasoline and distillate for future delivery, or to hedge or speculate on future price movements.”

    Prior to Trump’s inauguration, the RBOB trading price on the NYMEX was most recently below $2 per gallon in December, when Joe Biden was president. As of May 7, the price was roughly $2.06.

    But the cost for RBOB is considered to be a kind of wholesale price. It excludes state and federal taxes, as well as other manufacturing, distribution and marketing costs that go into determining the final fuel price that consumers see at gas stations.

    “It does not come anywhere near explaining what consumers are paying,” Patrick De Haan, head of petroleum analysis at GasBuddy, which tracks fuel prices, told CNBC about the RBOB trading price. 

    “It would be irrelevant to the consumer to know what the price of RBOB is because they’re not paying the wholesale price of RBOB,” he said. 

    If Trump has been referring to the price for RBOB all along, he has misled the public by comparing it with previously high gasoline prices paid by drivers. (Trump has also misleadingly referred to wholesale prices, instead of retail prices, when claiming that the cost of eggs is down significantly.)

    “Prices are down at tremendous numbers for gasoline,” Trump said in a “Meet the Press” interview that aired May 4. “It went up to $3.90, even $4. And in California, $5 and $6. Right? Okay. I have it down to $1.98 in many states right now.”

    We’d also note, as we’ve written before, that presidents don’t control gasoline prices, as Trump’s comment suggested. The price is mainly determined by the cost of crude oil, which is set on the global market based largely on supply and demand.

    Furthermore, for consumers nationwide, the average price of regular grade gasoline was $3.15 per gallon the week ending May 5, according to EIA data. That was up from about $3.11 per gallon when Trump began his second term earlier this year. Prices had been as high as $5 a gallon in 2022.

    As for individual states, AAA said the lowest average price on May 7 was roughly $2.65 per gallon in Mississippi.

    GasBuddy figures show similar national and state average prices.


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  • Q. Did President Donald Trump call military nurse Ruby Bradley a “loser,” and were there orders for her service history to be removed from Department of Defense archives?

    A. There’s no evidence for these claims. We could find no record of Trump referring to nurse Ruby Bradley, who received 34 medals for her service during World War II and the Korean War. A Pentagon spokesperson told us that there was “nothing deleted and/or taken offline related to Ruby Bradley” and “we have not received any guidance requiring the removal of content” related to her.

    FULL ANSWER

    Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    Among President Donald Trump’s early executive actions in his second term was an order titled “Restoring America’s Fighting Force,” which called for the secretaries of Defense and Homeland Security to “abolish every DEI office” within their departments, referring to diversity, equity and inclusion programs based on “race and sex preferences within the Armed Forces.”

    In the weeks that followed Trump’s order, and a subsequent memo from Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth calling for a “digital content refresh,” the Department of Defense deleted websites and social media pages that highlighted the historic roles of women and some ethnic and racial groups in the military.

    The angry blowback from military families, lawmakers and the public in general led to the Defense Department’s reassessment and restoration of some, but not all, of the content. A page about baseball star Jackie Robinson’s military experience was restored, but content about other Black players talking about their military service was deleted, NBC News reported.

    Photo via VA News

    Ripples of distrust following the digital purge continue, including an unfounded claim circulating on social media regarding a heroic World War II nurse. We received numerous emails asking about the claim, including one reader who said: “I recently saw a social media post claiming that President Trump called WWII Veteran Ruby Bradley a ‘loser’ for being captured and ‘woke’. Additionally, it claimed that Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth is wiping her military records. Is this true?”

    We found no evidence for such claims. We could find no record of Trump referring to Bradley in his social media posts or public remarks. And a Pentagon spokesperson told us in an email, “nothing deleted and/or taken offline related to Ruby Bradley. Also confirmed that we have not received any guidance requiring the removal of content featuring Ruby Bradley. Looks like the rumor is just that.”

    In fact, we found a U.S. Army page devoted to women in the Army Medical Department, which included a spotlight on the heroic actions of Bradley, who was taken prisoner by the Japanese in the Philippines during World War II, and returned to combat duty during the Korean War.

    According to that webpage, “Maj. Ruby Bradley would remain in service after the war and find herself in combat again in Korea as chief nurse for the 171st Evacuation Hospital. At the end of November 1950, the 171st was ordered to evacuate its patients and withdraw from Pyongyang where it was located. The overall evacuation of Eighth Army from North Korea outpaced the 171st’s ability to clear its area. Bradley was ordered to leave but remained with her patients until all were evacuated. As she boarded a plane to depart the area an enemy shell destroyed the ambulance she had been using to ferry patients to the airfield. Bradley demonstrated bravery under fire in two wars, and by the time she retired from the service in 1963 she had received 34 medals and citations for bravery and was reportedly the most decorated woman in the military.”

    Bradley was promoted to colonel before she retired from the military. She died in 2002 and is buried at Arlington National Cemetery.

    The reference in the social media posts to Trump calling prisoners of war “losers” harks back to comments he made as a presidential candidate in 2015. Speaking about Sen. John McCain, who was held captive for over five years during the Vietnam War, Trump said that McCain “was a war hero because he was captured. … I like people who weren’t captured.”

    “He lost and let us down,” Trump also said, referring to McCain’s failure to win the presidential race in 2008. “I don’t like losers,” Trump said.


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  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    In the April 30 meeting of President Donald Trump’s Cabinet, which followed his 100th day in office, Attorney General Pam Bondi praised the president’s progress so far and highlighted efforts to curb the flow of the synthetic opioid fentanyl. But Bondi overstated the impact of drug seizures, claiming that they had saved the lives of more than half of all Americans.

    “Since you have been in office, President Trump, your DOJ agencies have seized more than 22 million fentanyl pills, 3,400 kilos of fentanyl … which saved — are you ready for this media — 258 million lives,” Bondi said.

    The total U.S. population is about 342 million, according to the Census Bureau. So, in Bondi’s rhetoric, that would mean three-quarters of the country would have died if not for recent drug busts.

    The previous day, on April 29, Bondi had posted a lower estimate on X, saying, “In President Trump’s first 100 days we’ve seized over 22 million fentanyl laced pills, saving over 119 Million lives.”

    Still, that would be about one-third of the country.

    Drug overdose deaths have been trending downward since 2023, according to data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. In a Feb. 25 press release, the CDC reported a 24% decline for fiscal year 2024, compared with the prior year. It estimated that there were 87,000 drug overdose deaths in fiscal 2024. Most of those deaths — about 55,000 — were from synthetic opioids, including fentanyl.

    Even if DOJ’s drug seizures were to eliminate every single fentanyl death in the U.S., 55,000 is a far cry from 258 million. Or even 119 million.

    We asked the Department of Justice how Bondi had arrived at that estimate, and we received an email that said:

    DOJ email, May 5: 1 kg of fentanyl* .1518 (current purity level) * 1000 (to convert to grams) / by .002 (amount needed for a deadly dose) = lethal dose of fentanyl

    So, 3,400 Kg of fentanyl seized in Trump’s first 100 days 

    3400*.1518

    *1000

    /.002

    =258,060,000 deadly doses

    The DOJ had calculated the number of potentially deadly doses of fentanyl that could have been made from the 3,400 kilograms that were seized. Prosecutors often highlight the amount of lives that a seized quantity of fentanyl has the capacity to kill, but Bondi heightened that rhetoric by translating it to lives “saved.”

    “It’s government lingo at its best,” Anthony Cangelosi, a lecturer at John Jay College of Criminal Justice who has investigated the import of narcotics for the Department of Homeland Security, told us in a phone interview.

    Regardless of who it is — a U.S. attorney or a local prosecutor — law enforcement officials always use the high-end estimate for the potential harm that could have been caused by drugs or contraband that was seized, Cangelosi said.

    “I’m not saying that the numbers are incorrect,” he said. “Does it have the potential to kill this many people? Sure.” But, he asked, does it actually kill this many people? “No.”

    Overdoses generally happen when too much of a drug like fentanyl has been mixed into a pill or when the user takes too many pills, Cangelosi explained. So, not all doses of fentanyl end up killing the user.

    Also, most Americans wouldn’t be exposed to fentanyl at all, since they don’t use opioids or pills that would be laced with the drug. For instance, about 25% of the population reported using illicit drugs — the vast majority of which was marijuana — and about 0.2% of the population reported using illegally made fentanyl, according to the most recent National Survey on Drug Use and Health, which covered 2023.

    Rhetoric like Bondi’s, Cangelosi said, is “always a form of hyperbole, to some extent. But, again, it [the fentanyl seized] has the capability to do that.”

    Overdose deaths from fentanyl began significantly increasing in the second decade of the 2000s, and during his first administration, Trump declared an opioid crisis. The Department of Justice at the time began announcing fentanyl busts by highlighting the stories of individual victims and reporting numbers of overdose deaths.

    By April 2018, it had begun calculating the number of deadly doses that could have been made from a given stash. “Over the last few weeks, the DEA has seized a total of more than 64 kilograms of suspected fentanyl in cases from Detroit to New York City,” then Attorney General Jeff Sessions said on April 17, 2018. “That’s enough to kill 21 million people—more than the population of New York State.”

    The Justice Department continued to tout its fentanyl busts under the Biden administration and, in some cases, provided the calculation of lethal doses. For example, then Attorney General Merrick Garland said in a speech at the end of 2021, “In August, the department launched a nationwide law enforcement effort to address the alarming increase in the availability and lethality of fentanyl-laced pills. By the end of September, our cooperative efforts led to the seizure of 1.8 million such pills – a supply large enough to kill more than 700,000 Americans.”

    And, in a January 2023 speech, Garland praised the efforts of various agencies that had seized caches of fentanyl. “Together, these seizures represent more than 379 million potentially deadly doses of fentanyl,” he said. “That much fentanyl could kill every single American.”

    But Bondi turned that statistic into a claim about the number of lives saved.

    Fentanyl Seizures

    The number of fentanyl pills that the Drug Enforcement Administration has seized between January and April — 22 million — is up by 24% compared with the same time period in 2024, or 36% compared with 2023, according to data captured in archived versions of the DEA’s website.

    As we’ve reported before, there is no comprehensive federal data showing how much fentanyl is in the country.

    But there is data from U.S. Customs and Border Protection about the amount of drugs seized at U.S. borders, and experts say most of the U.S. supply of fentanyl comes through the southern border.

    CBP data show that, beginning in January, monthly fentanyl seizures have been at their lowest numbers since 2022. We asked the DEA if its figures included seizures at the border, but we didn’t receive a response.

    We don’t know how much fentanyl is smuggled into the country, but the amount seized at the primary entry point has been lower in recent months. And we don’t know how many people would have died from the fentanyl that has been seized so far this year. But overdose statistics show yearly deaths are in the tens of thousands, not millions.


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  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    In recent interviews, Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has minimized the risk COVID-19 poses to kids and exaggerated the risk of the vaccine, incorrectly claiming that the shot poses a “profound risk” to children. While serious side effects can occur, they are rare, and have not been shown to outweigh the benefits of the vaccine in protecting against COVID-19.

    Kennedy’s remarks come as he is reportedly considering removing the COVID-19 vaccine from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s childhood immunization schedule, a move that could reduce accessibility to the vaccine.

    On April 22, when Fox News’ Jesse Watters asked about taking the COVID-19 vaccine off the schedule, Kennedy, who has long spread misinformation about vaccines, said the recommendation for children “was always dubious” because “kids had almost no risk for COVID-19.” (Both Watters and Kennedy misleadingly suggested the vaccine was mandatory for children, but as we’ve explained, being on the CDC schedule doesn’t make a vaccine mandatory.)

    “Certain kids that had very profound morbidities may have a slight risk, but most kids don’t,” he continued. “So why are we giving this to — to tens of millions of kids when the vaccine itself does have profound risk? We’ve seen huge associations with myocarditis and pericarditis, with strokes, with other injuries, with neurological injuries.”

    Kennedy made similar claims during an interview on “Dr. Phil Primetime” that aired on April 29. Replying to a question about the vaccine schedule by a member of the audience, Kennedy said the justification for giving COVID-19 vaccines to kids “is very, very weak” and that kids are “at almost a zero risk” from the disease. “We’re seeing a lot of adverse events from the vaccine, particularly in children — myocarditis, pericarditis, even strokes,” he added.

    Sean O’Leary, an associate professor of pediatrics at the University of Colorado and chair of the American Academy of Pediatrics Committee on Infectious Diseases, told us Kennedy’s claims are “inaccurate.” 

    “The vaccines are very safe in kids,” he told us in a phone interview, referring to the COVID-19 shots. 

    Myocarditis and pericarditis, the inflammation of the heart muscle and the outer lining of the heart, were identified early-on as rare side effects of some COVID-19 vaccines. The risk of these side effects is highest for adolescent and young adult males after a second dose, but is still very low. For younger children, the risk is so low it is sometimes not detectable in vaccine safety surveillance systems. According to CDC data, no increased risk has been observed for any age group since the 2022-2023 season. There’s also no evidence of an increased risk of strokes or neurological problems following vaccination in children.

    It’s true that kids are typically at much lower risk of getting severely ill from COVID-19 than adults, and some physicians do not think it’s necessary for healthy children to receive annual updated doses. But the risk of COVID-19 to children is “not no risk,” O’Leary said. “Through much of the pandemic, COVID was in the top 10 causes of death among children, and it was not just children with severe comorbidities. There were, unfortunately, lots of pediatric deaths, many of them in healthy children — and certainly, you know, thousands of hospitalizations as well.”

    Photo by InfiniteFlow / stock.adobe.com

    The CDC currently recommends that everyone 6 months of age get vaccinated against COVID-19, including a dose of the most recent formulation of the shot. In April, however, the CDC’s Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices discussed shifting from a universal recommendation to a risk-based recommendation for certain populations. Although there is no consensus among ACIP members yet, O’Leary, who is an AAP liaison to ACIP, said removing the universal recommendation for kids under 2, where they’re seeing the highest rates of hospitalizations among children, is not on the table.  

    “We are not discussing removing that recommendation for the younger kids,” he said. “And whether that cut-off is 2 or 4 or 5 — right now, the discussion has basically been for kids under 5 to continue with the universal recommendation.” 

    We reached out to HHS asking for support for Kennedy’s claims, but we didn’t get an answer. 

    COVID-19 is Riskier Than Vaccine

    Three years of vaccine safety monitoring data shows that the COVID-19 vaccines are safe in children. As the CDC explains, children may experience some mild and temporary side effects, as is expected after any vaccination. But “adverse reactions are rare” and “the benefits of COVID-19 vaccination outweigh the known risks of COVID-19 and possible severe complications.”

    Myocarditis and pericarditis were identified as rare serious side effects of the COVID-19 vaccines, as we’ve reported. But over time, that risk has appeared to decline.

    “No increased risk was observed in VSD and VAERS during the 2022-2023 and 2023-2024 seasons or the 2024-25 season to date,” a CDC slide from the ACIP meeting in April reads, referring to the Vaccine Safety Datalink and the Vaccine Adverse Event Reporting System.

    In addition, myocarditis following vaccination is “associated with less severe cardiovascular events” than myocarditis following a COVID-19 infection, the presentation notes.

    “[M]yocarditis is more likely and more severe after infection compared with vaccination,” Charlotte Moser, co-director of the Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia’s Vaccine Education Center and a member of the ACIP, told us in an email. “In fact, no children have died from vaccine-related myocarditis, but some have died from infection-related myocarditis. So, opting out of vaccination because of concerns about myocarditis does not remove the risk.”

    Jeffrey S. Morris, director of the division of biostatistics at the University of Pennsylvania’s Perelman School of Medicine, told us there are risks with the COVID-19 vaccines, but “the relevant comparison is the risk to children and teens of COVID-19 infections.” 

    “I do not think it is accurate to say there is ‘almost no risk,’” as Kennedy claimed, Morris told us in an email, referring to the risk of COVID-19 infections to children. “A non-negligible proportion of children are hospitalized with COVID-19 or even end up in ICU, and a small but non-negligible proportion suffer inflammatory syndromes (MIS-C) after infection, or suffer from post-COVID-19 sequelae (PASC),” he said, referring to long COVID.

    According to provisional CDC data presented in the last ACIP meeting, COVID-19 was an underlying cause of death for 152 children under 18 years of age between September 2023 and August 2024. “About 4 of every 10 children hospitalized with COVID-19 did not have any pre-existing conditions,” Moser told us. 

    study published in January in the Annals of Internal Medicine, based on more than 144,000 children and co-authored by Morris, suggests that the Pfizer/BioNTech COVID-19 vaccine was effective in preventing moderate and severe illness and ICU admissions during the delta and omicron periods. A separate study co-authored by Morris, published in eClinicalMedical in January, showed that by preventing infections, the vaccine also protected children and adolescents from long COVID. 

    “In terms of the ‘vaccine itself having profound risk,’ the risks of adverse events from vaccination for children are characterized in numerous studies, and has not been shown to be greater than the risk of COVID-19 infection in children,” he told us in an email. “For example, I have not seen anywhere that it has not been shown that risk of hospitalization from COVID-19 vaccine complications is higher than hospitalization from COVID-19 infection, which would be a relevant comparison.”

    Morris told us he’s “not aware of any evidence” that COVID-19 vaccines increase the risk of stroke in children. He pointed to two studies, one looking at Vaccine Safety Datalink data from 245,000 children between 6 months and 5 years of age, published in Pediatrics in 2023, and another, published in JAMA Pediatrics the same year, which used data from three commercial claims databases to monitor vaccine safety in near-real time in more than 3 million children ages 5 to 17. Neither found an increased risk for stroke. 

    “I have also not seen evidence for any neurological risks for children,” he added, noting that the two studies looked at Bell’s palsy and encephalitis or encephalomyelitis “and found no safety signal.”

    During the Fox News interview, Kennedy went on to claim that the vaccine’s risk “was clear even in the clinical data that came out of Pfizer … there were about 25% more deaths in the vaccine group than the placebo group.”

    Morris told us this “is not accurate.” The comparison of the number of deaths in the placebo versus vaccine groups is only statistically valid during the blinded period, he said, referring to when participants have not yet been told if they received the vaccine or a placebo. During that period, there were 15 deaths in the vaccine group and 14 in the placebo group. After that, placebo recipients were offered a vaccine and 90% of the group took one, Morris said. And as we’ve previously explained, no deaths “were considered related to vaccination” in the trial. 

    “There is no statistical evidence that vaccinated had higher death rate than placebo in the Pfizer phase 3 trial at all,” Morris told us.

    Removing COVID-19 Vaccine From Schedule

    We asked the CDC how the COVID-19 vaccine might be removed from the immunization schedule and the implications of the change, but we didn’t get a response. According to a CDC website, the schedule is meant to “[g]uide health providers in determining recommended vaccines” for children and adolescents 18 years old and younger. ACIP reviews its recommendations every year and those recommendations result in the official schedule. 

    Dorit Reiss, a professor of law at University of California Law San Francisco who specializes in vaccine law and policy, told us that “generally,” reversing a decision would need to follow the same process used to make the decision in the first place. 

    “So you should go through ACIP for a revision to its recommendation, and then get approval of the CDC director or the Secretary,” she told us in an email. “But because ACIP is an advisory committee, the Secretary may be deemed to have the final authority to make the decision.”

    Adding a vaccine to the schedule has other practical implications, as we have previously explained. One of them is a requirement of the Affordable Care Act that health insurance plans cover the vaccines listed in the schedule without charging a deductible or copay. If the ACIP changes its recommendations, “a change could mean no ACA coverage – insurance companies won’t have to cover them,” Reiss told us. 

    “In terms of the standard of care, doctors can still recommend them, and that would be valid, especially if the recommendation is blatantly political, as here,” she said. To remove the COVID-19 vaccines from the Vaccines For Children program, which provides free vaccines to under-insured or uninsured kids, the secretary would have to overturn a separate recommendation, “and here, too, they would likely have to go through ACIP,” Reiss said. 

    Although most of the ACIP work group supported changing the universal recommendation to a risk-based one for the next updated COVID-19 shot, during the committee’s last meeting some members raised concerns, including access to vaccination for children. A large majority of the work group thought that a risk-based recommendation should still allow any individuals wanting the protection of a COVID-19 vaccine to receive a shot.

    Moser, from the Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia’s Vaccine Education Center, supports a risk-based recommendation that considers age and health condition for those who are previously vaccinated and a universal recommendation for young children and others who have never been vaccinated.

    “When COVID-19 first emerged, everyone was susceptible. At this point, six years later, we know that most people have some immunity to the virus that causes COVID-19,” she told us. “But, every year, between 3 and 4 million new susceptibles are born – our babies. Babies will gain immunity through vaccination or infection. Vaccination gives us control over when and how our babies gain that immunity. Infection leaves it to chance. Most babies will be fine after infection, but not all of them will.”


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  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has a long history of undermining confidence in vaccine safety, including by repeatedly claiming that vaccines are not tested in placebo-controlled trials, a familiar anti-vaccine trope.

    Now, an HHS spokesperson has used similar language in a statement that falsely said there’s little available evidence on whether vaccines are safe.

    “Except for the COVID vaccine, none of the vaccines on the CDC’s childhood recommended schedule was tested against an inert placebo, meaning we know very little about the actual risk profiles of these products,” the HHS spokesperson told the Washington Post. Other journalists also have published the statement.

    The spokesperson also appeared to suggest a policy change and misleadingly said: “All new vaccines will undergo safety testing in placebo-controlled trials prior to licensure — a radical departure from past practices.”

    It’s incorrect that there is little information on childhood vaccine safety. Vaccines approved by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration undergo testing for both safety and efficacy prior to approval, and their safety and effectiveness are also monitored after they are released to the public. Post-approval safety monitoring has rapidly detected very rare vaccine side effects that clinical trials are not large enough to identify.

    Some current vaccines were indeed tested against a placebo, such as the rotavirus vaccines, while others have been tested in other types of randomized controlled trials. Many current vaccines for children are new iterations of older vaccines and were compared in clinical trials with previously approved vaccines, as it is unethical to give someone a placebo when a safe and effective version of a vaccine is available.

    It is unclear what the HHS spokesperson meant when referring to “new” vaccines. We emailed HHS to ask whether the agency will be issuing official guidance on new vaccine testing requirements and how a “new” vaccine is being defined, but we did not receive a response.

    Kennedy again himself made false claims about vaccine safety testing in an interview aired April 28 with Phil McGraw, also known as Dr. Phil, using similar language to that used in the HHS statement.

    No vaccines other than the COVID-19 vaccines and the human papillomavirus vaccine Gardasil “were ever tested against placebo, so we have no idea what the risk profile for these products are,” Kennedy said. Again, it is incorrect to suggest that people have “no idea” what the risks of vaccines are. And a variety of vaccines have been tested against placebos.

    Dr. Paul Offit, a vaccine expert at the Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia, told us the claim that vaccines are not tested against placebos isn’t new. “The only difference is now the anti-vaccine activists, instead of shouting these things from the sideline, are now making policy, so you’re hearing them recycled again,” he said.

    A Long History of Evaluating Vaccine Safety

    It is misleading for HHS to say that it is a “radical departure” to require placebo-controlled trials for new vaccines. It in fact has been typical to test the first available version of a vaccine against a disease in a randomized, placebo-controlled trial.

    For instance, Jonas Salk’s polio vaccine, the first vaccine against the disease, was tested in a placebo-controlled trial including more than 600,000 children, as we have written in the past in response to Kennedy’s claims. Following the success of that original trial, it would have been unethical in testing subsequent versions of the vaccine to randomly assign children, who otherwise would have access to a safe and effective polio vaccine, to a placebo, risking paralysis or death for those children.

    Many currently available vaccines are new iterations of preexisting vaccines. These often were tested in clinical trials in which people were randomly assigned to either receive the new vaccine or an older version, an example of what’s called an active control group.

    “A placebo control, such as saline, is not required to determine the safety (or effectiveness) of a vaccine. In some cases, inclusion of placebo control groups is considered unethical,” an FDA spokesperson told us in 2023. “In cases where an active control is used, the adverse event profile of that control group is usually known and the findings of the study are reviewed in the context of that knowledge.”

    For instance, the currently available version of the human papillomavirus vaccine is Gardasil-9, which was compared with the prior version of Gardasil in clinical trials. The older shot protected against a smaller number of HPV types. It would have been unethical to randomly assign some people to go entirely without HPV vaccination, potentially putting them at risk of future cancer. (There was a smaller trial that tested Gardasil-9 in people who had already received the older Gardasil, and this trial did randomly assign some people to receive a saline placebo.)

    Photo by kasto / stock.adobe.com

    Additionally, HHS is wrong to say that “none of the vaccines on the CDC’s childhood recommended schedule was tested against an inert placebo” except for the COVID-19 vaccines. Vaccines against the diarrheal disease rotavirus, for instance, are part of the childhood vaccine schedule. Offit co-invented RotaTeq, one of the currently given vaccines, and he said that it was tested in a placebo-controlled trial. In this case, the placebo consisted of the diluent for the vaccine, or the substance used to dilute the vaccine to the correct concentration. The diluent included “buffering and stabilizing agents, like sucrose,” Offit told us via email.

    Kennedy and other anti-vaccine advocates have attempted to narrowly define placebos as salt water, but there are other types of placebo that would qualify as inert, Offit said.

    “A lot of placebos are everything in the vaccine except for the vaccine itself,” Offit said. He explained that these components are considered inert because they are regarded as safe and cannot cause an immune response.

    Furthermore, salt water placebos are not unheard of in clinical trials for current vaccines. For instance, as we have said and Kennedy himself appeared to suggest to Dr. Phil, Gardasil-9 was compared with a salt water placebo in one trial.

    As we’ve also previously written, in other cases trials may compare a new vaccine with a vaccine for another disease. Advantages of this approach include that it is less likely that participants will realize which arm of the trial they are in before the trial is unblinded, and that participants who do not get the vaccine that is being tested still benefit from another vaccine.

    Anti-vaccine advocates often use technical claims about how vaccines are studied and redefinitions of the word placebo to shift the goal posts on vaccine safety, as pediatrician Dr. Vincent Iannelli has written on his website Vaxopedia. These claims distract from the core question of whether vaccines have been sufficiently evaluated.

    The goal of Kennedy’s claims on placebo-controlled trials “is to just scare people about vaccines, to make them think they are not tested for safety,” Offit said.

    Policy Implications for COVID-19 Vaccines

    It is unclear exactly how HHS’ new statements will translate into policy, but experts have expressed concern that under Kennedy, the FDA might make it impossible to provide people with updated COVID-19 vaccines in a timely fashion.

    Elsewhere, HHS has indicated the FDA might consider updated COVID-19 vaccines to be “new vaccines,” in a departure from prior policy that allowed companies to update their shots without new clinical trials. This has long been the policy for seasonal influenza vaccines, which can undergo strain changes without needing to be tested in new clinical trials.

    “A four-year-old trial is also not a blank check for new vaccines each year without clinical trial data, unlike the flu shot, which has been tried and tested for more than 80 years,” an HHS spokesperson told the New York Times, apparently referring to the COVID-19 vaccines.

    If the FDA were to require placebo-controlled trials of updated COVID-19 vaccines, it would be unethical, Offit said, and requirements for clinical trials would delay the vaccines. The point of coming out with updated COVID-19 shots is to release them rapidly to match the most current version of the virus that is circulating, but it would take “months to do that trial, if not longer,” Offit said.

    The updated COVID-19 vaccines are substantially similar to the shots that were already tested in clinical trials. There are also now multiple years of data from people in the community who received updated COVID-19 vaccines, showing that they do protect against hospitalization. And vaccine safety monitoring systems and studies have fleshed out the understanding of COVID-19 vaccine side effects and safety.

    Offit asked what the point of doing new COVID-19 vaccine clinical trials would be, given the data already available. “This is arguably the best studied vaccine we’ve ever had,” he said. “It’s been given to billions of people.”


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    The post HHS Advances Kennedy’s Old ‘Placebo’ Vaccine Safety Claims appeared first on FactCheck.org.

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  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    On the eve of his inauguration on Jan. 19, Donald Trump took a bow for the then surging stock market.

    Trump rings the opening bell on the trading floor of the New York Stock Exchange on Dec. 12, 2024, in New York City. Photo by Spencer Platt/Getty Images.

    “Everyone is calling it the — I don’t want to say this, it’s too braggadocious, but we’ll say it anyway — the Trump effect. It’s you. You’re the effect. Since the election, the stock market has surged,” Trump said.

    But in the ensuing three months, the stock market has faltered. The S&P 500 stock average has declined by 5.2% since Trump took office, while the Dow Jones Industrial Average, made up of 30 large corporations, has dropped by 5%, as of closing on May 2.

    On Truth Social last week, Trump blamed his predecessor, former President Joe Biden.

    “This is Biden’s Stock Market, not Trump’s,” Trump wrote on April 30. “I didn’t take over until January 20th.” And then, partly in all caps, Trump emphasized that the market downturn “has NOTHING TO DO WITH TARIFFS, only that he left us with bad numbers.”

    Later that day, Trump expounded on the claim, saying, “I don’t view the stock market as the end all. It’s an indicator, but what the stock market really tells you and … when you look at the stock market in this case … it says how bad a situation we inherited.”

    Stock prices are, of course, driven by a myriad of economic factors. Market experts, however, have said that the market’s recent volatility has a great deal to do with Trump’s tariff policies. The following graphic shows how the markets responded after Trump made various tariff announcements, and how Trump took credit or placed blame on Biden, depending on whether stocks were up or down. 


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  • We are honored to have won a 2025 National Headliner Award for online beat reporting of government and political coverage. Our work fact-checking then presidential candidate Donald Trump on immigration issues won the first-place award in that category.

    The National Headliner Awards were founded in 1934 by the Press Club of Atlantic City. This year’s winners were announced on April 30.

    Staffers Robert Farley, Catalina Jaramillo, D’Angelo Gore and Lori Robertson were the authors of the three articles that made up FactCheck.org’s entry. They explained a bipartisan immigration bill and the misinformation about it, interviewed experts in the U.S. and Venezuela about Trump’s repeated claim that the country was emptying its prisons and sending criminals to the U.S., and debunked several other immigration claims Trump made on the campaign trail in southwestern swing states.

    The judges wrote: “Factcheck.org performed a valuable service for voters by combing through Donald Trump’s claims about America’s immigration problems — false or unsubstantiated claims that would form the basis of his policies — and providing correct information. The reporting is thorough, fair and helpful and deserves commendation.”


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  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    To commemorate his first 100 days in office this term, President Donald Trump gave a speech in Michigan and granted interviews to several news outlets. In our review of his remarks, we found false and misleading claims, including quite a few Trump has made before:

    • The president insisted that an immigrant who was deported to El Salvador has tattoos on his knuckles that say “M-S-one-three,” but the actual letters and numbers in a photo Trump shared are an “obvious digital manipulation,” an expert told us.
    • Trump said the FBI had confirmed that “gangs have been sent by the foreign regime in Venezuela” to the U.S. Anonymous sources told one news outlet that the FBI backed up Trump’s claim, but other unnamed sources have said 17 intelligence agencies disagreed with that assessment.
    • Trump took credit for recent increases in military recruiting, but those gains began under his predecessor and before he won reelection in November.
    • He misleadingly said that a House Republican budget resolution that aims to cut about $800 billion in Medicaid spending over a decade would “look at waste, fraud, and abuse,” adding that “nobody minds that.” One expert told us the cuts are “orders of magnitude too large to not be destructive.”
    • The president claimed that since January, “job gains for native-born Americans now exceed job gains for foreign workers … for the first time in nobody even knows when.” But there were several two-month periods in 2024 when native-born employment exceeded gains in foreign-born employment, which includes U.S. citizens born abroad.
    • Trump claimed that there were “$7 to $8 trillion” in business investments in the U.S. since he took office, but the White House said more than $5 trillion in future investments have been announced. He also falsely claimed that under former President Joe Biden “nobody was really investing in this country,” including Apple.
    • He misrepresented Democrats’ concern about deportations, wrongly saying that they were “claiming we’re not allowed to deport illegals.” Democrats have been critical of the lack of legal due process afforded to those who were deported.
    • Trump said that Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. “announced that we’re banning eight major artificial dyes from our food supply.” The administration wants food companies to eliminate the dyes, but there’s no agreement and no broad ban.
    • The president cited a Trump-friendly polling firm to boast that “for the first time in modern history, more Americans believe that our country is headed in the right direction than the wrong direction.” Other polls show most people think the country is on the wrong track.
    • He wrongly said “we’re doing great” with international tourism, which he said would become apparent in the next six months. But there were 11.6% fewer overseas visitors to the U.S. in March than there were the previous March.

    Trump also repeated claims we’ve checked before about inflation, gasoline and egg prices, trade deficits, education, illegal immigration and more.

    We reviewed his speech in Warren, Michigan, on April 29, and his recent interviews with ABC News and Time.

    Knuckle Tattoos

    The president claimed in his interview with ABC News that Kilmar Abrego Garcia — an immigrant who was deported without a hearing to El Salvador in March — had tattoos on his knuckles that labeled him as a member of the gang MS-13.

    “He said he wasn’t a member of a gang and then they looked and on his knuckles he had MS-13,” Trump said.

    The president was referring to a photo that he first shared on his social media platform, Truth Social, on April 18 and then shared again on April 21.

    Trump shared this picture of himself holding a photo of Kilmar Abrego Garcia’s left hand on his social media platform, Truth Social, on April 18.

    The photo appears to show tattoos on Abrego Garcia’s left hand, with each one labeled — “Marijuana,” “Smile,” “Cross,” “Skull.” Above each tattoo is text that shows a letter or number — “M,” “S,” “1,” “3.”

    In the exchange between Trump and Terry Moran, ABC News’ senior national correspondent who conducted the interview, it appeared that the president understood the “MS13” to be part of the tattoo rather than text added to show an interpretation of the meaning of the tattoos.

    Moran tried to point out that the actual letters and numbers were Photoshopped onto the image Trump shared, but the president insisted Moran was wrong, that his tattoos actually said “MS13.” When Moran tried to move on, saying, “We’ll agree to disagree,” the president refused to let the point go and said Moran’s corrections were an example of “why people no longer believe the news.”

    See the full exchange here:

    Trump, April 29: He said he wasn’t a member of a gang and then they looked and on his knuckles he had MS-13.

    Moran: There’s a dispute over that.

    Trump: Wait a minute, wait a minute. He had MS-13 on his knuckles, tattooed.

    Moran: He had some tattoos that were interpreted that way. But, let’s move on.

    Trump: Wait a minute. Terry, Terry, Terry.

    Moran: He did not have the letter — M, S, one, three.

    Trump: It says M-S-one-three.

    Moran: That was Photoshop. So let me.

    Trump: That was Photoshop? Terry, you can’t do that. Hey, they’re giving you the big break of a lifetime. You know, you’re doing the interview. I picked you because, frankly, I never heard of you, but that’s OK.

    Moran: I knew this would come.

    Trump: But I picked you, Terry, but you’re not being very nice. He had MS-13 tattooed.

    Moran: Alright. Alright. We’ll agree to disagree. I want to move on to something else.

    Trump: Terry, Terry — do you want me to show you the picture?

    Moran: I saw the picture. We’ll agree to disagree.

    Trump: And you think it was Photoshopped? Well, don’t Photoshop it. Go look at his hand, he had MS-13.

    Moran: Fair enough, he did have tattoos that can be interpreted that way. I’m not an expert on them. I want to turn to Ukraine, sir —

    Trump: No, no. Terry —

    Moran: I– I want to get to Ukraine–

    Trump: Terry, no, no. No, no. He had “MS” as clear as you can be. Not interpreted. This is why people no longer believe the news, because it’s fake news.

    Moran: Well, when he was photographed in El Salvador, they aren’t there. But let’s just go on.

    Trump: Oh, oh, they weren’t there, but they’re there now, right?

    Moran: No, but they’re there in your picture. Ukraine, sir.

    Trump: Terry, he’s got MS-13 on his knuckles, OK.

    Moran: Alright, alright. OK, we’ll take a look at that, sir.

    Trump: It’s such a disservice. Why don’t you just say, “yes, he does,” and, you know, go on to something else.

    Moran: Alright, it’s contested.

    Hany Farid, a professor at the University of California, Berkeley, who specializes in digital forensics, described the text in the photo as an “obvious digital manipulation” in an email to us.

    “What was done here is that the Trump administration took what appears to be a real photo (although I’m not able to authenticate that because what we are seeing here is a printout of a photo), ‘interpreted’ the four tattoos to be MS13, and then digitally added that annotation to the image,” Farid said.

    A close-up of Kilmar Abrego Garcia’s hand from a photo taken in El Salvador on April 17, with no visible tattoos that say “MS13.” Photo via President Nayib Bukele on X.

    We asked the White House to clarify whether or not the photo had been annotated, but we didn’t receive an answer. Instead, we got an emailed statement from White House spokesman Kush Desai saying, “Ask any law or immigration enforcement official who’s been on the ground about Kilmar Abrego Garcia’s tattoos: they’re MS-13.”

    The Washington Post asked eight law enforcement officials and gang researchers for their interpretations of the tattoos and got mixed responses, with some saying that the tattoos could be interpreted as showing an affiliation with MS-13 and others saying that they are not a code for gang affiliation. Other news outlets have also reported on expert analysis of the tattoos, with most concluding that the tattoos do not signify gang affiliation.

    Even though we don’t know what the tattoos mean — if they mean anything at all — we do know that Abrego Garcia had only the depictions of a marijuana leaf, a smiley face, a cross and a skull tattooed on his left hand when he was photographed at the prison in El Salvador in April. He did not have “MS13” displayed on his knuckles.

    Intelligence Reports on Gangs and Venezuelan Government

    Trump claimed the FBI has confirmed that the Venezuelan government has been emptying its jails and sending gang members to the U.S., which Trump has been saying for more than a year. Anonymous sources told one news outlet that the FBI backed up Trump’s claim, but other unnamed sources have said 17 intelligence agencies disagreed with that assessment.

    In a presidential proclamation issued on March 15, Trump designated the Venezuelan gang Tren de Aragua a foreign terrorist organization and claimed the gang “is closely aligned with, and indeed has infiltrated, the Maduro regime, including its military and law enforcement apparatus,” referring to the president of Venezuela.

    While we have reported that Trump has provided scant evidence for this explosive claim, in his speech in Michigan, Trump said, “The FBI recently assessed that these vicious gangs have been sent by the foreign regime in Venezuela to foment violence and instability in the United States of America.”

    On April 23, Fox News Digital said it talked to an unnamed “senior administration official” who shared unclassified portions of an FBI assessment that “some Venezuelan government officials ‘likely facilitate’ the migration of members of the violent gang Tren de Aragua from Venezuela to the United States to advance the Maduro regime’s objective of undermining public safety in the U.S.”

    According to the news report, “The FBI assesses that in the next six to 18 months, Venezuelan government officials likely will attempt to leverage Tren de Aragua members in the United States as proxy actors to threaten, abduct and kill members of the Venezuelan diaspora in the United States who are vocal critics of Maduro and his regime.”

    The Fox News report came a week after the Associated Press reported just the opposite.

    Citing anonymous “U.S. officials,” the AP reported, “A new U.S. intelligence assessment found no coordination between Tren de Aragua and the Venezuelan government, contradicting statements that Trump administration officials have made to justify their invocation of the Alien Enemies Act and deporting Venezuelan migrants.”

    According to the AP, the classified assessment was the work of 18 agencies that make up the intelligence community. “It repeatedly stated that Tren de Aragua … is not coordinated with or supported by the country’s president, Nicolás Maduro, or senior officials in the Venezuelan government. While the assessment found minimal contact between some members of the gang and low-level members of the Venezuelan government, there was a consensus that there was no coordination or directive role between gang and government,” the story stated.

    The report noted that of the 18 agencies that make up the U.S. government’s intelligence community, “only one — the FBI — did not agree with the findings.” According to the Washington Post, which relied on “two people familiar with the matter,” the FBI “assessed a moderate level of cooperation between the gang and the Venezuelan government.”

    Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard criticized the National Intelligence Council report highlighted in the AP story, telling Fox News, “The weaponization of intelligence to undermine the President’s agenda is an assault on democracy. Those behind this illegal leak of classified intelligence, twisted and manipulated to convey the exact opposite finding, will be accountable under the full force of the law.”

    Inflating Impact on Military Recruitment

    Near the end of his Michigan speech, Trump turned to the military and took credit for recent increases in recruiting that began under his predecessor.

    “After years of missed targets, our military suddenly has the best recruiting numbers in 30 years,” the president said.

    He’s right that recruitment numbers have been up following a slump from the COVID-19 pandemic, but the increase predated his election in November.

    At the end of the most recent fiscal year, which finished in September, the Defense Department announced that it had recruited 12.5% more people than it had the previous fiscal year.

    Every branch of the military reached its recruitment goal for fiscal year 2024, except for the Navy, according to the Defense Department.

    A chart complied by the Congressional Research Service shows that the Army, Air Force and Space Force exceeded their goals.

    Taren Sylvester, a researcher at the Center for a New American Security, told Military.com in March, “The incoming administration is claiming all of these upticks are a result of the election swing and people now thinking they want to go into the military after the policy changes.”

    But, they said, “Whether or not that holds out, we won’t see for another six, 12, 18 months. The shifts that we’re seeing now are reflective of the work that’s been done over the past two to five years.”

    Medicaid

    In the Time interview, Trump was asked about the House Republican budget resolution that aims to cut about $800 billion from Medicaid over 10 years, as part of the process of extending expiring tax cut provisions and enacting some new tax cuts. “I don’t think they’re going to cut $800 billion. They’re going to look at waste, fraud, and abuse,” Trump said, adding that “nobody minds that.” That’s misleading.

    While it’s still unknown how specifically Republicans would trim the Medicaid budget, experts told us such large cuts in federal funding would have a significant impact, leaving states with tough choices on raising revenue, cutting other parts of their budgets or cutting their Medicaid programs.

    As we’ve explained, the budget calls for the Energy and Commerce Committee to cut $880 billion in spending over 10 years, and the committee’s options for those reductions are mostly limited to Medicaid, a federal-state program that provides health care for low-income people. Medicare, the federal program that covers seniors, could also be cut, but that’s even more politically challenging.

    “The place where they have the ability to make cuts is going to be in Medicaid,” Leonardo Cuello, a research professor at the Georgetown University McCourt School of Public Policy’s Center for Children and Families, told us. Cuello said an $880 billion cut is “gigantic” and “orders of magnitude too large to not be destructive.” It would be about an 11% cut to federal Medicaid funding over the decade.

    Native- and Foreign-Born Workers

    In Michigan, Trump claimed that because of his administration, employment growth for U.S-born workers is now higher than for foreign-born workers.

    “In three months, we have created 350,000 jobs,” Trump said. “For the first time in recent memory, job gains for native-born Americans now exceed job gains for foreign workers. This is for the first time in nobody even knows when. Americans now are doing better than foreign workers.”

    Although he said in three months, Trump appears to be referencing the two-month increase in employment from January to March, which is the most recent data available from the Bureau of Labor Statistics. In that period, native-born employment increased by 613,000 and foreign-born employment — which includes foreign-born American citizens — increased by 451,000. But it hasn’t been long since that last happened.

    There were several times in 2024 when a two-month increase in native-born employment exceeded gains in foreign-born employment (August 2024-October 2024, May 2024-July 2024, March 2024-May 2024 and February 2024-April 2024). If Trump was just comparing previous periods of January to March, the last time it happened was January 2022 to March 2022. (The White House didn’t tell us which months Trump was comparing.)

    Business Investments

    Trump touted announcements of investments by private companies, wrongly claiming that under Biden “nobody was really investing in this country” and that Apple “never invested” in the U.S.

    In his ABC News interview, Trump claimed that there has already been more private-business investment in the U.S. during his administration than there was in any year during Biden’s presidency.

    Trump is interviewed by Terry Moran from ABC News in the Oval Office on April 29. Official White House Photo by Joyce N. Boghosian.

    “We’ve got $7 to $8 trillion being invested in our country in two months,” Trump said. “Biden didn’t have that over a year. I mean, if you look at Biden, nobody was really investing in this country.”

    In his Time interview, Trump mentioned investments by chips companies, car companies and Apple. “Apple is investing $500 billion in building plants. They never invested in this country,” Trump said.

    The White House said on April 29 that Trump “has secured over $5 trillion in new U.S.-based investments in his first 100 days.” These investments haven’t already happened; they’re announcements by companies of future investments, sometimes over several years.

    Private companies also made such announcements when Biden was president. In a November 2024 statement, Biden announced that legislation he signed — the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law, the CHIPS and Science Act, and the Inflation Reduction Act — had “helped attract over $1 trillion in announced private-sector investments.” In his final month in office, Biden’s administration issued a report on the results of his “Investing in America” agenda.

    And Apple certainly has announced similar investments in the U.S. before. In April 2021, under Biden, the company announced a $430 billion investment over five years. That was after it announced a $350 billion investment under Trump in 2018. When it announced in February its latest plan to investment more than $500 billion in the U.S. over four years, the company said its “new pledge builds on Apple’s long history of investing in American innovation and advanced high-skilled manufacturing.”

    Misrepresenting Democrats on Deportation

    The president also touted the deportation of about 250 immigrants his administration has accused of belonging to the Venezuelan gang Tren de Aragua. The men were flown to a mega prison in El Salvador on March 15.

    During the Michigan rally, Trump played a video that had originally been posted by Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele showing the immigrants arriving in shackles and having their heads shaved.

    “The radical left Democrats, who are so bad for this country, are fighting to protect [Tren de Aragua] — you just saw that — and MS-13 criminals,” Trump said. “But the second we try to deport them, the radical Democrat party is racing to the defense of some of the most violent savages on the face of the Earth. … They’re racing to the courts to help them. … They’re claiming we’re not allowed to deport illegals.”

    But that misrepresents what’s happened. Democrats who have opposed the administration’s action have largely expressed concern over the lack of due process for those who were deported, arguing that noncitizens who are targeted for deportation are, in most cases, entitled to a hearing beforehand.

    “Due process is the language of a constitutional democracy, and so we have to speak that language so people can understand other people’s situations,” Democratic Rep. Jamie Raskin of Maryland told Politico in April. “And I do believe that if we don’t stand up for the due process rights of non-citizens, they will quickly trample the due process rights of citizens.”

    A letter from Raskin and other House Democrats to administration officials echoed that sentiment. “Due process and separation of powers are matters of principle,” Democratic Rep. Adriano Espaillat of New York told the Associated Press on April 17. “Without due process for all, we are all in danger.”

    Food Dyes

    In his speech, Trump said that Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. “announced that we’re banning eight major artificial dyes from our food supply.”

    There’s less here than meets the eye. The administration wants food companies to eliminate the dyes, but there’s no agreement yet and no broad ban of synthetic food dyes.

    According to an April 22 Food and Drug Administration news release, the agency is starting the process of revoking authorization for two food dyes, Citrus Red 2 and Orange B, which are only approved for very narrow purposes. The agency is “[w]orking with industry to eliminate six remaining synthetic dyes,” the release said. (The FDA announced a ban of a ninth synthetic dye, Red 3, in January, and the new FDA release said the agency was requesting that companies remove it from food sooner than required.)

    In remarks at an April 22 press conference announcing the new measures to phase out synthetic food dyes, Kennedy praised food companies “for working with us to achieve this agreement or this settlement.” But, when pressed, he said, “I would say we don’t have an agreement. We have an understanding.”

    FDA Commissioner Marty Makary said at the same press conference, “I believe in love, and let’s start in a friendly way and see if we can do this without any statutory or regulatory changes, but we are exploring every tool in the toolbox to make sure this gets done very quickly.”

    Kennedy subsequently incorrectly claimed a broad ban of synthetic food dyes. “We announced last week the ban on the nine petroleum-based synthetic dyes, food dyes,” he said in an April 30 Cabinet meeting.

    Some companies have announced decisions to phase out synthetic dyes in certain products. For instance, PepsiCo on April 24 said that it would no longer include the dyes in certain snack foods by the end of the year. And a spokesperson for WK Kellogg last week told the New York Times that the company would phase out synthetic dyes from cereals sold in schools.

    Right Direction/Wrong Direction

    Citing popular support for his agenda, Trump said at the rally in Michigan that “as a result of our policies, for the first time in modern history, more Americans believe that our country is headed in the right direction than the wrong direction. … Has never happened before.”

    Trump is referring to a Rasmussen Reports presidential approval poll released in mid-February that found — for the first time in over 20 years (not ever) — a plurality of Americans (47%) believed the country was headed in the right direction, more than the 46% who felt it was headed in the wrong direction. However, that lead is within the poll’s margin of error of 3 percentage points, and it comes via a polling firm many consider to be conservative-leaning. Also, more recent polling from Rasmussen in late April has the “right direction” camp falling to 42%.

    And other recent polls found widely different results.

    Marquette University surveys have found that while the right track/wrong track divide has been narrowing over the last six months, a majority of Americans still think the country is on the wrong track. An early February survey found 38% of Americans believe the country is on the right track, while 62% believed it is on the wrong track. That narrowed even further to 42-58 in late March.

    Surveys from YouGov also indicate a majority of Americans believe America is “off on the wrong track.” The most recent poll in late April found 36.5% of Americans believed the country is “generally headed in the right direction,” while 54% said it was “off on the wrong track.”

    Gallup poses its question slightly differently, but in its most recent poll in early April, 34% said they were satisfied with the way things are going in the United States at this time, while 64% said they were dissatisfied.

    Tourism

    In his ABC News interview, Trump contradicted host Terry Moran’s claim that “travel is down into the United States from around the world.”

    “We’re doing great,” Trump insisted.

    “Tourism is gonna be way up,” Trump said. “Wait till you see the numbers. The tourism is way up. … Tourism’s doing very well. … Wait till you see the real numbers come out in about — in six months from now.”

    We can’t predict what the tourism numbers will show in six months, but Moran was correct that travel to the U.S. is currently down. According to the Department of Commerce’s National Travel and Tourism Office, there were 11.6% fewer overseas visitors to the U.S. in March than there were in March 2024. Those figures do not include data from Canada, nor land arrivals from Mexico.

    Repeats

    Inflation. Trump claimed that during the Biden administration the U.S. had “probably the worst inflation we’ve ever had.” Under Biden, the annualized rate of inflation peaked at 9.1% in June 2022, which was less than 14.8% in March 1980 and 23.7% in 1920. When Biden left office in January, the rate was down to 3%, and it was down to 2.4% in March under Trump.

    Gas and egg prices. Arguing that prices have declined, Trump claimed that “gasoline hit $1.98 in a few states … the last couple of days,” and the cost of “eggs are down 87%” since he took office. There are no states where the average cost of a gallon of regular grade gasoline has dropped below $2; the national average was $3.13 as of the week ending April 28, according to the Energy Information Administration. Also, the average retail price of eggs was up, not down, in March, according to the most recent Bureau of Labor Statistics figures. Even the average wholesale price that retailers pay for eggs sold in stores has not decreased by as much as Trump said. As of April 25, it was down 61% from its peak in early March.

    Trade deficit. Defending higher tariffs on imports of foreign goods, Trump, referring to the trade deficit, said, “We were losing $3 to $5 billion a day on trade. We were losing a trillion and a half to $2 trillion a year.” The trade deficit in goods and services was about $918 billion in 2024 and the trade deficit in goods alone was about $1.2 trillion. Divide either by 365 days, and you get an average per-day deficit of between $2.5 billion and $3.3 billion. Either way, economists have said a trade deficit doesn’t mean the U.S. is losing money.

    U.S.-China trade. When talking about the 145% tariffs that he put on imports of Chinese goods, Trump said China was “making from us a trillion dollars a year,” appearing to again exaggerate the trade gap between the U.S. and China. The U.S. trade deficit with China in goods and services in 2024 was about $263 billion, and last year the U.S. imported a total of about $462.5 billion in Chinese goods and services combined.

    No EV mandate. Trump claimed that he “terminated Biden’s insane electric vehicle mandate,” but there was no such mandate. In March 2024, Biden’s Environmental Protection Agency finalized new fuel efficiency standards for certain vehicles. The rules were expected to increase purchases of electric vehicles in the U.S., but there was no requirement for drivers to buy them. Carmakers could have met the new standards by also making more efficient cars that run on gas, experts told us.

    Education. “Last month I signed a historic executive order to begin the process of eliminating the federal Department of Education,” Trump said. “We’re going to send it back to our states to run. I mean, how the hell bad can we do? We’re like in last place.” As we have written, U.S. high school students performed above average in science and reading, and a bit below average in math, according to the latest data compiled by the intergovernmental Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. And in other international assessments, elementary students in the U.S. scored above average in math, science and reading.

    DOGE Savings. Trump said that his new Department of Government Efficiency had “found hundreds of billions of dollars of waste, fraud, and abuse.” The DOGE website now claims $160 billion in savings, providing a “Wall of Receipts” that purports to back up about $63 billion of that. It’s unclear how much, if any, of these savings amount to fraud or abuse, as opposed to spending that the administration deems wasteful.

    WHO. In discussing his withdrawal from the World Health Organization, Trump repeated his claim that previously, China paid just $39 million, while the U.S. paid around $500 million. Those figures are inaccurate. While the U.S. has paid much more than China — most of it voluntarily — China has paid more than that. Trump also claimed that Biden “could have signed up for $39 million or less.” That’s not how the global health group’s funding works. Since 2020, the required dues for the U.S., based on GDP, have been more than $200 million for each two-year period.

    Illegal immigration. Trump claimed that the Biden administration was allowing “gang members,” “murderers,” and people from “prisons, mental institutions” to illegally enter the U.S. “We had many murderers, 11,888, they think. Some murdered more than one person,” he said. U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement said last year that there were 13,099 noncitizens convicted of murder who were in the U.S. and not being detained by ICE. But the Department of Homeland Security told us that the “vast majority” of them entered the country and had their custody status determined “long before this Administration.”

    Jan. 6 committee. Trump attacked the House committee that investigated the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol, saying, “Nobody mentions the fact that the unselect committee of political scum … they destroyed all evidence, they burned it, they got rid of it, they destroyed it, and they deleted all evidence.” In fact, the committee made public a nearly 850-page report with evidence from its investigation. It also published videos, transcribed interviews, depositions and other documents. But the committee’s chairman, Rep. Bennie Thompson, did acknowledge in a July 2023 letter that the committee “did not archive temporary committee records that were not elevated by the Committee’s actions, such as use in hearings or official publications, or those that did not further its investigative activities.”


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  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    On the 2024 campaign trail, Donald Trump promised to launch a massive overhaul of the federal government if reelected president, and, he said, change would come fast.

    To be sure, Trump’s first 100 days have seen a frenetic pace of change. But while Trump has boasted that some have called it “the most successful 100 days in the history of our country,” his agenda has also been challenged in the courts and by other economic and political realities.

    Here, we look at a half dozen of Trump’s most consequential pledges – ones that he said would happen immediately — and the progress Trump has made toward fulfilling them.

    Tariffs

    In early April, Trump followed through on his August 2024 campaign promise that the U.S. was “going to have 10 to 20% tariffs on foreign countries that have been ripping us off for years” — although the tariffs, a form of tax, are paid by U.S. importers, not foreign countries.

    Trump signs executive orders in the Oval Office on April 24. Official White House photo by Abe McNatt.

    On April 2, Trump issued an executive order implementing a minimum 10% tariff on U.S. imports of foreign goods, as well as higher tariff rates for goods imported from certain countries. A week later, after stock market declines partly attributed to his new policies, Trump paused for 90 days some of the higher country-by-country tariffs.

    However, Trump didn’t pause the higher tariff rates for goods coming to the U.S. from China. Instead, he incrementally increased them to 145%, after China retaliated to Trump’s tariff announcements by raising its own tariffs on imports of U.S. goods. During the election campaign, Trump had floated putting at least a 60% tariff on Chinese imports.

    Trump also has kept in place 25% tariffs on certain goods imported from Canada and Mexico that went into effect in March — tariffs that Trump initially paused after announcing them in February. (Goods from the two countries aren’t subject to the 10% rate for other imports.) Other previously announced tariffs still in effect include 25% tariffs on imports of steel, aluminum, automobiles and certain auto parts.

    How long the 10% universal tariff remains in place, and what happens to the higher rates after the 90-day pause, is still to be determined. In his April 22 Time interview, Trump claimed to have since negotiated “200 deals” on trade that he said will be announced at a later date. He also has signaled that the 145% tariff on Chinese goods will “come down substantially.”

    Ukraine-Russia War

    On March 4, 2023 — just over a year after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine — Trump said at the Conservative Political Action Conference in Maryland that he could and would end the war in Ukraine within 24 hours once he was elected and even before he was back in the White House.

    “Before I even arrive at the Oval Office, I will have the disastrous war between Russia and Ukraine settled. It will be settled quickly. Quickly. I will get the problem solved and I will get it solved in rapid order and it will take me no longer than one day,” Trump said.

    It was a claim he made repeatedly during his third presidential campaign — at least 53 times, according to a search of his public remarks by CNN.

    But over three months into his second term in the White House, Trump has found ending the conflict more difficult than he claimed. The fighting continues, with more than 160 Ukrainian civilians killed and over 900 injured by Russian attacks in March, according to monthly data compiled by the United Nations.

    The Trump administration has brokered indirect negotiations between the warring nations, but the president’s frustration over the process has vacillated between wrongly blaming Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy for starting the war to chiding Russian President Vladimir Putin for a missile and drone strike on Kyiv on April 24 while ceasefire talks were underway.

    In recent days, Secretary of State Marco Rubio has claimed “there are reasons to be optimistic” that a deal between the countries is getting closer, while also warning that the U.S. is ready to walk away if the war drags on. “We have to make a determination about whether this is an endeavor that we want to continue to be involved in or if it’s time to sort of focus on some other issues that are equally if not more important in some cases,” Rubio said on NBC’s “Meet the Press” on April 27.

    As for his campaign promise that he’d easily and quickly make peace between Ukraine and Russia, Trump told Time magazine in an April 22 interview, “Well, I said that figuratively, and I said that as an exaggeration, because to make a point. … Obviously, people know that when I said that, it was said in jest.”

    Illegal Immigration

    It was perhaps the most enduring of Trump’s campaign promises: “On Day 1, I will close the border and I will stop the invasion of illegal criminals coming into our country.” On his first days in office, Trump — among an array of other immigration actions — issued an executive order declaring a national emergency at the southern border and deploying military to help stem the flow of illegal migration.

    In his first 100 days in office, illegal immigration has slowed to a trickle. Apprehensions of migrants who illegally crossed the border in February and March fell to 8,346 and 7,181 — the lowest monthly totals since at least the 1960s. That’s an 83% drop from November (46,615) and December (47,324) of 2024, the last two full months under President Joe Biden. The most recent monthly totals are a fraction of the figure in December 2023, when apprehensions of illegal border-crossers peaked under Biden at 249,740.

    “Just as happened during the beginning of his first term, migration at the border has absolutely plummeted since January 20th,” Adam Isacson, a migration expert at the Washington Office on Latin America, told us via email. “The main reason for that is first, migrants and smugglers always stop and go into ‘wait and see’ mode when they know that a crackdown is imminent, and Trump was elected promising an enormous crackdown.”

    But, “perhaps even more importantly,” Isacson said, Trump issued a proclamation declaring “that an invasion is ongoing at the southern border” as justification for shutting down the right of migrants to seek asylum at the U.S.-Mexico border. As a result, the Trump administration boasts that just nine migrants were released into the U.S. between Jan. 20 and April 1, a 99.9% decrease from the same period in 2024 under Biden.

    “That is illegal,” Isacson said, noting that a legal challenge of the Trump asylum policy is currently before the courts.

    Trump also promised to launch the “largest deportation program in American history.” The White House says the U.S. has deported more than 135,000 people in Trump’s first 100 days. That pace lags the average number of deportations over a similar period in fiscal year 2024 under Biden, but the Trump administration argues the Biden figures are inflated because so many more people were illegally crossing the border.

    On March 15, Trump issued a proclamation invoking the Alien Enemies Act — a rarely used law that dates back to 1798 — before sending hundreds of alleged Venezuelan gang members to a mega-prison in El Salvador. The Supreme Court has said that detainees must get a court hearing before deportation, and in late April, the court temporarily blocked the administration from using the law to deport Venezuelan men being held in Texas.

    Facing criticism for failing to provide due process rights, Trump has argued it’s not feasible to have hearings for all the migrants who want to challenge their deportation.

    At a press conference on April 28, White House spokesperson Karoline Leavitt vowed the administration is “in the beginning stages of carrying out the largest deportation campaign in American history.”

    Isacson said that while deportations are “nowhere near the million-a-year pace that the Trump people have been saying they expect to hit,” the House Judiciary Committee is beginning work on a spending bill, “which in the House version has $45 billion for detention and $14 billion for deportation.”

    “Once that passes, they will have the resources—even if they have to call in the military to back it up—and we might see a gigantic increase in the tempo of mass deportation,” Isacson said.

    Birthright Citizenship

    In a May 30, 2023, video posted on Truth Social, Trump revived a pledge he hadn’t fulfilled in his first term: If elected, he would “sign an executive order making clear to federal agencies that under the correct interpretation of the law, going forward the future children of illegal aliens will not receive automatic U.S. citizenship.”

    And on Jan. 20, he did exactly that, signing an executive order that argues the longstanding interpretation of the 14th Amendment to grant birthright citizenship to all children born in the U.S. is incorrect. The order said that it’s U.S. policy to not issue or accept documents recognizing citizenship if a person’s mother was in the U.S. unlawfully, or in the country lawfully but only temporarily, and the father was neither a U.S. citizen nor a lawful permanent resident.

    In signing the order, Trump acknowledged when asked by a reporter that the issue could face legal challenges (and several lawsuits were soon filed). “We think we have good grounds, but you could be right. I mean, you’ll find out,” Trump said. “It’s ridiculous. We’re the only country in the world that does this with birthright, as you know.” (The U.S. isn’t the only country with birthright citizenship. As we’ve written, about 30 countries have similar policies, including Canada and Mexico. The CIA World Factbook lists 38 countries, many of them in Latin America and the Caribbean.)

    Within a few weeks of Trump’s order, four federal judges in four different states had issued preliminary injunctionsblocking the executive order from taking effect. The case is now on the Supreme Court docket, with oral arguments slated for May 15. A decision is likely to come this summer, as SCOTUSblog explained.

    Most constitutional scholars have said that changing the birthright citizenship policy in the U.S. would require a constitutional amendment. A few experts disagree and have said Congress could pass legislation to change it. In 1898, the Supreme Court upheld the 14th Amendment’s birthright citizenship provision in a case involving a man born to parents who were citizens of China but legally living in the U.S. The court hasn’t specifically ruled on this issue concerning parents living in the U.S. without legal authorization.

    Stock Market

    Back in August 2024, when the Dow Jones Industrial Average sank more than 1,000 points, Trump blamed his presidential campaign rival, then-Vice President Kamala Harris, for the decline. “Of course there is a massive market downtown,” Trump said on his social media platform Truth Social on Aug. 5. “You can’t play games with MARKETS. KAMALA CRASH!!!”

    Then, at a rally in Washington, D.C., on Jan. 19, the eve of his first day back in office, Trump took credit for a rising stock market and referred to it, and other economic measures, as “the Trump effect.”

    “Everyone is calling it the — I don’t want to say this. It’s too braggadocious, but we’ll say it anyway, the Trump effect. It’s you. You’re the effect. Since the election, the stock market has surged,” Trump said.

    But the glow was short-lived, due partly to the uncertainty over Trump’s tariff policy. The S&P 500, an index that tracks the performance of the leading companies on U.S. stock exchanges, has had its “worst first-100-day performance for a new administration in over 50 years,” MarketWatch reported on April 29. At that time, the S&P 500 was down nearly 8%; the Dow Jones Industrial Average had dropped 7.5%, and the Nasdaq Composite had fallen 11.5% since Jan. 20.

    Trump has typically touted the stock market as a measure of his economic prowess. But in a March 9 interview on Fox News, Trump said, “You can’t really watch the stock market,” and suggested a longer-term view. “If you look at China, they have a 100-year perspective. We have a quarter. We go by quarters. You can’t go by that.”

    Prices

    At another campaign rally in August 2024, Trump promised, “Starting the day I take the oath of office, I will rapidly drive prices down and we will make America affordable again.” Then, in a December interview after he was elected, Trump said, referring to prices, “I’d like to bring them down. It’s hard to bring things down once they’re up.”

    Indeed, the price of many products hasn’t declined under Trump, according to the latest federal data. For one, egg prices, which Trump frequently claims are down by large percentages, were still increasing, on average, for consumers, as of March. Average wholesale prices, which retailers pay for the eggs they sell in stores, have declined by 46% since Trump was sworn in. In March, the Department of Agriculture credited “no significant outbreaks” of the bird flu for declining wholesale prices. But that hasn’t yet translated to lower prices for grocery shoppers.

    Average grocery prices overall, which Trump has claimed “are down,” were up in March as well, according to the Consumer Price Index for at-home food items.

    For drivers, the average price of gas, which Trump also mentions often, hasn’t declined, either, according to the Energy Information Administration. The EIA said the national average price of a gallon of regular grade gas was $3.14 for the week ending April 21 — up from $3.11 during the week ending Jan. 20, which is the day that Trump began his second term. The price of crude oil, however, has dropped, after OPEC+ announced it would move up a planned production increase due to recent tariffs imposed by the U.S. and China.

    Inflation growth has come down since Trump took office, leading Trump to claim on April 14 that “we’ve already solved inflation.” The inflation rate of 2.4% for the 12 months ending in March was lower than the annualized rate of 3% in January, but that doesn’t mean prices are going down. It means prices are increasing at a slower pace. Economists also said that the tariffs Trump announced in April could cause inflation to rise again, as importers pass along most of the tariff costs to consumers in the form of higher prices.

    In a campaign rally last July, Trump had said, “Starting on Day One, we will end inflation and make America affordable again.”


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    This post was originally published on FactCheck.org.

  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    In announcing new autism prevalence data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. distorted scientific research to argue that there is an “epidemic” of autism that must be due to an “environmental toxin.”

    The main finding of the new CDC publication — that among 8-year-olds at the selected study sites, 1 in 31 had autism in 2022, up from 1 in 36 in 2020 — represents the latest increase in estimated prevalence of the neurodevelopmental condition, also referred to as autism spectrum disorder, or ASD. 

    However, researchers have long warned that the rising numbers do not indicate a commensurate increase in the true prevalence of autism. While there may be some true rise, researchers say that broadening diagnostic criteria, increased awareness, the gradual introduction of universal autism screening by pediatricians and the growing availability of services help explain rising reported rates of the condition.

    The CDC report itself lists such factors. But Kennedy said these attempts at rigorous interpretation of the data amounted to an “ideology of epidemic denial.” Among his claims:

    • Kennedy mischaracterized early studies of autism prevalence and misleadingly compared them with the CDC’s latest study. For example, he compared modern numbers with those from a 1970 Wisconsin study that used an old definition of autism, and in a later interview, wrongly claimed that “all the kids in Wisconsin were tested.”
    • He claimed that at most 25% of the increase in prevalence “can be attributed to better recognition and better diagnosis,” which means “85% are still — or 75% to 80% — still are part of an epidemic.” That’s not what the overall literature shows.
    • Kennedy referred to a recent trend of increasing intellectual disability in the CDC survey data to argue that the increased prevalence is “real.” But a CDC author said that the pattern could be due to a change in methodology in 2018.

    In the April 16 press conference, Kennedy, who has a history of pushing the debunked idea that vaccines cause autism, expressed false confidence that it is possible to identify an environmental cause of autism and eliminate it. “This is coming from an environmental toxin,” he said, after earlier referring to autism as a “preventable disease.”

    Exposure to certain substances — particularly in the womb — may contribute to autism. Many studies have identified correlations to various exposures, but the role of these exposures in autism has been challenging to confirm. Two well-established risk factors include increased parental age and very preterm birth, both of which may have contributed to a small increase in autism over time as babies have been increasingly born to older parents and medical advances have allowed more premature infants to survive. (Babies born to mothers who took the antiseizure drug valproate during pregnancy also appear at higher risk of developing autism, although this would account only for a small number of cases.) What is very clear, however, is that much of autism is genetic. 

    “I disagree that the increase in prevalence rates must be due to an environmental toxin,” psychologist Helen Tager-Flusberg, director of the Center for Autism Research Excellence at Boston University, told us in an email. “Demographic and other sociological factors (as described in the CDC report itself) along with changes in diagnostic criteria and substitution are major factors. But there’s lots we still don’t know.”

    Kennedy spoke alongside a co-author of the CDC report who said he did think the true increase in autism has been significant. “It is a true increase,” Walter Zahorodny, a professor in the department of pediatrics at Rutgers Health New Jersey Medical School, said. “There is better awareness of autism, but better awareness of autism cannot be driving a disability like autism to increase by 300% in 20 years.”

    A few other scientists we spoke with agreed that there had been an increase in autism, although not as large as Kennedy claimed, and not necessarily for the reasons he suggested. Others were more skeptical of a true rise.

    “It’s not impossible at all, that just these factors added all together might drive the increase entirely, without the need to invoke any other kinds of causal factors or an epidemic due to an environmental toxin,” Dr. Eric Fombonne, a professor emeritus of psychiatry at Oregon Health & Science University, told us, speaking of the factors that affect who is counted as having autism. “Do we know that for sure? No, but has anyone demonstrated that the rise could not be entirely due to that? No.”

    Kennedy Misrepresents Decades-Old Autism Studies

    In the press conference, as evidence of an “epidemic” of autism, Kennedy mischaracterized early studies of autism prevalence, incorrectly casting them as “exhaustive” and accurate measures of autism that can be compared with today’s figures.

    Robert F. Kennedy Jr. speaks about autism at an April 16 press conference at the Department of Health and Human Services. Photo by Alex Wong/Getty Images

    “The baseline for autism in this country was established with the largest epidemiological study in history, a study of all 900,000 children in the state of Wisconsin, children under the age of 12,” he said, referring to a study published in 1970. “They found 0.7 children had autism in every 10,000. That’s less than 1 in 10,000. Today we’re 1 in 31.”

    Later, in an April 22 Fox News interview, he incorrectly claimed that “all the kids in Wisconsin were tested” in the study.

    No one did autism evaluations on all the children in the state. Instead, researchers reviewed records from between 1962 and 1967 from various clinical settings to count the number of children who had been given a no-longer-used diagnosis called early infantile autism, then divided the figure by the population to get a rate.

    At the time, very few people knew about or diagnosed autism, David Mandell, a psychiatric epidemiologist, health services researcher and director of the Center for Mental Health at the University of Pennsylvania, told us via email.

    For that reason, Fombonne said it was “completely absurd” to compare the study’s estimate to current figures. He added that even at the time, better studies arrived at higher estimates. Certain groups “use this study often because it gives them a very low starting point and accentuates the trend,” he said.

    Kennedy also cited a 1987 study of children in North Dakota, falsely claiming that researchers “even conducted in-person assessments of the entire population of 180,000 children under 18.”

    Researchers did not interview 180,000 children. Rather, they collected records of children who had been identified as having autistic symptoms in the state and did in-person assessments of around 200 children.

    Study co-author Larry Burd, a professor of pediatrics at the University of North Dakota who now primarily studies fetal alcohol syndrome, told us that he is “pretty satisfied” that the study “did capture the prevalence rate of autism at that time” but that “many of the cases today would not have been captured using those criteria.” 

    He said he thought that there has been a true increase in autism, with broader criteria, screening and earlier diagnosis accounting for a “substantial amount of the difference but not nearly all of it.”

    Kennedy also referred to a third study, called the National Collaborative Perinatal Project, which followed ​​pregnancies at 14 medical centers beginning in 1959. As of 1965, researchers identified 14 children with infantile autism. “This was no half-baked survey based analysis,” he said, claiming that autism “would have stood out like a neon sign.”

    But again, researchers emphasized that at the time of the study, very few people were diagnosing autism, and the definition then was very different.

    Today, “we’d have diagnosed a far greater portion of the population than were identified in these earlier [epidemiological] studies because of fundamental changes in the way we conceptualize autism,” Tager-Flusberg said.

    Dr. Ezra Susser, an epidemiologist at Columbia University, told us he counts himself among those who believe there has been “some increase” in autism. But “the figures that [Kennedy’s] using to illustrate the scale of the increase,” he said, are “just completely misleading.”

    Missing Context on CDC Data 

    Kennedy called the latest CDC results “shocking” and presented them as showing that “autism is increasing in prevalence at an alarming rate.”

    “This is part of an unrelenting upward trend,” he said, adding that “autism has increased by a factor of 4.8” since the first CDC report in 2000. But as the agency itself notes in its latest report, the observed prevalence rates are not directly comparable over time, nor are they representative of the autism rate in the entire country.

    Although the CDC’s autism prevalence survey was designed to stay mostly the same over time, there have been changes over the years in how the agency identifies children with the condition. The figures also represent just a few places around the country — in 2022, for example, the data comes from 16 sites, up from 11 two years prior.

    The current method for identifying a case of autism involves reviewing school and medical records for autism diagnostic codes or other indicators of autism. The CDC researchers “never see a kid in person,” Mandell said, adding that he thinks the CDC survey overestimates the number of children with the condition.

    Catherine Lord, a clinical psychologist and autism researcher at the David Geffen School of Medicine at UCLA, said that there could have been changes over time in how readily physicians or teachers identified autism. When the CDC study began, she said, “almost no chart talked about social communication,” she said, “but today physicians and teachers are much more aware of a child who rarely makes eye contact or doesn’t seek out other children.”

    Maureen Durkin, a professor of population health sciences and pediatrics at the University of Wisconsin-Madison School of Medicine and Public Health, who co-authored the most recent CDC report on autism prevalence, said that various changes in the definition of autism, awareness, support and screening, as well as changes in diagnostic practices have contributed to the increase in prevalence in the CDC reports.

    Formerly, “children with other known causes of developmental disability such as Down syndrome were not evaluated for autism but today virtually all children referred for comprehensive developmental assessments are evaluated for autism and many children with autism have multiple co-occurring conditions,” she said.

    Durkin also said that very preterm births and older parental age could have contributed to increased autism, as well as potentially “other factors yet to be discovered.”

    Multiple researchers pointed out the variation in autism rates between study sites as a sign the CDC survey is capturing something other than true changes in autism. “Autism doesn’t respect geopolitical borders,” Mandell said. “We are seeing the results of better identification and services in different places.”

    In the 2022 data, around 1 in 19 children were recorded as having autism at a site in the San Diego area, while just 1 in 103 children were recorded as having autism at the Laredo, Texas, site. In other words, the difference between Laredo and San Diego today is slightly greater than the difference Kennedy touts between children born in 2014 and those born in 1992.

    “Research has not demonstrated that living in certain communities puts children at greater risk for developing ASD,” the authors of the new CDC study wrote in their paper.

    The Laredo site had the oldest average age of diagnosis and the highest rate of cognitive impairment in the children identified as autistic, Craig Newschaffer, a professor of biobehavioral health at Penn State University, told us via email.

    “One hypothesis could be that there is some absence of an environmental toxin in Laredo that is causally linked to autism and especially to early emerging cases of autism,” Newschaffer said. “However, it is much more likely that this descriptive picture supports the alternative hypothesis that there is a lowered diagnostic tendency in Laredo (kids are diagnosed at later ages, and higher-functioning children are missed), perhaps because this is an area where access to strong diagnostic services may be lacking.”

    One factor that could drive the high rate of identified cases in the San Diego area, the authors of the CDC report wrote, is an initiative in which “hundreds of local pediatricians have been trained to screen and refer children for assessment as early as possible.” 

    Inaccurate Summary of Existing Studies

    During the press conference for the CDC findings, Kennedy selectively and inaccurately described the scientific literature, presenting it as clearly showing that the steep rise in observed autism rates is real — something it does not do.

    Kennedy claimed that after being tasked by the California state Legislature to investigate the issue in 2009, Irva Hertz-Picciotto, a University of California, Davis scientist, “came back with a definitive answer: the epidemic is real. Only a very, very small portion of it can be charged to better recognition or better diagnostic criteria.” He went on to say that “many, many” other studies “affirm” this and “the answer is very clear.”

    Later, after being pressed by a reporter, Kennedy acknowledged that a larger fraction of the increase might not be real, but maintained that the overwhelming majority was.

    “There are small slivers of the autism epidemic, maybe 10% to 25%, according to the studies — highest studies are around 25% — that can be attributed to better recognition and better diagnosis,” he said. “That means 85% are still — or 75% to 80% — still are part of an epidemic, and that’s too many.”

    But that’s not what the overall literature shows. It’s true that a 2002 report, conducted by UC Davis researchers — but not by the researcher Kennedy named —  found “no evidence” that widened diagnostic criteria contributed to California’s rising autism rate and concluded that “some, if not all, of the observed increase represents a true increase.” It was presented in the popular press at the time as being conclusive. The report, however, was not peer-reviewed and has been criticized by other scientists as having “unwarranted” conclusions. 

    The researcher Kennedy named, Hertz-Picciotto, specializes in identifying possible environmental causes of autism and did publish a study in 2009. It concluded that about one-third of the increase in autism reported in California was due to diagnostic criteria changes, including an earlier age at diagnosis and inclusion of milder cases.

    That’s already more than Kennedy claimed. But the paper also noted that it had not included other potential contributing factors, such as increased awareness and desire to access autism services. “Other artifacts have yet to be quantified, and as a result, the extent to which the continued rise represents a true increase in the occurrence of autism remains unclear,” the study said. (We reached out to Hertz-Picciotto but did not receive a reply.)

    When asked for support for Kennedy’s claims, in addition to the Hertz-Picciotto study, HHS pointed us to two papers authored or co-authored by Cynthia Nevison, an environmental research associate at the University of Colorado Boulder who has published about autism, including as a volunteer for SafeMinds, an anti-vaccine group. She has previously espoused anti-vaccine views and written articles for Children’s Health Defense, the anti-vaccine nonprofit Kennedy founded and previously led. (In his remarks, Kennedy appeared to reference another paper Nevison co-authored when he claimed a study found that the cost of treating autism by 2035 “will be $1 trillion a year.” The paper was retracted nearly two years ago.)

    One of her analyses, published in 2014 in Environmental Health, concluded its data “suggests that ~75-80% of the tracked increase in autism since 1988 is due to an actual increase in the disorder rather than to changing diagnostic criteria.”

    Experts, however, told us the analysis could not make such a claim, as information does not exist about the degree to which greater awareness, screening and diagnostic services may have driven autism increases, for example. Among other issues, Fombonne said, the analysis relied on a database that only includes children referred to services, and therefore is confounded and biased. “You cannot be drawing inferences by studying just that referred population,” he said.

    A few other studies have attempted to quantify the impact of certain changes, generally finding between one-quarter to onethird of the increase in autism prevalence is attributable to a single factor, such as diagnostic substitution or a change in diagnostic criteria. But no study has tried to account for all factors — and therefore, Kennedy is wrong to say that research has shown 75% or more of the increase remains part of an autism “epidemic.”

    Experts were generally skeptical of these efforts, with Durkin calling it a “dubious exercise.” But many other studies have documented or implicated various diagnostic changes in the observed rise in autism, although they did not quantify these effects.

    There “is a very large body of informal descriptive evidence continuously reemphasizing the role of diagnostic tendency as a major driver of autism prevalence trends,” Newschaffer told us, referring to factors that determine who gets diagnosed.

    In a 2012 study, which Fombonne co-authored, researchers reexamined records from a 1980s autism prevalence study in Utah, finding that 59% of the individuals originally designated as not having autism did have autism according to the more modern definition. The result was not primarily due to recognizing mild cases, as the average IQ of the newly identified cases was significantly lower than the originally identified group.

    A 2013 study in California found that children who moved to a neighborhood with more diagnostic resources were more likely to then receive an autism diagnosis, suggesting social drivers of diagnosis were at play.

    Taking another approach to address the question, a 2020 JAMA Psychiatry paper used twin cohorts in Sweden and found the relative importance of environmental factors associated with autism did not change over time, as might be expected if such exposures were indeed driving a surge in the condition. “These results thus do not suggest that environmental factors explain the increasing prevalence of ASD,” the study concluded.

    Claim of ‘Alarming Escalation’ in Severity

    As supposed evidence that artifacts cannot explain the observed increase in autism prevalence, Kennedy referred to a recent trend in the CDC data that shows a rise in the proportion of autistic children in the survey who have lower IQs. After gradually decreasing to 31% in 2014 from a high of roughly 50% in 2000, the proportion of kids with intellectual disability has ticked back upward, to nearly 40% in 2022.

    “If you look at table 3 of the ADDM report” — the table with IQ information  — “it’s clear that the rates are real,” Kennedy said during the press conference. The HHS press release on the CDC report also noted the recent trend, calling it “an alarming escalation in case severity” and stating that it demonstrates the increase in autism “cannot be solely attributed to the expansion of diagnoses to include higher functioning children.”

    But that’s a straw man argument. No one has claimed that the observed increase in autism is due to that single factor. The trend doesn’t prove that the true prevalence of autism has increased, nor does it negate the larger pattern over decades that shows a broader definition of autism over time has captured more mild cases.

    Fombonne said that when he trained as a psychiatrist, as many as three-quarters of children with autism also had intellectual disability, compared with 40% in the current survey. Surveys from around the world have documented a large decline in this percentage over the decades, he said, and the current CDC percentage is similar to what has been observed in other high-income countries. He said the trend “is not particularly alarming” and cannot be interpreted without taking into account a variety of factors.

    Cautioning that the data on intellectual disability in the CDC reports may not be representative, Durkin pointed to better identification of autism among low-income children, who consistently show higher rates of intellectual disability and previously were underrepresented in the CDC surveys. That underrepresentation has recently reversed, beginning with the CDC’s 2020 survey, she said, with autism now being slightly more common among low-income versus high-income children. 

    Durkin said the change in the pattern “could well be due” to a change in the CDC’s methods in 2018 and “could explain the uptick” in the percentage of children with co-occurring intellectual disability in the most recent CDC reports. For surveillance year 2018, the CDC no longer required clinical review to identify an autism case, which Durkin’s work showed had contributed to disparities in autism prevalence.

    Other experts also warned against reading too much into the numbers, noting that only a subset of children had IQ information, which varies greatly by site, and there could be different reasons why this information is or isn’t reported.

    “You wouldn’t have an IQ because the kid is so low that nobody knows how to test them, or you wouldn’t have an IQ because the child went to a psychiatrist and was clearly very verbal and articulate, and they didn’t want to bother getting an IQ,” Lord said. “The trouble with IQ data is it’s very hard to interpret it unless you know exactly what the tests were and when the kids were seen and the competence level of the person giving the tests.”

    She added that “there has been a big push by parent advocates to pay more attention to the more severely affected profoundly autistic kids” and that people may have improved over the past decade in knowing the tests that can be given to a child with profound autism, which could lower overall scores.

    Despite HHS’ emphasis on this trend, the CDC report itself does not directly identify or discuss it. The report, however, does suggest that various so-called social determinants of health “could lead to higher rates of disability among certain populations,” noting that more Black babies are born preterm than white babies, and that lead poisoning and traumatic brain injuries are other causes of intellectual disability. Disparities in access to early therapies, which can improve cognition, could also contribute, the report added.


    Editor’s note: FactCheck.org does not accept advertising. We rely on grants and individual donations from people like you. Please consider a donation. Credit card donations may be made through our “Donate” page. If you prefer to give by check, send to: FactCheck.org, Annenberg Public Policy Center, P.O. Box 58100, Philadelphia, PA 19102. 

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  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    A graphic circulating on social media compares Donald Trump’s and Joe Biden’s economic records as president and cites FactCheck.org as the source. But two of its figures are way off, and others are out of date — creating a more unfavorable comparison for Trump.

    The graphic also doesn’t mention that Trump’s numbers, for his first term, were negatively affected by the economic decline caused by the COVID-19 pandemic.

    We became aware of the graphic this week, after a reader asked if we produced it. We didn’t.

    We don’t know who created the graphic, or when it first appeared online. But at least one April 17 post of it on X has garnered roughly 98,000 “views” and been reposted about 4,200 times. Some posts on other platforms have gained traction as well.

    The top of the graphic features a quote that says, “Joe Biden Is The Worst President In The History Of The Country And It Isn’t Even Close,” which is attributed to “DJT,” the initials of Trump, who has made that claim about Biden several times.

    But the graphic goes on to suggest that Biden was better for the economy than Trump by comparing Biden’s presidency with Trump’s first term, using statistics for job growth, unemployment, manufacturing employment, economic growth and trade deficits. The figures are listed in a table with cartoon images of Biden and Trump.

    Biden’s Numbers

    Biden’s figures, which are in green, appear to come from our article “Biden’s Numbers, April 2024 Update” – but two of the figures have been inverted. In our article, we reported that the most recent economic growth rate under Biden at that point, for the first quarter of 2024, was 1.6% – not 18.8%, as the graphic says. And we reported that the U.S. trade deficit in goods and services under Biden had grown 18.8% at that time – not 1.6%.

    Our “numbers” series, which we launched during Barack Obama’s presidency, provides quarterly updates on various statistical indicators of what’s happened in the country under the president.

    The graphic’s other figures for Biden were accurate as of last April, but are now out of date.

    When he left office in January, the unemployment rate was 4%, and total employment for the entirety of his presidency had increased by more than 16.1 million jobs, including 610,000 manufacturing jobs. Those are the most recent figures according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics.

    Also, economic growth, as measured by real (inflation-adjusted) gross domestic product, in Biden’s last year as president was 2.8%, according to the Bureau of Economic Analysis. Meanwhile, the trade deficit in 2024 had increased 40.4% from 2020, based on the most recent BEA data.

    We plan to publish our full report on Biden’s final numbers this fall, when some of the annual data for 2024 is available.

    Trump’s Numbers

    For Trump, the creator of the graphic appears to have pulled his figures, which are in red, from our original version of “Trump’s Final Numbers” that was published in October 2021. (The graphic’s figure for job growth under Trump is a typo.)

    But we updated that article in July 2024 because we found that several of the statistics – due to periodic revisions to government data – were no longer accurate.

    The current version of that article says that when Trump left office in January 2021, the unemployment rate was 6.4%, and there was a decrease of about 2.7 million jobs during his presidency, including a drop of 178,000 in manufacturing employment. In addition, economic growth in the last year of Trump’s first term declined 2.2%, and the trade deficit in 2020 had increased 36.3% from 2016, which was the year before Trump first took office.

    More importantly, the graphic being shared online doesn’t mention the negative impact that the pandemic had on the economy in 2020 under Trump. As we said in our article, “Some of these figures, notably the net job loss and gross domestic product, were affected by the COVID-19 pandemic, which struck in Trump’s final year in office, becoming a defining issue of his tenure.” Our report mentioned the pandemic nearly 40 times.

    There had been an increase in employment under Trump before the pandemic caused the loss of more than 20 million jobs in April 2020, as attempts to stop the spread of the virus that causes COVID-19 led to business closures and layoffs. Also, prior to the pandemic, the unemployment rate was 3.5% in February 2020, and the economy had grown by 2.3% in 2019.

    We don’t know if those economic gains would have continued if not for the pandemic, but it’s misleading to present Trump’s first-term economic record without mentioning the COVID-19 caveat.

    We will publish the first “Trump’s Numbers” article on the president’s current term in January 2026, at the one-year mark of his time in office, just as we did for our first pieces on Biden and Trump, in his earlier term.


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  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    The Supreme Court ruled on the evening of April 10 that the Trump administration must comply with a lower court’s order to “facilitate” the release from custody of Kilmar Armando Abrego Garcia, an immigrant who was deported without a hearing to a mega prison in El Salvador. The case underscores the issue of due process and what legal protections are afforded to noncitizens.

    Here, we’ll explain what due process means, any limitations in its application to noncitizens, and the details of the Abrego Garcia case. In the process, we’ll fact-check some comments officials have made about the case.

    The Trump administration, which has said that Abrego Garcia was accidentally deported due to an “administrative error,” has stalled on bringing him back despite court orders, arguing that U.S. agencies do “not have authority to forcibly extract an alien from the domestic custody of a foreign sovereign nation.” Abrego Garcia was among the more than 250 immigrants who were deported by the administration to El Salvador on March 15.

    President Donald Trump hosts a bilateral meeting with President Nayib Bukele of El Salvador, Monday, April 14 in the Oval Office. Official White House Photo by Abe McNatt.

    “That’s up to El Salvador, if they want to return him. That’s not up to us,” Attorney General Pam Bondi said during an Oval Office meeting between President Donald Trump and Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele on April 14. At the same meeting, Secretary of State Marco Rubio emphasized the diplomatic implications, saying, “The foreign policy of the United States is conducted by the President of the United States, not by a court.”

    But the case highlights what some legal scholars see as an effort by the Trump administration to erode due process — or the constitutional right to contest an arrest by the government — and set a precedent for making people unreachable by imprisoning them outside of the U.S.

    “Why hasn’t the Trump administration acted to secure Mr. Abrego Garcia’s release? After all, he is there because of a government screw-up,” law professors Erwin Chemerinsky and Laurence H. Tribe asked in an April 9 opinion piece published by the New York Times.

    “The answer can only be that it is using this case to establish a truly chilling proposition: that no one can stop the Trump administration from imprisoning any people it wants anywhere else in the world,” they answered.

    We reached out to the White House for a response to that proposition, but we didn’t receive a reply.

    Some Trump administration officials, though, have suggested that there may be limits to due process. Border czar Tom Homan, for example, said that immigration agents are the “principal” judges of whether or not a detainee has gang affiliations and, if they determine that there is an affiliation, that detainee’s rights to due process are limited.

    “People who are enemies of the United States don’t have the same level [of] due process [as in] the normal process,” Homan told Axios in an April interview, making an apparent reference to the administration’s use of the Alien Enemies Act to expel immigrants it alleges are gang members. A challenge to the use of that law is currently working its way through the courts, as we’ve explained.

    And Trump’s homeland security adviser, Stephen Miller, posted on X on April 1: “Friendly reminder: If you illegally invaded our country the only ‘process’ you are entitled to is deportation.”

    But immigrants — including those who crossed the border without authorization — have a right to due process, legal experts say.

    “The thing about due process is that it either applies to everyone present in the United States or it applies to no one,” Amy Grenier, of the American Immigration Lawyers Association, told us by email.

    What Is Due Process?

    The Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments to the Constitution establish the right to due process — the Fifth Amendment says that “[n]o person shall … be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law.” The Fourteenth Amendment extends this obligation to the states.

    “There is no way to have due process and decide a group of people are not entitled to it. Due process includes the opportunity to know the charges against you and to argue against them. If a government is ensuring due process, every individual removed will know why they are removed, and they will have an opportunity to make their case on why they should not be prior to removal,” Grenier said. “This is true even for the undocumented, even if someone is here without authorization.”

    She noted that the Constitution uses the word, “person,” not, citizen — meaning that it applies to everyone.

    “If due process applied only to citizens, or people who are here lawfully, yet at no point is there an opportunity to be heard or prove your case, how would a citizen prove they are a citizen prior to removal?” she asked.

    Kathleen Bush-Joseph, a lawyer and policy analyst at the Migration Policy Institute, agreed. “Constitutional protections apply to everyone and that’s the baseline,” she told us in a phone interview.

    But, Bush-Joseph said, the legal process can differ, depending on how a person entered the country. For example, someone who overstayed a visa and has been present in the U.S. for years generally would go to immigration court before they could be deported, while someone who has been in the U.S. illegally for less than two years could be subject to an expedited removal process. Under that process, an immigration officer can order a noncitizen to be removed, unless that person expresses a credible fear of returning to their home country and seeks asylum.

    Previously, the expedited removal process had applied to those who were apprehended within 100 miles of the border within 14 days of having entered the country. However, Trump expanded expedited removal shortly after taking office to include anyone who illegally crossed the border within the prior two years and is apprehended anywhere in the country. The policy is being challenged in court as a violation of due process.

    Bush-Joseph also noted that some other actions the Trump administration has taken suggest it may be trying to speed up the deportation of immigrants: namely, the executive order Trump signed on Jan. 20 calling the arrival of immigrants in the U.S. an “invasion” and the requirement that “all foreign nationals present in the United States longer than 30 days” must register with the government.

    “President Trump and I have a clear message for those in our country illegally: leave now,” Department of Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem said in a statement urging compliance with the registration rule.

    “So, the Trump administration is saying that immigrants affected by these announcements don’t have the same protections as U.S. citizens,” Bush-Joseph said.

    Abrego Garcia

    In Abrego Garcia’s case, he came to the U.S. without authorization in 2012, fleeing gang violence from Barrio 18, which had targeted his family’s pupusa business in El Salvador, according to court documents.

    He went to live with his brother, a U.S. citizen, in Maryland and, in 2019, was arrested while waiting outside of a Home Depot to be hired as a day laborer. The Department of Homeland Security then moved to deport him under Title 8 — which codifies immigration laws, including those that govern asylum, removal and naturalization — because he was in the U.S. without having been legally admitted. Abrego Garcia then applied for asylum.

    The Trump administration has highlighted a claim made in the arguments over whether he should be detained or let out on bond while awaiting the outcome of his asylum case. At the time, Abrego Garcia argued that he should be freed on bond, saying that he wasn’t a flight risk since he had lived in the U.S. for eight years and intended to marry his then girlfriend who was a U.S. citizen and was five months into a high-risk pregnancy. He also argued that he wasn’t a danger to the community, citing his lack of a criminal record.

    DHS, however, argued that he should be kept in custody pending the outcome of the case because, it alleged, he was a member of the Salvadoran gang MS-13. Abrego Garcia and his now wife denied the allegation at the time and continue to do so today.

    Two pieces of evidence were presented to support the claim that he was a member of MS-13. First, what he was wearing at the time of his arrest — “a Chicago Bulls hat and a hoodie with rolls of money covering the eyes, ears and mouth of the presidents on the separate denominations. Officers know such clothing to be indicative of the Hispanic gang culture,” the arrest record said. Second, a statement from a now suspended officer who cited an unnamed informant who said that Abrego Garcia was a member of the gang’s “Westerns clique,” which is based in New York — a state, Abrego Garcia’s lawyers say, he’s never been to.

    The docket for his 2019 immigration case isn’t public, but documents from it have been filed in the current case. Bondi posted some documents from it on social media. They show that an immigration judge who handled his bond hearing found that DHS’ contention that he was a member of MS-13 “appears to be trustworthy,” while also acknowledging that there were inconsistencies in the report DHS relied upon. The judge denied Abrego Garcia’s bond, and an immigration court appeals board issued a two-page order upholding her ruling.

    Bondi overstated the findings from the bond hearing when she said in the Oval Office meeting, “In 2019, two courts — an immigration court and an appellate immigration court — ruled that he was a member of MS-13.” The courts didn’t “rule” on the issue; rather, they said that the report relied upon by DHS was inconsistent but “appears to be trustworthy” enough to deny bond.

    A different immigration judge handled Abrego Garcia’s asylum claim. That judge didn’t rule on the issue of whether or not the government had proved Abrego Garcia was a member of MS-13, but the judge reviewed all the evidence presented in the case and found that Abrego Garcia “provided credible responses to the questions asked” and that his testimony was “consistent with his asylum application and other documents.” The judge didn’t grant asylum because Abrego Garcia had filed his application seven years after entering the U.S., “well-beyond the one-year filing deadline.”

    However, the judge did grant him “withholding of removal,” which is a form of relief for migrants who fear persecution, as explained by the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services. Such a ruling prevents deportation to a person’s home country and allows that person the right to remain in the U.S. and work legally, but according to the American Immigration Council, “the government is still allowed to deport that person to a different country if the other country agrees to accept them.” It does not allow a path to permanent residence or citizenship in the U.S.

    The judge found that Abrego Garcia had “suffered past persecution as he was threatened with death on more than one occasion” and that “the facts here show that the Barrio 18 gang continues to threaten and harass the Abrego family over these several years, and does so even though the family has moved three times.” The judge ruled that he could not be sent back to a country where he would be likely to suffer persecution.

    The government did not appeal that ruling, and Abrego Garcia has been living and working in Maryland ever since.

    When Abrego Garcia was arrested on March 12, Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers didn’t provide a warrant and “told him only that his ‘status had changed,’” according to U.S. District Court Judge Paula Xinis’ explanation of her April 4 decision that he should be returned from El Salvador. He was shuttled between detainment facilities before being flown to El Salvador on March 15, without having seen a judge.

    “Although the legal basis for the mass removal of hundreds of individuals to El Salvador remains disturbingly unclear, Abrego Garcia’s case is categorically different—there were no legal grounds whatsoever for his arrest, detention, or removal,” Xinis wrote, concluding that “his detention appears wholly lawless.”

    Vice President JD Vance misrepresented the situation when he posted on X, “Because he is not a citizen, he does not get a full jury trial by peers. In other words, whatever ‘due process’ he was entitled to, he received.” It’s true that Abrego Garcia received due process after being apprehended in 2019 — ultimately getting a judgment of withholding from removal — but he was not given due process before being removed from the country in March.

    “The government could have presented its evidence before an immigration judge, the federal district court in Maryland, or in criminal proceedings as it has done in prosecuting cases of other alleged MS-13 members,” foreign affairs expert Tom Joscelyn and law professor Ryan Goodman recently explained in the online publication Just Security.

    Since Abrego Garcia was removed under Title 8, that case would have been brought to an immigration court, which doesn’t have jury trials. Rather, those cases are decided by immigration judges.

    At this point, the Supreme Court has upheld Xinis’ April 4 order that the government should “facilitate” the release of Abrego Garcia and said it should “ensure that his case is handled as it would have been had he not been improperly sent to El Salvador.” The high court instructed the District Court to clarify the order to “effectuate” his return, “with due regard for the deference owed to the Executive Branch in the conduct of foreign affairs,” and said the federal government “should be prepared to share what it can concerning the steps it has taken and the prospect of further steps.”

    So far, the government hasn’t explained such steps. In a court filing on April 21, lawyers for the administration maintained that since Abrego Garcia got to El Salvador “his detention was no longer a matter of the United States’ confinement, but a matter belonging to the government of El Salvador.”

    Bukele, the country’s president, said in the Oval Office meeting on April 14 that he wouldn’t release Abrego Garcia and suggested the man was a “terrorist.”


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  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    In his first speech since leaving office, former President Joe Biden criticized the Trump administration’s staffing cuts and other changes at the Social Security Administration, but he made several misleading claims in the process.

    • Biden made the misleading claim that during his presidency some Republicans “wanted to let Social Security expire every five years … unless reauthorized by the Congress.” A 2022 proposal from Sen. Rick Scott called for sunsetting all federal programs after five years, unless Congress extended them. But Scott said he wanted to “fix,” not end, Social Security, and a later proposal specifically exempted Social Security.
    • The former president claimed that Republicans “threatened to raise the retirement age.” The conservative Republican Study Committee has proposed gradually raising the full retirement age for years, but that hasn’t gained enough support in Congress, even among Republicans.
    • Biden said the Social Security Administration had its “lowest staffing levels in 50 years” when he took office as president. He failed to mention that staffing ended up even lower his last year in office.
    • He said that staffing cuts and other changes under the Trump administration had caused concern that “Social Security benefits may be delayed or interrupted.” It’s true that experts have shared that concern over possible administrative errors. But a few of Biden’s comments could leave the misleading impression that monthly benefits for millions of people had nearly been, or were about to be, cut off.

    Biden spoke April 15 in Chicago at the Advocates, Counselors and Representatives for the Disabled conference.

    Old Chestnut on Letting Social Security Expire

    Biden repeated a familiar talking point in misleadingly claiming that during his presidency some Republicans in Congress “wanted to let Social Security expire every five years. That was the proposal, let it expire every five years unless reauthorized by the Congress.”

    That’s a reference to a 2022 policy proposal, called “An 11-Point Plan to Rescue America,” from Republican Sen. Rick Scott to sunset all federal programs after five years, unless Congress voted to extend them. “If a law is worth keeping, Congress can pass it again,” Scott’s plan said. But there was never any serious effort to implement that policy, especially as it pertains to Social Security.

    Scott, who then was the chair of the National Republican Senatorial Committee, said at the time that he didn’t want to sunset those programs — and he didn’t know anyone who did — but rather he wanted to “review,” “fix” and “preserve” them so that they are financially solvent for the long term. Shortly after Scott introduced his plan, then-Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell said that a bill sunsetting Social Security (and Medicare) in five years “will not be part of a Republican Senate majority agenda.”

    By the following year, Scott had revised the language in his plan to specifically exclude Social Security and Medicare, and other programs. “All federal legislation sunsets in 5 years, with specific exceptions of Social Security, Medicare, national security, veterans benefits, and other essential services,” the 2023 version of Scott’s plan said.

    Democrats have gotten a lot of mileage out of that proposal, particularly during the 2022 midterms, making false and misleading claims about Republicans wanting to “end” these popular programs, as we’ve written. In his remarks in Chicago, Biden said this five-year-expiration plan was part of the “constant threat” his administration faced from Republicans who wanted to “cut and gut Social Security.” But there was no threat of Social Security being terminated, as Scott has made clear.

    Retirement Age

    Biden misleadingly claimed that Republicans “threatened to raise the retirement age as well. Now, that might not be a hardship for someone working in a comfortable job, but if you’re on your feet all day, you’re doing manual labor all day, you’re working with a disability, it’s a very different matter.”

    As we wrote when Biden made a similar claim in his reelection announcement in 2023, the conservative Republican Study Committee has proposed budgets for years that have included gradually increasing the full retirement age, to either 69 or 70, and indexing it after that for life expectancy. The “full retirement age,” when a beneficiary can get full benefit payments, is age 66 to 67, depending on the beneficiary’s birth year. (Early retirement, with reduced Social Security benefit payments, is available starting at age 62.)

    The most recent RSC proposal, for fiscal 2025, said it would “make modest adjustments to the retirement age for future retirees to account for increases in life expectancy.”

    But raising the retirement age has failed to attract enough support in Congress, even among Republicans. In late December, Sen. Rand Paul introduced an amendment to raise the full retirement age, and it garnered just three “yes” votes.

    Legislators will need to take some action in the near future if they want the program to continue to pay all of its promised benefits, and it’s possible that raising the retirement age, or raising taxes, will be under discussion. The trust fund for retirees’ and survivors’ benefits is expected to be depleted in 2033, at which point SSA will only be able to pay 79% of benefits, according to the Social Security trustees’ latest estimate.

    On the campaign trail, President Donald Trump said he “will not raise the retirement age by one day” and wouldn’t cut “one penny” from Social Security. Since taking office, he has said that he’s only interested in getting rid of fraud. “Social Security won’t be touched, other than if there’s fraud,” Trump said in a February interview.

    More to the Story on Staffing Level

    The former president said: “When we came into office, the Social Security Administration had its lowest staffing. … Lowest staffing levels in 50 years. And demand was going through the roof because of my generation, the Baby Boomer generation, reaching the retirement age.” He didn’t say anything more about a change in SSA staffing during his administration, but it’s worth noting that the number of full-time staffers was even lower his last year in office.

    Full-time staffing at the SSA was 58,952 in fiscal year 2021, which began nearly four months before Biden took office. That was the lowest dating back to at least 1995, the earliest year in an SSA table on staffing levels. A report from the Associated Press from last year indicates that it was also probably the lowest level since the early 1970s.

    But the total full-time staff was 57,148 in fiscal 2024, which ended on Sept. 30, 2024. The peak under Biden was 60,026 in fiscal 2023.

    Under Trump, the SSA announced in February it will cut 7,000 jobs, with an agency-wide offer of early retirement and incentivized resignations, and the Washington Post has reported that thousands more in reductions are planned.  

    Misleading Claims on the Threat to Monthly Benefits

    Biden criticized the Trump administration for staffing cuts, website crashes and computer glitches at the Social Security Administration that the former president said had left beneficiaries “genuinely concerned for the first time in history, for the first and only time in history, that Social Security benefits may be delayed or interrupted.” As we’ve written, experts are concerned about SSA reorganizations, rushed changes and false fraud claims leading to administrative problems with Social Security, including the delivery of benefits. But a few of Biden’s comments could leave the misleading impression that monthly benefits for millions of people had nearly been, or were about to be, cut off.

    “In the 90 years since Franklin Roosevelt created the Social Security system, people have always gotten their Social Security checks. They’ve gotten them during wartime, during recessions, during the pandemic. No matter what, they got them. But now, for the first time ever, that might change. There’ll be calamity for millions of families, millions of people,” Biden said.

    There is no plan to stop monthly benefits, but, as we said, experts are worried that abrupt changes at the SSA, in the name of cutting staffing or finding fraud, could lead to operational mistakes. “I genuinely have never been this concerned about the ability of that agency to function,” Pamela Herd, a professor of social policy and faculty associate at the Institute for Social Research’s Population Studies Center at the University of Michigan, told us for an earlier story on the issue. “Yes, I think people are right to be worried about it.”

    The former president also was largely accurate in citing comments by Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick, but one line by Biden could leave the wrong impression that there was a “possibility of Social Security checks not going out this month.”

    Biden said of Lutnick: “But the current secretary of commerce doesn’t seem to get it, or based on his comments, he doesn’t seem to even care. … But when he talked about the possibility of Social Security checks not going out this month, he shrugged it off. Here’s what he said. He said that his 94-year-old mother-in-law wouldn’t complain. It wouldn’t bother her.”

    Lutnick, in an interview on the All-In Podcast on March 20, raised the hypothetical of checks not going out that month, saying that a “fraudster” would be the one to complain about it.

    Lutnick said: “Let’s say Social Security didn’t send out their checks this month. My mother-in-law, who’s 94, she wouldn’t call and complain. She just wouldn’t. She’d think something got messed up and she’ll get it next month. A fraudster always makes the loudest noise, screaming, yelling and complaining. … Anybody who’s been in the payment system and the process system knows the easiest way to find the fraudster is to stop payments and listen. Because whoever screams is the one stealing.”

    Biden also said Lutnick, a billionaire, was “paying 8.5% in taxes.” We don’t know what rate Lutnick pays in federal taxes, but Biden’s figure refers to a White House calculation for the 400 wealthiest families in the U.S. that factors in earnings on unsold stock as income, as we’ve explained.

    Alan Jaffe contributed to this story.


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