Category: FactCheck Posts

  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    When the Washington Post reported via anonymous sources that a government intelligence assessment concluded the Venezuelan government was not directing the migration of members of the Trenreport de Aragua gang to the United States, Tulsi Gabbard, the director of national intelligence, dismissed such reports and said those “behind this illegal leak of classified intelligence” had “twisted and manipulated [the information] to convey the exact opposite finding.”

    But a redacted copy of the intelligence memo shows that the Washington Post’s reporting was accurate. 

    The April 7 intelligence assessment broadly concluded that Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro’s “regime probably does not have a policy of cooperating with TDA and is not directing TDA movement to and operations in the United States.”

    The six-page memo from the National Intelligence Council, “Venezuela: Examining Regime Ties to Tren de Aragua,” was released by the Office of the Director of National Intelligence on May 5 in response to a Freedom of Information Act request from the Freedom of the Press Foundation. The foundation provided us a copy of that memo.

    The conclusions in the National Intelligence Council memo — the shared assessment of 18 U.S. intelligence organizations — undercut the basis for President Donald Trump’s March 15 invocation of the Alien Enemies Act to summarily deport Venezuelan immigrants suspected of affiliation with Tren de Aragua. In that proclamation, the Trump administration argued that TdA is “conducting irregular warfare” in the U.S. and operating “in conjunction” with the Maduro regime, and in support of “the Maduro regime’s goal of destabilizing democratic nations in the Americas, including the United States.”

    As we have written, the Alien Enemies Act is an 18th century law that says that in times of war or during an “invasion or predatory incursion … by any foreign nation or government,” the president can apprehend, restrain, secure and remove any immigrants who came from the enemy country.

    Trump’s use of the Alien Enemies Act hinges on two assertions: that TdA is “perpetrating, attempting, and threatening an invasion or predatory incursion against the territory of the United States” and that it is acting “at the direction, clandestine or otherwise, of the Maduro regime in Venezuela.”

    As we said, the National Intelligence Council memorandum broadly contradicted that second statement.

    What the Memo Says

    According to the NIC memo, “While Venezuela’s permissive environment enables TDA to operate, the Maduro regime probably does not have a policy of cooperating with TDA and is not directing TDA movement to and operations in the United States.”

    The NIC memo listed several reasons for its conclusion.

    First, it said, “Venezuelan intelligence, military, and police services view TDA as a security threat and operate against it in ways that make it highly unlikely the two sides would cooperate in a strategic or consistent way.” The memo noted that in late January, “at least two Venezuelan National Guard units arrested TDA members in Venezuela in separate operations.”

    The memo further noted — citing press reports and redacted sources — that “[s]ince at least 2016, Venezuelan security forces have periodically engaged in armed confrontations with TDA, resulting in the killing of some TDA members.”

    The memo stated that the intelligence community “has not observed the regime directing TDA, including to push migrants to the United States, which probably would require extensive coordination, and funding between regime entities and TDA leaders that we would collect.” The memo stated that “the decentralized makeup of TDA … would make such a relationship logistically challenging.” The memo also noted that the IC “recognizes the regime appreciates migration as a safety valve, allowing discontented Venezuelans to leave.”

    In her April 21 social media post criticizing press reports about the then unreleased memo, Gabbard contradicted those assessments, saying, “The Office of the Director of National Intelligence fully supports the assessment that the foreign terrorist organization, Tren De Aragua, is acting with the support of the Maduro Regime, and thus subject to arrest, detention and removal as alien enemies of the United States.”

    “Illegal immigrant criminals have raped, tortured, and murdered Americans, and still, the propaganda media continues to operate as apologists for them,” Gabbard said in a released statement. “It is outrageous that as President Trump and his administration work hard every day to make America safe by deporting these violent criminals, some in the media remain intent on twisting and manipulating intelligence assessments to undermine the President’s agenda to keep the American people safe.”

    But the released NIC memo shows the media reports were not twisting the intelligence assessments. As the Washington Post reported on April 17, “The intelligence product found that although there are some low-level contacts between the Maduro government and Tren de Aragua, or TdA, the gang does not operate at the direction of Venezuela’s leader. The product builds on U.S. intelligence findings in February, first reported by the New York Times, that the gang is not controlled by Venezuela.”

    The FBI’s Position

    The FBI was the lone agency among the 18 U.S. intelligence organizations on the National Intelligence Council that offered partial dissent. (Other NIC organizations include the CIA, the five Department of Defense armed services, the Department of Homeland Security’s Office of Intelligence, and the Department of State’s Bureau of Intelligence and Research.)

    According to the memo, “While FBI analysts agree with the above assessment, they assess some Venezuelan government officials facilitate TDA members’ migration from Venezuela to the United States and use members as proxies in Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, and the United States to advance what they see as the Maduro regime’s goal of destabilizing governments and undermining public safety in these countries, based on DHS [Department of Homeland Security] and FBI reporting as of February 2024.” (The italics are the memo’s emphasis.)

    On April 23, Fox News Digital said it talked to an unnamed “senior administration official” who shared unclassified portions of an FBI report in which “[t]he FBI assesses that in the next six to 18 months, Venezuelan government officials likely will attempt to leverage Tren de Aragua members in the United States as proxy actors to threaten, abduct and kill members of the Venezuelan diaspora in the United States who are vocal critics of Maduro and his regime.”

    In a speech in Michigan on April 29, Trump referenced that report, saying, “The FBI recently assessed that these vicious gangs have been sent by the foreign regime in Venezuela to foment violence and instability in the United States of America.”

    The NIC memo, however, said that “most of the IC” has concluded that “intelligence indicating that regime leaders are directing or enabling TDA migration to the United States is not credible.”

    “Some regime officials are probably willing to capitalize on migration for personal financial or other benefits, even though the Maduro regime probably is not systematically directing Venezuelan outflows, such as to sow chaos in receiving countries,” the NIC memo stated. “The intelligence record indicates Venezuelans have migrated voluntarily, often at great personal risk, to flee political instability and near-collapse of Venezuela’s economy. The IC attributes increased migration flows, including the spike in US arrivals from 2021 to 2024 of Venezuelan nationals –which could include some TDA members — to a variety of push and pull factors including socioeconomic conditions, family ties to the United States, and migrants’ perceptions of US and regional enforcement.”

    But the NIC said that while Maduro may not have been directing the migration of Venezuelans, neither has he sought to stem it, saying that migration “helped him retain power by having dissidents leave the country.”

    “The Maduro regime may have also welcomed the logistical, financial, and political headaches that unregulated migration has caused for the US Government, its perceived principal adversary, even if not a principal intent,” the memo stated.

    Even in cases of “limited IC reporting suggesting a link between TDA and some Venezuelan officials aimed at facilitating TDA migration to the United States,” the memo noted that “in some cases, reporting warns that these sources could also be motivated to fabricate information.”

    An official in Gabbard’s ODNI, however, said there’s reason to put more credence in the FBI intelligence than the assessment from the umbrella National Intelligence Council. The FBI assessment is based on its domestic law enforcement operations against TdA in the U.S., an ODNI official told us. “This information and intelligence are the most robust and accurate given their focus on domestic security and crimes, versus limited intelligence assessments from other intelligence elements who by law focus solely on foreign intelligence collection, and who until President Trump took office, had very limited resources focused on TdA,” the official said.

    The ODNI official argued that the Venezuelan government is “aiding and abetting” TdA by creating conditions in the country that enable it to thrive — much the same way that the Taliban government in Afghanistan was providing sanctuary to al Qaeda, and thereby enabling al Qaeda to carry out its Sept. 11, 2001, attack in the U.S. The official also pointed to comments that José Gustavo Arocha, a former lieutenant colonel in the Venezuelan army, made to Fox News Digital in December. Arocha said that TdA is “a state-sponsored Maduro regime organization. The real boss of the Tren de Aragua is in Caracas, Venezuela. It is the Maduro regime, because they created TdA, and they use the TdA as a blackmail [tool] for any situation.”

    The NIC memo acknowledged, “The lack of transparency and accountability in Venezuela has created an environment for widespread corruption and for regime officials to benefit from a variety of illicit activities, an environment fueled by Maduro’s illegitimate and autocratic grip on power. This persistent outflow of migrants probably offers opportunities for some regime officials in capacities to facilitate migration movement to look for and receive personal kickbacks for their services, and to conceal the benefits they receive.”

    The memo noted that U.S. law enforcement reports claim members of the regime “have cooperated with TDA by providing financial or material support, but we cannot verify the sources’ access. Even so, these reports do not claim that these figures direct the group.”

    And, the NIC memo warned, “Some reports come from people detained for involvement in criminal activity in the United States or for entering the country illegally, which could motivate them to make false allegations about their ties to the Venezuelan regime in an effort to deflect responsibility for their crimes and to lessen punishment by providing exculpatory or otherwise ‘valuable’ information to US prosecutors.”

    Courts on Use of Alien Enemies Act

    The question of whether the Maduro regime in Venezuela is coordinating with TdA is central to the Trump administration’s argument for invoking the Alien Enemies Act in order to — as Trump put it — “expel every foreign terrorist from our soil as quickly as possible.” As we said, the act pertains to times of war or an “invasion” by a “foreign nation or government.”

    The act has been used three times in U.S. history, during the War of 1812, World War I and World War II.

    In his March 15 proclamation invoking the Alien Enemies Act, Trump declared that “TdA is perpetrating, attempting, and threatening an invasion or predatory incursion against the territory of the United States. TdA is undertaking hostile actions and conducting irregular warfare against the territory of the United States both directly and at the direction, clandestine or otherwise, of the Maduro regime in Venezuela.” And as a result, the proclamation said, “all Venezuelan citizens 14 years of age or older who are members of TdA, are within the United States, and are not actually naturalized or lawful permanent residents of the United States are liable to be apprehended, restrained, secured, and removed as Alien Enemies.”

    Trump invoked the act in March to summarily deport 238 Venezuelan migrants alleged to be members of TdA, who were then sent to a mega prison in El Salvador. But the New York Times found no evidence that a vast majority of the men had any connection to Tren de Aragua.

    Alleged members of Venezuela’s Tren de Aragua gang and members of the MS-13 gang, who were deported to El Salvador by the U.S. in San Salvador on March 31. Photo by El Salvador Press Presidency Office/Anadolu via Getty Images.

    Some federal judges have ruled that the administration can’t use the Alien Enemies Act in this way.

    On May 1, a federal district judge in Texas — who was appointed by Trump — concluded that Trump had improperly applied the Alien Enemies Act.

    “[T]he historical record renders clear that the President’s invocation of the AEA through the Proclamation exceeds the scope of the statute and is contrary to the plain, ordinary meaning of the statute’s terms,” U.S. District Judge Fernando Rodriguez Jr. wrote. “As a result, the Court concludes that as a matter of law, the Executive Branch cannot rely on the AEA, based on the Proclamation, to detain the Named Petitioners and the certified class, or to remove them from the country.”

    In similar cases in other states, two more federal judges have since concurred.

    “Since Respondents have not demonstrated the existence of a ‘war,’ ‘invasion’ or ‘predatory incursion,’ the AEA was not validly invoked by the Presidential Proclamation,” Judge Alvin Hellerstein, a federal judge in the Southern District of New York who was appointed by President Bill Clinton, wrote in a May 6 ruling.

    “Petitioners have not been given notice of what they allegedly did to join TdA, when they joined, and what they did in the United States, or anywhere else, to share or further the illicit objectives of the TdA,” Hellerstein wrote. “Without such proof, Petitioners are subject to removal by the Executive’s dictate alone, in contravention of the AEA and the Constitutional requirements of due process.”

    The same day, a federal district judge in Colorado, an appointee of President Joe Biden, said she found “unpersuasive” the Trump administration’s definition of “invasion” to broadly include “hostile entrance,” or “hostile encroachment.” U.S. District Judge Charlotte Sweeney said she agreed the word “invasion” meant military action against the U.S.

    These decisions can all be appealed by the Trump administration, and the question of whether the president can use the Alien Enemies Act may ultimately end up before the Supreme Court.


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    The post Intelligence Memo Undercuts Trump’s Immigration Argument appeared first on FactCheck.org.

    This post was originally published on FactCheck.org.

  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    The national average price of a gallon of regular gasoline is still over $3, and no state has an average price below $2.60. But since mid-April, President Donald Trump has falsely claimed, repeatedly, that gasoline prices “hit $1.98 a gallon” in multiple states. Now we may know his source.

    Before publishing our April 24 story about the president’s inaccurate claims of much lower gasoline prices, we asked the White House for supporting evidence. Officials didn’t provide any.

    After Trump made the $1.98 gasoline claim again, on social media May 2, CNBC reported that Trump was likely referring to the trading price for RBOB, a form of gasoline called reformulated blendstock for oxygenate blending. That price isn’t what drivers pay at the pump.

    “When asked by CNBC whether the president was referencing RBOB, Trump administration officials pointed to the contract’s recent price action [dropping below $2 per gallon],” Spencer Kimball, a CNBC energy reporter, wrote in a May 5 article.

    Photo by aradaphotography/stock.adobe.com

    We contacted the White House to confirm the report, but we received no reply.

    RBOB is an unfinished gasoline product that is “intended for blending with oxygenates,” such as ethanol, “to produce finished reformulated gasoline,” according to the Energy Information Administration. Before it’s mixed to make gasoline that goes in vehicles, RBOB is traded as a commodity.

    For example, contracts for RBOB futures traded on the New York Mercantile Exchange sold for between $1.96 per gallon and $1.99 per gallon for a few days in April, down from about $2.11 when Trump took office on Jan. 20.

    EIA says: “In addition to trading physical quantities of petroleum products, market participants can also use futures contracts to buy or sell gasoline and distillate for future delivery, or to hedge or speculate on future price movements.”

    Prior to Trump’s inauguration, the RBOB trading price on the NYMEX was most recently below $2 per gallon in December, when Joe Biden was president. As of May 7, the price was roughly $2.06.

    But the cost for RBOB is considered to be a kind of wholesale price. It excludes state and federal taxes, as well as other manufacturing, distribution and marketing costs that go into determining the final fuel price that consumers see at gas stations.

    “It does not come anywhere near explaining what consumers are paying,” Patrick De Haan, head of petroleum analysis at GasBuddy, which tracks fuel prices, told CNBC about the RBOB trading price. 

    “It would be irrelevant to the consumer to know what the price of RBOB is because they’re not paying the wholesale price of RBOB,” he said. 

    If Trump has been referring to the price for RBOB all along, he has misled the public by comparing it with previously high gasoline prices paid by drivers. (Trump has also misleadingly referred to wholesale prices, instead of retail prices, when claiming that the cost of eggs is down significantly.)

    “Prices are down at tremendous numbers for gasoline,” Trump said in a “Meet the Press” interview that aired May 4. “It went up to $3.90, even $4. And in California, $5 and $6. Right? Okay. I have it down to $1.98 in many states right now.”

    We’d also note, as we’ve written before, that presidents don’t control gasoline prices, as Trump’s comment suggested. The price is mainly determined by the cost of crude oil, which is set on the global market based largely on supply and demand.

    Furthermore, for consumers nationwide, the average price of regular grade gasoline was $3.15 per gallon the week ending May 5, according to EIA data. That was up from about $3.11 per gallon when Trump began his second term earlier this year. Prices had been as high as $5 a gallon in 2022.

    As for individual states, AAA said the lowest average price on May 7 was roughly $2.65 per gallon in Mississippi.

    GasBuddy figures show similar national and state average prices.


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  • Q. Did President Donald Trump call military nurse Ruby Bradley a “loser,” and were there orders for her service history to be removed from Department of Defense archives?

    A. There’s no evidence for these claims. We could find no record of Trump referring to nurse Ruby Bradley, who received 34 medals for her service during World War II and the Korean War. A Pentagon spokesperson told us that there was “nothing deleted and/or taken offline related to Ruby Bradley” and “we have not received any guidance requiring the removal of content” related to her.

    FULL ANSWER

    Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    Among President Donald Trump’s early executive actions in his second term was an order titled “Restoring America’s Fighting Force,” which called for the secretaries of Defense and Homeland Security to “abolish every DEI office” within their departments, referring to diversity, equity and inclusion programs based on “race and sex preferences within the Armed Forces.”

    In the weeks that followed Trump’s order, and a subsequent memo from Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth calling for a “digital content refresh,” the Department of Defense deleted websites and social media pages that highlighted the historic roles of women and some ethnic and racial groups in the military.

    The angry blowback from military families, lawmakers and the public in general led to the Defense Department’s reassessment and restoration of some, but not all, of the content. A page about baseball star Jackie Robinson’s military experience was restored, but content about other Black players talking about their military service was deleted, NBC News reported.

    Photo via VA News

    Ripples of distrust following the digital purge continue, including an unfounded claim circulating on social media regarding a heroic World War II nurse. We received numerous emails asking about the claim, including one reader who said: “I recently saw a social media post claiming that President Trump called WWII Veteran Ruby Bradley a ‘loser’ for being captured and ‘woke’. Additionally, it claimed that Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth is wiping her military records. Is this true?”

    We found no evidence for such claims. We could find no record of Trump referring to Bradley in his social media posts or public remarks. And a Pentagon spokesperson told us in an email, “nothing deleted and/or taken offline related to Ruby Bradley. Also confirmed that we have not received any guidance requiring the removal of content featuring Ruby Bradley. Looks like the rumor is just that.”

    In fact, we found a U.S. Army page devoted to women in the Army Medical Department, which included a spotlight on the heroic actions of Bradley, who was taken prisoner by the Japanese in the Philippines during World War II, and returned to combat duty during the Korean War.

    According to that webpage, “Maj. Ruby Bradley would remain in service after the war and find herself in combat again in Korea as chief nurse for the 171st Evacuation Hospital. At the end of November 1950, the 171st was ordered to evacuate its patients and withdraw from Pyongyang where it was located. The overall evacuation of Eighth Army from North Korea outpaced the 171st’s ability to clear its area. Bradley was ordered to leave but remained with her patients until all were evacuated. As she boarded a plane to depart the area an enemy shell destroyed the ambulance she had been using to ferry patients to the airfield. Bradley demonstrated bravery under fire in two wars, and by the time she retired from the service in 1963 she had received 34 medals and citations for bravery and was reportedly the most decorated woman in the military.”

    Bradley was promoted to colonel before she retired from the military. She died in 2002 and is buried at Arlington National Cemetery.

    The reference in the social media posts to Trump calling prisoners of war “losers” harks back to comments he made as a presidential candidate in 2015. Speaking about Sen. John McCain, who was held captive for over five years during the Vietnam War, Trump said that McCain “was a war hero because he was captured. … I like people who weren’t captured.”

    “He lost and let us down,” Trump also said, referring to McCain’s failure to win the presidential race in 2008. “I don’t like losers,” Trump said.


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  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    In the April 30 meeting of President Donald Trump’s Cabinet, which followed his 100th day in office, Attorney General Pam Bondi praised the president’s progress so far and highlighted efforts to curb the flow of the synthetic opioid fentanyl. But Bondi overstated the impact of drug seizures, claiming that they had saved the lives of more than half of all Americans.

    “Since you have been in office, President Trump, your DOJ agencies have seized more than 22 million fentanyl pills, 3,400 kilos of fentanyl … which saved — are you ready for this media — 258 million lives,” Bondi said.

    The total U.S. population is about 342 million, according to the Census Bureau. So, in Bondi’s rhetoric, that would mean three-quarters of the country would have died if not for recent drug busts.

    The previous day, on April 29, Bondi had posted a lower estimate on X, saying, “In President Trump’s first 100 days we’ve seized over 22 million fentanyl laced pills, saving over 119 Million lives.”

    Still, that would be about one-third of the country.

    Drug overdose deaths have been trending downward since 2023, according to data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. In a Feb. 25 press release, the CDC reported a 24% decline for fiscal year 2024, compared with the prior year. It estimated that there were 87,000 drug overdose deaths in fiscal 2024. Most of those deaths — about 55,000 — were from synthetic opioids, including fentanyl.

    Even if DOJ’s drug seizures were to eliminate every single fentanyl death in the U.S., 55,000 is a far cry from 258 million. Or even 119 million.

    We asked the Department of Justice how Bondi had arrived at that estimate, and we received an email that said:

    DOJ email, May 5: 1 kg of fentanyl* .1518 (current purity level) * 1000 (to convert to grams) / by .002 (amount needed for a deadly dose) = lethal dose of fentanyl

    So, 3,400 Kg of fentanyl seized in Trump’s first 100 days 

    3400*.1518

    *1000

    /.002

    =258,060,000 deadly doses

    The DOJ had calculated the number of potentially deadly doses of fentanyl that could have been made from the 3,400 kilograms that were seized. Prosecutors often highlight the amount of lives that a seized quantity of fentanyl has the capacity to kill, but Bondi heightened that rhetoric by translating it to lives “saved.”

    “It’s government lingo at its best,” Anthony Cangelosi, a lecturer at John Jay College of Criminal Justice who has investigated the import of narcotics for the Department of Homeland Security, told us in a phone interview.

    Regardless of who it is — a U.S. attorney or a local prosecutor — law enforcement officials always use the high-end estimate for the potential harm that could have been caused by drugs or contraband that was seized, Cangelosi said.

    “I’m not saying that the numbers are incorrect,” he said. “Does it have the potential to kill this many people? Sure.” But, he asked, does it actually kill this many people? “No.”

    Overdoses generally happen when too much of a drug like fentanyl has been mixed into a pill or when the user takes too many pills, Cangelosi explained. So, not all doses of fentanyl end up killing the user.

    Also, most Americans wouldn’t be exposed to fentanyl at all, since they don’t use opioids or pills that would be laced with the drug. For instance, about 25% of the population reported using illicit drugs — the vast majority of which was marijuana — and about 0.2% of the population reported using illegally made fentanyl, according to the most recent National Survey on Drug Use and Health, which covered 2023.

    Rhetoric like Bondi’s, Cangelosi said, is “always a form of hyperbole, to some extent. But, again, it [the fentanyl seized] has the capability to do that.”

    Overdose deaths from fentanyl began significantly increasing in the second decade of the 2000s, and during his first administration, Trump declared an opioid crisis. The Department of Justice at the time began announcing fentanyl busts by highlighting the stories of individual victims and reporting numbers of overdose deaths.

    By April 2018, it had begun calculating the number of deadly doses that could have been made from a given stash. “Over the last few weeks, the DEA has seized a total of more than 64 kilograms of suspected fentanyl in cases from Detroit to New York City,” then Attorney General Jeff Sessions said on April 17, 2018. “That’s enough to kill 21 million people—more than the population of New York State.”

    The Justice Department continued to tout its fentanyl busts under the Biden administration and, in some cases, provided the calculation of lethal doses. For example, then Attorney General Merrick Garland said in a speech at the end of 2021, “In August, the department launched a nationwide law enforcement effort to address the alarming increase in the availability and lethality of fentanyl-laced pills. By the end of September, our cooperative efforts led to the seizure of 1.8 million such pills – a supply large enough to kill more than 700,000 Americans.”

    And, in a January 2023 speech, Garland praised the efforts of various agencies that had seized caches of fentanyl. “Together, these seizures represent more than 379 million potentially deadly doses of fentanyl,” he said. “That much fentanyl could kill every single American.”

    But Bondi turned that statistic into a claim about the number of lives saved.

    Fentanyl Seizures

    The number of fentanyl pills that the Drug Enforcement Administration has seized between January and April — 22 million — is up by 24% compared with the same time period in 2024, or 36% compared with 2023, according to data captured in archived versions of the DEA’s website.

    As we’ve reported before, there is no comprehensive federal data showing how much fentanyl is in the country.

    But there is data from U.S. Customs and Border Protection about the amount of drugs seized at U.S. borders, and experts say most of the U.S. supply of fentanyl comes through the southern border.

    CBP data show that, beginning in January, monthly fentanyl seizures have been at their lowest numbers since 2022. We asked the DEA if its figures included seizures at the border, but we didn’t receive a response.

    We don’t know how much fentanyl is smuggled into the country, but the amount seized at the primary entry point has been lower in recent months. And we don’t know how many people would have died from the fentanyl that has been seized so far this year. But overdose statistics show yearly deaths are in the tens of thousands, not millions.


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    The post Bondi Far Overstates the Impact of Fentanyl Seizures on American Lives appeared first on FactCheck.org.

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  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    In recent interviews, Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has minimized the risk COVID-19 poses to kids and exaggerated the risk of the vaccine, incorrectly claiming that the shot poses a “profound risk” to children. While serious side effects can occur, they are rare, and have not been shown to outweigh the benefits of the vaccine in protecting against COVID-19.

    Kennedy’s remarks come as he is reportedly considering removing the COVID-19 vaccine from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention’s childhood immunization schedule, a move that could reduce accessibility to the vaccine.

    On April 22, when Fox News’ Jesse Watters asked about taking the COVID-19 vaccine off the schedule, Kennedy, who has long spread misinformation about vaccines, said the recommendation for children “was always dubious” because “kids had almost no risk for COVID-19.” (Both Watters and Kennedy misleadingly suggested the vaccine was mandatory for children, but as we’ve explained, being on the CDC schedule doesn’t make a vaccine mandatory.)

    “Certain kids that had very profound morbidities may have a slight risk, but most kids don’t,” he continued. “So why are we giving this to — to tens of millions of kids when the vaccine itself does have profound risk? We’ve seen huge associations with myocarditis and pericarditis, with strokes, with other injuries, with neurological injuries.”

    Kennedy made similar claims during an interview on “Dr. Phil Primetime” that aired on April 29. Replying to a question about the vaccine schedule by a member of the audience, Kennedy said the justification for giving COVID-19 vaccines to kids “is very, very weak” and that kids are “at almost a zero risk” from the disease. “We’re seeing a lot of adverse events from the vaccine, particularly in children — myocarditis, pericarditis, even strokes,” he added.

    Sean O’Leary, an associate professor of pediatrics at the University of Colorado and chair of the American Academy of Pediatrics Committee on Infectious Diseases, told us Kennedy’s claims are “inaccurate.” 

    “The vaccines are very safe in kids,” he told us in a phone interview, referring to the COVID-19 shots. 

    Myocarditis and pericarditis, the inflammation of the heart muscle and the outer lining of the heart, were identified early-on as rare side effects of some COVID-19 vaccines. The risk of these side effects is highest for adolescent and young adult males after a second dose, but is still very low. For younger children, the risk is so low it is sometimes not detectable in vaccine safety surveillance systems. According to CDC data, no increased risk has been observed for any age group since the 2022-2023 season. There’s also no evidence of an increased risk of strokes or neurological problems following vaccination in children.

    It’s true that kids are typically at much lower risk of getting severely ill from COVID-19 than adults, and some physicians do not think it’s necessary for healthy children to receive annual updated doses. But the risk of COVID-19 to children is “not no risk,” O’Leary said. “Through much of the pandemic, COVID was in the top 10 causes of death among children, and it was not just children with severe comorbidities. There were, unfortunately, lots of pediatric deaths, many of them in healthy children — and certainly, you know, thousands of hospitalizations as well.”

    Photo by InfiniteFlow / stock.adobe.com

    The CDC currently recommends that everyone 6 months of age get vaccinated against COVID-19, including a dose of the most recent formulation of the shot. In April, however, the CDC’s Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices discussed shifting from a universal recommendation to a risk-based recommendation for certain populations. Although there is no consensus among ACIP members yet, O’Leary, who is an AAP liaison to ACIP, said removing the universal recommendation for kids under 2, where they’re seeing the highest rates of hospitalizations among children, is not on the table.  

    “We are not discussing removing that recommendation for the younger kids,” he said. “And whether that cut-off is 2 or 4 or 5 — right now, the discussion has basically been for kids under 5 to continue with the universal recommendation.” 

    We reached out to HHS asking for support for Kennedy’s claims, but we didn’t get an answer. 

    COVID-19 is Riskier Than Vaccine

    Three years of vaccine safety monitoring data shows that the COVID-19 vaccines are safe in children. As the CDC explains, children may experience some mild and temporary side effects, as is expected after any vaccination. But “adverse reactions are rare” and “the benefits of COVID-19 vaccination outweigh the known risks of COVID-19 and possible severe complications.”

    Myocarditis and pericarditis were identified as rare serious side effects of the COVID-19 vaccines, as we’ve reported. But over time, that risk has appeared to decline.

    “No increased risk was observed in VSD and VAERS during the 2022-2023 and 2023-2024 seasons or the 2024-25 season to date,” a CDC slide from the ACIP meeting in April reads, referring to the Vaccine Safety Datalink and the Vaccine Adverse Event Reporting System.

    In addition, myocarditis following vaccination is “associated with less severe cardiovascular events” than myocarditis following a COVID-19 infection, the presentation notes.

    “[M]yocarditis is more likely and more severe after infection compared with vaccination,” Charlotte Moser, co-director of the Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia’s Vaccine Education Center and a member of the ACIP, told us in an email. “In fact, no children have died from vaccine-related myocarditis, but some have died from infection-related myocarditis. So, opting out of vaccination because of concerns about myocarditis does not remove the risk.”

    Jeffrey S. Morris, director of the division of biostatistics at the University of Pennsylvania’s Perelman School of Medicine, told us there are risks with the COVID-19 vaccines, but “the relevant comparison is the risk to children and teens of COVID-19 infections.” 

    “I do not think it is accurate to say there is ‘almost no risk,’” as Kennedy claimed, Morris told us in an email, referring to the risk of COVID-19 infections to children. “A non-negligible proportion of children are hospitalized with COVID-19 or even end up in ICU, and a small but non-negligible proportion suffer inflammatory syndromes (MIS-C) after infection, or suffer from post-COVID-19 sequelae (PASC),” he said, referring to long COVID.

    According to provisional CDC data presented in the last ACIP meeting, COVID-19 was an underlying cause of death for 152 children under 18 years of age between September 2023 and August 2024. “About 4 of every 10 children hospitalized with COVID-19 did not have any pre-existing conditions,” Moser told us. 

    study published in January in the Annals of Internal Medicine, based on more than 144,000 children and co-authored by Morris, suggests that the Pfizer/BioNTech COVID-19 vaccine was effective in preventing moderate and severe illness and ICU admissions during the delta and omicron periods. A separate study co-authored by Morris, published in eClinicalMedical in January, showed that by preventing infections, the vaccine also protected children and adolescents from long COVID. 

    “In terms of the ‘vaccine itself having profound risk,’ the risks of adverse events from vaccination for children are characterized in numerous studies, and has not been shown to be greater than the risk of COVID-19 infection in children,” he told us in an email. “For example, I have not seen anywhere that it has not been shown that risk of hospitalization from COVID-19 vaccine complications is higher than hospitalization from COVID-19 infection, which would be a relevant comparison.”

    Morris told us he’s “not aware of any evidence” that COVID-19 vaccines increase the risk of stroke in children. He pointed to two studies, one looking at Vaccine Safety Datalink data from 245,000 children between 6 months and 5 years of age, published in Pediatrics in 2023, and another, published in JAMA Pediatrics the same year, which used data from three commercial claims databases to monitor vaccine safety in near-real time in more than 3 million children ages 5 to 17. Neither found an increased risk for stroke. 

    “I have also not seen evidence for any neurological risks for children,” he added, noting that the two studies looked at Bell’s palsy and encephalitis or encephalomyelitis “and found no safety signal.”

    During the Fox News interview, Kennedy went on to claim that the vaccine’s risk “was clear even in the clinical data that came out of Pfizer … there were about 25% more deaths in the vaccine group than the placebo group.”

    Morris told us this “is not accurate.” The comparison of the number of deaths in the placebo versus vaccine groups is only statistically valid during the blinded period, he said, referring to when participants have not yet been told if they received the vaccine or a placebo. During that period, there were 15 deaths in the vaccine group and 14 in the placebo group. After that, placebo recipients were offered a vaccine and 90% of the group took one, Morris said. And as we’ve previously explained, no deaths “were considered related to vaccination” in the trial. 

    “There is no statistical evidence that vaccinated had higher death rate than placebo in the Pfizer phase 3 trial at all,” Morris told us.

    Removing COVID-19 Vaccine From Schedule

    We asked the CDC how the COVID-19 vaccine might be removed from the immunization schedule and the implications of the change, but we didn’t get a response. According to a CDC website, the schedule is meant to “[g]uide health providers in determining recommended vaccines” for children and adolescents 18 years old and younger. ACIP reviews its recommendations every year and those recommendations result in the official schedule. 

    Dorit Reiss, a professor of law at University of California Law San Francisco who specializes in vaccine law and policy, told us that “generally,” reversing a decision would need to follow the same process used to make the decision in the first place. 

    “So you should go through ACIP for a revision to its recommendation, and then get approval of the CDC director or the Secretary,” she told us in an email. “But because ACIP is an advisory committee, the Secretary may be deemed to have the final authority to make the decision.”

    Adding a vaccine to the schedule has other practical implications, as we have previously explained. One of them is a requirement of the Affordable Care Act that health insurance plans cover the vaccines listed in the schedule without charging a deductible or copay. If the ACIP changes its recommendations, “a change could mean no ACA coverage – insurance companies won’t have to cover them,” Reiss told us. 

    “In terms of the standard of care, doctors can still recommend them, and that would be valid, especially if the recommendation is blatantly political, as here,” she said. To remove the COVID-19 vaccines from the Vaccines For Children program, which provides free vaccines to under-insured or uninsured kids, the secretary would have to overturn a separate recommendation, “and here, too, they would likely have to go through ACIP,” Reiss said. 

    Although most of the ACIP work group supported changing the universal recommendation to a risk-based one for the next updated COVID-19 shot, during the committee’s last meeting some members raised concerns, including access to vaccination for children. A large majority of the work group thought that a risk-based recommendation should still allow any individuals wanting the protection of a COVID-19 vaccine to receive a shot.

    Moser, from the Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia’s Vaccine Education Center, supports a risk-based recommendation that considers age and health condition for those who are previously vaccinated and a universal recommendation for young children and others who have never been vaccinated.

    “When COVID-19 first emerged, everyone was susceptible. At this point, six years later, we know that most people have some immunity to the virus that causes COVID-19,” she told us. “But, every year, between 3 and 4 million new susceptibles are born – our babies. Babies will gain immunity through vaccination or infection. Vaccination gives us control over when and how our babies gain that immunity. Infection leaves it to chance. Most babies will be fine after infection, but not all of them will.”


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  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has a long history of undermining confidence in vaccine safety, including by repeatedly claiming that vaccines are not tested in placebo-controlled trials, a familiar anti-vaccine trope.

    Now, an HHS spokesperson has used similar language in a statement that falsely said there’s little available evidence on whether vaccines are safe.

    “Except for the COVID vaccine, none of the vaccines on the CDC’s childhood recommended schedule was tested against an inert placebo, meaning we know very little about the actual risk profiles of these products,” the HHS spokesperson told the Washington Post. Other journalists also have published the statement.

    The spokesperson also appeared to suggest a policy change and misleadingly said: “All new vaccines will undergo safety testing in placebo-controlled trials prior to licensure — a radical departure from past practices.”

    It’s incorrect that there is little information on childhood vaccine safety. Vaccines approved by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration undergo testing for both safety and efficacy prior to approval, and their safety and effectiveness are also monitored after they are released to the public. Post-approval safety monitoring has rapidly detected very rare vaccine side effects that clinical trials are not large enough to identify.

    Some current vaccines were indeed tested against a placebo, such as the rotavirus vaccines, while others have been tested in other types of randomized controlled trials. Many current vaccines for children are new iterations of older vaccines and were compared in clinical trials with previously approved vaccines, as it is unethical to give someone a placebo when a safe and effective version of a vaccine is available.

    It is unclear what the HHS spokesperson meant when referring to “new” vaccines. We emailed HHS to ask whether the agency will be issuing official guidance on new vaccine testing requirements and how a “new” vaccine is being defined, but we did not receive a response.

    Kennedy again himself made false claims about vaccine safety testing in an interview aired April 28 with Phil McGraw, also known as Dr. Phil, using similar language to that used in the HHS statement.

    No vaccines other than the COVID-19 vaccines and the human papillomavirus vaccine Gardasil “were ever tested against placebo, so we have no idea what the risk profile for these products are,” Kennedy said. Again, it is incorrect to suggest that people have “no idea” what the risks of vaccines are. And a variety of vaccines have been tested against placebos.

    Dr. Paul Offit, a vaccine expert at the Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia, told us the claim that vaccines are not tested against placebos isn’t new. “The only difference is now the anti-vaccine activists, instead of shouting these things from the sideline, are now making policy, so you’re hearing them recycled again,” he said.

    A Long History of Evaluating Vaccine Safety

    It is misleading for HHS to say that it is a “radical departure” to require placebo-controlled trials for new vaccines. It in fact has been typical to test the first available version of a vaccine against a disease in a randomized, placebo-controlled trial.

    For instance, Jonas Salk’s polio vaccine, the first vaccine against the disease, was tested in a placebo-controlled trial including more than 600,000 children, as we have written in the past in response to Kennedy’s claims. Following the success of that original trial, it would have been unethical in testing subsequent versions of the vaccine to randomly assign children, who otherwise would have access to a safe and effective polio vaccine, to a placebo, risking paralysis or death for those children.

    Many currently available vaccines are new iterations of preexisting vaccines. These often were tested in clinical trials in which people were randomly assigned to either receive the new vaccine or an older version, an example of what’s called an active control group.

    “A placebo control, such as saline, is not required to determine the safety (or effectiveness) of a vaccine. In some cases, inclusion of placebo control groups is considered unethical,” an FDA spokesperson told us in 2023. “In cases where an active control is used, the adverse event profile of that control group is usually known and the findings of the study are reviewed in the context of that knowledge.”

    For instance, the currently available version of the human papillomavirus vaccine is Gardasil-9, which was compared with the prior version of Gardasil in clinical trials. The older shot protected against a smaller number of HPV types. It would have been unethical to randomly assign some people to go entirely without HPV vaccination, potentially putting them at risk of future cancer. (There was a smaller trial that tested Gardasil-9 in people who had already received the older Gardasil, and this trial did randomly assign some people to receive a saline placebo.)

    Photo by kasto / stock.adobe.com

    Additionally, HHS is wrong to say that “none of the vaccines on the CDC’s childhood recommended schedule was tested against an inert placebo” except for the COVID-19 vaccines. Vaccines against the diarrheal disease rotavirus, for instance, are part of the childhood vaccine schedule. Offit co-invented RotaTeq, one of the currently given vaccines, and he said that it was tested in a placebo-controlled trial. In this case, the placebo consisted of the diluent for the vaccine, or the substance used to dilute the vaccine to the correct concentration. The diluent included “buffering and stabilizing agents, like sucrose,” Offit told us via email.

    Kennedy and other anti-vaccine advocates have attempted to narrowly define placebos as salt water, but there are other types of placebo that would qualify as inert, Offit said.

    “A lot of placebos are everything in the vaccine except for the vaccine itself,” Offit said. He explained that these components are considered inert because they are regarded as safe and cannot cause an immune response.

    Furthermore, salt water placebos are not unheard of in clinical trials for current vaccines. For instance, as we have said and Kennedy himself appeared to suggest to Dr. Phil, Gardasil-9 was compared with a salt water placebo in one trial.

    As we’ve also previously written, in other cases trials may compare a new vaccine with a vaccine for another disease. Advantages of this approach include that it is less likely that participants will realize which arm of the trial they are in before the trial is unblinded, and that participants who do not get the vaccine that is being tested still benefit from another vaccine.

    Anti-vaccine advocates often use technical claims about how vaccines are studied and redefinitions of the word placebo to shift the goal posts on vaccine safety, as pediatrician Dr. Vincent Iannelli has written on his website Vaxopedia. These claims distract from the core question of whether vaccines have been sufficiently evaluated.

    The goal of Kennedy’s claims on placebo-controlled trials “is to just scare people about vaccines, to make them think they are not tested for safety,” Offit said.

    Policy Implications for COVID-19 Vaccines

    It is unclear exactly how HHS’ new statements will translate into policy, but experts have expressed concern that under Kennedy, the FDA might make it impossible to provide people with updated COVID-19 vaccines in a timely fashion.

    Elsewhere, HHS has indicated the FDA might consider updated COVID-19 vaccines to be “new vaccines,” in a departure from prior policy that allowed companies to update their shots without new clinical trials. This has long been the policy for seasonal influenza vaccines, which can undergo strain changes without needing to be tested in new clinical trials.

    “A four-year-old trial is also not a blank check for new vaccines each year without clinical trial data, unlike the flu shot, which has been tried and tested for more than 80 years,” an HHS spokesperson told the New York Times, apparently referring to the COVID-19 vaccines.

    If the FDA were to require placebo-controlled trials of updated COVID-19 vaccines, it would be unethical, Offit said, and requirements for clinical trials would delay the vaccines. The point of coming out with updated COVID-19 shots is to release them rapidly to match the most current version of the virus that is circulating, but it would take “months to do that trial, if not longer,” Offit said.

    The updated COVID-19 vaccines are substantially similar to the shots that were already tested in clinical trials. There are also now multiple years of data from people in the community who received updated COVID-19 vaccines, showing that they do protect against hospitalization. And vaccine safety monitoring systems and studies have fleshed out the understanding of COVID-19 vaccine side effects and safety.

    Offit asked what the point of doing new COVID-19 vaccine clinical trials would be, given the data already available. “This is arguably the best studied vaccine we’ve ever had,” he said. “It’s been given to billions of people.”


    Editor’s note: FactCheck.org does not accept advertising. We rely on grants and individual donations from people like you. Please consider a donation. Credit card donations may be made through our “Donate” page. If you prefer to give by check, send to: FactCheck.org, Annenberg Public Policy Center, P.O. Box 58100, Philadelphia, PA 19102. 

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  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    On the eve of his inauguration on Jan. 19, Donald Trump took a bow for the then surging stock market.

    Trump rings the opening bell on the trading floor of the New York Stock Exchange on Dec. 12, 2024, in New York City. Photo by Spencer Platt/Getty Images.

    “Everyone is calling it the — I don’t want to say this, it’s too braggadocious, but we’ll say it anyway — the Trump effect. It’s you. You’re the effect. Since the election, the stock market has surged,” Trump said.

    But in the ensuing three months, the stock market has faltered. The S&P 500 stock average has declined by 5.2% since Trump took office, while the Dow Jones Industrial Average, made up of 30 large corporations, has dropped by 5%, as of closing on May 2.

    On Truth Social last week, Trump blamed his predecessor, former President Joe Biden.

    “This is Biden’s Stock Market, not Trump’s,” Trump wrote on April 30. “I didn’t take over until January 20th.” And then, partly in all caps, Trump emphasized that the market downturn “has NOTHING TO DO WITH TARIFFS, only that he left us with bad numbers.”

    Later that day, Trump expounded on the claim, saying, “I don’t view the stock market as the end all. It’s an indicator, but what the stock market really tells you and … when you look at the stock market in this case … it says how bad a situation we inherited.”

    Stock prices are, of course, driven by a myriad of economic factors. Market experts, however, have said that the market’s recent volatility has a great deal to do with Trump’s tariff policies. The following graphic shows how the markets responded after Trump made various tariff announcements, and how Trump took credit or placed blame on Biden, depending on whether stocks were up or down. 


    Editor’s note: FactCheck.org does not accept advertising. We rely on grants and individual donations from people like you. Please consider a donation. Credit card donations may be made through our “Donate” page. If you prefer to give by check, send to: FactCheck.org, Annenberg Public Policy Center, P.O. Box 58100, Philadelphia, PA 19102. 

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  • We are honored to have won a 2025 National Headliner Award for online beat reporting of government and political coverage. Our work fact-checking then presidential candidate Donald Trump on immigration issues won the first-place award in that category.

    The National Headliner Awards were founded in 1934 by the Press Club of Atlantic City. This year’s winners were announced on April 30.

    Staffers Robert Farley, Catalina Jaramillo, D’Angelo Gore and Lori Robertson were the authors of the three articles that made up FactCheck.org’s entry. They explained a bipartisan immigration bill and the misinformation about it, interviewed experts in the U.S. and Venezuela about Trump’s repeated claim that the country was emptying its prisons and sending criminals to the U.S., and debunked several other immigration claims Trump made on the campaign trail in southwestern swing states.

    The judges wrote: “Factcheck.org performed a valuable service for voters by combing through Donald Trump’s claims about America’s immigration problems — false or unsubstantiated claims that would form the basis of his policies — and providing correct information. The reporting is thorough, fair and helpful and deserves commendation.”


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  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    To commemorate his first 100 days in office this term, President Donald Trump gave a speech in Michigan and granted interviews to several news outlets. In our review of his remarks, we found false and misleading claims, including quite a few Trump has made before:

    • The president insisted that an immigrant who was deported to El Salvador has tattoos on his knuckles that say “M-S-one-three,” but the actual letters and numbers in a photo Trump shared are an “obvious digital manipulation,” an expert told us.
    • Trump said the FBI had confirmed that “gangs have been sent by the foreign regime in Venezuela” to the U.S. Anonymous sources told one news outlet that the FBI backed up Trump’s claim, but other unnamed sources have said 17 intelligence agencies disagreed with that assessment.
    • Trump took credit for recent increases in military recruiting, but those gains began under his predecessor and before he won reelection in November.
    • He misleadingly said that a House Republican budget resolution that aims to cut about $800 billion in Medicaid spending over a decade would “look at waste, fraud, and abuse,” adding that “nobody minds that.” One expert told us the cuts are “orders of magnitude too large to not be destructive.”
    • The president claimed that since January, “job gains for native-born Americans now exceed job gains for foreign workers … for the first time in nobody even knows when.” But there were several two-month periods in 2024 when native-born employment exceeded gains in foreign-born employment, which includes U.S. citizens born abroad.
    • Trump claimed that there were “$7 to $8 trillion” in business investments in the U.S. since he took office, but the White House said more than $5 trillion in future investments have been announced. He also falsely claimed that under former President Joe Biden “nobody was really investing in this country,” including Apple.
    • He misrepresented Democrats’ concern about deportations, wrongly saying that they were “claiming we’re not allowed to deport illegals.” Democrats have been critical of the lack of legal due process afforded to those who were deported.
    • Trump said that Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. “announced that we’re banning eight major artificial dyes from our food supply.” The administration wants food companies to eliminate the dyes, but there’s no agreement and no broad ban.
    • The president cited a Trump-friendly polling firm to boast that “for the first time in modern history, more Americans believe that our country is headed in the right direction than the wrong direction.” Other polls show most people think the country is on the wrong track.
    • He wrongly said “we’re doing great” with international tourism, which he said would become apparent in the next six months. But there were 11.6% fewer overseas visitors to the U.S. in March than there were the previous March.

    Trump also repeated claims we’ve checked before about inflation, gasoline and egg prices, trade deficits, education, illegal immigration and more.

    We reviewed his speech in Warren, Michigan, on April 29, and his recent interviews with ABC News and Time.

    Knuckle Tattoos

    The president claimed in his interview with ABC News that Kilmar Abrego Garcia — an immigrant who was deported without a hearing to El Salvador in March — had tattoos on his knuckles that labeled him as a member of the gang MS-13.

    “He said he wasn’t a member of a gang and then they looked and on his knuckles he had MS-13,” Trump said.

    The president was referring to a photo that he first shared on his social media platform, Truth Social, on April 18 and then shared again on April 21.

    Trump shared this picture of himself holding a photo of Kilmar Abrego Garcia’s left hand on his social media platform, Truth Social, on April 18.

    The photo appears to show tattoos on Abrego Garcia’s left hand, with each one labeled — “Marijuana,” “Smile,” “Cross,” “Skull.” Above each tattoo is text that shows a letter or number — “M,” “S,” “1,” “3.”

    In the exchange between Trump and Terry Moran, ABC News’ senior national correspondent who conducted the interview, it appeared that the president understood the “MS13” to be part of the tattoo rather than text added to show an interpretation of the meaning of the tattoos.

    Moran tried to point out that the actual letters and numbers were Photoshopped onto the image Trump shared, but the president insisted Moran was wrong, that his tattoos actually said “MS13.” When Moran tried to move on, saying, “We’ll agree to disagree,” the president refused to let the point go and said Moran’s corrections were an example of “why people no longer believe the news.”

    See the full exchange here:

    Trump, April 29: He said he wasn’t a member of a gang and then they looked and on his knuckles he had MS-13.

    Moran: There’s a dispute over that.

    Trump: Wait a minute, wait a minute. He had MS-13 on his knuckles, tattooed.

    Moran: He had some tattoos that were interpreted that way. But, let’s move on.

    Trump: Wait a minute. Terry, Terry, Terry.

    Moran: He did not have the letter — M, S, one, three.

    Trump: It says M-S-one-three.

    Moran: That was Photoshop. So let me.

    Trump: That was Photoshop? Terry, you can’t do that. Hey, they’re giving you the big break of a lifetime. You know, you’re doing the interview. I picked you because, frankly, I never heard of you, but that’s OK.

    Moran: I knew this would come.

    Trump: But I picked you, Terry, but you’re not being very nice. He had MS-13 tattooed.

    Moran: Alright. Alright. We’ll agree to disagree. I want to move on to something else.

    Trump: Terry, Terry — do you want me to show you the picture?

    Moran: I saw the picture. We’ll agree to disagree.

    Trump: And you think it was Photoshopped? Well, don’t Photoshop it. Go look at his hand, he had MS-13.

    Moran: Fair enough, he did have tattoos that can be interpreted that way. I’m not an expert on them. I want to turn to Ukraine, sir —

    Trump: No, no. Terry —

    Moran: I– I want to get to Ukraine–

    Trump: Terry, no, no. No, no. He had “MS” as clear as you can be. Not interpreted. This is why people no longer believe the news, because it’s fake news.

    Moran: Well, when he was photographed in El Salvador, they aren’t there. But let’s just go on.

    Trump: Oh, oh, they weren’t there, but they’re there now, right?

    Moran: No, but they’re there in your picture. Ukraine, sir.

    Trump: Terry, he’s got MS-13 on his knuckles, OK.

    Moran: Alright, alright. OK, we’ll take a look at that, sir.

    Trump: It’s such a disservice. Why don’t you just say, “yes, he does,” and, you know, go on to something else.

    Moran: Alright, it’s contested.

    Hany Farid, a professor at the University of California, Berkeley, who specializes in digital forensics, described the text in the photo as an “obvious digital manipulation” in an email to us.

    “What was done here is that the Trump administration took what appears to be a real photo (although I’m not able to authenticate that because what we are seeing here is a printout of a photo), ‘interpreted’ the four tattoos to be MS13, and then digitally added that annotation to the image,” Farid said.

    A close-up of Kilmar Abrego Garcia’s hand from a photo taken in El Salvador on April 17, with no visible tattoos that say “MS13.” Photo via President Nayib Bukele on X.

    We asked the White House to clarify whether or not the photo had been annotated, but we didn’t receive an answer. Instead, we got an emailed statement from White House spokesman Kush Desai saying, “Ask any law or immigration enforcement official who’s been on the ground about Kilmar Abrego Garcia’s tattoos: they’re MS-13.”

    The Washington Post asked eight law enforcement officials and gang researchers for their interpretations of the tattoos and got mixed responses, with some saying that the tattoos could be interpreted as showing an affiliation with MS-13 and others saying that they are not a code for gang affiliation. Other news outlets have also reported on expert analysis of the tattoos, with most concluding that the tattoos do not signify gang affiliation.

    Even though we don’t know what the tattoos mean — if they mean anything at all — we do know that Abrego Garcia had only the depictions of a marijuana leaf, a smiley face, a cross and a skull tattooed on his left hand when he was photographed at the prison in El Salvador in April. He did not have “MS13” displayed on his knuckles.

    Intelligence Reports on Gangs and Venezuelan Government

    Trump claimed the FBI has confirmed that the Venezuelan government has been emptying its jails and sending gang members to the U.S., which Trump has been saying for more than a year. Anonymous sources told one news outlet that the FBI backed up Trump’s claim, but other unnamed sources have said 17 intelligence agencies disagreed with that assessment.

    In a presidential proclamation issued on March 15, Trump designated the Venezuelan gang Tren de Aragua a foreign terrorist organization and claimed the gang “is closely aligned with, and indeed has infiltrated, the Maduro regime, including its military and law enforcement apparatus,” referring to the president of Venezuela.

    While we have reported that Trump has provided scant evidence for this explosive claim, in his speech in Michigan, Trump said, “The FBI recently assessed that these vicious gangs have been sent by the foreign regime in Venezuela to foment violence and instability in the United States of America.”

    On April 23, Fox News Digital said it talked to an unnamed “senior administration official” who shared unclassified portions of an FBI assessment that “some Venezuelan government officials ‘likely facilitate’ the migration of members of the violent gang Tren de Aragua from Venezuela to the United States to advance the Maduro regime’s objective of undermining public safety in the U.S.”

    According to the news report, “The FBI assesses that in the next six to 18 months, Venezuelan government officials likely will attempt to leverage Tren de Aragua members in the United States as proxy actors to threaten, abduct and kill members of the Venezuelan diaspora in the United States who are vocal critics of Maduro and his regime.”

    The Fox News report came a week after the Associated Press reported just the opposite.

    Citing anonymous “U.S. officials,” the AP reported, “A new U.S. intelligence assessment found no coordination between Tren de Aragua and the Venezuelan government, contradicting statements that Trump administration officials have made to justify their invocation of the Alien Enemies Act and deporting Venezuelan migrants.”

    According to the AP, the classified assessment was the work of 18 agencies that make up the intelligence community. “It repeatedly stated that Tren de Aragua … is not coordinated with or supported by the country’s president, Nicolás Maduro, or senior officials in the Venezuelan government. While the assessment found minimal contact between some members of the gang and low-level members of the Venezuelan government, there was a consensus that there was no coordination or directive role between gang and government,” the story stated.

    The report noted that of the 18 agencies that make up the U.S. government’s intelligence community, “only one — the FBI — did not agree with the findings.” According to the Washington Post, which relied on “two people familiar with the matter,” the FBI “assessed a moderate level of cooperation between the gang and the Venezuelan government.”

    Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard criticized the National Intelligence Council report highlighted in the AP story, telling Fox News, “The weaponization of intelligence to undermine the President’s agenda is an assault on democracy. Those behind this illegal leak of classified intelligence, twisted and manipulated to convey the exact opposite finding, will be accountable under the full force of the law.”

    Inflating Impact on Military Recruitment

    Near the end of his Michigan speech, Trump turned to the military and took credit for recent increases in recruiting that began under his predecessor.

    “After years of missed targets, our military suddenly has the best recruiting numbers in 30 years,” the president said.

    He’s right that recruitment numbers have been up following a slump from the COVID-19 pandemic, but the increase predated his election in November.

    At the end of the most recent fiscal year, which finished in September, the Defense Department announced that it had recruited 12.5% more people than it had the previous fiscal year.

    Every branch of the military reached its recruitment goal for fiscal year 2024, except for the Navy, according to the Defense Department.

    A chart complied by the Congressional Research Service shows that the Army, Air Force and Space Force exceeded their goals.

    Taren Sylvester, a researcher at the Center for a New American Security, told Military.com in March, “The incoming administration is claiming all of these upticks are a result of the election swing and people now thinking they want to go into the military after the policy changes.”

    But, they said, “Whether or not that holds out, we won’t see for another six, 12, 18 months. The shifts that we’re seeing now are reflective of the work that’s been done over the past two to five years.”

    Medicaid

    In the Time interview, Trump was asked about the House Republican budget resolution that aims to cut about $800 billion from Medicaid over 10 years, as part of the process of extending expiring tax cut provisions and enacting some new tax cuts. “I don’t think they’re going to cut $800 billion. They’re going to look at waste, fraud, and abuse,” Trump said, adding that “nobody minds that.” That’s misleading.

    While it’s still unknown how specifically Republicans would trim the Medicaid budget, experts told us such large cuts in federal funding would have a significant impact, leaving states with tough choices on raising revenue, cutting other parts of their budgets or cutting their Medicaid programs.

    As we’ve explained, the budget calls for the Energy and Commerce Committee to cut $880 billion in spending over 10 years, and the committee’s options for those reductions are mostly limited to Medicaid, a federal-state program that provides health care for low-income people. Medicare, the federal program that covers seniors, could also be cut, but that’s even more politically challenging.

    “The place where they have the ability to make cuts is going to be in Medicaid,” Leonardo Cuello, a research professor at the Georgetown University McCourt School of Public Policy’s Center for Children and Families, told us. Cuello said an $880 billion cut is “gigantic” and “orders of magnitude too large to not be destructive.” It would be about an 11% cut to federal Medicaid funding over the decade.

    Native- and Foreign-Born Workers

    In Michigan, Trump claimed that because of his administration, employment growth for U.S-born workers is now higher than for foreign-born workers.

    “In three months, we have created 350,000 jobs,” Trump said. “For the first time in recent memory, job gains for native-born Americans now exceed job gains for foreign workers. This is for the first time in nobody even knows when. Americans now are doing better than foreign workers.”

    Although he said in three months, Trump appears to be referencing the two-month increase in employment from January to March, which is the most recent data available from the Bureau of Labor Statistics. In that period, native-born employment increased by 613,000 and foreign-born employment — which includes foreign-born American citizens — increased by 451,000. But it hasn’t been long since that last happened.

    There were several times in 2024 when a two-month increase in native-born employment exceeded gains in foreign-born employment (August 2024-October 2024, May 2024-July 2024, March 2024-May 2024 and February 2024-April 2024). If Trump was just comparing previous periods of January to March, the last time it happened was January 2022 to March 2022. (The White House didn’t tell us which months Trump was comparing.)

    Business Investments

    Trump touted announcements of investments by private companies, wrongly claiming that under Biden “nobody was really investing in this country” and that Apple “never invested” in the U.S.

    In his ABC News interview, Trump claimed that there has already been more private-business investment in the U.S. during his administration than there was in any year during Biden’s presidency.

    Trump is interviewed by Terry Moran from ABC News in the Oval Office on April 29. Official White House Photo by Joyce N. Boghosian.

    “We’ve got $7 to $8 trillion being invested in our country in two months,” Trump said. “Biden didn’t have that over a year. I mean, if you look at Biden, nobody was really investing in this country.”

    In his Time interview, Trump mentioned investments by chips companies, car companies and Apple. “Apple is investing $500 billion in building plants. They never invested in this country,” Trump said.

    The White House said on April 29 that Trump “has secured over $5 trillion in new U.S.-based investments in his first 100 days.” These investments haven’t already happened; they’re announcements by companies of future investments, sometimes over several years.

    Private companies also made such announcements when Biden was president. In a November 2024 statement, Biden announced that legislation he signed — the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law, the CHIPS and Science Act, and the Inflation Reduction Act — had “helped attract over $1 trillion in announced private-sector investments.” In his final month in office, Biden’s administration issued a report on the results of his “Investing in America” agenda.

    And Apple certainly has announced similar investments in the U.S. before. In April 2021, under Biden, the company announced a $430 billion investment over five years. That was after it announced a $350 billion investment under Trump in 2018. When it announced in February its latest plan to investment more than $500 billion in the U.S. over four years, the company said its “new pledge builds on Apple’s long history of investing in American innovation and advanced high-skilled manufacturing.”

    Misrepresenting Democrats on Deportation

    The president also touted the deportation of about 250 immigrants his administration has accused of belonging to the Venezuelan gang Tren de Aragua. The men were flown to a mega prison in El Salvador on March 15.

    During the Michigan rally, Trump played a video that had originally been posted by Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele showing the immigrants arriving in shackles and having their heads shaved.

    “The radical left Democrats, who are so bad for this country, are fighting to protect [Tren de Aragua] — you just saw that — and MS-13 criminals,” Trump said. “But the second we try to deport them, the radical Democrat party is racing to the defense of some of the most violent savages on the face of the Earth. … They’re racing to the courts to help them. … They’re claiming we’re not allowed to deport illegals.”

    But that misrepresents what’s happened. Democrats who have opposed the administration’s action have largely expressed concern over the lack of due process for those who were deported, arguing that noncitizens who are targeted for deportation are, in most cases, entitled to a hearing beforehand.

    “Due process is the language of a constitutional democracy, and so we have to speak that language so people can understand other people’s situations,” Democratic Rep. Jamie Raskin of Maryland told Politico in April. “And I do believe that if we don’t stand up for the due process rights of non-citizens, they will quickly trample the due process rights of citizens.”

    A letter from Raskin and other House Democrats to administration officials echoed that sentiment. “Due process and separation of powers are matters of principle,” Democratic Rep. Adriano Espaillat of New York told the Associated Press on April 17. “Without due process for all, we are all in danger.”

    Food Dyes

    In his speech, Trump said that Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. “announced that we’re banning eight major artificial dyes from our food supply.”

    There’s less here than meets the eye. The administration wants food companies to eliminate the dyes, but there’s no agreement yet and no broad ban of synthetic food dyes.

    According to an April 22 Food and Drug Administration news release, the agency is starting the process of revoking authorization for two food dyes, Citrus Red 2 and Orange B, which are only approved for very narrow purposes. The agency is “[w]orking with industry to eliminate six remaining synthetic dyes,” the release said. (The FDA announced a ban of a ninth synthetic dye, Red 3, in January, and the new FDA release said the agency was requesting that companies remove it from food sooner than required.)

    In remarks at an April 22 press conference announcing the new measures to phase out synthetic food dyes, Kennedy praised food companies “for working with us to achieve this agreement or this settlement.” But, when pressed, he said, “I would say we don’t have an agreement. We have an understanding.”

    FDA Commissioner Marty Makary said at the same press conference, “I believe in love, and let’s start in a friendly way and see if we can do this without any statutory or regulatory changes, but we are exploring every tool in the toolbox to make sure this gets done very quickly.”

    Kennedy subsequently incorrectly claimed a broad ban of synthetic food dyes. “We announced last week the ban on the nine petroleum-based synthetic dyes, food dyes,” he said in an April 30 Cabinet meeting.

    Some companies have announced decisions to phase out synthetic dyes in certain products. For instance, PepsiCo on April 24 said that it would no longer include the dyes in certain snack foods by the end of the year. And a spokesperson for WK Kellogg last week told the New York Times that the company would phase out synthetic dyes from cereals sold in schools.

    Right Direction/Wrong Direction

    Citing popular support for his agenda, Trump said at the rally in Michigan that “as a result of our policies, for the first time in modern history, more Americans believe that our country is headed in the right direction than the wrong direction. … Has never happened before.”

    Trump is referring to a Rasmussen Reports presidential approval poll released in mid-February that found — for the first time in over 20 years (not ever) — a plurality of Americans (47%) believed the country was headed in the right direction, more than the 46% who felt it was headed in the wrong direction. However, that lead is within the poll’s margin of error of 3 percentage points, and it comes via a polling firm many consider to be conservative-leaning. Also, more recent polling from Rasmussen in late April has the “right direction” camp falling to 42%.

    And other recent polls found widely different results.

    Marquette University surveys have found that while the right track/wrong track divide has been narrowing over the last six months, a majority of Americans still think the country is on the wrong track. An early February survey found 38% of Americans believe the country is on the right track, while 62% believed it is on the wrong track. That narrowed even further to 42-58 in late March.

    Surveys from YouGov also indicate a majority of Americans believe America is “off on the wrong track.” The most recent poll in late April found 36.5% of Americans believed the country is “generally headed in the right direction,” while 54% said it was “off on the wrong track.”

    Gallup poses its question slightly differently, but in its most recent poll in early April, 34% said they were satisfied with the way things are going in the United States at this time, while 64% said they were dissatisfied.

    Tourism

    In his ABC News interview, Trump contradicted host Terry Moran’s claim that “travel is down into the United States from around the world.”

    “We’re doing great,” Trump insisted.

    “Tourism is gonna be way up,” Trump said. “Wait till you see the numbers. The tourism is way up. … Tourism’s doing very well. … Wait till you see the real numbers come out in about — in six months from now.”

    We can’t predict what the tourism numbers will show in six months, but Moran was correct that travel to the U.S. is currently down. According to the Department of Commerce’s National Travel and Tourism Office, there were 11.6% fewer overseas visitors to the U.S. in March than there were in March 2024. Those figures do not include data from Canada, nor land arrivals from Mexico.

    Repeats

    Inflation. Trump claimed that during the Biden administration the U.S. had “probably the worst inflation we’ve ever had.” Under Biden, the annualized rate of inflation peaked at 9.1% in June 2022, which was less than 14.8% in March 1980 and 23.7% in 1920. When Biden left office in January, the rate was down to 3%, and it was down to 2.4% in March under Trump.

    Gas and egg prices. Arguing that prices have declined, Trump claimed that “gasoline hit $1.98 in a few states … the last couple of days,” and the cost of “eggs are down 87%” since he took office. There are no states where the average cost of a gallon of regular grade gasoline has dropped below $2; the national average was $3.13 as of the week ending April 28, according to the Energy Information Administration. Also, the average retail price of eggs was up, not down, in March, according to the most recent Bureau of Labor Statistics figures. Even the average wholesale price that retailers pay for eggs sold in stores has not decreased by as much as Trump said. As of April 25, it was down 61% from its peak in early March.

    Trade deficit. Defending higher tariffs on imports of foreign goods, Trump, referring to the trade deficit, said, “We were losing $3 to $5 billion a day on trade. We were losing a trillion and a half to $2 trillion a year.” The trade deficit in goods and services was about $918 billion in 2024 and the trade deficit in goods alone was about $1.2 trillion. Divide either by 365 days, and you get an average per-day deficit of between $2.5 billion and $3.3 billion. Either way, economists have said a trade deficit doesn’t mean the U.S. is losing money.

    U.S.-China trade. When talking about the 145% tariffs that he put on imports of Chinese goods, Trump said China was “making from us a trillion dollars a year,” appearing to again exaggerate the trade gap between the U.S. and China. The U.S. trade deficit with China in goods and services in 2024 was about $263 billion, and last year the U.S. imported a total of about $462.5 billion in Chinese goods and services combined.

    No EV mandate. Trump claimed that he “terminated Biden’s insane electric vehicle mandate,” but there was no such mandate. In March 2024, Biden’s Environmental Protection Agency finalized new fuel efficiency standards for certain vehicles. The rules were expected to increase purchases of electric vehicles in the U.S., but there was no requirement for drivers to buy them. Carmakers could have met the new standards by also making more efficient cars that run on gas, experts told us.

    Education. “Last month I signed a historic executive order to begin the process of eliminating the federal Department of Education,” Trump said. “We’re going to send it back to our states to run. I mean, how the hell bad can we do? We’re like in last place.” As we have written, U.S. high school students performed above average in science and reading, and a bit below average in math, according to the latest data compiled by the intergovernmental Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. And in other international assessments, elementary students in the U.S. scored above average in math, science and reading.

    DOGE Savings. Trump said that his new Department of Government Efficiency had “found hundreds of billions of dollars of waste, fraud, and abuse.” The DOGE website now claims $160 billion in savings, providing a “Wall of Receipts” that purports to back up about $63 billion of that. It’s unclear how much, if any, of these savings amount to fraud or abuse, as opposed to spending that the administration deems wasteful.

    WHO. In discussing his withdrawal from the World Health Organization, Trump repeated his claim that previously, China paid just $39 million, while the U.S. paid around $500 million. Those figures are inaccurate. While the U.S. has paid much more than China — most of it voluntarily — China has paid more than that. Trump also claimed that Biden “could have signed up for $39 million or less.” That’s not how the global health group’s funding works. Since 2020, the required dues for the U.S., based on GDP, have been more than $200 million for each two-year period.

    Illegal immigration. Trump claimed that the Biden administration was allowing “gang members,” “murderers,” and people from “prisons, mental institutions” to illegally enter the U.S. “We had many murderers, 11,888, they think. Some murdered more than one person,” he said. U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement said last year that there were 13,099 noncitizens convicted of murder who were in the U.S. and not being detained by ICE. But the Department of Homeland Security told us that the “vast majority” of them entered the country and had their custody status determined “long before this Administration.”

    Jan. 6 committee. Trump attacked the House committee that investigated the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol, saying, “Nobody mentions the fact that the unselect committee of political scum … they destroyed all evidence, they burned it, they got rid of it, they destroyed it, and they deleted all evidence.” In fact, the committee made public a nearly 850-page report with evidence from its investigation. It also published videos, transcribed interviews, depositions and other documents. But the committee’s chairman, Rep. Bennie Thompson, did acknowledge in a July 2023 letter that the committee “did not archive temporary committee records that were not elevated by the Committee’s actions, such as use in hearings or official publications, or those that did not further its investigative activities.”


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  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    On the 2024 campaign trail, Donald Trump promised to launch a massive overhaul of the federal government if reelected president, and, he said, change would come fast.

    To be sure, Trump’s first 100 days have seen a frenetic pace of change. But while Trump has boasted that some have called it “the most successful 100 days in the history of our country,” his agenda has also been challenged in the courts and by other economic and political realities.

    Here, we look at a half dozen of Trump’s most consequential pledges – ones that he said would happen immediately — and the progress Trump has made toward fulfilling them.

    Tariffs

    In early April, Trump followed through on his August 2024 campaign promise that the U.S. was “going to have 10 to 20% tariffs on foreign countries that have been ripping us off for years” — although the tariffs, a form of tax, are paid by U.S. importers, not foreign countries.

    Trump signs executive orders in the Oval Office on April 24. Official White House photo by Abe McNatt.

    On April 2, Trump issued an executive order implementing a minimum 10% tariff on U.S. imports of foreign goods, as well as higher tariff rates for goods imported from certain countries. A week later, after stock market declines partly attributed to his new policies, Trump paused for 90 days some of the higher country-by-country tariffs.

    However, Trump didn’t pause the higher tariff rates for goods coming to the U.S. from China. Instead, he incrementally increased them to 145%, after China retaliated to Trump’s tariff announcements by raising its own tariffs on imports of U.S. goods. During the election campaign, Trump had floated putting at least a 60% tariff on Chinese imports.

    Trump also has kept in place 25% tariffs on certain goods imported from Canada and Mexico that went into effect in March — tariffs that Trump initially paused after announcing them in February. (Goods from the two countries aren’t subject to the 10% rate for other imports.) Other previously announced tariffs still in effect include 25% tariffs on imports of steel, aluminum, automobiles and certain auto parts.

    How long the 10% universal tariff remains in place, and what happens to the higher rates after the 90-day pause, is still to be determined. In his April 22 Time interview, Trump claimed to have since negotiated “200 deals” on trade that he said will be announced at a later date. He also has signaled that the 145% tariff on Chinese goods will “come down substantially.”

    Ukraine-Russia War

    On March 4, 2023 — just over a year after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine — Trump said at the Conservative Political Action Conference in Maryland that he could and would end the war in Ukraine within 24 hours once he was elected and even before he was back in the White House.

    “Before I even arrive at the Oval Office, I will have the disastrous war between Russia and Ukraine settled. It will be settled quickly. Quickly. I will get the problem solved and I will get it solved in rapid order and it will take me no longer than one day,” Trump said.

    It was a claim he made repeatedly during his third presidential campaign — at least 53 times, according to a search of his public remarks by CNN.

    But over three months into his second term in the White House, Trump has found ending the conflict more difficult than he claimed. The fighting continues, with more than 160 Ukrainian civilians killed and over 900 injured by Russian attacks in March, according to monthly data compiled by the United Nations.

    The Trump administration has brokered indirect negotiations between the warring nations, but the president’s frustration over the process has vacillated between wrongly blaming Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy for starting the war to chiding Russian President Vladimir Putin for a missile and drone strike on Kyiv on April 24 while ceasefire talks were underway.

    In recent days, Secretary of State Marco Rubio has claimed “there are reasons to be optimistic” that a deal between the countries is getting closer, while also warning that the U.S. is ready to walk away if the war drags on. “We have to make a determination about whether this is an endeavor that we want to continue to be involved in or if it’s time to sort of focus on some other issues that are equally if not more important in some cases,” Rubio said on NBC’s “Meet the Press” on April 27.

    As for his campaign promise that he’d easily and quickly make peace between Ukraine and Russia, Trump told Time magazine in an April 22 interview, “Well, I said that figuratively, and I said that as an exaggeration, because to make a point. … Obviously, people know that when I said that, it was said in jest.”

    Illegal Immigration

    It was perhaps the most enduring of Trump’s campaign promises: “On Day 1, I will close the border and I will stop the invasion of illegal criminals coming into our country.” On his first days in office, Trump — among an array of other immigration actions — issued an executive order declaring a national emergency at the southern border and deploying military to help stem the flow of illegal migration.

    In his first 100 days in office, illegal immigration has slowed to a trickle. Apprehensions of migrants who illegally crossed the border in February and March fell to 8,346 and 7,181 — the lowest monthly totals since at least the 1960s. That’s an 83% drop from November (46,615) and December (47,324) of 2024, the last two full months under President Joe Biden. The most recent monthly totals are a fraction of the figure in December 2023, when apprehensions of illegal border-crossers peaked under Biden at 249,740.

    “Just as happened during the beginning of his first term, migration at the border has absolutely plummeted since January 20th,” Adam Isacson, a migration expert at the Washington Office on Latin America, told us via email. “The main reason for that is first, migrants and smugglers always stop and go into ‘wait and see’ mode when they know that a crackdown is imminent, and Trump was elected promising an enormous crackdown.”

    But, “perhaps even more importantly,” Isacson said, Trump issued a proclamation declaring “that an invasion is ongoing at the southern border” as justification for shutting down the right of migrants to seek asylum at the U.S.-Mexico border. As a result, the Trump administration boasts that just nine migrants were released into the U.S. between Jan. 20 and April 1, a 99.9% decrease from the same period in 2024 under Biden.

    “That is illegal,” Isacson said, noting that a legal challenge of the Trump asylum policy is currently before the courts.

    Trump also promised to launch the “largest deportation program in American history.” The White House says the U.S. has deported more than 135,000 people in Trump’s first 100 days. That pace lags the average number of deportations over a similar period in fiscal year 2024 under Biden, but the Trump administration argues the Biden figures are inflated because so many more people were illegally crossing the border.

    On March 15, Trump issued a proclamation invoking the Alien Enemies Act — a rarely used law that dates back to 1798 — before sending hundreds of alleged Venezuelan gang members to a mega-prison in El Salvador. The Supreme Court has said that detainees must get a court hearing before deportation, and in late April, the court temporarily blocked the administration from using the law to deport Venezuelan men being held in Texas.

    Facing criticism for failing to provide due process rights, Trump has argued it’s not feasible to have hearings for all the migrants who want to challenge their deportation.

    At a press conference on April 28, White House spokesperson Karoline Leavitt vowed the administration is “in the beginning stages of carrying out the largest deportation campaign in American history.”

    Isacson said that while deportations are “nowhere near the million-a-year pace that the Trump people have been saying they expect to hit,” the House Judiciary Committee is beginning work on a spending bill, “which in the House version has $45 billion for detention and $14 billion for deportation.”

    “Once that passes, they will have the resources—even if they have to call in the military to back it up—and we might see a gigantic increase in the tempo of mass deportation,” Isacson said.

    Birthright Citizenship

    In a May 30, 2023, video posted on Truth Social, Trump revived a pledge he hadn’t fulfilled in his first term: If elected, he would “sign an executive order making clear to federal agencies that under the correct interpretation of the law, going forward the future children of illegal aliens will not receive automatic U.S. citizenship.”

    And on Jan. 20, he did exactly that, signing an executive order that argues the longstanding interpretation of the 14th Amendment to grant birthright citizenship to all children born in the U.S. is incorrect. The order said that it’s U.S. policy to not issue or accept documents recognizing citizenship if a person’s mother was in the U.S. unlawfully, or in the country lawfully but only temporarily, and the father was neither a U.S. citizen nor a lawful permanent resident.

    In signing the order, Trump acknowledged when asked by a reporter that the issue could face legal challenges (and several lawsuits were soon filed). “We think we have good grounds, but you could be right. I mean, you’ll find out,” Trump said. “It’s ridiculous. We’re the only country in the world that does this with birthright, as you know.” (The U.S. isn’t the only country with birthright citizenship. As we’ve written, about 30 countries have similar policies, including Canada and Mexico. The CIA World Factbook lists 38 countries, many of them in Latin America and the Caribbean.)

    Within a few weeks of Trump’s order, four federal judges in four different states had issued preliminary injunctionsblocking the executive order from taking effect. The case is now on the Supreme Court docket, with oral arguments slated for May 15. A decision is likely to come this summer, as SCOTUSblog explained.

    Most constitutional scholars have said that changing the birthright citizenship policy in the U.S. would require a constitutional amendment. A few experts disagree and have said Congress could pass legislation to change it. In 1898, the Supreme Court upheld the 14th Amendment’s birthright citizenship provision in a case involving a man born to parents who were citizens of China but legally living in the U.S. The court hasn’t specifically ruled on this issue concerning parents living in the U.S. without legal authorization.

    Stock Market

    Back in August 2024, when the Dow Jones Industrial Average sank more than 1,000 points, Trump blamed his presidential campaign rival, then-Vice President Kamala Harris, for the decline. “Of course there is a massive market downtown,” Trump said on his social media platform Truth Social on Aug. 5. “You can’t play games with MARKETS. KAMALA CRASH!!!”

    Then, at a rally in Washington, D.C., on Jan. 19, the eve of his first day back in office, Trump took credit for a rising stock market and referred to it, and other economic measures, as “the Trump effect.”

    “Everyone is calling it the — I don’t want to say this. It’s too braggadocious, but we’ll say it anyway, the Trump effect. It’s you. You’re the effect. Since the election, the stock market has surged,” Trump said.

    But the glow was short-lived, due partly to the uncertainty over Trump’s tariff policy. The S&P 500, an index that tracks the performance of the leading companies on U.S. stock exchanges, has had its “worst first-100-day performance for a new administration in over 50 years,” MarketWatch reported on April 29. At that time, the S&P 500 was down nearly 8%; the Dow Jones Industrial Average had dropped 7.5%, and the Nasdaq Composite had fallen 11.5% since Jan. 20.

    Trump has typically touted the stock market as a measure of his economic prowess. But in a March 9 interview on Fox News, Trump said, “You can’t really watch the stock market,” and suggested a longer-term view. “If you look at China, they have a 100-year perspective. We have a quarter. We go by quarters. You can’t go by that.”

    Prices

    At another campaign rally in August 2024, Trump promised, “Starting the day I take the oath of office, I will rapidly drive prices down and we will make America affordable again.” Then, in a December interview after he was elected, Trump said, referring to prices, “I’d like to bring them down. It’s hard to bring things down once they’re up.”

    Indeed, the price of many products hasn’t declined under Trump, according to the latest federal data. For one, egg prices, which Trump frequently claims are down by large percentages, were still increasing, on average, for consumers, as of March. Average wholesale prices, which retailers pay for the eggs they sell in stores, have declined by 46% since Trump was sworn in. In March, the Department of Agriculture credited “no significant outbreaks” of the bird flu for declining wholesale prices. But that hasn’t yet translated to lower prices for grocery shoppers.

    Average grocery prices overall, which Trump has claimed “are down,” were up in March as well, according to the Consumer Price Index for at-home food items.

    For drivers, the average price of gas, which Trump also mentions often, hasn’t declined, either, according to the Energy Information Administration. The EIA said the national average price of a gallon of regular grade gas was $3.14 for the week ending April 21 — up from $3.11 during the week ending Jan. 20, which is the day that Trump began his second term. The price of crude oil, however, has dropped, after OPEC+ announced it would move up a planned production increase due to recent tariffs imposed by the U.S. and China.

    Inflation growth has come down since Trump took office, leading Trump to claim on April 14 that “we’ve already solved inflation.” The inflation rate of 2.4% for the 12 months ending in March was lower than the annualized rate of 3% in January, but that doesn’t mean prices are going down. It means prices are increasing at a slower pace. Economists also said that the tariffs Trump announced in April could cause inflation to rise again, as importers pass along most of the tariff costs to consumers in the form of higher prices.

    In a campaign rally last July, Trump had said, “Starting on Day One, we will end inflation and make America affordable again.”


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  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    In announcing new autism prevalence data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. distorted scientific research to argue that there is an “epidemic” of autism that must be due to an “environmental toxin.”

    The main finding of the new CDC publication — that among 8-year-olds at the selected study sites, 1 in 31 had autism in 2022, up from 1 in 36 in 2020 — represents the latest increase in estimated prevalence of the neurodevelopmental condition, also referred to as autism spectrum disorder, or ASD. 

    However, researchers have long warned that the rising numbers do not indicate a commensurate increase in the true prevalence of autism. While there may be some true rise, researchers say that broadening diagnostic criteria, increased awareness, the gradual introduction of universal autism screening by pediatricians and the growing availability of services help explain rising reported rates of the condition.

    The CDC report itself lists such factors. But Kennedy said these attempts at rigorous interpretation of the data amounted to an “ideology of epidemic denial.” Among his claims:

    • Kennedy mischaracterized early studies of autism prevalence and misleadingly compared them with the CDC’s latest study. For example, he compared modern numbers with those from a 1970 Wisconsin study that used an old definition of autism, and in a later interview, wrongly claimed that “all the kids in Wisconsin were tested.”
    • He claimed that at most 25% of the increase in prevalence “can be attributed to better recognition and better diagnosis,” which means “85% are still — or 75% to 80% — still are part of an epidemic.” That’s not what the overall literature shows.
    • Kennedy referred to a recent trend of increasing intellectual disability in the CDC survey data to argue that the increased prevalence is “real.” But a CDC author said that the pattern could be due to a change in methodology in 2018.

    In the April 16 press conference, Kennedy, who has a history of pushing the debunked idea that vaccines cause autism, expressed false confidence that it is possible to identify an environmental cause of autism and eliminate it. “This is coming from an environmental toxin,” he said, after earlier referring to autism as a “preventable disease.”

    Exposure to certain substances — particularly in the womb — may contribute to autism. Many studies have identified correlations to various exposures, but the role of these exposures in autism has been challenging to confirm. Two well-established risk factors include increased parental age and very preterm birth, both of which may have contributed to a small increase in autism over time as babies have been increasingly born to older parents and medical advances have allowed more premature infants to survive. (Babies born to mothers who took the antiseizure drug valproate during pregnancy also appear at higher risk of developing autism, although this would account only for a small number of cases.) What is very clear, however, is that much of autism is genetic. 

    “I disagree that the increase in prevalence rates must be due to an environmental toxin,” psychologist Helen Tager-Flusberg, director of the Center for Autism Research Excellence at Boston University, told us in an email. “Demographic and other sociological factors (as described in the CDC report itself) along with changes in diagnostic criteria and substitution are major factors. But there’s lots we still don’t know.”

    Kennedy spoke alongside a co-author of the CDC report who said he did think the true increase in autism has been significant. “It is a true increase,” Walter Zahorodny, a professor in the department of pediatrics at Rutgers Health New Jersey Medical School, said. “There is better awareness of autism, but better awareness of autism cannot be driving a disability like autism to increase by 300% in 20 years.”

    A few other scientists we spoke with agreed that there had been an increase in autism, although not as large as Kennedy claimed, and not necessarily for the reasons he suggested. Others were more skeptical of a true rise.

    “It’s not impossible at all, that just these factors added all together might drive the increase entirely, without the need to invoke any other kinds of causal factors or an epidemic due to an environmental toxin,” Dr. Eric Fombonne, a professor emeritus of psychiatry at Oregon Health & Science University, told us, speaking of the factors that affect who is counted as having autism. “Do we know that for sure? No, but has anyone demonstrated that the rise could not be entirely due to that? No.”

    Kennedy Misrepresents Decades-Old Autism Studies

    In the press conference, as evidence of an “epidemic” of autism, Kennedy mischaracterized early studies of autism prevalence, incorrectly casting them as “exhaustive” and accurate measures of autism that can be compared with today’s figures.

    Robert F. Kennedy Jr. speaks about autism at an April 16 press conference at the Department of Health and Human Services. Photo by Alex Wong/Getty Images

    “The baseline for autism in this country was established with the largest epidemiological study in history, a study of all 900,000 children in the state of Wisconsin, children under the age of 12,” he said, referring to a study published in 1970. “They found 0.7 children had autism in every 10,000. That’s less than 1 in 10,000. Today we’re 1 in 31.”

    Later, in an April 22 Fox News interview, he incorrectly claimed that “all the kids in Wisconsin were tested” in the study.

    No one did autism evaluations on all the children in the state. Instead, researchers reviewed records from between 1962 and 1967 from various clinical settings to count the number of children who had been given a no-longer-used diagnosis called early infantile autism, then divided the figure by the population to get a rate.

    At the time, very few people knew about or diagnosed autism, David Mandell, a psychiatric epidemiologist, health services researcher and director of the Center for Mental Health at the University of Pennsylvania, told us via email.

    For that reason, Fombonne said it was “completely absurd” to compare the study’s estimate to current figures. He added that even at the time, better studies arrived at higher estimates. Certain groups “use this study often because it gives them a very low starting point and accentuates the trend,” he said.

    Kennedy also cited a 1987 study of children in North Dakota, falsely claiming that researchers “even conducted in-person assessments of the entire population of 180,000 children under 18.”

    Researchers did not interview 180,000 children. Rather, they collected records of children who had been identified as having autistic symptoms in the state and did in-person assessments of around 200 children.

    Study co-author Larry Burd, a professor of pediatrics at the University of North Dakota who now primarily studies fetal alcohol syndrome, told us that he is “pretty satisfied” that the study “did capture the prevalence rate of autism at that time” but that “many of the cases today would not have been captured using those criteria.” 

    He said he thought that there has been a true increase in autism, with broader criteria, screening and earlier diagnosis accounting for a “substantial amount of the difference but not nearly all of it.”

    Kennedy also referred to a third study, called the National Collaborative Perinatal Project, which followed ​​pregnancies at 14 medical centers beginning in 1959. As of 1965, researchers identified 14 children with infantile autism. “This was no half-baked survey based analysis,” he said, claiming that autism “would have stood out like a neon sign.”

    But again, researchers emphasized that at the time of the study, very few people were diagnosing autism, and the definition then was very different.

    Today, “we’d have diagnosed a far greater portion of the population than were identified in these earlier [epidemiological] studies because of fundamental changes in the way we conceptualize autism,” Tager-Flusberg said.

    Dr. Ezra Susser, an epidemiologist at Columbia University, told us he counts himself among those who believe there has been “some increase” in autism. But “the figures that [Kennedy’s] using to illustrate the scale of the increase,” he said, are “just completely misleading.”

    Missing Context on CDC Data 

    Kennedy called the latest CDC results “shocking” and presented them as showing that “autism is increasing in prevalence at an alarming rate.”

    “This is part of an unrelenting upward trend,” he said, adding that “autism has increased by a factor of 4.8” since the first CDC report in 2000. But as the agency itself notes in its latest report, the observed prevalence rates are not directly comparable over time, nor are they representative of the autism rate in the entire country.

    Although the CDC’s autism prevalence survey was designed to stay mostly the same over time, there have been changes over the years in how the agency identifies children with the condition. The figures also represent just a few places around the country — in 2022, for example, the data comes from 16 sites, up from 11 two years prior.

    The current method for identifying a case of autism involves reviewing school and medical records for autism diagnostic codes or other indicators of autism. The CDC researchers “never see a kid in person,” Mandell said, adding that he thinks the CDC survey overestimates the number of children with the condition.

    Catherine Lord, a clinical psychologist and autism researcher at the David Geffen School of Medicine at UCLA, said that there could have been changes over time in how readily physicians or teachers identified autism. When the CDC study began, she said, “almost no chart talked about social communication,” she said, “but today physicians and teachers are much more aware of a child who rarely makes eye contact or doesn’t seek out other children.”

    Maureen Durkin, a professor of population health sciences and pediatrics at the University of Wisconsin-Madison School of Medicine and Public Health, who co-authored the most recent CDC report on autism prevalence, said that various changes in the definition of autism, awareness, support and screening, as well as changes in diagnostic practices have contributed to the increase in prevalence in the CDC reports.

    Formerly, “children with other known causes of developmental disability such as Down syndrome were not evaluated for autism but today virtually all children referred for comprehensive developmental assessments are evaluated for autism and many children with autism have multiple co-occurring conditions,” she said.

    Durkin also said that very preterm births and older parental age could have contributed to increased autism, as well as potentially “other factors yet to be discovered.”

    Multiple researchers pointed out the variation in autism rates between study sites as a sign the CDC survey is capturing something other than true changes in autism. “Autism doesn’t respect geopolitical borders,” Mandell said. “We are seeing the results of better identification and services in different places.”

    In the 2022 data, around 1 in 19 children were recorded as having autism at a site in the San Diego area, while just 1 in 103 children were recorded as having autism at the Laredo, Texas, site. In other words, the difference between Laredo and San Diego today is slightly greater than the difference Kennedy touts between children born in 2014 and those born in 1992.

    “Research has not demonstrated that living in certain communities puts children at greater risk for developing ASD,” the authors of the new CDC study wrote in their paper.

    The Laredo site had the oldest average age of diagnosis and the highest rate of cognitive impairment in the children identified as autistic, Craig Newschaffer, a professor of biobehavioral health at Penn State University, told us via email.

    “One hypothesis could be that there is some absence of an environmental toxin in Laredo that is causally linked to autism and especially to early emerging cases of autism,” Newschaffer said. “However, it is much more likely that this descriptive picture supports the alternative hypothesis that there is a lowered diagnostic tendency in Laredo (kids are diagnosed at later ages, and higher-functioning children are missed), perhaps because this is an area where access to strong diagnostic services may be lacking.”

    One factor that could drive the high rate of identified cases in the San Diego area, the authors of the CDC report wrote, is an initiative in which “hundreds of local pediatricians have been trained to screen and refer children for assessment as early as possible.” 

    Inaccurate Summary of Existing Studies

    During the press conference for the CDC findings, Kennedy selectively and inaccurately described the scientific literature, presenting it as clearly showing that the steep rise in observed autism rates is real — something it does not do.

    Kennedy claimed that after being tasked by the California state Legislature to investigate the issue in 2009, Irva Hertz-Picciotto, a University of California, Davis scientist, “came back with a definitive answer: the epidemic is real. Only a very, very small portion of it can be charged to better recognition or better diagnostic criteria.” He went on to say that “many, many” other studies “affirm” this and “the answer is very clear.”

    Later, after being pressed by a reporter, Kennedy acknowledged that a larger fraction of the increase might not be real, but maintained that the overwhelming majority was.

    “There are small slivers of the autism epidemic, maybe 10% to 25%, according to the studies — highest studies are around 25% — that can be attributed to better recognition and better diagnosis,” he said. “That means 85% are still — or 75% to 80% — still are part of an epidemic, and that’s too many.”

    But that’s not what the overall literature shows. It’s true that a 2002 report, conducted by UC Davis researchers — but not by the researcher Kennedy named —  found “no evidence” that widened diagnostic criteria contributed to California’s rising autism rate and concluded that “some, if not all, of the observed increase represents a true increase.” It was presented in the popular press at the time as being conclusive. The report, however, was not peer-reviewed and has been criticized by other scientists as having “unwarranted” conclusions. 

    The researcher Kennedy named, Hertz-Picciotto, specializes in identifying possible environmental causes of autism and did publish a study in 2009. It concluded that about one-third of the increase in autism reported in California was due to diagnostic criteria changes, including an earlier age at diagnosis and inclusion of milder cases.

    That’s already more than Kennedy claimed. But the paper also noted that it had not included other potential contributing factors, such as increased awareness and desire to access autism services. “Other artifacts have yet to be quantified, and as a result, the extent to which the continued rise represents a true increase in the occurrence of autism remains unclear,” the study said. (We reached out to Hertz-Picciotto but did not receive a reply.)

    When asked for support for Kennedy’s claims, in addition to the Hertz-Picciotto study, HHS pointed us to two papers authored or co-authored by Cynthia Nevison, an environmental research associate at the University of Colorado Boulder who has published about autism, including as a volunteer for SafeMinds, an anti-vaccine group. She has previously espoused anti-vaccine views and written articles for Children’s Health Defense, the anti-vaccine nonprofit Kennedy founded and previously led. (In his remarks, Kennedy appeared to reference another paper Nevison co-authored when he claimed a study found that the cost of treating autism by 2035 “will be $1 trillion a year.” The paper was retracted nearly two years ago.)

    One of her analyses, published in 2014 in Environmental Health, concluded its data “suggests that ~75-80% of the tracked increase in autism since 1988 is due to an actual increase in the disorder rather than to changing diagnostic criteria.”

    Experts, however, told us the analysis could not make such a claim, as information does not exist about the degree to which greater awareness, screening and diagnostic services may have driven autism increases, for example. Among other issues, Fombonne said, the analysis relied on a database that only includes children referred to services, and therefore is confounded and biased. “You cannot be drawing inferences by studying just that referred population,” he said.

    A few other studies have attempted to quantify the impact of certain changes, generally finding between one-quarter to onethird of the increase in autism prevalence is attributable to a single factor, such as diagnostic substitution or a change in diagnostic criteria. But no study has tried to account for all factors — and therefore, Kennedy is wrong to say that research has shown 75% or more of the increase remains part of an autism “epidemic.”

    Experts were generally skeptical of these efforts, with Durkin calling it a “dubious exercise.” But many other studies have documented or implicated various diagnostic changes in the observed rise in autism, although they did not quantify these effects.

    There “is a very large body of informal descriptive evidence continuously reemphasizing the role of diagnostic tendency as a major driver of autism prevalence trends,” Newschaffer told us, referring to factors that determine who gets diagnosed.

    In a 2012 study, which Fombonne co-authored, researchers reexamined records from a 1980s autism prevalence study in Utah, finding that 59% of the individuals originally designated as not having autism did have autism according to the more modern definition. The result was not primarily due to recognizing mild cases, as the average IQ of the newly identified cases was significantly lower than the originally identified group.

    A 2013 study in California found that children who moved to a neighborhood with more diagnostic resources were more likely to then receive an autism diagnosis, suggesting social drivers of diagnosis were at play.

    Taking another approach to address the question, a 2020 JAMA Psychiatry paper used twin cohorts in Sweden and found the relative importance of environmental factors associated with autism did not change over time, as might be expected if such exposures were indeed driving a surge in the condition. “These results thus do not suggest that environmental factors explain the increasing prevalence of ASD,” the study concluded.

    Claim of ‘Alarming Escalation’ in Severity

    As supposed evidence that artifacts cannot explain the observed increase in autism prevalence, Kennedy referred to a recent trend in the CDC data that shows a rise in the proportion of autistic children in the survey who have lower IQs. After gradually decreasing to 31% in 2014 from a high of roughly 50% in 2000, the proportion of kids with intellectual disability has ticked back upward, to nearly 40% in 2022.

    “If you look at table 3 of the ADDM report” — the table with IQ information  — “it’s clear that the rates are real,” Kennedy said during the press conference. The HHS press release on the CDC report also noted the recent trend, calling it “an alarming escalation in case severity” and stating that it demonstrates the increase in autism “cannot be solely attributed to the expansion of diagnoses to include higher functioning children.”

    But that’s a straw man argument. No one has claimed that the observed increase in autism is due to that single factor. The trend doesn’t prove that the true prevalence of autism has increased, nor does it negate the larger pattern over decades that shows a broader definition of autism over time has captured more mild cases.

    Fombonne said that when he trained as a psychiatrist, as many as three-quarters of children with autism also had intellectual disability, compared with 40% in the current survey. Surveys from around the world have documented a large decline in this percentage over the decades, he said, and the current CDC percentage is similar to what has been observed in other high-income countries. He said the trend “is not particularly alarming” and cannot be interpreted without taking into account a variety of factors.

    Cautioning that the data on intellectual disability in the CDC reports may not be representative, Durkin pointed to better identification of autism among low-income children, who consistently show higher rates of intellectual disability and previously were underrepresented in the CDC surveys. That underrepresentation has recently reversed, beginning with the CDC’s 2020 survey, she said, with autism now being slightly more common among low-income versus high-income children. 

    Durkin said the change in the pattern “could well be due” to a change in the CDC’s methods in 2018 and “could explain the uptick” in the percentage of children with co-occurring intellectual disability in the most recent CDC reports. For surveillance year 2018, the CDC no longer required clinical review to identify an autism case, which Durkin’s work showed had contributed to disparities in autism prevalence.

    Other experts also warned against reading too much into the numbers, noting that only a subset of children had IQ information, which varies greatly by site, and there could be different reasons why this information is or isn’t reported.

    “You wouldn’t have an IQ because the kid is so low that nobody knows how to test them, or you wouldn’t have an IQ because the child went to a psychiatrist and was clearly very verbal and articulate, and they didn’t want to bother getting an IQ,” Lord said. “The trouble with IQ data is it’s very hard to interpret it unless you know exactly what the tests were and when the kids were seen and the competence level of the person giving the tests.”

    She added that “there has been a big push by parent advocates to pay more attention to the more severely affected profoundly autistic kids” and that people may have improved over the past decade in knowing the tests that can be given to a child with profound autism, which could lower overall scores.

    Despite HHS’ emphasis on this trend, the CDC report itself does not directly identify or discuss it. The report, however, does suggest that various so-called social determinants of health “could lead to higher rates of disability among certain populations,” noting that more Black babies are born preterm than white babies, and that lead poisoning and traumatic brain injuries are other causes of intellectual disability. Disparities in access to early therapies, which can improve cognition, could also contribute, the report added.


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  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    A graphic circulating on social media compares Donald Trump’s and Joe Biden’s economic records as president and cites FactCheck.org as the source. But two of its figures are way off, and others are out of date — creating a more unfavorable comparison for Trump.

    The graphic also doesn’t mention that Trump’s numbers, for his first term, were negatively affected by the economic decline caused by the COVID-19 pandemic.

    We became aware of the graphic this week, after a reader asked if we produced it. We didn’t.

    We don’t know who created the graphic, or when it first appeared online. But at least one April 17 post of it on X has garnered roughly 98,000 “views” and been reposted about 4,200 times. Some posts on other platforms have gained traction as well.

    The top of the graphic features a quote that says, “Joe Biden Is The Worst President In The History Of The Country And It Isn’t Even Close,” which is attributed to “DJT,” the initials of Trump, who has made that claim about Biden several times.

    But the graphic goes on to suggest that Biden was better for the economy than Trump by comparing Biden’s presidency with Trump’s first term, using statistics for job growth, unemployment, manufacturing employment, economic growth and trade deficits. The figures are listed in a table with cartoon images of Biden and Trump.

    Biden’s Numbers

    Biden’s figures, which are in green, appear to come from our article “Biden’s Numbers, April 2024 Update” – but two of the figures have been inverted. In our article, we reported that the most recent economic growth rate under Biden at that point, for the first quarter of 2024, was 1.6% – not 18.8%, as the graphic says. And we reported that the U.S. trade deficit in goods and services under Biden had grown 18.8% at that time – not 1.6%.

    Our “numbers” series, which we launched during Barack Obama’s presidency, provides quarterly updates on various statistical indicators of what’s happened in the country under the president.

    The graphic’s other figures for Biden were accurate as of last April, but are now out of date.

    When he left office in January, the unemployment rate was 4%, and total employment for the entirety of his presidency had increased by more than 16.1 million jobs, including 610,000 manufacturing jobs. Those are the most recent figures according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics.

    Also, economic growth, as measured by real (inflation-adjusted) gross domestic product, in Biden’s last year as president was 2.8%, according to the Bureau of Economic Analysis. Meanwhile, the trade deficit in 2024 had increased 40.4% from 2020, based on the most recent BEA data.

    We plan to publish our full report on Biden’s final numbers this fall, when some of the annual data for 2024 is available.

    Trump’s Numbers

    For Trump, the creator of the graphic appears to have pulled his figures, which are in red, from our original version of “Trump’s Final Numbers” that was published in October 2021. (The graphic’s figure for job growth under Trump is a typo.)

    But we updated that article in July 2024 because we found that several of the statistics – due to periodic revisions to government data – were no longer accurate.

    The current version of that article says that when Trump left office in January 2021, the unemployment rate was 6.4%, and there was a decrease of about 2.7 million jobs during his presidency, including a drop of 178,000 in manufacturing employment. In addition, economic growth in the last year of Trump’s first term declined 2.2%, and the trade deficit in 2020 had increased 36.3% from 2016, which was the year before Trump first took office.

    More importantly, the graphic being shared online doesn’t mention the negative impact that the pandemic had on the economy in 2020 under Trump. As we said in our article, “Some of these figures, notably the net job loss and gross domestic product, were affected by the COVID-19 pandemic, which struck in Trump’s final year in office, becoming a defining issue of his tenure.” Our report mentioned the pandemic nearly 40 times.

    There had been an increase in employment under Trump before the pandemic caused the loss of more than 20 million jobs in April 2020, as attempts to stop the spread of the virus that causes COVID-19 led to business closures and layoffs. Also, prior to the pandemic, the unemployment rate was 3.5% in February 2020, and the economy had grown by 2.3% in 2019.

    We don’t know if those economic gains would have continued if not for the pandemic, but it’s misleading to present Trump’s first-term economic record without mentioning the COVID-19 caveat.

    We will publish the first “Trump’s Numbers” article on the president’s current term in January 2026, at the one-year mark of his time in office, just as we did for our first pieces on Biden and Trump, in his earlier term.


    Editor’s note: FactCheck.org does not accept advertising. We rely on grants and individual donations from people like you. Please consider a donation. Credit card donations may be made through our “Donate” page. If you prefer to give by check, send to: FactCheck.org, Annenberg Public Policy Center, P.O. Box 58100, Philadelphia, PA 19102. 


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    This post was originally published on FactCheck.org.

  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    The Supreme Court ruled on the evening of April 10 that the Trump administration must comply with a lower court’s order to “facilitate” the release from custody of Kilmar Armando Abrego Garcia, an immigrant who was deported without a hearing to a mega prison in El Salvador. The case underscores the issue of due process and what legal protections are afforded to noncitizens.

    Here, we’ll explain what due process means, any limitations in its application to noncitizens, and the details of the Abrego Garcia case. In the process, we’ll fact-check some comments officials have made about the case.

    The Trump administration, which has said that Abrego Garcia was accidentally deported due to an “administrative error,” has stalled on bringing him back despite court orders, arguing that U.S. agencies do “not have authority to forcibly extract an alien from the domestic custody of a foreign sovereign nation.” Abrego Garcia was among the more than 250 immigrants who were deported by the administration to El Salvador on March 15.

    President Donald Trump hosts a bilateral meeting with President Nayib Bukele of El Salvador, Monday, April 14 in the Oval Office. Official White House Photo by Abe McNatt.

    “That’s up to El Salvador, if they want to return him. That’s not up to us,” Attorney General Pam Bondi said during an Oval Office meeting between President Donald Trump and Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele on April 14. At the same meeting, Secretary of State Marco Rubio emphasized the diplomatic implications, saying, “The foreign policy of the United States is conducted by the President of the United States, not by a court.”

    But the case highlights what some legal scholars see as an effort by the Trump administration to erode due process — or the constitutional right to contest an arrest by the government — and set a precedent for making people unreachable by imprisoning them outside of the U.S.

    “Why hasn’t the Trump administration acted to secure Mr. Abrego Garcia’s release? After all, he is there because of a government screw-up,” law professors Erwin Chemerinsky and Laurence H. Tribe asked in an April 9 opinion piece published by the New York Times.

    “The answer can only be that it is using this case to establish a truly chilling proposition: that no one can stop the Trump administration from imprisoning any people it wants anywhere else in the world,” they answered.

    We reached out to the White House for a response to that proposition, but we didn’t receive a reply.

    Some Trump administration officials, though, have suggested that there may be limits to due process. Border czar Tom Homan, for example, said that immigration agents are the “principal” judges of whether or not a detainee has gang affiliations and, if they determine that there is an affiliation, that detainee’s rights to due process are limited.

    “People who are enemies of the United States don’t have the same level [of] due process [as in] the normal process,” Homan told Axios in an April interview, making an apparent reference to the administration’s use of the Alien Enemies Act to expel immigrants it alleges are gang members. A challenge to the use of that law is currently working its way through the courts, as we’ve explained.

    And Trump’s homeland security adviser, Stephen Miller, posted on X on April 1: “Friendly reminder: If you illegally invaded our country the only ‘process’ you are entitled to is deportation.”

    But immigrants — including those who crossed the border without authorization — have a right to due process, legal experts say.

    “The thing about due process is that it either applies to everyone present in the United States or it applies to no one,” Amy Grenier, of the American Immigration Lawyers Association, told us by email.

    What Is Due Process?

    The Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments to the Constitution establish the right to due process — the Fifth Amendment says that “[n]o person shall … be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law.” The Fourteenth Amendment extends this obligation to the states.

    “There is no way to have due process and decide a group of people are not entitled to it. Due process includes the opportunity to know the charges against you and to argue against them. If a government is ensuring due process, every individual removed will know why they are removed, and they will have an opportunity to make their case on why they should not be prior to removal,” Grenier said. “This is true even for the undocumented, even if someone is here without authorization.”

    She noted that the Constitution uses the word, “person,” not, citizen — meaning that it applies to everyone.

    “If due process applied only to citizens, or people who are here lawfully, yet at no point is there an opportunity to be heard or prove your case, how would a citizen prove they are a citizen prior to removal?” she asked.

    Kathleen Bush-Joseph, a lawyer and policy analyst at the Migration Policy Institute, agreed. “Constitutional protections apply to everyone and that’s the baseline,” she told us in a phone interview.

    But, Bush-Joseph said, the legal process can differ, depending on how a person entered the country. For example, someone who overstayed a visa and has been present in the U.S. for years generally would go to immigration court before they could be deported, while someone who has been in the U.S. illegally for less than two years could be subject to an expedited removal process. Under that process, an immigration officer can order a noncitizen to be removed, unless that person expresses a credible fear of returning to their home country and seeks asylum.

    Previously, the expedited removal process had applied to those who were apprehended within 100 miles of the border within 14 days of having entered the country. However, Trump expanded expedited removal shortly after taking office to include anyone who illegally crossed the border within the prior two years and is apprehended anywhere in the country. The policy is being challenged in court as a violation of due process.

    Bush-Joseph also noted that some other actions the Trump administration has taken suggest it may be trying to speed up the deportation of immigrants: namely, the executive order Trump signed on Jan. 20 calling the arrival of immigrants in the U.S. an “invasion” and the requirement that “all foreign nationals present in the United States longer than 30 days” must register with the government.

    “President Trump and I have a clear message for those in our country illegally: leave now,” Department of Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem said in a statement urging compliance with the registration rule.

    “So, the Trump administration is saying that immigrants affected by these announcements don’t have the same protections as U.S. citizens,” Bush-Joseph said.

    Abrego Garcia

    In Abrego Garcia’s case, he came to the U.S. without authorization in 2012, fleeing gang violence from Barrio 18, which had targeted his family’s pupusa business in El Salvador, according to court documents.

    He went to live with his brother, a U.S. citizen, in Maryland and, in 2019, was arrested while waiting outside of a Home Depot to be hired as a day laborer. The Department of Homeland Security then moved to deport him under Title 8 — which codifies immigration laws, including those that govern asylum, removal and naturalization — because he was in the U.S. without having been legally admitted. Abrego Garcia then applied for asylum.

    The Trump administration has highlighted a claim made in the arguments over whether he should be detained or let out on bond while awaiting the outcome of his asylum case. At the time, Abrego Garcia argued that he should be freed on bond, saying that he wasn’t a flight risk since he had lived in the U.S. for eight years and intended to marry his then girlfriend who was a U.S. citizen and was five months into a high-risk pregnancy. He also argued that he wasn’t a danger to the community, citing his lack of a criminal record.

    DHS, however, argued that he should be kept in custody pending the outcome of the case because, it alleged, he was a member of the Salvadoran gang MS-13. Abrego Garcia and his now wife denied the allegation at the time and continue to do so today.

    Two pieces of evidence were presented to support the claim that he was a member of MS-13. First, what he was wearing at the time of his arrest — “a Chicago Bulls hat and a hoodie with rolls of money covering the eyes, ears and mouth of the presidents on the separate denominations. Officers know such clothing to be indicative of the Hispanic gang culture,” the arrest record said. Second, a statement from a now suspended officer who cited an unnamed informant who said that Abrego Garcia was a member of the gang’s “Westerns clique,” which is based in New York — a state, Abrego Garcia’s lawyers say, he’s never been to.

    The docket for his 2019 immigration case isn’t public, but documents from it have been filed in the current case. Bondi posted some documents from it on social media. They show that an immigration judge who handled his bond hearing found that DHS’ contention that he was a member of MS-13 “appears to be trustworthy,” while also acknowledging that there were inconsistencies in the report DHS relied upon. The judge denied Abrego Garcia’s bond, and an immigration court appeals board issued a two-page order upholding her ruling.

    Bondi overstated the findings from the bond hearing when she said in the Oval Office meeting, “In 2019, two courts — an immigration court and an appellate immigration court — ruled that he was a member of MS-13.” The courts didn’t “rule” on the issue; rather, they said that the report relied upon by DHS was inconsistent but “appears to be trustworthy” enough to deny bond.

    A different immigration judge handled Abrego Garcia’s asylum claim. That judge didn’t rule on the issue of whether or not the government had proved Abrego Garcia was a member of MS-13, but the judge reviewed all the evidence presented in the case and found that Abrego Garcia “provided credible responses to the questions asked” and that his testimony was “consistent with his asylum application and other documents.” The judge didn’t grant asylum because Abrego Garcia had filed his application seven years after entering the U.S., “well-beyond the one-year filing deadline.”

    However, the judge did grant him “withholding of removal,” which is a form of relief for migrants who fear persecution, as explained by the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services. Such a ruling prevents deportation to a person’s home country and allows that person the right to remain in the U.S. and work legally, but according to the American Immigration Council, “the government is still allowed to deport that person to a different country if the other country agrees to accept them.” It does not allow a path to permanent residence or citizenship in the U.S.

    The judge found that Abrego Garcia had “suffered past persecution as he was threatened with death on more than one occasion” and that “the facts here show that the Barrio 18 gang continues to threaten and harass the Abrego family over these several years, and does so even though the family has moved three times.” The judge ruled that he could not be sent back to a country where he would be likely to suffer persecution.

    The government did not appeal that ruling, and Abrego Garcia has been living and working in Maryland ever since.

    When Abrego Garcia was arrested on March 12, Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers didn’t provide a warrant and “told him only that his ‘status had changed,’” according to U.S. District Court Judge Paula Xinis’ explanation of her April 4 decision that he should be returned from El Salvador. He was shuttled between detainment facilities before being flown to El Salvador on March 15, without having seen a judge.

    “Although the legal basis for the mass removal of hundreds of individuals to El Salvador remains disturbingly unclear, Abrego Garcia’s case is categorically different—there were no legal grounds whatsoever for his arrest, detention, or removal,” Xinis wrote, concluding that “his detention appears wholly lawless.”

    Vice President JD Vance misrepresented the situation when he posted on X, “Because he is not a citizen, he does not get a full jury trial by peers. In other words, whatever ‘due process’ he was entitled to, he received.” It’s true that Abrego Garcia received due process after being apprehended in 2019 — ultimately getting a judgment of withholding from removal — but he was not given due process before being removed from the country in March.

    “The government could have presented its evidence before an immigration judge, the federal district court in Maryland, or in criminal proceedings as it has done in prosecuting cases of other alleged MS-13 members,” foreign affairs expert Tom Joscelyn and law professor Ryan Goodman recently explained in the online publication Just Security.

    Since Abrego Garcia was removed under Title 8, that case would have been brought to an immigration court, which doesn’t have jury trials. Rather, those cases are decided by immigration judges.

    At this point, the Supreme Court has upheld Xinis’ April 4 order that the government should “facilitate” the release of Abrego Garcia and said it should “ensure that his case is handled as it would have been had he not been improperly sent to El Salvador.” The high court instructed the District Court to clarify the order to “effectuate” his return, “with due regard for the deference owed to the Executive Branch in the conduct of foreign affairs,” and said the federal government “should be prepared to share what it can concerning the steps it has taken and the prospect of further steps.”

    So far, the government hasn’t explained such steps. In a court filing on April 21, lawyers for the administration maintained that since Abrego Garcia got to El Salvador “his detention was no longer a matter of the United States’ confinement, but a matter belonging to the government of El Salvador.”

    Bukele, the country’s president, said in the Oval Office meeting on April 14 that he wouldn’t release Abrego Garcia and suggested the man was a “terrorist.”


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  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    In his first speech since leaving office, former President Joe Biden criticized the Trump administration’s staffing cuts and other changes at the Social Security Administration, but he made several misleading claims in the process.

    • Biden made the misleading claim that during his presidency some Republicans “wanted to let Social Security expire every five years … unless reauthorized by the Congress.” A 2022 proposal from Sen. Rick Scott called for sunsetting all federal programs after five years, unless Congress extended them. But Scott said he wanted to “fix,” not end, Social Security, and a later proposal specifically exempted Social Security.
    • The former president claimed that Republicans “threatened to raise the retirement age.” The conservative Republican Study Committee has proposed gradually raising the full retirement age for years, but that hasn’t gained enough support in Congress, even among Republicans.
    • Biden said the Social Security Administration had its “lowest staffing levels in 50 years” when he took office as president. He failed to mention that staffing ended up even lower his last year in office.
    • He said that staffing cuts and other changes under the Trump administration had caused concern that “Social Security benefits may be delayed or interrupted.” It’s true that experts have shared that concern over possible administrative errors. But a few of Biden’s comments could leave the misleading impression that monthly benefits for millions of people had nearly been, or were about to be, cut off.

    Biden spoke April 15 in Chicago at the Advocates, Counselors and Representatives for the Disabled conference.

    Old Chestnut on Letting Social Security Expire

    Biden repeated a familiar talking point in misleadingly claiming that during his presidency some Republicans in Congress “wanted to let Social Security expire every five years. That was the proposal, let it expire every five years unless reauthorized by the Congress.”

    That’s a reference to a 2022 policy proposal, called “An 11-Point Plan to Rescue America,” from Republican Sen. Rick Scott to sunset all federal programs after five years, unless Congress voted to extend them. “If a law is worth keeping, Congress can pass it again,” Scott’s plan said. But there was never any serious effort to implement that policy, especially as it pertains to Social Security.

    Scott, who then was the chair of the National Republican Senatorial Committee, said at the time that he didn’t want to sunset those programs — and he didn’t know anyone who did — but rather he wanted to “review,” “fix” and “preserve” them so that they are financially solvent for the long term. Shortly after Scott introduced his plan, then-Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell said that a bill sunsetting Social Security (and Medicare) in five years “will not be part of a Republican Senate majority agenda.”

    By the following year, Scott had revised the language in his plan to specifically exclude Social Security and Medicare, and other programs. “All federal legislation sunsets in 5 years, with specific exceptions of Social Security, Medicare, national security, veterans benefits, and other essential services,” the 2023 version of Scott’s plan said.

    Democrats have gotten a lot of mileage out of that proposal, particularly during the 2022 midterms, making false and misleading claims about Republicans wanting to “end” these popular programs, as we’ve written. In his remarks in Chicago, Biden said this five-year-expiration plan was part of the “constant threat” his administration faced from Republicans who wanted to “cut and gut Social Security.” But there was no threat of Social Security being terminated, as Scott has made clear.

    Retirement Age

    Biden misleadingly claimed that Republicans “threatened to raise the retirement age as well. Now, that might not be a hardship for someone working in a comfortable job, but if you’re on your feet all day, you’re doing manual labor all day, you’re working with a disability, it’s a very different matter.”

    As we wrote when Biden made a similar claim in his reelection announcement in 2023, the conservative Republican Study Committee has proposed budgets for years that have included gradually increasing the full retirement age, to either 69 or 70, and indexing it after that for life expectancy. The “full retirement age,” when a beneficiary can get full benefit payments, is age 66 to 67, depending on the beneficiary’s birth year. (Early retirement, with reduced Social Security benefit payments, is available starting at age 62.)

    The most recent RSC proposal, for fiscal 2025, said it would “make modest adjustments to the retirement age for future retirees to account for increases in life expectancy.”

    But raising the retirement age has failed to attract enough support in Congress, even among Republicans. In late December, Sen. Rand Paul introduced an amendment to raise the full retirement age, and it garnered just three “yes” votes.

    Legislators will need to take some action in the near future if they want the program to continue to pay all of its promised benefits, and it’s possible that raising the retirement age, or raising taxes, will be under discussion. The trust fund for retirees’ and survivors’ benefits is expected to be depleted in 2033, at which point SSA will only be able to pay 79% of benefits, according to the Social Security trustees’ latest estimate.

    On the campaign trail, President Donald Trump said he “will not raise the retirement age by one day” and wouldn’t cut “one penny” from Social Security. Since taking office, he has said that he’s only interested in getting rid of fraud. “Social Security won’t be touched, other than if there’s fraud,” Trump said in a February interview.

    More to the Story on Staffing Level

    The former president said: “When we came into office, the Social Security Administration had its lowest staffing. … Lowest staffing levels in 50 years. And demand was going through the roof because of my generation, the Baby Boomer generation, reaching the retirement age.” He didn’t say anything more about a change in SSA staffing during his administration, but it’s worth noting that the number of full-time staffers was even lower his last year in office.

    Full-time staffing at the SSA was 58,952 in fiscal year 2021, which began nearly four months before Biden took office. That was the lowest dating back to at least 1995, the earliest year in an SSA table on staffing levels. A report from the Associated Press from last year indicates that it was also probably the lowest level since the early 1970s.

    But the total full-time staff was 57,148 in fiscal 2024, which ended on Sept. 30, 2024. The peak under Biden was 60,026 in fiscal 2023.

    Under Trump, the SSA announced in February it will cut 7,000 jobs, with an agency-wide offer of early retirement and incentivized resignations, and the Washington Post has reported that thousands more in reductions are planned.  

    Misleading Claims on the Threat to Monthly Benefits

    Biden criticized the Trump administration for staffing cuts, website crashes and computer glitches at the Social Security Administration that the former president said had left beneficiaries “genuinely concerned for the first time in history, for the first and only time in history, that Social Security benefits may be delayed or interrupted.” As we’ve written, experts are concerned about SSA reorganizations, rushed changes and false fraud claims leading to administrative problems with Social Security, including the delivery of benefits. But a few of Biden’s comments could leave the misleading impression that monthly benefits for millions of people had nearly been, or were about to be, cut off.

    “In the 90 years since Franklin Roosevelt created the Social Security system, people have always gotten their Social Security checks. They’ve gotten them during wartime, during recessions, during the pandemic. No matter what, they got them. But now, for the first time ever, that might change. There’ll be calamity for millions of families, millions of people,” Biden said.

    There is no plan to stop monthly benefits, but, as we said, experts are worried that abrupt changes at the SSA, in the name of cutting staffing or finding fraud, could lead to operational mistakes. “I genuinely have never been this concerned about the ability of that agency to function,” Pamela Herd, a professor of social policy and faculty associate at the Institute for Social Research’s Population Studies Center at the University of Michigan, told us for an earlier story on the issue. “Yes, I think people are right to be worried about it.”

    The former president also was largely accurate in citing comments by Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick, but one line by Biden could leave the wrong impression that there was a “possibility of Social Security checks not going out this month.”

    Biden said of Lutnick: “But the current secretary of commerce doesn’t seem to get it, or based on his comments, he doesn’t seem to even care. … But when he talked about the possibility of Social Security checks not going out this month, he shrugged it off. Here’s what he said. He said that his 94-year-old mother-in-law wouldn’t complain. It wouldn’t bother her.”

    Lutnick, in an interview on the All-In Podcast on March 20, raised the hypothetical of checks not going out that month, saying that a “fraudster” would be the one to complain about it.

    Lutnick said: “Let’s say Social Security didn’t send out their checks this month. My mother-in-law, who’s 94, she wouldn’t call and complain. She just wouldn’t. She’d think something got messed up and she’ll get it next month. A fraudster always makes the loudest noise, screaming, yelling and complaining. … Anybody who’s been in the payment system and the process system knows the easiest way to find the fraudster is to stop payments and listen. Because whoever screams is the one stealing.”

    Biden also said Lutnick, a billionaire, was “paying 8.5% in taxes.” We don’t know what rate Lutnick pays in federal taxes, but Biden’s figure refers to a White House calculation for the 400 wealthiest families in the U.S. that factors in earnings on unsold stock as income, as we’ve explained.

    Alan Jaffe contributed to this story.


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  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    President Donald Trump has added to his unsupported claim that the U.S. is making “$2 billion a day” from tariffs by saying that the country was losing $2 billion or $3 billion “a day” under President Joe Biden. Economists told us that Trump appears to be wrongly comparing a very high – and unlikely – estimate of potential daily revenue from his tariffs with a figure reflecting the average daily U.S. trade deficit during Biden’s last year in office.

    “My best guess would be that Trump is probably conflating different concepts,” Robert C. Johnson, an associate professor of economics at the University of Notre Dame, told us. 

    Trump speaks on April 8 at an Unleashing American Energy Executive Order event in the East Room of the White House. Official White House Photo by Daniel Torok.

    In an April 10 article about Trump trade adviser Peter Navarro’s disputed claim that Trump’s 2025 tariff policies will raise $6 trillion to $7 trillion over 10 years, we briefly addressed the president’s statement that the U.S. is already “making a fortune with tariffs — $2 billion a day.” But Trump has said it several times since he first uttered the claim on April 8.

    He even claimed in an April 10 meeting with members of his Cabinet that “the number is probably $3.5 billion a day” from tariffs. In that same meeting, he said, “Look, we’re making $2 billion a day now. And during Biden, we were losing $3 billion a day.”

    Then, in an April 14 meeting with the president of El Salvador, Trump said, “on trade and other things, we’re doing great. We’re taking in billions and billions of dollars.” That was followed by his claim that “we were losing $2 billion a day. … Now we’re making $3 billion a day.”

    We asked the White House how Trump arrived at those figures, but we didn’t receive a response.

    Trump’s Overstating Daily Tariff Revenues

    Trump’s claim of $2 billion or more a day in tariff revenue is contradicted by figures released by multiple federal departments or agencies.

    As we’ve written, U.S. Customs and Border Protection, which collects tariffs, or customs duties, on imports of foreign goods at ports of entry, said in an April 8 statement that it has collected over $200 million per day in “additional associated revenue” from 13 of Trump’s tariff-related executive actions that have been implemented during the current administration.

    Also, as of April 15, the U.S. had received more than $2.3 billion in customs duties and certain excise taxes for the month, according to a Treasury Department daily financial statement. If that total included just tariffs, since excise taxes are different from customs duties, it still would be roughly $156 million per day in revenue. (Treasury data for only custom duties paid in April won’t be available until May. In February, there was about $259 million a day in customs duties paid, and the March per-day total was roughly $264 million.)

    Economists we consulted were also skeptical of the president’s claim of billions of dollars in daily tariff collections to date.

    “No, there is absolutely no way we are collecting $2b per day in tariff revenue,” Gene M. Grossman, an economics and international affairs professor at Princeton University, told us.

    “If you multiply all the announced tariffs by the volume of trade with each country, you could get close to $2b per day, mostly due to the tariffs on China,” he wrote in an email. “But that assumes that there will be no fall off in imports with China despite tariffs over 145%, which is a pretty ridiculous assumption.”

    And Johnson, of Notre Dame, speculated that the administration calculated the figure by taking the total value of U.S. imports in 2024 ($3.3 trillion in goods) and multiplying it by 20%, “which is roughly what the average US tariff would have been after the initial announcement” of tariffs on April 2. Divided by 365 days, it’s about $1.6 billion each day.

    But, like Grossman, Johnson said that Trump’s revenue estimate appears to implausibly assume that “jacking up tariffs” won’t reduce the amount of goods imported in the long run.

    “I think the $2 billion a day is the absolute upper bound on what could be collected in revenue from tariffs, and certainly more than is likely,” Johnson wrote in an email.

    After announcing a minimum 10% tariff on all imports of foreign foods and some higher country-by-country tariff rates on April 2, a week later Trump paused the higher rates for 90 days – except for tariffs on goods from China, which have since increased to 145%. Other previously announced tariffs still in effect include 25% tariffs on imports of steel, aluminum, automobiles and auto parts.

    Biden Didn’t Lose Billions a Day

    As for Trump’s claim that the U.S. lost “$2 billion a day” or “$3 billion a day” during the Biden administration, Grossman and Johnson both said that the president’s statement appears to be based on the U.S. international trade deficit – not revenue from tariffs.

    In 2024, Biden’s final year as president, the U.S. trade deficit in goods and services was more than $918 billion, according to the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis. The trade deficit in goods alone was about $1.2 trillion. Divide either by 365 days, and you get an average per-day deficit of between $2.5 billion and $3.3 billion.

    “My guess is that’s what Trump is mentally doing — since trade deficits mean you’re ‘losing’ in his vocabulary,” Johnson said.

    However, Grossman said “it’s ridiculous to think of that as a loss,” since the U.S. got the goods. He also said it’s ridiculous “to equate [the average daily trade deficit] in some way to tariff revenue.”

    In an April 8 post for Boston University’s “Expert Take” series, Tarek Alexander Hassan, a BU professor of economics, explained why trade deficits shouldn’t be seen as money lost.

    “A trade deficit sounds bad, but it is neither good nor bad,” he wrote. “It doesn’t mean the US is losing money. It simply means foreigners are sending the US more goods than the US is sending them.”

    For the record, there was more than $216 million per day in customs duties paid to the federal government under Biden in 2024.


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  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    Elon Musk and the Department of Government Efficiency he leads claim to have unearthed evidence to prove a longstanding conspiracy theory about Democrats orchestrating illegal voting by noncitizens on a scale large enough to swing national elections in their favor. But voting experts say the claims are highly dubious, and DOGE hasn’t released any evidence.

    The allegation is pretty straightforward — but DOGE’s data may not be telling the whole story. Antonio Gracias, a private equity investor who is working with DOGE, said the DOGE team matched Social Security numbers given to noncitizens with work visas against voter registration rolls in four sample states, and found thousands of crossovers.

    Gracias said “many” of those people actually voted. Moreover, he and Musk allege that it is all part of a Democratic plot to influence federal elections.

    DOGE says it provided the data to federal prosecutors for criminal investigation, but nothing has been shared publicly.

    Without DOGE’s data, we can’t determine how many cases of noncitizen votes may have been uncovered. But voting and data experts warn that when matching millions of numbers in databases, even a small percentage of errors can distort things. That’s not to say there aren’t any noncitizens who wrongly register to vote, and that there aren’t some who actually do vote. But states that have performed detailed audits of voting records have found such instances to be relatively rare.

    In some cases, officials in those states have found hundreds of noncitizens on voter registration rolls, a fraction of whom also voted. But hardly enough to have come close to swinging a national election.

    And, voting experts say, the conspiracy falls apart when you weigh the benefit of any single vote against the potential legal consequences faced by someone who votes illegally as a noncitizen — fines, jail time and deportation.

    “The evidence is that the number of noncitizens illegally voting in federal elections is extremely low, not high enough to have changed the party outcome of any federal election in recent years,” Walter Olson, a senior fellow at the Cato Institute told us. “Audits and investigations in states like Ohio, Nevada, and North Carolina have found the numbers to be tiny in relation to votes cast. Analysis of voting statistics in parts of the country in areas with large noncitizen populations do not find results consistent with Musk’s claims, and do find results consistent with near-zero attempts by this population to participate in elections. States have many ways to cross-check databases and simply presenting a Social Security card or number will not make you a voter. The consistent experience has been that very few persons in this category mistakenly or deliberately vote.”

    The DOGE Claims

    In a town hall ahead of an April 1 Wisconsin state Supreme Court election, Musk and Gracias drew attention to a dramatic rise during the Biden presidency in the number of people provided Social Security numbers through the Enumeration Beyond Entry system, a program that provides Social Security numbers and cards to noncitizens who are granted work authorization by U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services.

    The EBE program, begun in 2017 under the Trump administration, provided an expedited process for immigrants who obtained work permits to be assigned Social Security numbers (and thereby allow the federal government to track their earnings for taxation). That includes immigrants granted humanitarian parole or Temporary Protected Status due to civil unrest, violence or natural disasters in their home countries and immigrants who may have crossed the border illegally but who initiated an asylum application and were granted a work permit pending their asylum hearing.

    As the Social Security Administration’s Office of the Inspector General explained in 2019, the EBE program allowed SSA to quickly offer Social Security numbers to these immigrants “because the information needed to assign the SSN” had already been “collected and verified by the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, the agency responsible for conferring lawful status and work authorization.” (The Trump administration recently suspended the EBE program.)

    Here’s a version of the data Gracias posted on X:

    * Data compiled by DOGE.

    We reached out to the Social Security Administration to confirm those numbers, and did not get a response. But it’s not surprising they would have risen dramatically under Biden, who expanded protections for immigrants from Cuba, Haiti, Nicaragua, Ukraine and Venezuela. The number of immigrants seeking asylum in the U.S. also soared during the Biden years.

    “When we saw these numbers, we were like, ‘What is this?’ In ’21 you see 270,000 people goes all the way to 2.1 million in ’24,” Gracias said at the town hall. “These are noncitizens that are getting Social Security numbers.”

    “Yeah, this is a mind-blowing chart,” Musk said.

    “This is worth just reiterating,” Musk said. “People sometimes think that under the Biden administration that he was simply asleep with the switch. They weren’t asleep with the switch. It was a massive large scale program to import as many illegals as possible, ultimately to change the entire voting map of the United States and disenfranchise the American people, and make it a permanent deep blue one-party state from which there would be no escape.”

    Gracias claimed DOGE found that many of the more than 5 million who had gotten Social Security numbers through the EBE program since its inception in 2017 were also getting various government benefits, including more than 1 million receiving Medicaid. He said he went a step further and decided to match the EBE list against voter records, and discovered many of those people had registered to vote.

    “And who did vote,” Musk added.

    “And we found some by sampling that actually did vote,” Gracias concurred. “And we have referred them to prosecution at the Homeland Security Investigation service. Already. Already. That is already happening right now.” (We reached out to the Department of Homeland Security to confirm an investigation but did not get a response.)

    Photo by steheap/stock.adobe.com.

    Musk said that once a noncitizen has obtained a Social Security number “from there you get on the voter rolls and then the basically Dem operatives will farm the vote.”

    In an interview on “Fox & Friends” on April 2, Gracias provided a bit more detail, saying that DOGE “found in a handful of cooperative states that they were thousands of them on the voter rolls and that many of them had voted.” He noted that the search it performed was made possible by an executive order signed by Trump allowing inter-agency data-sharing.

    “It’s never been done before where agencies could talk to each other and databases could talk to each other,” Gracias said. “That allowed us to connext all this data to find these people across the system, across the benefits system, all the way to the voting records.”

    Privacy activists told NPR that despite the executive order, the search may have violated privacy laws and a court order.

    Gracias provided still more detail about the alleged illegal noncitizen voting in an interview on the All-In Podcast on April 4.

    “I’m talking about four states,” Gracias said, though he did not name the four “friendly states” DOGE sampled. “We looked at the voter rolls, we found these people, thousands of them, on the voter rolls. And we found many of those people had voted. In one state in particular well over a thousand voted. Yeah, I think this was a move to import voters.”

    Asked in an April 1 interview about those DOGE findings, Republican Rep. Byron Donalds said, “My reaction is the disgust that every American has because we knew that what Joe Biden and Kamala Harris and the left were doing in the darkness of night was shoving illegal immigrants into every role possible, whether it be entitlements or voting rolls across the country. Now, we have the proof.”

    The DOGE findings were also cited by Republican Rep. Aaron Bean in support of the Safeguard American Voter Eligibility Act, or SAVE Act, a bill aimed at preventing voting by noncitizens. (Opponents of the legislation, including voting rights advocate groups, say it could prevent voter registration by U.S. citizens by instituting hurdles.)

    On the floor of the House, Bean said: “We are here because this previous administration, the Biden administration, imported 10 to 15 million illegal aliens who have come here and we have evidence that they are participating in our elections. … It ends today when we vote on the SAVE Act.”

    The bill passed the House on April 10 mostly along party lines, 220-208.

    Experts Dubious

    Voting experts, however, say the DOGE findings likely aren’t the smoking gun Musk and Gracias make it out to be.

    Justin Levitt, a law professor at Loyola Marymount University who served as senior policy adviser for democracy and voting rights in the Biden White House, said what Musk and Gracias cited “isn’t evidence, it’s garden-variety conspiracy theory, and a very old and overplayed one at that.”

    “It is possible that a handful of noncitizens have been mistakenly registered to vote – and by a handful, I really mean tiny numbers,” Levitt said. “I don’t know what records DOGE is referring to when they say they ‘took a sample’ of noncitizen immigrants and looked at voter registration records to see if they had registered and voted, but every time I’ve seen claims like this with any specificity, the results vanish into smoke when people actually look at the results: either it’s bad data, or bad matching, or bad assumptions, or all three. But it’s impossible to really evaluate at this level of specificity, which they know full well.”

    Indeed, states that have looked into noncitizens voting or registering to vote have found the issue to be relatively rare. 

    • In March, the Iowa Secretary of State announced that an audit had found 277 noncitizens had registered to vote in the state. And 35 of those noncitizens cast ballots that were counted in the 2024 election; five such ballots were rejected.
    • In May 2024, the Ohio Secretary of State announced it had found 137 people on the state’s voter registration rolls who had twice confirmed their noncitizenship status to the Ohio Bureau of Motor Vehicles. The press release did not indicate how many, if any, had tried to actually vote. But a grand jury indicted six people who legally and permanently immigrated to the U.S. for voting illegally as noncitizens between 2008 and 2020.
    • In 2022, Georgia conducted a citizenship review of state voter rolls and found that 1,634 people had attempted to register to vote between 1997 and 2022 and could not be verified as citizens by U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services. None, however, voted. In October, the Associated Press reported that Georgia election officials said 20 out of the 8.2 million on the state’s voter registration rolls were not U.S. citizens, and that nine had voted in previous elections.
    • In 2021, the Nevada Republican Party filed a complaint alleging that as many as 3,987 noncitizens had voted in the 2020 election. The allegation was based on people who presented an immigration document while obtaining a driver’s license over the previous five years. But a 13-page report issued by the Nevada Secretary of State concluded the allegation failed to account for a large number of noncitizens who were naturalized — and therefore became legal voters — in the time between obtaining their driver’s license and the election. “Without specific evidence to establish that identified individuals were foreign nationals when they voted in the November 3 election, there is nothing further that can be investigated,” the report stated. “In summary, the generalized information acquired from DMV cannot serve as a basis for an investigation into alleged voter fraud.”

    “Multiple credible sources have documented that there is no evidence that unauthorized immigrants, green-card holders, or immigrants on temporary visas have registered and voted in U.S. federal elections in significant numbers,” Ariel G. Ruiz Soto, a senior policy analyst at the Migration Policy Institute, told us via email. “Noncitizen voting in federal elections is already illegal in all states and, since 1996, has criminal penalties” that can include federal incarceration for even registering to vote, he said.

    “There have been a small number of people who have wrongfully registered to vote, often by mistake, and far fewer actually casting ballots,” Ruiz Soto said, adding that “clearly more can be done to reduce the likelihood of immigrants erroneously registering to vote.” But, he said, “this is not a problem of millions of immigrants, and the scale is often blown out of proportion by critics. Musk’s and Gracias’ remarks oversimplify the process of migrants obtaining temporary status and work authorization, and they promote the inaccurate idea that most recent migrants would vote for the Democratic Party even if they were to lawfully become U.S. citizens in the future.”

    A Brennan Center for Justice review found that of the 23.5 million votes cast in the 2016 general election in 42 jurisdictions in 12 states, there were “only an estimated 30 incidents of suspected noncitizen voting” that were referred for further investigation or prosecution. “The absence of fraud reinforces a wide consensus among scholars, journalists and election administrators: voter fraud of any kind, including noncitizen voting, is rare.”

    The Bipartisan Policy Center analyzed a database of fraud cases compiled by the Heritage Foundation, a conservative think tank, and found “only 77 instances of noncitizens voting between 1999 and 2023,” the BPC said in a 2024 post on this issue. “Illegal voting, including by noncitizens, is routinely investigated and prosecuted by the appropriate authorities, and there is no evidence that noncitizen voting has ever been significant enough to impact an election’s outcome.”

    Many states’ voter registration rolls do not even include Social Security numbers, and so matches in those cases — which would involve matching based on data such as names, addresses, birthdates or driver’s license numbers — can result in bad matches, experts said.

    Experts: Risks Outweigh Rewards

    The idea that large numbers of noncitizens are voting illegally is also highly dubious, experts told us, given the consequences faced by those immigrants for the payoff of a single vote.

    Although it has long been illegal for noncitizens to vote, the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996 added some teeth to the prohibition against noncitizens registering to vote or voting in national elections. Violation can result in fines, up to a year in prison, deportation and revocation of legal status.

    “Ockham’s razor says that noncitizens aren’t intentionally registering or voting, because it’s just not worth it,” Levitt told us, referring to the theory that the simplest explanation is usually the best. The conspiracy theory Musk and Gracias have “laid out for registering nets a noncitizen exactly one incremental vote. And in exchange, they’ve created a permanent paper record of a federal and state crime that’s an absolutely standard part of any record check for any change in immigration status, subjected themselves to deportation,” fines and potential prison time “and ensured that they’ll never get citizenship. The reason you don’t see actual evidence of noncitizen voting in any volume is that it doesn’t make any sense for any noncitizen to commit the crime.”

    Olson, of the Cato Institute, said that while “Elon Musk has been spreading unverified and unverifiable claims about illegal voting by noncitizens for a year or more. … The actual political trends of recent years have been exactly the opposite of what Musk claims. As the share of foreign born persons resident in the U.S. has risen in recent years, the Republican share of the vote has risen, not fallen. Some of this is because new citizens who achieve naturalization have shifted in their voting propensity toward Republicans. But mostly it is because, by overwhelming majorities, those who lack citizenship neither attempt to vote nor succeed in voting.”


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    While presenting a series of executive orders conceived to increase electricity generation from coal, President Donald Trump misleadingly suggested that environmental regulations were to blame for the industry’s decline, wrongly said that coal plants are being opened “all over Germany,” and misleadingly, and repeatedly, referred to coal as “clean.”

    Experts agree the main culprit for the decrease in coal-fired power in recent decades was the surge of more cost-effective and cleaner kinds of energy, especially natural gas. In Germany, a handful of old plants were fired back up in 2022, but were closed again in 2024. Germany plans to end coal-fired power generation by 2038. Also, coal combustion emits more carbon emissions than any other fossil fuel used to produce power, not to mention other pollutants.

    “This is a very important day to me because we’re bringing back an industry that was abandoned despite the fact that it was just about the best — it is certainly the best in terms of power,” Trump, who promised and failed to revive the coal industry during his first term, said on April 8, surrounded by coal miners. “Today we’re taking historic action to help American workers, miners, families and consumers — we’re ending Joe Biden’s war on beautiful, clean coal once and for all.” 

    Coal consumption and production in the U.S. have declined over the last two decades, according to the Energy Information Administration. Although coal fueled most of the country’s power plants until a decade ago, in 2023 only 16% of the electricity produced in the U.S. was generated by coal-fired plants. The coal workforce went from nearly 90,000 in 2012 to about 40,000 this year, according to data from the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics.

    Trump’s new plan to boost the industry includes a series of actions that, as a Department of Interior press release details, include reopening federal lands in Montana and Wyoming to coal leasing, removing “regulatory burdens” for mines, and lowering the amount coal producers pay the government for extracting coal on federal lands. The plan also grants coal power plants a two-year reprieve from regulations that limit mercury and other toxic emissions. The administration said there was a need for an increase in electricity generated by coal to satisfy a growing demand for electricity for domestic manufacturing and artificial intelligence data processing centers.

    During his speech, the president praised coal’s reliability and durability but also called it “clean,” “cheap” and “incredibly efficient,” adding that people have bemoaned and decimated the industry “for absolutely no reason.” He also criticized “the green new scam,” a phrase he used to refer to “restrictions” and climate change policies generally, and he blamed former President Joe Biden and Democratic lawmakers for trying “to abolish the American coal industry” and “destroying” the lives, and jobs, of “thousands and thousands of coal miners.” 

    (During Biden’s presidency, however, the number of coal mining jobs increased slightly, by 3,400, to 41,300. In January, employment was 4,700 below the pre-pandemic level in February 2020. Coal mining jobs decreased by 13,100 over the entirety of Trump’s first term. Job losses were exacerbated by the pandemic, but even prior to the pandemic, there was a loss of 5,000 coal mining jobs under Trump.)  

    “We will end the government bias against coal and we’re going to unlock the sweeping authorities of … the Defense Production Act to turbocharge coal mining in America,” he said, referring to a law first enacted in 1950 during the Korean War to give the president broad authority to “influence domestic industry in the interest of national defense,” as explained by the Library of Congress

    But several experts told us blaming environmental regulations and claiming coal is cleaner, cheaper or more efficient than its alternatives is misleading. 

    “The coal industry’s decline is due first and foremost to cheaper alternatives, namely natural gas but also renewable energy,” Sanya Carley, faculty director at the University of Pennsylvania’s Kleinman Center for Energy Policy, told us in an email. “It is more economically efficient and less carbon intensive to build gas units or renewable energy such as wind and solar than it is to build a coal plant.” 

    Environmental Regulations Didn’t Kill Coal

    Trump’s comments about “bringing back an industry that was abandoned,” ending “government bias” and “slashing unnecessary regulations that targeted the beautiful, clean coal,” leave a misleading impression about why coal production has decreased.

    Studies analyzing the factors that led to the decline of the coal industry have concluded that although environmental regulations have played a role, it hasn’t been a significant one. 

    In Center Township, Pennsylvania, a worker moves coal refuse to be prepared for transport to be cleaned on June 12, 2024. The coal-fired Homer City Power Plant, closed in June 2023, is in the background. The plant will be developed into a “more than 3,200-acre natural gas-powered data center campus,” Homer City Redevelopment has announced, to meet the needs of AI and other technology companies. Photo by Scott Lewis for The Washington Post via Getty Images.

    As we reported in 2017, after Trump’s claims on reviving coal then, a Columbia University’s Center on Global Energy Policy study found the main culprit for the collapse of the industry was cheaper natural gas production driven by the shale revolution, followed by lower-than-expected demand and the growth in renewable energy. 

    Similarly, a 2017 policy brief by Charles D. Kolstad, an emeritus professor of economics at Stanford University, concluded that “environmental regulations did not kill coal”; progress did. 

    Kolstad explained that the main environmental law affecting coal combustion is the Clean Air Act of 1970, signed by President Richard Nixon. Strong demand and a lack of competition fueled a boom in new coal-fired plants in the 1970s and 80s, despite the regulations, which resulted in an expansion of coal production. Plants met the limits on sulfur emissions by burning low-sulfur coal and then, after a requirement of a 1977 Clean Air Act amendment, by adding devices, known as scrubbers, that remove sulfur from smokestacks.

    But coal-fired plants built before 1970 were exempt from sulfur regulations, which, as Kolstad explained, provided an incentive to keep them operating for longer rather than retire them. The eventual retirement of these old plants is what marked the decline of coal in electricity generation starting in 2015, he explained, not the additional environmental rules set to limit the pollution coming from them. 

    At the same time, Kolstad explained, productivity in the coal industry increased due to innovations, which led to a reduction in the workforce. And the use of hydraulic fracturing, or fracking, and the development of shale deposits led to a revolution in the oil and gas industry that resulted in a big drop in the price of natural gas. 

    Kolstad told us his analysis still stands today. 

    “While coal might be beautiful to some, the main reason production is down is that demand is down, mostly because of cheap gas,” he said in an email. “Employment is down further because of productivity gains (coal output per miner).”

    Christine Shearer, project manager of the global coal plant tracker at the nongovernmental organization Global Energy Monitor, which compiles and analyzes energy data, agreed. “[T]he main thing that killed coal in the U.S. was gas,” she told us in an email.

    “Low natural gas prices, capital costs, and build times of combined cycle gas-fired power plants in the 1990s led to a large expansion in U.S. gas-fired capacity in the beginning of this century. As new gas plants were built, aging coal plants were shut down,” she told us. Fracking further lowered the price and increased the use of natural gas to produce electricity, she added. 

    Shearer shared a report co-authored by Global Energy Monitor that shows more coal power capacity was retired under Trump in his first term than under Presidents Barack Obama or Biden. That’s “because coal plants closing has primarily been a function of economics, and it is hard to reverse,” she said. 

    Globally, coal power plants in the world have retired on average when they’re 37 years old, Shearer told us. Coal plants in the U.S. are now, on average, 43 years old, she added. 

    “Not enforcing existing environmental regulations and further delaying pending regulations on carbon dioxide emissions,” she added, “might squeeze a few extra years of life out of these old coal plants, but it won’t bring back a coal renaissance.”

    Germany Is Not Going ‘Back to Coal’

    In his remarks on April 8, Trump referred to two other countries’ use of coal in recent years. While he correctly noted China’s continued reliance on coal and its construction of new plants, the president wrongly claimed that Germany is “back to coal” and that coal plants are being opened “all over Germany.”

    Germany brought four previously closed coal plants back online in 2022, likely due to concerns about energy availability after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Those plants were closed again in 2024, and Germany has not opened a new coal plant since 2020, according to Global Energy Monitor. Germany is planning to end coal-fired power generation in the country by 2038 or earlier.

    But at the opening of his remarks at the signing of his executive orders, Trump said, “Other countries went to beautiful, clean coal, and they’ve stayed there for many years like China. China is opening two plants every week. Germany went green, very green. They went so green they almost went out of business. Germany was finished; they went to wind. The wind wasn’t blowing too much, and they went to all sorts of other things.”

    Trump continued: “You know, the green new scam hit Germany too and guess what? Now they’re back to coal. They’re opening up coal plants all over Germany.”

    It is true that China began construction of 94.5 gigawatts of new coal power projects and resumed 3.3 GW of suspended projects in 2024, the highest level of construction in that country in 10 years, according to a collaborative report issued in February by the Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air and Global Energy Monitor. That’s likely not “two plants every week,” as Trump said, since an average coal plant generates 1 GW but it takes a couple of years for a plant to be built and come online in China, Shearer, of Global Energy Monitor, told us in an email.

    “Everybody else is moving away from coal and China seems to be stepping on the gas,” Flora Champenois, an analyst at Global Energy Monitor and one of the report’s co-authors, told NPR.

    But Trump misrepresented Germany’s current and future plans for the use of coal.

    Shearer explained that in recent years the U.S. has been replacing old coal plants with lower-cost natural gas, as well as solar and wind power. Germany, however, did not have “a big expansion in gas power like the US, and on top of that Germany has been phasing out its nuclear power. So what has been replacing coal (and nuclear) in Germany is solar and wind power.”

    Germany did reopen four mothballed coal plants in 2022 to operate through 2023, “most likely to fill in for high gas prices following [Russian President Vladimir] Putin’s invasion of Ukraine,” Shearer said. But those coal plants “were all retired in 2024. The year 2024 was actually a record year for coal power retirements in Germany, totaling 6.7 GW – 2 GW above U.S. retirements” under Biden.

    Asked about Trump’s claim that coal plants are opening throughout Germany, Shearer said, “No, Germany has not opened a new coal plant since 2020.”

    “Germany’s July 2020 Coal Power Exit Law established an end to coal-fired power generation in the country by 2038 at the latest, and possibly by 2035,” Shearer said. “A follow-up analysis expressed ambition to phase out coal ‘ideally’ by 2030.”

    A spokesperson for the German economy ministry, responding to Trump’s remarks, said, “No new coal-fired power plants will be built” in Germany, the Associated Press reported.

    We reached out to the White House for information to support Trump’s statements about Germany’s coal plants, but we didn’t receive a response.

    ‘Clean Coal’? Not Really 

    On top of incorrectly suggesting that environmental regulations caused the downfall of the coal industry, Trump insisted on calling coal “clean.”  

    “I call it beautiful, clean coal,” he said during his speech on April 8. “I tell my people, never use the word coal unless you put ‘beautiful, clean’ before it.” 

    But the reality is that coal is not clean. As the Energy Information Administration explains, producing and using coal has several negative effects on people’s health and the environment. When coal is burned to produce electricity, it emits pollutants, including gases and particulates. Coal mining sometimes requires removing mountain tops with explosives or altering valleys and waterways. Streams can be polluted by runoff from the mines.  

    Coal combustion puts out more carbon emissions than any other fossil fuel used to produce power, the Environmental Protection Agency explains. Although carbon dioxide is naturally present in the atmosphere and is not directly harmful when breathed in normal concentrations, CO2 is the main contributor to greenhouse gas emissions, which trap heat in the atmosphere and contribute to climate change. In 2022, coal combustion accounted for 55% of carbon emissions from the electric power sector, while representing only 20% of the electricity generated in the U.S. that year, according to the EPA

    As the EIA explains, burning coal also emits toxic pollutants linked to respiratory illnesses and lung disease, including sulfur dioxide, nitrogen oxides and particulate matter — criteria air pollutants regulated by the Clean Air Act —  and other pollutants such as coal ash and mercury. 

    “At the present time, coal is not cleaner than its alternatives,” Joost de Gouw, a chemistry professor at the University of Colorado Boulder, told us in an email, noting that most coal-fired plants already use systems to reduce sulfur dioxide and nitrogen oxide. “Compared with natural gas power plants that use combined cycle technology (the industry standard), current coal-fired power plants emit roughly 10 times more nitrogen oxides and 100 times more sulfur dioxide per kWh of electricity produced,” referring to kilowatt-hours.

    study published in Science in 2023 showed that exposure to the fine particulate pollution from coal plants is associated with 2.1 times greater mortality risk than exposure to such pollution from other sources. Lucas Henneman, an assistant professor of environmental and infrastructure engineering at George Mason University and one of the authors of the study, told us that although there are devices that can remove up to 99% of certain pollutants emitted during the combustion of coal, they don’t make coal “clean.”

    Scrubbers, or flue gas desulfurization units, can remove about 95% of sulfur dioxide emissions from a coal plant before they’re released into the atmosphere. The installation of these devices, the closure of coal-fired plants and the decline of the industry have resulted in a significant decrease of pollution from coal-fired plants, as a separate study by Henneman and colleagues showed. 

    But although these devices can reduce pollution from coal power plants “they do not eliminate them,” Henneman told us, adding that as his second study showed, “most of the exposure to power plant air pollution emissions after 2015 was from power plants with scrubbers.” 

    The waste created from scrubbers, which needs to be stored near the power plants or placed in landfills, can also cause a problem when it spills and contaminates groundwater, he said. The trains used to transport coal also pollute, he added.

    Trump said his administration will be “crushing Biden-era environmental restrictions” that target mercury and other toxic emissions because the regulations make it “impossible to do anything.” His plan includes a two-year delay (from July 2027 to July 2029) for coal plants to comply with a revision of the EPA’s Mercury and Air Toxics Standards finalized last year. Trump said that the technologies needed to control emissions are “not commercially viable.” 

    At the same time, the president said he directed Energy Secretary Chris Wright to use billions of federal dollars “to invest in the next generation of coal technology — which is an amazing technology in terms of getting the full potential of coal and also doing it in a very clean environmental way.”

    We reached out to the White House to ask which technology Trump was referring to. In response, a press officer from the Department of Energy directed us to an April 8 CNBC interview in which Wright mentioned scrubbers. 

    “Scrubbers do not do anything about carbon dioxide, so even a coal plant with a scrubber will still warm the planet,” Shearer, from Global Energy Monitor, told us.

    Some carbon dioxide can be removed from coal power plants, but Shearer told us none of the techniques used globally result in coal being cheaper or cleaner than natural gas. 

    “China now primarily builds ultra-supercritical coal plants that it calls ‘high efficiency, low emissions’ but at the end of the day they still emit more CO2 than a gas plant,” she wrote. “Japan and South Korea have also been pushing for ammonia co-firing at their coal plants, calling it ‘clean coal’, but again even 50% co-firing ammonia at a coal plant results in higher CO2 emissions than a gas plant, and it’s far more expensive.”

    As we‘ve written previously, it’s possible to capture some carbon emissions and either store it or use it for another purpose. But experts told us that such carbon capture utilization and storage, or CCUS, technologies are very expensive, energy-intensive and haven’t been used on a large scale.  

    “Coal without CCUS is already not competitive economically, so adding CCUS makes no sense economically,” Shearer added.

    Despite his focus on the term “clean coal,” Trump also indicated in his remarks that climate change isn’t a problem.  

    “You don’t have to worry about the air is getting warmer. The ocean will rise one-quarter of an inch within the next 500 to 600 years, giving you a little bit more waterfront property,” he said, repeating once again his absurdly low estimates of sea level rise. As we’ve explained, the current rate of sea level rise is already a bit more than one-eighth of an inch each year.


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    In recent weeks, Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has said that “very, very strong studies” link food dyes to cancer and ADHD. Experts are concerned about the impacts of unhealthy diets and obesity in the U.S., but some say Kennedy overstates the role of food dyes in chronic disease.

    The dyes haven’t been shown to cause cancer in humans. Studies show a possible link to symptoms of attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder in children.

    Recently, Kennedy has taken his “Make America Healthy Again” campaign on the road, appearing in some states that have passed legislation to limit food dyes and other additives. So far, governors in California, Arizona, Utah, Virginia and West Virginia have signed laws disallowing certain food dyes from school meals, some beginning as soon as later this year, and West Virginia also enacted a law that will ban seven synthetic food dyes outright from sale in the state beginning in 2028. Lawmakers in two dozen additional states have introduced or passed bills that would restrict synthetic food dyes, which are present in a variety of foods, from soft drinks to cereal.

    “So the loneliness, the dispossession, the crisis that we have in mental health, in suicide, in ADD, ADHD, all of these are linked — and particularly to the dyes,” Kennedy said in a March 28 speech in West Virginia, given alongside Gov. Patrick Morrisey. “It’s very clear the dyes that Gov. Morrisey is banning, all of them are linked in very, very strong studies to ADHD and to cancers. So we’re seeing an explosion in cancers in this country.”

    Kennedy also spoke about food dyes in an April 8 interview on CBS News, following a stop in Arizona to celebrate legislation to ban food dyes and other additives in school lunches, as well as a law aiming to ban use of Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program funds to purchase sodas. “The food dyes are kind of the most egregious,” Kennedy told CBS. “They don’t use them in any other country. They’re clearly associated with a variety — a grim inventory — of diseases, including cancers and behavioral disease and neurological disease like ADHD, and it’s very, very well-documented.”

    We reached out to HHS to ask about the research Kennedy was referring to, but we did not receive a reply.

    The evidence linking food dyes and cancer comes from studies in animals and cells. There isn’t evidence food dyes are driving an increase in cancer in humans, Susan Mayne, who served as director of the Center for Food Safety and Applied Nutrition at the U.S. Food and Drug Administration between 2015 and 2023, told us.

    “We are seeing rising rates of the obesity-related cancers, and especially in young people, and that is concerning,” she said. “But focusing in on risk factors where there’s really no significant scientific evidence indicating that they are causing these cancers while omitting ones we know are is really undermining public health.” Mayne spent much of her career studying nutrition, epidemiology and cancer at Yale School of Public Health, where she is now an adjunct professor.

    Some research suggests that food dyes lead to neurobehavioral changes in some children. But the literature is mixed and opinions vary on the strength of the evidence.

    “The totality of scientific evidence indicates that most children have no adverse effects when consuming foods containing color additives, but some evidence suggests that certain children may be sensitive to them,” the FDA says on its website in the answer to a question about food dyes and child behavior.

    Kennedy is also incorrect in categorically stating that food dyes aren’t used in any other country. Regulations on food dyes vary around the world, and companies have reformulated some foods to eliminate synthetic dyes for certain markets. The European Union, for example, requires that foods containing certain food colors have warning labels stating that they “may have an adverse effect on activity and attention in children.” However, synthetic food dyes are allowed outside the U.S.

    Some researchers and advocacy groups have said the bar for evidence on food dyes’ harms should be low, based on their lack of benefits for consumers.

    “These are entirely unnecessary when we are talking about nutrition and food safety,” Thomas Galligan, principal scientist for food additives and supplements at the nonprofit Center for Science in the Public Interest, told us, differentiating them from additives with some use, such as preservatives that keep food from going bad. “They are strictly a money-making tool for food companies, and so our tolerance for the risk, so to speak, is extremely low in the case of food dyes.” CSPI has advocated a ban on synthetic food dyes. 

    The organization also has advocated the tightening of the GRAS, or generally recognized as safe, pathway — a way for food companies to add new ingredients to their foods without undergoing FDA review. Kennedy has told the FDA to explore revising the GRAS pathway.

    “Colorants are unnecessary … so they should be out totally,” Dr. John O. Warner, a pediatrician and professor emeritus at Imperial College London who has studied the effects of synthetic food dyes and other additives on children’s behavior, told us. He said a switch to natural colors would be positive but that it is necessary to shift people’s diets overall to more natural foods and less ultraprocessed foods. “It’s not only the additives which are being shown to have the potential for adverse effects” in ultraprocessed foods, he said. “It’s the original food and the way it’s processed that could also be having an adverse effect.”

    “I am all for getting rid of artificial colors and closing the GRAS loophole but neither of those is a major cause of obesity and its health consequences,” Marion Nestle, a professor emerita of nutrition, food studies and public health at New York University, wrote on April 2 on her blog, Food Politics.

    Other researchers have expressed concern that an overly narrow focus on food dyes or other specific additives — combined with cuts to the federal workforce and programs, and the weakening of environmental regulations — will not meaningfully transform Americans’ health. 

    “We’re hearing all this rhetoric from RFK Jr. about how he wants to fix the food system, but then he’s making massive cuts within HHS and FDA that will directly impede his ability to fix the food system,” Galligan said.

    Food Dyes Not Established to Cause Human Cancers

    Kennedy’s comments give the incorrect impression that FDA-approved synthetic food dyes are a well-established cause of cancer.

    “The only food additives for which evidence has shown a link with cancer are nitrites and nitrates, which are used as preservatives in processed meat,” the American Institute for Cancer Research states on its website. “Eating processed meat is strongly associated with an increased risk of colorectal cancer. There is currently no other strong evidence linking food additives to an increased cancer risk.”

    “I think the evidence that the approved food colorings cause cancer is very slim,” Dr. Ronald Kleinman, a pediatrician who studies nutrition at MassGeneral Hospital for Children, told us.

    Two studies whose results were published in 1987 indicated that Red 3 caused cancer in male laboratory rats. Based on this research and following a 2022 petition from consumer advocacy groups, the FDA on Jan. 15 announced a ban of Red 3 in food and drugs, which will take effect in 2027 for food and 2028 for drugs. But the agency said that it was banning the dye due to a requirement under law to ban any food additive that has been shown to cause cancer in animals — and not due to concern that the dye caused cancer in people. 

    The dye caused cancer “due to a rat specific hormonal mechanism” that does not apply in humans, according to the agency, and people are not usually exposed to the levels of dye shown to cause cancer in male rats. Claims that the dye’s presence in food or drugs “puts people at risk are not supported by the available scientific information,” the FDA website says.

    “I think there’s a good process in place to review whether the … dyes cause cancer,” Kleinman said. “For all of those that have been approved, we can be pretty certain at this point that there is no evidence that they cause cancer and move on.”

    The overall data also do not support Kennedy’s statement that there has been an “explosion” in cancers. Cancer mortality has been declining in the U.S. since the 1990s, in both men and women. Incidence also has declined in men since its peak in the 1990s, although it has risen gradually in women over this period. (A major factor driving a cancer spike in the 1990s in men was the rise of PSA testing, which can identify slow-growing prostate cancers that would have never gone on to cause harm.)

    The mortality rates “went up very high some decades ago, and that was because of the huge impact of smoking on lung cancer in both men and women, and that dominated the entire mortality data because lung cancer was so common and so lethal,” Mayne explained. “And then with public health interventions to reduce smoking, we saw a decrease in cancer mortality. First it started in men, followed behind that in women.” The decline in cancer deaths has also been driven by improvements in cancer screening and treatment, according to the American Cancer Society.

    Cancers have varied risk factors, Mayne said, and some cancers — such as adenocarcinoma of the esophagus and uterine cancer — have risen in recent decades. There is also a pattern of increased cancer risk emerging in younger generations, due to a rise in obesity and other known and unknown factors, according to the ACS.

    “The wonderful public health gains we made with tobacco control have been eroded by the growing prevalence of obesity in this country,” Mayne said. 

    What people eat and drink also can increase the risk for specific cancers independent of obesity. For instance, research “very consistently” shows that diets low in fiber-containing foods, such as fruits, vegetables and whole grains, are associated with a higher risk of colon cancer, Mayne said. Consuming more meat — and particularly processed meat — is associated with an increased risk of colorectal cancer, she said. And drinking more alcohol is associated with increased risk of a variety of cancers.

    To reduce risk of cancer overall, Mayne emphasized the importance of avoiding excess alcohol, avoiding tobacco, vaccinating against human papillomavirus for younger people, maintaining a healthy body weight and eating a high-quality diet.

    Other researchers acknowledged the research on food dyes and cancer in humans is limited but expressed concern about possible risks.

    Galligan of CSPI agreed that “we don’t have direct evidence Red 3 causes cancer in humans,” but he said that studies to investigate this in humans would be “hard to conduct” and argued that the available evidence supported banning the dye. His organization was among those that petitioned to ban Red 3 based on the rat data.

    Lorne Hofseth, director of the Center for Colon Cancer Research at the University of South Carolina, expressed concern that approved dyes could cause inflammation and DNA damage, which are mechanisms for increasing the risk of cancer. The dyes “tickle the players involved in carcinogenesis,” he told us.

    A Possible Link Between Food Dyes and ADHD Symptoms

    Joel Nigg, a clinical psychologist at Oregon Health & Science University, told us in an email that ADHD has many causes working in concert. Perhaps the largest single contributing factor is genetics, he said, but there are also multiple environmental factors that either protect against or help cause ADHD, “especially early in development.”

    Some studies have found a connection between consuming synthetic food dyes and ADHD symptoms, which include inattention, impulsivity and hyperactivity.

    “Thus, it is fair to say that food dyes are associated with ADHD and do make a modest contribution to it, but are not the major cause,” Nigg said.

    These include challenge studies, in which children avoided food dyes and sometimes other additives for a period and then were randomly assigned at certain intervals to consume drinks or foods containing either these additives or a placebo.

    Photo by Yuliya Kirayonak / stock.adobe.com

    Researchers at the University of Southampton in the U.K. in the early 2000s, for example, had around 1,800 3-year-old children from the general population stop consuming synthetic food colorings and a type of preservative for a week, before randomly assigning them to consume drinks either containing the substances or not. The children’s parents reported an increase in hyperactivity with both the placebo drinks and the additive-containing drinks, but the increase in hyperactivity was greater with the drinks containing the additives. Clinicians unrelated to the children did not detect a difference in behavior in children who did versus did not receive the additives.

    Subsequently, the researchers did a similar study in around 300 additional 3-year-olds and 8- and 9-year-olds, using two mixtures of food dyes and additives. This study relied on parent and teacher reports, as well as results of a computerized test for the older children. One mix had a small but statistically significant influence on behavioral changes in both age groups. A different mix showed an influence in the older children, but not the younger ones.

    Other studies, however, have not identified any effect of food dyes on behavior. Overall, the literature is mixed, with studies arriving at varying conclusions, perhaps because of differences in methodology, the populations studied and the additives included.

    Some review studies have nevertheless found the link between food dyes and behavioral changes to be convincing.

    “Overall, our review of human studies suggests that synthetic food dyes are associated with adverse neurobehavioral effects, such as inattentiveness, hyperactivity and restlessness in sensitive children,” a 2021 report from California’s Office of Environmental Health Hazard Assessment concluded.

    Nigg in 2012 co-authored a meta-analysis that found that an “estimated 8% of children with ADHD may have symptoms related to synthetic food colors.” He told us he believed that eliminating synthetic food dyes in the U.S. “would have a small effect on reducing symptoms of inattention and cases of ADHD.” 

    However, Nigg said that to “really reduce environmental contributors to ADHD, it would be important to also address other equally if not more important factors.” These include reducing exposure to lead in the environment, certain types of air pollution, other chemicals, and possibly pesticides and herbicides. 

    And he emphasized the importance of preventing exposures in the womb, adding that low birthweight “is a major contributor to ADHD.”

    “Overall, dietary factors are relevant, but are certainly not the whole story,” he said. “Given that some of these other contributors are hard to address, perhaps a case can be made for ‘doing what we can’ to reduce exposures.”

    Other researchers pointed out weaknesses in the data showing a link between food dyes and children’s behavior.

    Mayne said that key studies where children were randomly assigned to consume food dyes involved dosing children with multiple ingredients at the same time, which makes it difficult to determine which ingredients caused the reported behavioral changes.

    Kleinman said that weaknesses of the research on food dyes and attention deficit include a lack of “rigorous criteria for defining attention deficit,” the small size of the studies, the brief period the children were followed and the difficulty of separating the effects of food colors from other factors that influence behavior, including when the children were observed and what other things they consumed.

    “I think that taken as a whole, there really is very little convincing evidence that food coloring contributes to attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder, and banning them for that reason seems to me to be out way ahead of where the evidence is right now,” Kleinman said.


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  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    When President Donald Trump has talked about the need for higher tariffs on imports of foreign goods because of a decline in American manufacturing, he has often made the claim that “90,000 plants and factories” in the U.S. closed after the North American Free Trade Agreement with Canada and Mexico took effect in 1994. But that figure is questionable, and experts say other factors, such as automation, had more to do with the large decline in U.S. manufacturing jobs than trade.

    Data from the Census Bureau’s Business Dynamics Statistics database show that there was a decrease of about 74,000 “manufacturing establishments” in the U.S. between 1995, the peak year for manufacturing after NAFTA went into effect, and 2022, the most recent year for which data is available. Furthermore, about one-quarter of the decline during that nearly three-decade period was in establishments with four or fewer employees — so it’s unclear how many of those truly count as a manufacturing factory or plant. For example, some small-business manufacturers make products while working out of their own homes.

    About 2% of the decline was in establishments with at least 500 workers. That’s a drop of 1,346 establishments.

    However, over the last month, the president — as well as members of his administration — have used the 90,000 figure several times.

    Photo by Funtay / stock.adobe.com

    On April 7, when discussing new tariffs on imports that he announced days earlier, Trump said, “We’ve lost 90,000 plants and factories. Think of this, 90,000 — you wouldn’t think it’s possible, 90,000 plants and factories since NAFTA. Which was, by the way, the worst trade deal ever developed, ever had by any country, anywhere, NAFTA.”

    A few days earlier, in an April 3 interview, Vice President JD Vance said, “Since NAFTA, in the early ’90s, 90,000 American factories have been closed down. That’s small towns that have been blighted.”

    And while speaking with White House reporters on March 7 about an increase in U.S. manufacturing jobs in February, Trump said, “As you probably know, it’s a statistic that everyone talks about, but nobody seems to have done much about. Since the beginning of NAFTA, there’s been 90,000 plants and factories closed in this country.”

    When White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt made a similar claim about lost factories later in March, the White House told the Washington Post that the figure came from a nearly 5-year-old analysis done by the Economic Policy Institute, a left-leaning think tank.

    In that August 2020 report, which was about how Trump hadn’t been successful at reshoring manufacturing jobs during his first presidential term, the EPI said that “the U.S. has suffered a net loss of more than 91,000 manufacturing plants” between 1997 and 2018, the year that the U.S., Canada and Mexico agreed on a new trade deal, known as the USMCA, which officially replaced their NAFTA deal in 2020. The EPI report’s primary source was Business Dynamics Statistics data published by the Census Bureau.

    But that figure appears to be out of date. When we tried to confirm that tally using the BDS online tool, we got a smaller decrease — a drop of about 65,000 establishments between 1997 and 2018. Census defines an establishment as “a single physical location at which business is conducted or services or industrial operations are performed.”

    Then, when we measured from 1995, which was the NAFTA era’s high point for the number of U.S. manufacturing establishments, and 2022, the most recent year in the BDS database, we came up with a decline of more than 74,000 establishments. (There was a significant decrease in manufacturing establishments in 2020 and 2021 during the COVID-19 pandemic.)

    A statistician for the Census Bureau told us that the BDS series figures are updated annually with each new release, which probably explains, at least in part, why our calculations in 2025 were different from the EPI’s in 2020. For its report, the EPI said it also used a different Census dataset to estimate manufacturing losses in 2017 and 2018.

    “The 2022 BDS that was released in September 2024 contains the most up-to-date information available,” said the Census official, who told us he also couldn’t reproduce the EPI’s total.

    Moreover, thousands of those lost establishments aren’t what many people think of as a manufacturing factory or plant — certainly not the large production facilities that Trump talks about bringing back to the U.S.

    The manufacturing sector, according to the North American Industry Classification System, “comprises establishments engaged in the mechanical, physical, or chemical transformation of materials, substances, or components into new products.” Those establishments, which use “power-driven machines and material handling equipment” in the manufacturing process, are often labeled as plants, factories or mills.

    “However,” the NAICS says, “establishments that transform materials or substances into new products by hand or in the worker’s home and those engaged in selling to the general public products made on the same premises from which they are sold, such as bakeries, candy stores, and custom tailors, may also be included in this sector.”

    Another Census official told us that the bureau doesn’t have a breakdown of how many manufacturing establishments are, or were, factories, plants, mills, home-based or something else.

    But we do know from the BDS database that establishments with between one and four workers accounted for about a quarter of the decline from 1995 to 2022. Meanwhile, establishments that employed 500 or more people were less than 2% of the decrease.

    As of 2022, about a third of the 268,182 manufacturing establishments in the U.S. had no more than four employees. At that time, a little more than 1% had at least 500 employees.

    NAFTA’s Role in Job Losses

    As for NAFTA’s role, some critics of free trade agreements have faulted the old trade pact for a decline in U.S. manufacturing jobs. But others disagree that NAFTA is to blame, as Trump has suggested.

    “The decline in US manufacturing jobs — something that has been taking place since 1979 — is more a story of technology (robots, computers, and the like) and changing US consumer tastes than it is about trade,” Colin Grabow, associate director at the Cato Institute’s Herbert A. Stiefel Center for Trade Policy Studies, wrote in a March 2024 commentary piece for the libertarian think tank. “We know this because while the number of manufacturing jobs has declined, output has risen.”

    Grabow argued that automation and economic development have had more to do with lost manufacturing jobs than either Mexico or China, which joined the World Trade Organization in 2001.

    Furthermore, in a 2017 report, the nonpartisan Congressional Research Service said that both proponents and opponents of NAFTA made inaccurate predictions about the trade agreement’s impact.

    “In reality, NAFTA did not cause the huge job losses feared by the critics or the large economic gains predicted by supporters,” the CRS said, describing NAFTA’s overall effect on the U.S. economy as “relatively modest.”


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  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    Before President Donald Trump paused some new tariffs that he unveiled on April 2, several economic groups estimated that tariffs he has announced this year could raise between roughly $2 trillion and more than $4 billion in federal revenue over a 10-year period. But that’s well short of the $6 trillion or $7 trillion that White House trade adviser Peter Navarro claimed the tariffs would raise to help pay for tax cuts, including an extension of the 2017 tax law.

    On April 6, during an interview on “Sunday Morning Futures,” Navarro talked about the revenue-generating potential of Trump’s tariffs on imports. Trump announced on April 9 that he was suspending some of his so-called “reciprocal” tariffs for 90 days. (We’ve written about how the tariffs aren’t really reciprocal.)

    Peter Navarro speaks at the Believers Summit in West Palm Beach, Florida, in July 2024. Photo by Gage Skidmore/ Flickr.

    “These tariff revenues, by the way, Jackie, $600, $700 billion they are going to raise a year, $6 trillion to $7 trillion over the 10-year period,” Navarro told Jackie DeAngelis, who hosted the Fox News show that day. “They’re going to help pay for the tax cuts. I’ll tell you this, Jackie. Every single dollar that comes in, in tariff revenues that we take from the foreigners who have been cheating us, are going to go right to the American public in terms of tax cuts and debt reduction.”

    Navarro is wrong to suggest that the tariffs would be paid by “foreigners,” though foreign businesses could decide to “lower their prices to absorb some of the tariffs,” as the Tax Foundation explains. He also ignored the fact that tariffs, also known as customs duties, are a tax increase on the U.S. importers who pay the tariffs – not foreign countries. And because those importers often pass at least some of those costs on to U.S. consumers through price hikes, tariffs are considered to be regressive taxes that affect lower-income households more than others as a percentage of income.

    “If you raise $600 billion more a year in revenue for the federal government, you are taking that amount away from individuals and businesses in the private economy,” the Wall Street Journal’s editorial board wrote in a late March piece.

    Multiple economic analyses project that Trump’s tariffs will reduce the after-tax income of households by potentially thousands of dollars a year, on average.

    Independent analyses also show that Navarro may be exaggerating the amount of money that the government may collect from the tariffs.

    We asked the White House to explain Navarro’s revenue projection, but we did not receive a reply. We also inquired if Navarro’s estimate was the basis for the president’s April 8 claim that his tariffs are bringing in “$2 billion per day” to the U.S., which would add up to more than $7 trillion over 10 years, but the White House didn’t tell us that, either. (So far, U.S. Customs and Border Protection has said that it has collected about $200 million per day in “additional associated revenue” from 13 of the president’s tariff-related executive actions this year.)

    Howard Gleckman, a senior fellow for the nonpartisan Tax Policy Center, guessed that Navarro’s claim was based on “some simple math.” In an April 8 blog post, he said that the senior trade official may have taken the $3.3 trillion in U.S. imports of goods in 2024 and multiplied it by a tariff rate of 20%, “a rough estimate of all the Trump tariffs,” producing a revenue total of over $600 billion annually, or more than $6 trillion over 10 years.

    “Simple. But wrong,” wrote Gleckman. He said that “Trump’s tariffs are likely to fall far short of Navarro’s prediction,” making it highly doubtful that there would be enough revenue to cover the cost of parts of Trump’s economic agenda, specifically an extension of Trump’s 2017 tax cuts, as well as other tax-cutting proposals, such as the elimination of taxes on tips, overtime pay and Social Security benefits.

    Indefinitely extending tax cuts for individuals in the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act alone would cost $4 trillion over 10 years, according to the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office.

    In fact, the Tax Policy Center has estimated that all tariffs Trump announced through April 2, including a tariff of at least 10% on all U.S. imports of foreign goods and higher tariff rates on specific countries, would raise about $3.5 trillion – $189.5 billion in 2025 and then $3.3 trillion from 2026 to 2035. That estimate, Gleckman said, doesn’t include the economic impact of any retaliatory tariffs on U.S. goods, which some countries have already announced, nor does it account for an anticipated decline in corporate profits and wages because U.S. firms have to pay the tariffs.

    “If it did, tariff revenues would be even lower,” Gleckman noted.

    And the TPC isn’t the only organization with tariff revenue estimates lower than Navarro’s.

    • In an analysis updated on April 9, the Tax Foundation estimated that Trump’s 2025 tariffs, altogether, “will raise $2.2 trillion in revenue over the next decade on a conventional basis ($1.6 trillion on a dynamic basis) and reduce US GDP by 0.8 percent, all before foreign retaliation.” Projected revenue is lower on a dynamic basis, the Tax Foundation said, because that estimate reflects “the negative effect tariffs have on US economic output, reducing incomes and resulting tax revenues.”
    • Meanwhile, the Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget has said on April 7 that all of Trump’s announced tariffs, if made permanent, could raise $3 trillion from 2025 to 2034. Because the tariffs could reduce real gross domestic product by 0.6%, CRFB said its revenue estimate would decline to $2.7 trillion once those macro-dynamic economic effects are factored in.
    • Likewise, the Budget Lab at Yale University said on April 2, “All tariffs to date in 2025,” if they remain in place, “raise $3.1 trillion [from 2026 to 2035], including the effect of retaliation to date.” That estimate falls to about $2.5 trillion when factoring in “$582 billion in negative dynamic revenue effects,” the Budget Lab said.
    • And the Penn Wharton Budget Model, based on all tariffs announced prior to Trump’s April 9 pause, said it “estimates that the Combined Trump Tariffs will generate $4.6 trillion in revenue over 10 years, using recent time-varying demand elasticity estimates.” That’s based on imports declining by 29%. On the other hand, “If baseline import demand in the United States across all goods and services further stagnates over the next decade due to lower economic growth, total new tariff revenue will decrease to $4.13 trillion.” Those estimates include “partially dynamic” economic effects, Kent Smetters, a University of Pennsylvania economics and public policy professor, and the university’s PWBM faculty director, told us in an interview.

    None of those analyses predicts as much as $6 trillion to $7 trillion in federal revenue, as Navarro claimed.

    We don’t know exactly what tariffs will be put into place by the Trump administration after the 90-day pause on the April 2 tariffs. For now, goods imported from China will face a 125% tariff, and there’s a universal 10% tariff on all imported goods from other countries.


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  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    Abrupt changes in staffing and some procedures at the Social Security Administration, coupled with false and misleading claims about widespread fraud, have prompted heated criticism from Democrats, with some statements leaving the wrong impression that benefits are being cut. Experts share a concern that disorderly actions by the Trump administration could cause administrative errors and disruptions, but there has been no proposed change to benefits mandated by law.

    Photo by Veronique / stock.adobe.com

    Democrats have cited several concerning actions taken by the Trump administration with regard to the Social Security Administration. In late February, the SSA announced it would cut 7,000 jobs (out of 57,000) as part of “massive reorganizations” that included reducing the number of regional offices from 10 to four. Meanwhile, White House adviser Elon Musk, who is leading the Department of Government Efficiency, and President Donald Trump have made exaggerated claims about people over 100 years old fraudulently getting Social Security benefits, suggesting there are significant savings to be had by going after waste, fraud and abuse in the system. And this month, changes in identify verification procedures that end some phone-based services could create burdens for some beneficiaries.

    “They’re setting the groundwork to ‘eliminate’ Americans’ hard-earned benefits like Social Security and Medicare all to fund tax breaks for their ultra-wealthy backers,” the Democratic National Committee claimed in a March 17 statement that came after news of the identity verification changes.

    A link on the word “eliminate” went to a story about an interview of Musk making unfounded claims about fraud and saying that eliminating “waste” from “entitlement spending,” including Social Security and Medicare, could yield $500 billion to $700 billion a year.

    Independent Sen. Bernie Sanders, in a March 21 rally in Colorado, referred to Musk in saying: “We will not accept the richest guy in the world running all over Washington making cuts to the Social Security Administration.” But he then went further, charging that the administration is “prepared to destroy Social Security,” along with Medicaid, Medicare and the Department of Veterans Affairs “in order to make themselves even richer.”

    Several Democrats have speculated that the goal of the administration is to privatize some aspect of Social Security, or the entire agency. Rep. John Larson of Connecticut told MSNBC’s Rachel Maddow on March 20: “The plan, unlike previous plans to privatize Social Security, is to scuttle the agencies themselves.” Larson said the Republicans wanted to “make it appear that it’s not working and not answering people’s concerns” and then privatize it.

    Senate Democrats have made similar claims. Sens. Elizabeth Warren and Ron Wyden wrote in a March 23 letter to Frank Bisignano, the nominee to head the SSA, that they were “deeply concerned that DOGE and the Trump Administration are setting up the SSA for failure—a failure that could cut off Social Security benefits for millions of Americans—and that will then be used to justify a ‘private sector fix.’”

    In a March 25 statement, Sen. Chuck Schumer said: “DOGE has claimed these efforts are to get rid of fraud and abuse but it is clear after a few months that their actions are little more than smoke and mirrors designed to rip away benefits from hardworking Americans.”

    Most of these comments are speculative, and as other news organizations have reported, and as experts told us, there is reason to be concerned about rushed changes and false fraud claims leading to problems with Social Security. But despite those concerns, the administration hasn’t put forth any plan to privatize the SSA, nor any plan to change the amount of benefits now promised to retirees, as many of these claims suggest.

    Romina Boccia, director of budget and entitlement policy at the libertarian Cato Institute, told us that concern is “warranted” that some of the administrative changes could affect people’s ability to apply for benefits, especially for disability benefits, which already face very long delays, sometimes years, before eligibility is approved. But that’s different from rules set in law that determine eligibility and the size of someone’s benefits. The administrative changes that are happening “won’t affect the statutory eligibility of people,” she said. That would have to go through Congress.

    “A lot of the writing on the left on this is intentionally conflating these two issues to engage in fearmongering,” Boccia said. She said it was “dishonest” to imply there had been cuts to benefits.

    At the same time, experts say there may be good reason to fear the actions taken by the Trump administration could harm the operations of the Social Security program.

    “I genuinely have never been this concerned about the ability of that agency to function,” said Pamela Herd, a professor of social policy and faculty associate at the Institute for Social Research’s Population Studies Center at the University of Michigan, in an interview. “Yes, I think people are right to be worried about it.”

    Herd cited the agency’s tasks of managing retiree and disability benefits (for more than 68 million Americans), issuing Social Security numbers to newborns, and keeping track of workers’ earnings, calling it an “enormous” amount of work. “And we’ve seen a fairly careless, and I think that’s generous, treatment of that agency over the past six weeks,” she said.

    Cuts, Changes and Concerns at Social Security

    In the interview of Musk cited by the DNC — which aired on Fox News on March 10 — Musk made unsupported claims about Democrats using Social Security and Medicare to “attract and retain illegal immigrants by essentially paying them to come here.” He also repeated an incorrect suggestion that Social Security payments could be going to millions of people listed as deceased, and he claimed that hundreds of billions of waste per year — up to $700 billion — could be cut from the programs.

    “The waste report in entitlement spending, you know, which is … most of the federal spending is entitlements,” Musk said. “So that’s like the big one to eliminate, that’s the sort of half trillion maybe $600, $700 billion a year.”

    In response to those comments, the White House pointed to a Government Accountability Office report that estimated the entire federal government “could lose between $233 billion and $521 billion annually to fraud.”

    Reports from the SSA’s Office of the Inspector General have estimated significantly smaller amounts of Social Security improper spending — which includes mistakes, not only fraud. A July 2024 report from the IG’s Office of Audit said the rate of improper Social Security payments was 0.84% over fiscal years 2015 to 2022, which added up to $71.8 billion — or about $9 billion per year. Billions of overpayments were also recovered by the agency.

    In February, the IG released a report on overpayments in the retirement and disability programs, finding that 3% of them, or nearly $102 million a year on average, were due to fraud. The report covered fiscal 2020 to 2023.

    These reports indicate that while SSA could find some savings from fraud or abuse, the amount is relatively small. Social Security benefit payments in fiscal 2024 totaled $1.5 trillion, or about 22% of the federal budget that year.

    “I think a lot of the statements of fraud that Elon Musk has put forth are exaggerated as well,” Boccia told us. While there are opportunities to streamline the SSA, she said, the question is whether DOGE was thinking of the long-term impact or “almost randomly slashing and cutting where they can.”

    “It’s not clear to me that the DOGE team implementing these changes is talking to experts that understand how the Social Security system works,” Boccia said, and whether the changes will be effective. This “chaotic approach to cuts” could lead to mistakes and “undermine the bigger reform effort that will be necessary to ensure that vulnerable seniors don’t face automatic benefit cuts” when the Social Security trust fund is depleted.

    The trust fund for retirees’ and survivors’ benefits is expected to be depleted in 2033, at which point SSA will only be able to pay 79% of benefits, according to the Social Security trustees’ latest estimate.

    Spokespeople at Sanders’ and Larson’s offices pointed to more reports about changes at the SSA when we inquired about the lawmakers’ claims.

    For instance, the reduction of 7,000 jobs, with an agency-wide offer of early retirement and incentivized resignations, and a reorganization were announced in February. The SSA said the changes were being made to “prioritize customer service by streamlining redundant layers of management” and “reducing non-mission critical work.” It said, “SSA is committed to ensure this plan has a positive effect on the delivery of Social Security services.” The Washington Post reported on April 4 that there are plans in the works for additional layoffs of potentially thousands of staffers. (The SSA press office hasn’t responded to our inquiry about that report and other questions about Democrats’ claims.)

    The Office of Civil Rights and Equal Opportunity was closed in late February, though Lee Dudek, the acting SSA commissioner, said that the office’s legally required tasks would be reassigned. The Office of Transformation, whose work included initiatives on the SSA website, was also closed.

    There have been news reports of upcoming field office closures, but those remain unconfirmed. The Associated Press analyzed a DOGE list of federal real estate leases it wanted to cancel, finding the list included 47 SSA field offices, with 26 of them expected to be closed in 2025. But on March 27, the SSA said it hadn’t closed or announced the closure of any field offices, adding that it “works closely with local congressional delegations before closing any office permanently.” The SSA said it had provided a list of “underutilized office space,” mostly “small hearing rooms with no assigned employees,” to the General Services Administration for closure.

    New ID Verification Procedures

    There’s also a change to identity verification practices for some beneficiaries, starting April 14. Those applying for retirement and survivors’ benefits for the first time, and anyone wanting to set up or change their direct deposit information, will have to do so through a “my Social Security” account online or in person at a field office, rather than over the phone, which has been an option.

    The SSA has said the ID verification changes are part of an effort to combat fraud. But advocates for beneficiaries have argued it could hurt those who can’t use the online system and have trouble traveling to a field office, which for rural beneficiaries could be far away.

    Herd, at the University of Michigan, told us that a lot of people struggle with the online system and there’s evidence that it doesn’t prevent fraud.

    The SSA’s Office of Audit reported in 2019 that $33.5 million in benefits for nearly 21,000 beneficiaries was diverted over about a five-year period because of unauthorized changes made to their direct deposit information through the online “my Social Security” system.

    The ID verification changes, for those who can’t use the online system, will mean having to go to field offices, which “are already overwhelmed,” Herd said.

    Dudek told reporters in March that the SSA “is losing over $100 million a year in direct deposit fraud,” which would be a fraud rate of about 0.007% of benefits paid. All but about 500,000 monthly benefit payments now go through direct deposit, and an executive order from Trump calls for the elimination of paper checks throughout the federal government by Sept. 30.

    Herd said that a lot of the changes at the SSA, which have happened in a short period of time, “are further weakening an agency that was already operating on a kind of barebones administrative budget.” She pointed to SSA data showing the agency’s overhead is 0.5% of the combined trust fund cost.

    The SSA could “effectively fail to deliver on promises” made to deliver benefits through administrative changes, she said. “The promise of Social Security benefits is only as good as the ability to deliver them.”

    But, again, the Trump administration hasn’t proposed cutting legally required benefits, as some claims by Democrats imply.

    Press reports have noted that the SSA website has been crashing, and beneficiaries have faced long wait times on customer service phone lines.

    Boccia told us that fearmongering on the part of Democrats was contributing to the large call volumes. She noted a “political incentive to exaggerate the effect of the changes” at the SSA to increase support for Democrats.

    Privatization

    As for speculation by some Democratic lawmakers that the administrative changes at SSA are part of an effort to “privatize Social Security,” Boccia said she has seen no evidence for that at all. She said the claims were “not based in reality.”

    Bisignano, the nominee for SSA commissioner who is the CEO of Fiserv, a financial technology services company, was asked about this at a March 25 confirmation hearing. “I’ve never thought about privatizing. It’s not a word that anybody’s ever talked to me about. And I don’t see this institution as anything other than a government agency that gets run for the benefit of the American public,” he said.

    He later said, “I don’t believe anybody’s thinking about that,” when asked again about privatization.

    And during questioning from Warren about beneficiaries potentially having trouble getting benefits they were entitled to, Bisignano said, “I will commit to have the right staffing to get the job done.”

    Larson’s office pointed us to a March 23 article by MarketWatch in which some experts voiced concern about a path to privatization. Staffing cuts and other changes at the SSA “could erode customer service, impact benefits and — eventually, experts say — diminish consumer confidence to the point the federal government chooses to hand the program off to the private sector,” MarketWatch reported, quoting, among others, Jason Fichtner, who was an acting deputy commissioner at the SSA under Presidents George W. Bush and Barack Obama. However, the article said other experts didn’t agree with the privatization speculation.

    Herd told us it was “not unreasonable that some folks in Congress are sort of questioning the end game here about Social Security.”

    We can’t predict the future, but there has been no plan put forth by the administration to privatize some aspect of Social Security, or the entire agency.

    The president, meanwhile, has repeatedly said that he’s only interested in getting rid of fraud. “Social Security won’t be touched, other than if there’s fraud or something we’re going to find. It’s going to be strengthened,” Trump said in a February interview on Fox News.


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  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    On the first day of his administration, President Donald Trump signed an executive order directing the federal government to no longer consider a person’s gender and to recognize people as either male or female, as defined by the size of their reproductive cells.

    The directive served as a basis for a series of subsequent orders that called for defunding medical or educational institutions that have protections for transgender students, provide gender-affirming medical care to transgender youth or allow transgender girls or women to participate in women’s sports. Another order attempted to ban transgender people from the military

    But some of those orders — and Trump’s later comments — lack context or include incorrect or misleading statements.

    “For four long years, we had an administration that tried to abolish the very concept of womanhood and replace it with radical gender ideology,” Trump said on March 26 at a Woman’s History Month event at the White House.

    “No matter how many surgeries you have or chemicals you inject, if you’re born with male DNA in every cell of your body,” he continued, presumably referring to the presence of a Y chromosome, “you can never become a woman — you’re not going to be a woman. And that’s why last month, I proudly signed a historic executive order to ban men from competing in women’s sports. … I also banned puberty blockers — can you believe I’m even saying this — and the sexual mutilation of minor youth.”

    Trump’s first transgender-related order declared that people are either male or female at “conception.” But scientists say that excludes certain people and sex is not fully determined at conception.

    His executive order targeting gender-affirming medical treatments for trans youth — which is not a ban — claimed that health care providers are “maiming and sterilizing” children and referred to gender-affirming care as “chemical and surgical mutilation.” That language is misleading and wrong. Gender-affirming care is supported by professional medical associations under specific guidance, and surgeries typically take place after age 18. Gender-affirming care is associated with improved mental health, and some medical interventions are reversible. 

    Trump’s policies were followed by a series of lawsuits across the country. Federal judges have already blocked some orders from taking effect while the cases move through the courts, or questioned the administration’s plans. Two separate restraining orders and a preliminary temporary injunction have been issued to prevent the government from withholding or conditioning funding for medical institutions providing gender-affirming care.

    A transgender person identifies with a gender that does not match their sex assigned at birth. Nearly 1.6 million people over the age of 13, or about 0.5% of the U.S. population, identify as transgender, according to a 2022 report by the University of California, Los Angeles School of Law’s Williams Institute. 

    We reached out to the White House to ask for support for some of the statements in the executive orders, but we didn’t get a response.

    ‘Two Sexes, Male and Female’

    In an order titled “defending women from gender ideology extremism,” signed by Trump on his first day in office, the administration declared that the U.S. will now officially only “recognize two sexes, male and female,” on all federal documents, statements, regulations, forms, communications or other messages. The order also called for banning transgender women, who are referred to as “men,” from “intimate single-sex spaces,” such as bathrooms, single-sex shelters, women’s prisons and sports.

    Sex, the order dictated, should be understood as a person’s “immutable biological classification as either male or female,” and not as “a synonym for” gender. The order specifically directs agencies and federal employees acting in an official capacity to “use the term ‘sex’ and not ‘gender’” — yet Trump himself regularly conflates the terms, including in his inaugural address and his March 4 address to Congress.

    Trump signs executive orders in the Oval Office of the White House on Jan. 20. Photo by Jim Watson/AFP via Getty Images.

    Although one of the order’s stated purposes is to restore “biological truth,” it used a limited definition of how sex is understood by scientists, declaring that female means a person who “at conception” belongs “to the sex that produces the large reproductive cell” and male is someone who “at conception” belongs “to the sex that produces the small reproductive cell.” 

    Scientists told us that although biological sex can be defined by the size of a person’s reproductive cells, or gametes, that definition doesn’t always work given there are multiple factors that define sex in humans.

    “Sex is a catch-all phrase that actually refers to a constellation of features, not just one as they’ve defined it here,” Margaret M. McCarthy, a neuroscientist and pharmacology professor at the University of Maryland School of Medicine, told us. 

    Sex definitions typically refer to a construct based on genetic, physiological and anatomic traits. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, referencing the American Psychological Associationhas defined sex as a person’s “biological status as male, female, or something else,” which is “assigned at birth and associated with physical attributes, such as anatomy and chromosomes.” A 2022 consensus study report by the National Academies of Science, Engineering, and Medicine defined it as “a multidimensional construct based on a cluster of anatomical and physiological traits that include external genitalia, secondary sex characteristics, gonads, chromosomes, and hormones.”

    In most cases, all facets of sexual development are congruent, McCarthy, who has studied sex differentiation for decades, told us. Typically, she said, an X and Y chromosome will lead to the development of testes, the production of testosterone, the development of a penis and the production of sperm. And typically, two X chromosomes will lead to ovaries, the production of estrogen and progesterone, the development of a uterus and a vagina, and the production of eggs.

    But this is not always the case. According to the Pediatric Endocrine Society, about 4,500 people a year are born in the U.S. with a collection of medical conditions known as Differences of Sex Development that interfere with the typical male or female sex development described above. The definition in the executive order “should not and cannot apply” to people with a DSD, according to a statement from the organization. That’s because some people with a DSD, which is also called intersex, don’t produce sperm or eggs, produce both of them, or produce a reproductive cell that doesn’t match their biological sex development.

    “Some people may have genitals that look typical for a male – with a penis – but have XX (‘female’) chromosomes and female body parts – a uterus and ovaries – due to medical conditions that affect the hormones. On the other hand, some people may have genitals that look typical for a female – with a vagina and no penis – but have XY (‘male’) chromosomes and testes on the inside of their bodies,” the statement reads.

    Other professional and advocacy organizations, such as the American Society for Reproductive Medicine and interACT, which advocates for intersex people, have also said the definitions in Trump’s executive order are not accurate and exclude intersex people. 

    In addition, the inclusion of “at conception” in the executive order’s definition of female and male is “technically incorrect,” McCarthy said. (The Department of Health and Human Services’ definitions, created in response to the order, do not include that language.)

    Sexual differentiation is not complete when the sperm fertilizes the egg, or at conception, as the order may suggest — it occurs progressively during gestation and beyond. “The only thing that’s happened at conception is a transfer of an X or a Y chromosome to the ova. The gonads haven’t differentiated yet,” McCarthy explained, referring to the glands that could eventually produce reproductive cells.

    Experts also objected to the administration’s description and erasure of gender and gender identity. Gender identity, the order declared, can’t be used as “a meaningful basis for identification” and reflects a “fully internal and subjective sense of self” that’s “disconnected from biological reality and sex.”

    “A person’s gender is associated with but cannot be reduced to either sex assigned at birth or specific sex traits,” the National Academies of Science, Engineering, and Medicine report says.

    The CDC has defined gender as “cultural roles, behaviors, activities, and attributes expected of people based on their sex” and gender identity as a “person’s inner sense of being a boy/man/male, girl/woman/female, another gender, or no gender,” which comes about “as a result of a combination of inherent and extrinsic or environmental factors.”

    “Nobody thinks that [gender] identity is ‘disconnected from biological reality,’” Anne Fausto Sterling, a professor emerita of biology at Brown University who is an expert in gender development, told us, adding that most scholars think it is “inborn and thus must have a biological origin.”

    Finally, McCarthy said, the definitions in the executive order are not practical either. In our daily lives, when interacting with people, doing research or filling out a form, people are usually asked to self-identify. “You ask a person, are you male or female? You don’t say, show me your gametes or what size are your gametes,” she said. Sex assigned at birth, which ends up on birth certificates and passports, isn’t based on gamete size or “the biological function of their reproductive system,” as HHS guidelines recommend either, she said — it is typically assigned by doctors based on external genitalia.   

    Medical Gender Transition Treatments

    In a separate executive order issued on Feb. 28, Trump directed the federal government to take a series of actions to no longer “fund, sponsor, promote, assist, or support” gender-affirming care for people under 19. The order used misleading language to refer to treatments that are supported by professional medical associations under specific guidance, and were previously considered beneficial by the federal government.

    “Across the country today, medical professionals are maiming and sterilizing a growing number of impressionable children under the radical and false claim that adults can change a child’s sex through a series of irreversible medical interventions,” the order said. It later defined children as “individuals under 19 years of age.”

    But experts have told us that gender-affirming surgeries typically take place after age 18, the legal age of adulthood in most states, and after a case-by-case assessment by a medical team. 

    The majority of transgender children do not receive any medical treatments to transition. Instead, they may change their name, pronouns, or hair and dress as part of a social transition. When medical treatments do occur, they’re rarely surgical and begin during adolescence or after, as we’ve explained. Families with a child who identifies with a gender that doesn’t match their sex assigned at birth are offered counseling.

    Guidance from the American Academy of Pediatrics, the Endocrine Society and the World Professional Association for Transgender Health recommends care at different ages. Puberty blockers, or medications that delay the beginning of puberty, are the first medical intervention and are typically offered between ages 8 to 13 for girls and 9 to 14 for boys. Gender-affirming hormone therapy is typically offered around age 16, when adolescents are capable of making an informed decision that weighs the potential risks and benefits.

    Trump’s executive order referred to gender-affirming care as “chemical and surgical mutilation” and said it does “blatant harm” to children. “Countless children soon regret that they have been mutilated,” it continued. The order directed the attorney general to enforce laws against female genital mutilation, or cutting, which is illegal in the U.S. and other countries and refers to a cultural practice of removing or injuring female genitalia for no medical reason. The order also called for “ending reliance on junk science,” directing agencies to stop using guidance from the World Professional Association for Transgender Health.

    According to the World Health Organization and UNICEF, female genital mutilation has no health benefits and can lead to serious complications. It is considered a human rights violation. Practiced primarily in Africa and the Middle East, FGM is mostly performed on girls under 15 by people who are not health care providers. Gender-affirming surgery is always carried out in a medical setting, is consensual and is rarely performed on minors.

    “[T]he Executive Order promotes misinformation, including that large shares of youth are seeking gender affirming medical care, which is not the case, that regret rates among those who do seek care are high, when regret rates are very low, and erroneously conflating ‘female genital mutilation’ and gender-affirming care,” Lindsey Dawson, associate director of HIV Policy and director of LGBTQ Health Policy at KFF, a health policy research organization, said in a report about the order.

    In a cross-sectional study among insured people in the U.S., Harvard researchers and colleagues found that in 2019 there were no gender-affirming surgical procedures in transgender and gender diverse, or TGD, minors under 12 years of age — and that those in minors older than 12 “were rare and almost entirely chest-related.” Based on those findings, the researchers wrote, “concerns around high rates of gender-affirming surgery use, specifically among TGD minors, may be unwarranted.”

    A separate study by some of the same Harvard researchers, published in JAMA Pediatrics in January, used insurance claims data and found that less than 0.1% of minors ages 8 to 17 with private insurance are transgender or gender diverse and received puberty blockers or hormones between 2018 and 2022. No child under 12 years of age received a hormone prescription.

    “There’s not some massive wave of folks accessing care,” Landon D. Hughes, co-author of both Harvard studies and a fellow at Harvard University’s T.H. Chan School of Public Health, told NBC News earlier this year.

    Studies suggest that gender-affirming care can improve the well-being and mental health of transgender youth, who have an increased risk of depression, anxiety and suicidal thoughts. While some of these findings have been criticized, there isn’t good evidence that gender-affirming care is harmful, as Trump’s executive order claimed.

    “Although President Trump’s executive order describes gender-affirming care as ‘junk science,’ access to gender-affirming care for transgender youth is supported by a consensus of major medical associations in the U.S.,” Elana Redfield, federal policy director at the Williams Institute at UCLA’s School of Law, said in a brief following the order. “The order does not acknowledge any benefits of gender-affirming care, instead making unsubstantiated statements of widespread harm and disregarding decades of science that form the foundation of the services that are currently available to transgender youth.”

    Not All ‘Irreversible’

    It’s important to note that not all medical gender-affirming interventions are “irreversible” nor do they make it impossible for someone to “conceive children of their own,” as the executive order said. 

    As guidance from the AAP explains, only gender-affirming surgeries are fully irreversible and not all of them affect fertility. The effects of medications that suppress puberty are reversible, but the AAP notes that their impact on fertility is unknown and that fertility could be impacted if followed by the use of sex hormones.

    The changes brought by gender-affirming hormone therapy can be reversed if hormones are stopped before these changes are fully developed, but they become irreversible after that happens, potentially impacting fertility, according to the guidance. 

    The guidance sets a number of steps and criteria to make sure that individuals offered gender-affirming care are not what the executive order refers to as “impressionable children.” A multidisciplinary team of medical and mental health providers should screen, assess and monitor patients and make sure they are capable of fully understanding the risks and benefits of each intervention and discuss, when applicable, options to preserve fertility. 

    There is very little reliable data on how often transgender people regret going through gender-affirming interventions or opt to “detransition.” Many studies have a short follow-up period and rely on patients reporting back to providers.

    But the scientific literature doesn’t support the notion that “[c]ountless children soon regret that they have been mutilated,” as the order said.

    As PolitiFact has reported, recent studies of medical gender-affirming interventions in adolescents show that rates of young people stopping or regretting treatment or detransitioning range from 1% to 9%, with most on the lower end.

    A study by Princeton University researchers published in 2024 in JAMA Pediatrics that looked at the experiences of 220 young people using puberty blockers or hormones found that nine of them regretted the interventions, with four of them stopping treatment.

    Another study looking at the outcomes of 1,089 young people who were assessed by the National Health Service Gender Identity Development Service in England from 2008 to 2021 found that 5.3% stopped treatment with puberty blockers or gender-affirming hormones and reverted to identifying with their birth gender.

    As scientists have explained, people detransition for multiple reasons and not all people who stop treatment regret that care. Some stop due to undesired side effects of hormones or of transitioning, such as discrimination, and some stop when they’ve reached the results they wanted. Similarly, a person who regrets transitioning may still consider themselves transgender, and someone who stops identifying as transgender may not regret gender-affirming care.

    Regret rates are typically even lower in adults, and studies show adults regret other plastic surgeries more often than gender-affirming surgery.


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    In his Rose Garden announcement of sweeping new “reciprocal tariffs,” President Donald Trump held aloft a misleading chart that claimed to give a breakdown of the tariffs other countries charge the U.S. and the corresponding tariff that the U.S. will now impose against those countries.

    “Reciprocal. That means they do it to us and we do it to them,” Trump said in his April 2 speech. “Very simple. Can’t get any simpler than that.”

    President Donald Trump holds up the chart as he announces a plan for tariffs on imported goods. Photo by Demetrius Freeman/The Washington Post via Getty Images.

    Trump said the U.S. would begin charging a “minimum baseline tariff of 10%” on all imported goods. But he said the U.S. would also tariff countries at a rate equal to half of tariff rates that countries charged for U.S. goods “including currency manipulation and trade barriers.” That, according to Trump’s chart, would mean tariffs of 50% on imports from some countries.

    The first column next to the list of countries purported to represent “Tariffs Charged to the U.S.A.” as a percentage. A cursory look revealed, however, that the percentages are far higher than the average tariff rates published by the World Trade Organization. Smaller print under the “Tariffs Charged” heading notes — as Trump did — that the figures include “Currency Manipulation and Trade Barriers.” Those last two factors are harder to quantify, but it turns out that’s not how the White House arrived at its figures anyway.

    “You see the numbers, the numbers are so disproportionate, they’re so unfair,” Trump said.

    According to a fact sheet provided by the Office of the U.S. Trade Representative, the reciprocal tariffs were “calculated as the tariff rate necessary to balance bilateral trade deficits between the U.S. and each of our trading partners. This calculation assumes that persistent trade deficits are due to a combination of tariff and non-tariff factors that prevent trade from balancing. Tariffs work through direct reductions of imports.”

    USTR said that while computing trade deficit effects for every country “is complex, if not impossible, their combined effects can be proxied by computing the tariff level consistent with driving bilateral trade deficits to zero.”

    To approximate that, USTR said it divided the size of a country’s trade imbalance with the U.S. in goods by how much America imports in goods from that nation.

    Take the European Union, for example. The chart lists its tariffs charged for U.S. imports (again, including currency manipulation or trade barriers) as 39%. Trump said the U.S. would charge countries half of what they are charging the U.S., because charging the full reciprocal amount “would have been tough for a lot of countries.” So in the case of the EU, the “USA Discounted Reciprocal Tariffs” is 20%, the chart states.

    According to the World Trade Organization, the EU’s trade-weighted average tariff rate is 2.7%. Trump also noted that European countries charge a value-added tax of about 20% — it varies by country but that’s roughly accurate. But those taxes are levied on imports as well as domestic production, so the VAT does not provide any trade advantage. In any case, neither of those numbers factor into the White House’s math.

    How does the White House arrive at 39%? In 2024, the U.S. goods trade deficit with the EU was $235.6 billion. That year, the U.S. imported $605.8 billion worth of goods from the EU. So, $235.6 divided by $605.8 is 38.9%, or, rounded up, 39%.

    Economists told us that’s not a legitimate way to calculate reciprocal tariffs for countries.

    “Those listed numbers are simply not tariffs, but some other made-up measure based on a formulaic trade deficit calculation,” Kimberly Clausing, a nonresident senior fellow at the Peterson Institute for International Economics, told us via email. “In almost every instance, countries’ true trade barriers are far, far lower.”

    “This is not a legitimate way to calculate trade barriers, and the vast majority of subject matter experts (I would wager >99% of international economists) would reject this methodology as profoundly flawed,” Clausing said.

    “For example,” she said, “imagine you have completely free trade with an island that produces mangos but lacks sufficient income to buy US goods. The US buys $100 in mangos and sends only $20 in exports. This would imply a tariff rate of 40% by the Trump method, (80/100 divided by 2), but the imbalance of trade represents only the fact of distinct comparative advantage in trade, not any trade barriers.”

    Or, as the New York Times put it, “The difference between exports and imports doesn’t necessarily reflect trade barriers; Americans may simply want to buy more stuff from, say, Japan than the Japanese want to buy from the United States.”

    “The Trump administration’s calculations are a fundamentally nonsensical way to calculate ‘reciprocal’ tariffs,” Erica York, vice president of federal tax policy at the Tax Foundation, told us. “Absolutely none of the factors the White House purports to be looking at, like tariffs, non-tariff barriers, or other unfair practices, factor in to the tariff rate they calculate in any way. They are invented numbers that have zero relationship to real policies.”

    William Reinsch, senior adviser at the Center for Strategic and International Studies and a former president of the National Foreign Trade Council, concurred.

    “We do not believe it is an appropriate or accurate measure of trade barriers,” Reinsch told us via email. “We believe their methodology basically has nothing to do with reciprocal tariffs as the administration had previously discussed. The most charitable interpretation of what they are saying is ‘this is the tariff rate that would be necessary to balance bilateral trade with each partner.’”

    Countries with which the U.S. has a trade surplus – such as the U.K. and Singapore – are still listed on the chart as charging 10% tariffs.

    According to York, if the aim is to balance trade with every country, these proposed tariffs won’t work.

    “Tariffs will not reduce the US trade deficit because tariffs, either through their effects on the US dollar or through retaliation, will also reduce US exports,” York said. “That’s a result borne out in economic literature, and in recent US experience with the 2018-2019 tariffs.”

    Economists also noted that the White House equation focuses only on goods, and ignores trade in services, where the U.S. enjoys a trade surplus.

    “That skews the results. A lot,” Clausing, of the Peterson Institute, told us. “The US has a comparative advantage in services, and this ignores our substantial trade surpluses in that sector.”

    “Excluding services is simply wrong and doesn’t give the full picture,” Stuart Malawer, a professor emeritus of policy and government at George Mason University, told us via email.

    U.S. Trade Representative Fact Sheet

    The USTR fact sheet on the reciprocal tariff calculations cited a handful of academic studies, but when we reached out to the authors of several of them, they balked at the Trump administration’s conclusions.

    “The tariffs charged to the USA column certainly does not represent legislated tariffs faced by the US,” Anson Soderbery, an economics professor at Purdue University and author of the research paper “Trade elasticities, heterogeneity, and optimal tariffs,” told us via email. “Those are much smaller than reported and take into account bilateral agreements (e.g., USMCA, WTO preferential duties, etc).  

    “If they are using the USTR formula proposed this morning to adjust those numbers, I am even less sure how to go about evaluating what they mean,” Soderbery said. “That is, suggesting trade imbalances are only due to trade barriers is not founded in any economic theory or methodology. And, further suggesting the reductionist formula exports-imports/imports can be used to back out all trade barriers and equivalent tariff rates is misguided.”

    Ina Simonovska of the University of California, Davis, and co-author of “The elasticity of trade: Estimates and evidence,” told us via email, “The formula that the administration uses is correct under the assumption that the objective is to arrive at a zero bilateral trade balance with a given trade partner, holding fixed any other effects.” But there will be other effects, she said, including “the changes in exports that would occur due to the domestic price increases caused by the tariff as well as changes in trade flows with other trade partners than the one that the tariff targets. … These effects are harmful so they would result in a lower optimal tariff compared to the reported one” in the White House chart.

    The USTR fact sheet also cites as a reference for its estimates a paper published in American Economic Review, “The Long and Short (Run) of Trade Elasticities.” One of the authors of that paper, Andrei Levchenko, a professor of international economics at the University of Michigan, told us via email that the “elasticity estimate” in the paper and used by the USTR “should not be directly applied in this tariff calculation.”

    “The key reason is that the concept of the trade elasticity holds everything else constant,” he explained. “In practice, everything else will not be constant. In particular, US exports could change. That can come from a variety of channels, but one important one is tariff retaliation by trading partners. If a trading partner puts tariffs on US exports to it, they will fall, (at least partially) un-doing the impact of lower imports on the trade deficit.

    “Beyond this, there are many other ways in which the change in US imports and exports will differ from the formula that directly applies a partial equilibrium trade elasticity,” he said. “For example, trade elasticity estimates do not account for any impact of the change in tariffs on wages, prices, exchange rates, and the stock market. Those can go in different directions depending on the country, the product, the production technology used, etc. For small tariff changes on individual products from individual countries, these changes might be small and could reasonably be ignored. However, the change in imports and in the bilateral trade balance implied by the partial equilibrium trade elasticity is likely to be
    unreliable when the tariff change is large and comprehensive (covering all goods), as is the case today.”

    Repeated Claims

    Trump got other things wrong in his tariff announcement. He continued to wrongly frame his tariffs as a way to raise “trillions and trillions of dollars to reduce our taxes.” Tariffs are a tax. And because U.S. importers pay the tariffs, and often pass at least some of their increased costs onto consumers through higher prices, tariffs are considered to be regressive taxes, affecting lower-income households more than others as a percentage of income.

    A Tax Foundation analysis projected that the tariffs announced on April 2, combined with earlier tariffs announced by Trump, would raise nearly $3.2 trillion in revenue over 10 years. But the tariffs would also reduce Americans’ after-tax income, amounting to “an average tax increase of more than $2,100 per US household in 2025,” the Tax Foundation said.

    Trump also repeated false or misleading trade claims that we’ve already covered. 

    He said Canada “imposes a 250 to 300% tariff on many of our dairy products,” referring to rates that would only be charged if U.S. exports to Canada ever exceeded predetermined quotas. He said tariffs made the U.S. “proportionately the wealthiest it has ever been” between 1789 and 1913, even though  real (inflation-adjusted) gross domestic product per capita is many times higher today than it was more than a century ago. And he claimed that during his first term he “took in hundreds of billions of dollars” from tariffs on China, which he said “never paid 10 cents to any other president.” But the U.S. has long collected billions from customs duties on Chinese imports — and the tariffs are paid by U.S. importers, not China. 


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    Quick Take

    President Donald Trump said in a March 30 interview that “there are methods” for him to serve a third term in the White House, and a Daily Mail article referred to a “loophole” in the 22nd Amendment that would make it possible. But legal experts told us the “loophole” legal argument is “implausible” and “defeats the clear intent” of the amendment.


    Full Story

    In a March 30 interview with NBC News, President Donald Trump said he could possibly serve a third term — as he has suggested before — even though a third presidential term is prohibited by the 22nd Amendment to the Constitution.

    Asked by a reporter whether plans for an additional term have been presented to him, Trump said, “There are methods which you could do it.” NBC News asked Trump whether he was referring to “a possible scenario in which Vice President JD Vance would run for office and then pass the role to Trump,” and the president responded that “that’s one” method. “But there are others, too,” Trump said.

    As we’ve written, the 22nd Amendment addresses presidential term limits, stating, “No person shall be elected to the office of the President more than twice.” The amendment was ratified in 1951 in response to President Franklin D. Roosevelt being elected four times and a consensus that there should be term limits on future presidents.

    But a story published in the Daily Mail, a British tabloid, on March 29 revives a legal argument from 1999 in the Minnesota Law Review to suggest a “loophole” in the 22nd Amendment would allow Trump to serve more than two terms. A March 30 Instagram post shared the Daily Mail headline, “Revealed: How Trump could be president until 2037 due to a simple loophole in the Constitution.”

    The 1999 law review article, co-authored by Bruce Peabody, who was a graduate student at the time and is now a professor of politics at Fairleigh Dickinson University, argued that the 22nd Amendment has been misunderstood and a president who had already served two terms is not prohibited from serving a third.

    The “loophole” is the use of the word “elected” in the 22nd Amendment, the Daily Mail said, citing the law review article’s contention “that the Twenty-Second Amendment proscribes only the reelection of an already twice-elected President.”

    “It is argued that means a twice-elected president would not be barred from later reassuming the office due to the resignation, or death, of another president,” the Daily Mail article continued. “Trump could therefore run for Vice President, with Vance as an openly recognized nominal figure at the top of the ticket. Once he is sworn in Vance could then resign, allowing his Vice President — Trump — to step into the office.”

    The Daily Mail noted that the Minnesota Law Review article said an earlier constitutional amendment, the 12th Amendment, also would not stop Trump from returning to the White House for a third term. That amendment, ratified in 1804, states that “no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be eligible to that of Vice-President of the United States.”

    Because the 12th Amendment was written before the 22nd Amendment, it “could not have originally meant to preclude someone from being Vice President who had been elected President twice,” the Minnesota Law Review paper argued.

    Amendments’ Meaning and Intent

    Legal scholars told us the “loophole” argument is “implausible.”

    David A. Super, a professor of law and economics at Georgetown University Law Center, said the legal argument in the Daily Mail article “is implausible, primarily because of its clear misinterpretation” of the 12th Amendment.

    In an email to us, Super said that before the 12th Amendment, “the Constitution provided for the vice president to be whomever received the second-most votes for president. Although in practice everyone knew that George Washington was running for president and John Adams was running for vice president, as a legal matter both were running for president. …The Twelfth Amendment changed that by establishing separate elections for president and vice president but retained (in its last sentence) the rule that no one could run for either office without being eligible to run for president,” Super said.

    “It is, of course, true that we had no Twenty-Second Amendment when the Twelfth Amendment was ratified, but its effect is to make the qualifications for the two offices identical,” he said.

    Paul Gowder, a professor at Northwestern Pritzker School of Law, also told us in an email that the “loophole” argument is “pretty implausible.”

    First, the argument “defeats the clear intent of the 22nd Amendment,” Gowder said. “The guy who wrote the text that got adopted as the amendment stated, on the record, his understanding of what Congress was trying to do in drafting it: to ‘prevent a man’s deliberately using the office of President in order to perpetuate himself in office; that is, for more than two terms.’ And if you believe in the loophole, not only does it mean that Trump could have more than two terms, it means that Trump could be president for life, just so long as he could keep finding people to occupy the top of the ticket.”

    Second, Gowder said, “we often use the practice of prior officials as a guide to interpreting the Constitution, particularly when it comes to interpreting the powers of the presidency. … I think we should count it as strong evidence for a constitutionally meaningful consensus that no president after the 22nd Amendment was enacted has to my knowledge ever even seriously floated the idea of running for a third term.”

    And third, Gowder said, “it’s just too tricky — this is a real constitutional point. One of the things that makes the Constitution different from other kinds of law is that it’s meant to be enacted by and understood by (and ultimately enforced by) the people. … It’s a kind of category mistake to read the Constitution the way you might read the tax code, looking for loopholes that the drafters snuck in to trick ordinary people into dictatorship. Instead, we read it in the context of the collective goals that its terms are intended to pursue,” Gowder said.

    He added that “the Constitution wasn’t written to be an airtight formal logic proof. But that doesn’t mean that it’s proper to take a provision that obviously means ‘no more than two terms’ and cook up a Bond-villain-esque scheme to interpret it to mean ‘yes more than two terms.’”

    Circumventing the 22nd Amendment

    Any attempt to repeal the 22nd Amendment would be extremely difficult, Kermit Roosevelt, a constitutional law professor at the University of Pennsylvania, told us in an interview in November.

    “I don’t think there’s any realistic possibility that the 22nd Amendment could be repealed,” Roosevelt said. “That would take another amendment (like the 21st, repealing the 18th) and I don’t think it would get 2/3 of both houses of congress, much less 3/4 of the states.”

    To add a constitutional amendment, the House and the Senate both must approve a joint resolution with a two-thirds majority, and 75% of the states must then ratify the amendment. 

    An attempt to circumvent the 22nd Amendment — such as Trump ascending from vice president to president — would face challenges in court. “I think the odds of that [being successful] are extremely low,” Roosevelt told us.

    “Obviously the concern the 22nd Amendment is addressing is that someone who serves more than two terms as president might accumulate too much power,” Roosevelt said. “That concern has nothing to do with how the person takes office the third (or fourth, or fifth) time.” 


    Editor’s note: FactCheck.org is one of several organizations working with Meta to debunk misinformation shared on social media. Our previous stories can be found here. Meta has no control over our editorial content.

    Sources

    Allen, Nick. “Revealed: How Trump could be president until 2037 due to a simple loophole in the Constitution.” Daily Mail. 29 Mar 2025.

    Cillizza, Chris. “Believe it or not, Donald Trump says he should get a third term.” CNN. 18 Aug 2020.

    Constitution Annotated. “Twelfth Amendment.” Congress.gov. Accessed 1 Apr 2025.

    Constitution Annotated. “Twenty-Second Amendment.” Congress.gov. Accessed 31 Mar 2025.

    Gowder, Paul. Professor of law, Northwestern Pritzker School of Law. Email to FactCheck.org. 2 Apr 2025.

    Kiely, Eugene. “Can Trump Serve a Third Term?” FactCheck.org. 15 Nov 2024.

    Ronald Reagan Presidential Library & Museum. “Constitutional Amendments — Amendment 22 — ‘Term Limits for the Presidency.’” Accessed 31 Mar 2025.

    Super, David A. Professor of law and economics, Georgetown University Law Center. Email to FactCheck.org. 31 Mar 2025.

    Ward, Myah. “Trump at NRA convention floats 3-term presidency.” Politico. 19 May 2024.

    Welker, Kristen and Megan Lebowitz. “Trump won’t rule out seeking a third term in the White House, tells NBC News ‘there are methods’ for doing so.” NBC News. 30 Mar 2025.

    The post Legal Scholars Dispute Constitutional ‘Loophole’ for a Third Trump Term appeared first on FactCheck.org.

    This post was originally published on FactCheck.org.

  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    Misinformation is nothing new. It has, however, become ubiquitous and, in some cases, more difficult and time-consuming than ever to debunk. 

    Photo by stokkete / stock.adobe.com

    When we first started publishing in 2003 — which predated Facebook (2004), YouTube (2005) and Twitter (2006) — viral misinformation took the form of chain emails. Although they were a problem at the time, chain emails were to misinformation what the Pony Express is to ChatGPT.

    As the popularity of social media platforms has grown, so too has the scope of viral misinformation and the speed with which it travels. And this falsehood-fraught environment is increasingly where people get their news.

    In a survey of U.S. adults last year, the Pew Research Center found that “just over half of U.S. adults (54%) say they at least sometimes get news from social media.”

    The incredible growth of podcasts also has helped spread misinformation on social media. According to the Pew Research Center, 42% of Americans 12 and older said they had listened to a podcast in the past month in 2023 — up from only 9% in 2008. In February, YouTube — the largest video platform — announced that it had more than 1 billion monthly podcast users. 

    The emergence of artificial intelligence, or AI, makes it even more difficult for social media users to separate fact from fiction. 

    “AI technologies, with their capability to generate convincing fake texts, images, audio and videos (often referred to as ‘deepfakes’), present significant difficulties in distinguishing authentic content from synthetic creations,” Cathy Li and Agustina Callegari of the World Economic Forum wrote last year in an article on how to combat AI misinformation. 

    Our work aims to inform the public and debunk political falsehoods. But we can’t fact-check everything. Here’s our advice on how to identify bogus posts and factual distortions.

    Think before sharing. We have long advised our readers, “Be skeptical, not cynical.” When it comes to online content, that means: Think twice before you share that social media post.  

    “Don’t hit reshare until you stop and think to yourself, ‘Am I reasonably sure that this is accurate … does this seem plausible?’” David Rand, a professor of brain and cognitive sciences at MIT, told PBS Newshour last year

    We know that this can be hard to do, particularly if the content evokes a powerful response in you and aligns with your beliefs — which is often the case. There’s two reasons for that: 

    • Seeking clicks, content providers give us text, images and videos that often provoke a reaction from us. 
    • Using algorithms, social media platforms feed us what they think we want to see and hear.

    As a result, social media posts often play to our emotions, and, as humans, we are susceptible to confirmation bias — which is the tendency to give too much weight to information that confirms our beliefs. The combination of the two makes misinformation go viral. 

    But resist the urge to immediately reshare. 

    Consider the source. Who shared the claim? What do you know about this person or organization? Do they have any partisan or financial conflicts? What qualifies them to write or speak about the subject?

    We’ve seen a lot of misinformation from people who draw conclusions and share opinions, despite a lack of expertise in the subject or a clear conflict of interest, or both.

    At the height of the COVID-19 pandemic, we debunked bogus claims about the virus from several chiropractors. A multiple offender, chiropractor Eric Nepute, was sued by the Justice Department and Federal Trade Commission for violating the COVID-19 Consumer Protection Act. In a settlement, Nepute agreed to pay a fine and stop making false claims about supplements that he advertised and sold as preventatives and treatments for COVID-19. The civil complaint said Nepute and his companies “have earned a substantial amount of money from selling these and other Wellness Warrior Products.”

    If someone is making claims in an effort to sell you something, that’s a red flag to be skeptical.

    Of course, we also see a lot of misinformation from partisans — so be wary of liberal and conservative social media accounts making claims about the other side. 

    For example, we recently debunked the misleading claim spread by President Donald Trump and conservative commentators that Politico, an online news outlet, was being “completely” or “massively funded” by the U.S. Agency for International Development under the Biden administration. In fact, the media payments were for subscriptions that were common at many federal agencies under the Trump and Biden administrations. 

    Evaluate the evidence. Does the person making the claim provide any evidence, such as links to articles, published research or other sources? Are some sources mentioned, but no links provided? How credible is the evidence provided?

    It’s a red flag if no sources are provided. If sources are cited, find the source material and see if the evidence supports the claim. You would be surprised how often the “evidence” doesn’t support the claim. (Be careful in clicking on links. Make sure they lead to a legitimate website.)  

    Last month, we did a story on social media posts that falsely claimed Trump ordered former Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte’s release from the International Criminal Court. The posts cited “Executive Order 2025-03” — which doesn’t exist. That’s not even the numbering system for executive orders. 

    You should also check the credibility of the source material provided in the social media post. 

    We recently debunked misleading claims about measles in a video posted to X by Mary Holland, the CEO of the anti-vaccine advocacy group Children’s Health Defense that was founded by Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. Holland based her claims on an article written by Sayer Ji, the founder of an alternative medicine website who was named in the Center for Countering Digital Hate’s “Disinformation Dozen,” a list of top spreaders of vaccine misinformation on social media. Ji has a bachelor’s degree in philosophy from Rutgers University.

    Ji’s history of spreading misinformation and his lack of expertise in the area of infectious diseases are red flags. 

    In another case, we wrote about an article in a peer-reviewed journal that made numerous false claims about COVID-19 mRNA vaccines. The article — which was later retracted — was written by known vaccination opponents who have spread misinformation about the mRNA vaccines, and it was published in a journal that did not have the same standards as more reputable journals.

    If the social media post includes an image that you suspect might be a fake, then you can use reverse image search engines, such as Google and TinEye, that may help you find the original image and where and when it appeared online. We have used such tools numerous times over the years.

    Evidence or opinion? Cable TV commentators, podcasters and columnists have blurred the line between news and opinion. 

    If the evidence cited in the social media post comes from a news source — or purports to come from a news source, sometimes falsely labeledbreaking news” — you should consider if the social media post is sharing fact-based reporting or someone’s opinion of the news. 

    Everyone is entitled to their own opinions, but we’ve found that many partisan websites, podcasters and commentators – whether they are pushing a liberal or conservative agenda — aren’t telling the full story. Their version of the facts is often slanted to benefit their side. 

    Consult the experts. If you are still uncertain about the veracity of a social media claim, then you should consult the experts. That includes FactCheck.org — we’re on YouTube, Facebook, Instagram, Threads, X, BlueSky, WhatsApp and TikTok.

    A good place to start is Google or the search engines of FactCheck.org and other fact-checking websites.

    The search should include keywords or a short excerpt of the social media post, podcast or video. For example, social media posts claimed the Department of Government Efficiency stopped “royalties” to former President Barack Obama for “Obamacare,” formally known as the Affordable Care Act. The top two results of a recent Google search of “royalties + Obama + Affordable Care Act” turned up articles by FactCheck.org and AFP Fact Check, a France-based fact-checking organization.  

    Google has also created a tool called “Fact Check Explorer” — a searchable database of fact-checking articles from around the world. The same search for “royalties + Obama + Affordable Care Act” on Google’s Fact Check Explorer turned up six fact-checking articles – all debunking the claim about Obama. 

    Fact-checking articles take time to produce, so in some cases you may not immediately find a fact-checking article on the topic. You may, however, find some news articles on the subject — but make sure you are using trusted sources, such as the Wall Street Journal, Reuters, the Associated Press, New York Times and other established news outlets. 

    We know that trust in the media is low, but the fact is that legitimate news organizations, such as the Washington Post and New York Times, have written policies and procedures for such things as newsgathering, editing and corrections, as well as standards for ethical conduct and conflicts of interest. 

    Even when using such trusted sources, you might want to check more than one source to see what others are reporting. Multiple news outlets will report on breaking news and major news developments, so be wary if only one news organization is reporting on the “news” that you are seeing on social media.

    AI-Generated Images  

    As we mentioned earlier, online content may be created by generative AI, which “can create original content — such as text, images, video, audio or software code — in response to a user’s prompt or request,” as IBM explains on its website. 

    We’ve already covered text in the section above. The same rules apply to text created by humans or AI services. Here we focus on AI-generated images, videos and audio.

    We have been writing about fake photos for years. In the early years, the fakes were real images that were altered using Photoshop or other editing programs. 

    In 2008, for example, we wrote about an image that purportedly showed then-Alaska Gov. Sarah Palin wearing a red, white and blue bikini and holding a rifle. But it wasn’t her. Her head had been Photoshopped onto the body of another woman

    Using AI, people looking to entertain or cause mischief can create entirely new images, video and audio. Experts say you may be able to spot a fake by looking closely for red flags.

    “It is possible to create realistic appearing images, audio, and video with today’s generative AI tools,” Matthew Groh, an assistant professor of management and organizations at Northwestern University’s Kellogg School of Management, told us in an email. “One of the best ways to spot a lie (and likewise AI-generated media) is to search for contradictions.”

    Groh and his colleagues published a research paper in February that measured the accuracy of more than 50,000 participants who were asked to identify whether images were real or AI-generated. The participants were given “unlimited time, 20 seconds, 10 seconds, 5 seconds, and 1 second.” The paper found that “longer viewing times” improved the participants’ accuracy.

    Unnatural body parts. Groh and his Northwestern colleagues identified telltale signs of AI-generated photos for an article last year in Kellogg Insight, a school publication. They advised social media users to look closely at various body parts for “anatomical implausibilities.” 

    “Are there missing or extra limbs or digits? Bodies that merge into their surroundings or into other nearby bodies? A giraffe-like neck on a human? In AI-generated images, teeth can overlap or appear asymmetrical. Eyes may be overly shiny, blurry, or hollow-looking,” the article said.

    If the person is a public figure, you can compare facial features with existing news photos to spot discrepancies, the article also noted. 

    Odd objects. There may also be oddities in the way that body parts interact with objects, or even problems with the objects themselves.

    For example, the Kellogg Insight article included an AI-generated image that showed a person’s hand inside a hamburger. The hamburger itself is improbably large.

    “When there’s interactions between people and objects, there are often things that don’t look quite right,” Groh told Kellogg Insight, referring to these oddities as “functional implausibilities.”

    Irregular shadows and reflections. AI also has difficulty with shadows and reflections. Shadows may be cast in different directions, and reflections may not match the object they pretend to reflect, Groh and his colleagues said.

    For example, an AI-generated image in the Kellogg Insight article shows a person wearing a short-sleeved shirt, while his mirror image is wearing a long-sleeved shirt. The Northwestern research paper describes these irregularities as “violations of physics.”

    The researchers also identified two other telltale signs of AI-generated images: “stylistic artifacts,” which refer to “overly glossy, waxy, or picturesque qualities of specific elements of an image,” and “sociocultural implausibilities,” which are “scenarios that violate social norms, cultural context, or historical accuracy.”

    Nonsensical words. Jonathan Jarry, a science communicator with McGill University’s Office for Science and Society, explained in an article on the university’s website last year that AI-generated images have trouble with words. In his article, Jarry asked an AI service to create a photo of Montreal circa 1931. One problem, however, was that the lettering displayed on background signage was “gibberish.”

    (Think you can tell real photos from bogus AI-generated images? Take the “Detect Fakes” test on Kellogg School’s website.)

    AI-Generated Video and Audio

    Unlike fake images, bogus video and audio are fairly new phenomena.   

    We recently wrote about an audio clip circulating on social media that purported to show Donald Trump Jr. saying “the U.S. should have been sending weapons to Russia,” instead of Ukraine. But we found no evidence that Trump ever made such a comment, and a digital forensic expert told us it was likely fake.  

    Look for contextual clues. Determine if the text of the post or the audio or video clip itself offers some contextual clues — such as where and when the words were allegedly spoken.

    In the case of the fake Trump audio, one red flag was the claim that the president’s son made his remark about Russia on a Feb. 25 episode of his podcast, “Triggered with Donald Trump Jr.” However, Trump did not make any such comment about Russia during that episode.

    Listen for audio anomalies. The European Digital Media Observatory, a project of the European Commission, offers tips for detecting AI-generated audio and video. When listening to audio, it says to “[p]ay attention to choices of words, intonation, breaths, unnatural pauses and other elements that can manifest anomalies.”

    Watch for quality of video. The EDMO suggests checking “the quality of the video” to spot “out of focus contours, unrealistic features” and poor “synchronization of audio and video,” i.e., when the lips don’t match the audio.

    Look for disclaimers. Some social media platforms — including Meta, YouTube and TikTok — require users to add a label on AI-generated content. Check to see if the platform you are using has such a policy and, if so, look for the disclaimers.

    For example, Meta, which owns Facebook, Threads and Instagram, uses an “AI info” label “for content we detect was generated by an AI tool and share whether the content is labeled because of industry-shared signals or because someone self-disclosed.”

    Groh, the Northwestern assistant professor, said that Community Notes on X — the platform formerly known as Twitter — can be useful at flagging AI-generated content.

    “Community notes can be very useful for adding context and directing people’s attention to possible tells,” such as this note in response to an image posted following Hurricane Milton, Groh said. “Likewise, context and insights from trusted sources like fact checkers or digital forensics experts can be useful for helping people on social media make up their minds about whether what they’ve seen online is AI-generated or real.”


    Editor’s note: FactCheck.org does not accept advertising. We rely on grants and individual donations from people like you. Please consider a donation. Credit card donations may be made through our “Donate” page. If you prefer to give by check, send to: FactCheck.org, Annenberg Public Policy Center, P.O. Box 58100, Philadelphia, PA 19102. 

    The post How to Combat Misinformation appeared first on FactCheck.org.

    This post was originally published on FactCheck.org.

  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    To support his plan to increase tariffs, President Donald Trump has repeatedly said that the Canadian government charges U.S. farmers a 250% or 270% tariff on dairy products exported to Canada. That’s misleading. There are rates that high on the books, but they would only be charged if U.S. exports exceed predetermined tariff rate quotas, which the dairy exports don’t come close to meeting. 

    Photo by SGr / stock.adobe.com

    Below these quotas, American dairy sales to Canada face zero tariffs. The United States–Mexico–Canada Agreement, or USMCA, a trade agreement negotiated by the first Trump administration, had raised the thresholds for the protectionist tariffs. Some American industry stakeholders argue that Canadian regulations impede the United States’ ability to reach these quotas, but U.S. dairy has never faced triple-digit tariffs.

    During an interview with Sharyl Attkisson of Sinclair that aired on March 16, Trump claimed, “Nobody says that with Canada, that they charge, our farmers – think of this. They have for dairy products, some dairy products, 270% tariff. Nobody knows that.” He continued, “So we want to sell milk into Canada, and they throw a 270% price increase on the milk.”

    Trump has repeatedly made similar claims regarding Canadian tariffs on U.S. dairy exports.

    On at least two occasions, he has wrongly claimed that the Biden administration had allowed the tariffs to increase. “In Canada, we find that they’re charging us over 200% for dairy products. You know about that. And when I left, we had that well taken care of, but under Biden they just kept raising it — very difficult to deal with the Canadian representatives, 250 percent for dairy products, tariff,” Trump said during a discussion with reporters in the Oval Office on March 7. The over-quota rates on dairy exports to Canada as of January 2025 are virtually identical to the last year of Trump’s first term in office in 2020

    In 2024, the U.S. exported more than $1.1 billion in dairy products to Canada, a nearly 55% increase in exports since 2020. None of it was subject to triple-digit Canadian tariffs. Canada is the second-largest international recipient of U.S. dairy behind Mexico. 

    We reached out to the White House about the president’s claims but did not receive a response.

    Trump has implemented or threatened numerous tariffs targeting Canadian goods, and the administration’s monthlong delay of its announced 25% tariff on many Canadian and Mexican imports is set to expire on April 2 — the same day that the administration plans to apply reciprocal tariffs to match the duties charged by other nations for U.S. exports.

    High Tariffs Only Enforced over Quota Thresholds

    The maximum tariff rates for multiple U.S. dairy products exported to Canada do approach or exceed the 250%-270% range. For example, as of Jan. 1, the maximum Canadian import tariff was 245.5% for cheese and curd, 298.5% for butter, and 241% for liquid milk. 

    However, Trump failed to mention that these large tariffs are levied only if U.S. dairy exports exceed a predetermined quota.

    Chuck Nicholson, associate professor in the department of agricultural and applied economics at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, explained to us in an email that “both the US and Canada use a system of tariffs for dairy products that includes two elements, ‘Tariff Rate Quotas’ (TRQs) and ‘Over-Quota Tariffs.’” He continued, “TRQs indicate an amount of product that can enter the country at low tariff rates (or, in the case of US dairy products to Canada, generally zero tariffs).”

    The tariff schedule published by the Canada Border Services Agency shows that for nearly all dairy products, American producers are fully exempted from paying tariffs so long as the quantity of exports remains below the quota (this is denoted by the label “UST” under the “Applicable Preferential Tariffs” column in the document). 

    Nicholson told us that the Canadian government implemented import quotas to increase the competitiveness of the nation’s domestic dairy industry through a supply management system. By limiting dairy imports through quotas, the Canadian government aids domestic producers by increasing minimum dairy prices. Kirsten Hillman, the Canadian ambassador to the U.S., told CBS News on March 9 that the quotas seek to “protect our farmers and families.”  

    As we’ve explained before, tariffs are customs duties paid by domestic importers — in this case, Canadian processors, distributors and retailers purchasing American dairy products. Therefore, Nicholson told us that over-quota tariff rates in the triple digits ensure that American imports stay below the quotas.

    Nicholson also noted that “the US has a similar system of trade protection for dairy products, albeit with generally lower Over-Quota Tariff rates.” For example, he told us that while butter imported from Canada to the U.S. faces no tariffs under a predetermined quota threshold, it is subject to over-quota tariffs of about 24%, or up to 39%.

    The current tariffs and quotas for the dairy industry were put in place by the USMCA — a trade agreement that Trump negotiated and signed into law in 2020. The USMCA replaced the North American Free Trade Agreement, or NAFTA.

    We previously fact-checked Trump in 2020 when he falsely claimed in October of that year that the USMCA “got rid of the tariffs” on American dairy products exported to Canada. As we explained then, while the USMCA raised quota thresholds for many dairy exports, it did not remove such quotas. 

    It is worth noting that the TRQs on American dairy products are an exception rather than the norm. The USDA website states that under both the USMCA and NAFTA, “almost all agricultural products traded between the United States and Canada” face no tariffs or quotas. 

    U.S. Dairy Exports Do Not Meet Tariff Quotas

    Currently, American producers do not export enough dairy to meet Canadian tariff rate quota thresholds. Therefore, Al Mussell, research lead and founder of the Canadian research organization Agri-Food Economic Systems, told CNN that “in practice, these tariffs are not actually paid by anyone.”

    The International Dairy Foods Association, a lobbying group that advocates on behalf of the U.S. dairy industry, said in a March 7 statement that “the U.S. has never gotten close to exceeding our USMCA quotas.”

    The IDFA sent us calculations based on Canadian utilization data that identified the proportion of each dairy product’s annual tariff quota met thus far by U.S. exporters, also known as the “fill rate.” In an email response, IDFA explained that Canadian tariff quotas measure imports on either a calendar year basis or a “quota year” basis that ends on July 31. According to the IDFA’s calculations, at the end of 2024, the average fill rate for dairy products subject to a calendar year tariff quota was only 26.72%. For dairy products subject to a quota year tariff, the average fill rate as of March 2025 was only 21.24%.

    Trump also claimed during the March 16 interview that Canada enacts “a lot of non-monetary tariffs” that restrict U.S. dairy exports. It’s true that the U.S. dairy lobby has expressed numerous grievances regarding Canadian trade policy.

    The U.S. lobby says that Canadian dairy processors use up much of the quotas by buying products from their own dairy operations based in the U.S. “Canadian companies on both sides of the border” claim shares of the American import quota, Matt Herrick, the IDFA’s executive vice president, told us in an email. “Canada is preserving most shares of their TRQs for Canadian processors, causing fill rates to remain low across several dairy product categories.” 

    The IDFA also opposes other regulations enacted by the Canadian government, such as pricing policies for dairy proteins and compositional standards for cheese.

    Becky Rasdall Vargas, senior vice president of trade and workforce policy at the IDFA, told Farm Progress that these regulations prevent American producers from exporting as much dairy to Canada as they would like. She explained, “Our complaint is we’re not able to get anywhere near [the quota] cap, even though we have buyers who tell us they would like to bring in our product.”

    Elaborating on this argument, economists based in Canada and the U.S. explained in a 2023 article for a University of California publication, “The United States believes that Canada violated the USMCA by giving most of the TRQ allocation to Canadian processors and thereby reducing U.S. access to Canadian retail markets.” They explained, “Canada currently allocates 85%–100% of the TRQs to domestic processors on a market-share basis, depending on the type of dairy product. As a result, the processors mostly import dairy products that must undergo additional processing before they are ready for retail sale.”

    In December 2021, a USMCA dispute settlement panel ruled in favor of the U.S. dairy industry on this matter. After Canada subsequently implemented changes, another ruling by a USMCA panel in November 2023 found that the nation’s updated policies were permissible under the trade agreement and could continue. The IDFA and some lawmakers maintain that Canada continues to violate the USMCA through its dairy policies. 

    Ultimately, the economists writing for the University of California publication concluded that the U.S. dairy industry’s concerns regarding violations of the USMCA have little real-world effect on the American dairy industry. “If Canada were to change their TRQ allocation system to fully align with the petition from the United States, not much would change regarding the makeup of Canadian dairy imports,” they wrote.


    Editor’s note: FactCheck.org does not accept advertising. We rely on grants and individual donations from people like you. Please consider a donation. Credit card donations may be made through our “Donate” page. If you prefer to give by check, send to: FactCheck.org, Annenberg Public Policy Center, P.O. Box 58100, Philadelphia, PA 19102. 

    The post Trump’s Misleading Claim on Canadian Dairy Tariffs appeared first on FactCheck.org.

    This post was originally published on FactCheck.org.

  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    The Trump administration has asked the Supreme Court to lift a District Court judge’s order blocking the use of an obscure 18th century law to summarily expel Venezuelan immigrants. Earlier this month, the administration sent hundreds of immigrants to an El Salvador prison because, officials alleged, they were members of a dangerous gang.

    The Trump administration deported immigrants it alleged were members of the Venezuelan gang Tren De Aragua under a rarely used wartime law called the Alien Enemies Act. Here, deportees are taken from the plane to an El Salvador prison. Photo by the El Salvadoran Government via Getty Images.

    In response to a lawsuit, the lower court temporarily blocked any further deportations while the court considers the merits of the case, and it ordered planes carrying migrants deported under the law to be returned, which the administration did not do.

    The lack of due process and the apparent disregard for the court order has led some legal experts to forecast a deterioration of the rule of law in the U.S., while the Trump administration maintains that it is within its rights to deport dangerous criminals.

    We’ll lay out the facts as we know them regarding the key issues.

    On Saturday, March 15, the Trump administration sent three planes carrying more than 250 immigrants to El Salvador, bound for the country’s largest prison.

    The administration claimed that members of the Venezuelan gang Tren de Aragua, which is active primarily in South America, but has had an increasing presence in the U.S., were on board. The Treasury Department designated it as a transnational criminal organization in July 2024, and the State Department designated it as a terrorist organization on Feb. 20.

    The same day as the deportations, the White House posted a proclamation invoking the Alien Enemies Act — a rarely used law that dates back to 1798 — to expel members of Tren de Aragua. It said that “all Venezuelan citizens 14 years of age or older who are members of TdA” and aren’t U.S. citizens or permanent residents “are liable to be apprehended, restrained, secured, and removed as Alien Enemies.” According to the Federal Register, the proclamation was signed the day before the administration posted it.

    The secrecy and pace of the deportations could suggest that the administration was trying to avoid preemptive legal challenges, the judge handling the case disputing the deportations said. “Why is this proclamation essentially signed in the dark on Friday night, early Saturday morning, when people [were] rushed on the plane?” U.S. District Court Judge James Boasberg asked at a March 21 hearing. “To me, the only reason to do that is if you know the problem and you want to get them out of the country before a suit is filed.”

    The American Civil Liberties Union and Democracy Forward had filed a lawsuit on the same day of the deportations on behalf of five Venezuelan men who were being held in Texas and “threatened with imminent removal under the President’s expected Proclamation invoking the Alien Enemies Act.” The suit sought class action status for all affected immigrants and asked the judge to block the administration’s use of the act.

    Boasberg granted both of those requests on March 15. He issued a ruling from the bench ordering any planes carrying immigrants being deported under the Alien Enemies Act to be returned to the U.S.

    The planes did not return and, when Boasberg requested details from the Trump administration about when the planes took off and landed, lawyers for the administration withheld that information and invoked the state secrets privilege.

    What is the Alien Enemies Act?

    The Alien Enemies Act was one of four laws passed in 1798 as the newly formed U.S. prepared for a potential war with France. That conflict, which entangled the U.S. in a dispute between France and Britain, took place at sea and never became a declared war. It is often called the Quasi War.

    The four laws that came from it are referred to collectively as the Alien and Sedition Acts. They include:

    • The Naturalization Act, which extended the amount of time it would take immigrants to become citizens. It was repealed in 1802.
    • The Alien Act, which allowed the government to deport noncitizens who were deemed to be dangerous. It expired in 1801.
    • The Sedition Act, which censored speech that was critical of the government. It expired in 1801.
    • The Alien Enemies Act, which allowed the government — in times of war — to detain, relocate or remove those who were from the enemy nation.

    The Alien Enemies Act is the only surviving law of the group.

    It says that in times of war or during an “invasion or predatory incursion … by any foreign nation or government,” the president can apprehend, restrain, secure and remove any immigrants who came from the enemy country.

    It has been used three times throughout U.S. history — first, during the War of 1812 when British immigrants were required to move away from the coast to areas designated by federal marshals; second, during World War I, when German immigrants were required to register with the government and comply with restrictions on where they could work and live; third, during World War II, when the government rounded up Japanese, German and Italian immigrants, leading to the use of internment camps.

    Can Trump use the act this way?

    This is a question for the courts, which haven’t yet conclusively ruled.

    As we said, there’s a class action lawsuit on behalf of the deported immigrants challenging the administration’s use of the act. The federal judge handling the case — Boasberg, the chief judge of the District Court for the District of Columbia — issued an opinion on March 24, saying, “The President’s unprecedented use of the Act outside of the typical wartime context … implicates a host of complicated legal issues, including fundamental and sensitive questions about the often-circumscribed extent of judicial power in matters of foreign policy and national security.”

    Boasberg went on to say that the court probably wouldn’t have to decide that question since the immigrants who brought the case are likely to prevail on a different issue. “Before they may be deported, they are entitled to individualized hearings to determine whether the Act applies to them at all,” he said. “As the Government itself concedes, the awesome power granted by the Act may be brought to bear only on those who are, in fact, ‘alien enemies.’”

    However Boasberg ends up ruling, though, the case will almost certainly be appealed. The government, in fact, already appealed Boasberg’s initial order blocking further use of the Alien Enemies Act. A split panel of the appeals court upheld Boasberg’s order, and the administration on March 28 filed an emergency appeal to the Supreme Court.

    Legal experts have described the administration’s use of the wartime act as an overreach, noting that the U.S. is not at war with Venezuela.

    “The legal problems with the deportations are obvious: The US is not at war with Venezuela; the gang isn’t a government; and in any case it’s not threatening the US with invasion or incursion in any ordinary English language sense of those words,” wrote Harvard Law School Professor Noah Feldman in a March 17 column.

    The Trump administration, however, had endeavored to link Tren de Aragua to Nicolás Maduro, Venezuela’s president. Tren de Aragua “is closely aligned with, and indeed has infiltrated, the Maduro regime, including its military and law enforcement apparatus,” the proclamation invoking the Alien Enemies Act says, going on to call Venezuela a “hybrid criminal state that is perpetrating an invasion of and predatory incursion into the United States.”

    Gangs have flourished in Venezuela as Maduro’s government has struggled, but it’s worth noting that his administration conducted a raid on Tren de Aragua’s home base — the Tocorón prison — in 2023.

    “If our government has evidence of a coordinated invasion into this country that was engineered by a foreign nation, it must have proof. Otherwise, it is fiction,” Michael Gerhardt, a University of North Carolina Chapel Hill constitutional law professor, told PolitiFact.

    For years, President Donald Trump has been claiming without evidence that other countries are emptying their prisons and mental institutions and sending people to the United States. In particular, he has targeted Venezuela. Experts in the country told us last year that there’s no support to back up Trump’s claim.

    And other legal experts have weighed in on the implications of the proclamation. “The president is invoking the Alien Enemies Act to try to dispense with due process. He wants to bypass any need to provide evidence or to convince a judge that someone is actually a gang member before deporting them,” Katherine Yon Ebright, a lawyer in the Liberty and National Security Program at the Brennan Center for Justice at NYU Law, said in a statement.

    “Trump is trying to use the post 9/11 terrorism playbook for immigration,” Asha Rangappa, a former FBI agent and current associate dean at Yale Law School, wrote on Substack. By using the Alien Enemies Act, “Trump may try to ignore or sidestep the courts altogether, giving him immense ‘wartime’ authority (in peacetime) without any judicial check,” she said.

    Tren de Aragua in the U.S.

    Tren de Aragua began around 2014 in Venezuela’s Tocorón prison in the state of Aragua and, by 2023, had grown to be one of the county’s most powerful criminal organizations, according to the investigative reporting think tank InSight Crime.

    “Tren de Aragua’s expansion turned transnational around 2018, when the gang attempted to establish itself on the Venezuela-Colombia border between the Venezuelan state of Táchira and the Colombian department of Norte de Santander,” according to InSight Crime. “Between 2018 and 2023, Tren de Aragua built a transnational criminal network, setting up cells in Colombia, Peru, and Chile, with further reports of a sporadic presence in Ecuador, Bolivia, and Brazil.”

    As of 2021, the gang had about 4,000 members in Latin America, according to the anti-corruption advocacy organization Transparencia Venezuela.

    Estimating the size of Tren de Aragua in the U.S. is difficult, in part because members don’t adhere to traditional gang behavior, like wearing specific tattoos, Mitchel P. Roth, a professor at Sam Houston State University who researches organized crime, told us in an interview.

    In October, the Department of Homeland Security had reportedly identified about 600 members across the U.S., although that number may be too low.

    We reached out to DHS asking for updated figures, but we didn’t receive a response.

    Of the 194 migrants with gang affiliations who have been apprehended by U.S. Customs and Border Protection between October and February, 16 have been members of Tren de Aragua, according to CBP statistics. For context, that’s about half the number of MS-13 members who have been apprehended in the same time frame, and, assuming all 16 were from Venezuela, that’s .02% of the roughly 64,000 Venezuelans who were apprehended.

    Who was deported?

    There’s been little official information made available about those who were deported on March 15. But CBS News published 238 names from an “internal government list,” and an unnamed official told the network that 137 of them were deported under the Alien Enemies Act.

    White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt said at a March 17 press briefing that the administration wasn’t releasing names due to “privacy concerns.”

    News outlets have reported on a handful of deportees, revealing that their families, lawyers and even judges presiding over their asylum cases have almost no information on their detention by the U.S. government.

    As USA Today reported on March 21, a judge presiding over an asylum hearing was unaware that the claimant, Jefferson José Laya Freites, wouldn’t be present. A lawyer with an immigrant rights organization told the judge that Laya Freites’ wife believed he’d been sent to El Salvador after he was detained following a traffic stop because she saw him in a video the president of El Salvador posted of deportees being taken to the prison there. She said he’s never been in a gang.

    Similar stories were reported by the Washington Post, which described how Henrry Albornoz Quintero was arrested and detained after a routine check-in with immigration officials in January, then didn’t show up to a bond hearing. Neither the judge nor the government’s attorney knew where he was. His wife, pregnant with their first child, identified him in one of the photographs released by the El Salvadoran government.

    Another case that has been widely reported in the media is that of Jerce Reyes Barrios, a professional soccer player and coach who was seeking asylum in the U.S. after he was allegedly tortured in Venezuela for demonstrating against Maduro, according to his lawyer, Linette Tobin. In a declaration filed in the case before Boasberg, Tobin said that a tattoo Barrios has depicting the logo of his favorite soccer team — Real Madrid — and a social media post in which he was showing the sign language hand gesture that means “I love you” were misinterpreted by Department of Homeland Security officers as indicating he was a member of Tren de Aragua. He has no criminal record, Tobin said.

    The Trump administration, however, has maintained that those who were deported were gang members and criminals, whom Leavitt described as “heinous monsters, rapists, murderers, kidnappers, sexual assaulters, predators who have no right to be in this country.”

    Trump has repeatedly referred to the deportees as simply “criminals.” A declaration filed by an Immigration and Customs Enforcement official in the case challenging the deportations said that many of those who were deported did not have criminal records, adding that this was “because they have only been in the United States for a short period of time.”

    The ICE declaration maintained that all of them were members of the Venezuelan gang. “Agency personnel carefully vetted each individual alien to ensure they were in fact members of TdA,” it said. “ICE did not simply rely on social media posts, photographs of the alien displaying gang-related hand gestures, or tattoos alone.”


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  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    In recent news appearances, Department of Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has suggested allowing bird flu to spread in poultry flocks unchecked. Scientists say that’s risky because it gives the virus more opportunities to replicate, increasing the chance it could change to spread easily among humans.

    Avian influenza, or bird flu, has been spreading in U.S. dairy cows for more than a year now and has infected several dozen dairy workers. The virus also has infected flocks of chickens and other poultry in the U.S. since 2022, leading to the deaths of more than 168 million birds, infections in poultry workers and high egg prices.

    “We’ve in fact said to [the U.S. Department of Agriculture] that they should consider maybe the possibility of letting it run through the flock so that we can identify the birds and preserve the birds that are immune to it,” Kennedy said of bird flu in an interview with medical correspondent Dr. Marc Siegel. The conversation aired March 4 on Fox Nation.

    “Most of our scientists are against the culling operation,” Kennedy said in an interview with Sean Hannity, which aired on Fox News March 11. Kennedy advocated testing therapeutics in flocks and again suggested looking for birds with “a genetic inclination for immunity.”

    Researchers have acknowledged that culling on its own has not stopped bird flu from infecting poultry. But they said Kennedy’s strategy is risky and unlikely to yield a breakthrough in the search for bird flu therapeutics or genetic resistance.

    “If someone is going to say well, we should let the virus just go unchecked and follow RFK Jr.’s suggestion, we’re going to exacerbate the problem,” Dr. Maurice Pitesky, an associate professor at University of California, Davis, Veterinary Medicine Cooperative Extension, told us. “There’s no scenario where that is a good idea.”

    “Why do we want to give the virus a leg up? Why do we want to give it an advantage and let it do its worst without being checked?” Ian Brown, group leader of avian virology at the Pirbright Institute in the U.K., asked us. “That doesn’t feel terribly logical.”

    Letting bird flu run through poultry flocks is “not advisable and this will cause serious harm to poultry and put other animals at risk, but also humans who will have to manage the culling/clean-up, which poses a huge biosecurity risk,” Saskia Popescu, an infectious disease epidemiologist at the University of Maryland School of Medicine, told us in an email.

    Meanwhile, Kennedy left out important context about the risk of bird flu. And he misleadingly claimed that vaccinating poultry would turn birds into “mutation factories,” when researchers say that vaccinating birds could be one possible way of mitigating agricultural harm and reducing risks to people.

    Kennedy is in charge of HHS, not the USDA, so it is unclear how much his views will influence the policy on culling or vaccinating birds. On the human health side, lawmakers and scientists recently have raised concerns that HHS is threatening pandemic preparedness by pulling back funding to states being used to control infectious disease, embarking on a massive reduction in HHS staff and reportedly reevaluating a contract for research into bird flu mRNA vaccines.

    Secretary of Agriculture Brooke Rollins in a Feb. 26 Fox News interview indicated USDA might try out a pilot program to build a “safe perimeter” around some flocks to “see if there is a way forward where the immunity and the genetics and the DNA become part of this.”

    However, the USDA affirmed to us via email that its policy is still to require culling. “The United States will continue to follow our established stamping out policy,” in keeping with international guidelines, an agency spokesperson said, and also will work to “develop innovative strategies (including alternative response activities) and ensure we use every tool at our disposal” to fight bird flu.

    In late February, the USDA announced a $1 billion strategy to combat bird flu, which includes funds dedicated to developing vaccines for poultry and for improving biosecurity on farms. Good biosecurity can help prevent bird flu from being introduced to farms in the first place.

    Letting Bird Flu Spread in Poultry Is Risky

    H5N1 bird flu — the type causing the current outbreak in the U.S. — spreads rapidly in chickens and is highly lethal. USDA policy is to kill all the birds in a flock once H5N1 is detected. This culling process, also referred to as depopulation, reduces bird flu’s ability replicate, mutate and spread.

    In his interview with Hannity, Kennedy blamed high egg prices on culling. “We’ve killed 166 million chickens,” Kennedy said. “That’s why we have an egg crisis.” 

    Photo by davit85 / stock.adobe.com

    But bird flu is the root cause of the bird deaths. These birds “would die anyway if they were not depopulated,” Brown said, explaining that the “lethality is pretty close to 100%.” The hens would stop laying eggs early in their infection, he added. 

    When infection is allowed to take its course, poultry “die quite a horrible death,” Brown said, so there is also an animal welfare issue with not culling.

    The most likely outcome of stopping culling, Pitesky said, would be more bird deaths as the virus spread unchecked, ultimately reducing the country’s food security.

    “The quicker you depopulate, the quicker you can prevent disease transmission from that facility to other facilities or to wild birds that are in that area that are then going to transmit the disease to other facilities,” Pitesky said.

    Stopping culling could increase the risk of bird flu changing in dangerous ways. “The more opportunities the virus has to replicate, the more opportunities it has to mutate and reassort with all kinds of different strains,” Pitesky said.

    Kennedy was also wrong to almost entirely blame bird flu cases in humans on culling. “Almost all of the people who have gotten sick were workers who were involved in the culling operations,” he told Siegel. 

    “That’s inaccurate,” Popescu said. According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 24 out of 70 U.S. human bird flu cases cave been in people exposed via poultry farms and culling operations.

    There have been cases “related to culling, but this is also in relation to poultry exposure overall – culling is a necessary practice to avoid additional exposure (humans and animals), and frankly it’s a horrific illness for birds,” Popescu said.

    Strategy Unlikely to Identify Flu-Resistant Chickens

    Researchers said that stopping culling in order to find resistant birds or new therapeutics was unlikely to be effective. “People have been trying to breed genetic lines that are resistant to flu for some years now and have generally failed to succeed,” Brown said.

    There has been research into whether some birds might have genes that could provide flu resistance, Pitesky said, but this work is done in poultry being raised in villages in Africa and Asia that have more genetic variation.

    Commercial chickens in the U.S. are bred to be as genetically identical as possible so that they will grow at the same rate, Pitesky added. These poultry are the “least ideal population” to test whether it’s possible to identify birds with genetic resistance to H5N1, he said.

    Pitesky also said that before testing a therapeutic in the field, “you ultimately need some indication that it’s going to work.” 

    “The biggest issue is we don’t have anything in the pipeline right now, as far as I know, that there’s any indication it could be curative of a viral infection like this in poultry,” he said.

    Brown said that there have been concerns about whether therapeutics for chickens could be cost-effective, “even if they could do the job, which I doubt.”

    “I do think we do need to think outside the box, but that is not a viable outside-the-box scenario,” Pitesky said, referring to Kennedy’s proposal for finding resistant chickens.

    Vaccinating Poultry Could Curb Bird Flu

    One possible way to protect chickens would be to vaccinate them, Brown said. 

    But in his conversation with Hannity, Kennedy misleadingly dismissed vaccination as a strategy that could harm human health. “All of my agencies have advised against vaccination of birds because if you vaccinate with a leaky vaccine — in other words, a vaccine that does not provide sterilizing immunity, that does not absolutely protect against the disease — you turn those flocks into mutation factories,” Kennedy said.

    Brown said that vaccination would reduce illness in birds and their ability to spread the virus. Bird flu vaccines do not completely prevent infection, and vaccination could favor versions of the virus that aren’t as well targeted by the vaccine. However, there isn’t evidence that vaccination would “generate some monster virus that can infect people,” he said.

    Poultry vaccines are available, and countries including Mexico, France, Egypt and China use vaccines against bird flu in poultry. 

    The “claim that poultry vaccination will ‘turn those birds into mutant factories’ is incorrect,” virologist Angela Rasmussen of the University of Saskatchewan said in a social media thread. Vaccination in China against another type of bird flu virus, H7N9, did favor survival of flu genotypes that could evade the vaccine, she said. But researchers found that the “variants that emerged were less adapted to infect humans,” Rasmussen said, and vaccinating the birds “basically stopped human infections.”

    “So yes, RNA viruses like flu can mutate & vaccination creates selection pressures driving their evolution,” Rasmussen said. “But that doesn’t turn chickens into mutant factories & reduces the risk to humans.”

    There are policy and logistical barriers to vaccinating chickens in the U.S. Brown explained, for instance, that some countries do not allow imports from countries that vaccinate their poultry. The laying industry in the U.S. does not have a substantial export business and is for vaccinating poultry. The meat industry, also called the broiler industry, exports large quantities of chicken and is against vaccination due to the trade embargoes.

    As we’ve written, USDA is funding vaccine research. In response to a March 26 question from Forbes about Kennedy’s poultry vaccine comments, asked during an impromptu interview outside the White House, Rollins did not comment specifically but emphasized that multiple agencies would work together to curb bird flu.

    Risks of Bird Flu

    The CDC and the World Health Organization currently consider the risk of H5N1 bird flu to the general public to be low. However, public health experts still recommend that people take precautions, such as avoiding raw milk and using caution around wild birds and other potentially infected animals. 

    Scientists also have emphasized that the risk level of bird flu could change very quickly if the virus changes to more readily infect and spread among humans.

    Kennedy — who has advocated deregulating raw milk in the past — left out this context in talking about the food supply. “It’s not transmitted through eggs or through dairy products,” he told Siegel.

    “As far as we know, you cannot get it from an egg or milk or meat from an infected animal,” he said to Hannity.

    There have been no documented human cases of bird flu in the U.S. resulting from eating eggs, milk or meat. Birds with flu stop laying eggs early in the course of their infection, and the virus isn’t found in high amounts in eggs, Pitesky said. For eggs, “I’d be more concerned about salmonella than I would about avian influenza,” he added.

    “Dairy is different,” Pitesky said, saying that raw milk is “dangerous,” both due to the potential presence of bird flu and due to other microbes. In cows, bird flu is found at the highest levels in the udder and milk. Pasteurization kills the bird flu virus, but it has been shown to persist in raw milk and raw milk products.

    Cats have died from H5N1 bird flu after drinking raw milk. “If someone is going to tell me, let’s wait until a human dies … I’m not willing to take that chance,” Pitesky said.

    Raw meat pet foods have also killed cats.

    Kennedy also said that B3.13, the version of bird flu that spread to cows in late 2023, is “not very dangerous to humans,” adding that it “is not something that we’re deeply concerned about.” He said to Siegel that the D1.1 version of the virus, which has been found in wild birds and poultry and also recently spread to cow herds, is “more dangerous.”

    To date, the B3.13 genotype has caused mild disease in humans. D1.1 and a related version of the virus, called D1.3, have led to three severe bird flu cases in humans in the U.S., including one death. The severe cases occurred in two people with backyard poultry and one worker who was culling diseased poultry.

    However, scientists cautioned against complacency in the response to any version of the virus. “It only needs to acquire a couple of mutations” to become more dangerous to humans, Brown said. “That risk profile might change.” 

    “Epidemiologists like me are wary of drawing premature conclusions about severity,” Caitlin Rivers of Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health wrote in a recent New York Times opinion piece. She cautioned against drawing firm conclusions from small numbers of cases occurring largely in dairy workers, when people with high-risk health conditions or the very old or young might be underrepresented.

    “I fear that the apparent mildness of infections in the United States has confounded calls to act more decisively,” Rivers wrote.


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  • SciCheck Digest

    The measles vaccine uses a weakened virus that’s never been shown to spread to others. Samples from the outbreak in Texas also show that a wild-type virus is responsible. Yet, social media posts have falsely claimed that the outbreak is due to a vaccine strain. Without evidence, other posts have blamed immigrants crossing the southern border illegally.


    Full Story

    In 2000, following widespread vaccination, the U.S. eliminated measles, a highly contagious disease that can cause serious health complications. With elimination, measles no longer circulates regularly in the country, but outbreaks still occur when travelers are infected abroad and then encounter pockets of susceptible people. Most often, the travelers are unvaccinated and returning to the U.S.

    The measles vaccine, which is administered in two doses as part of the measles, mumps and rubella, or MMR, vaccine, is safe and highly effective. To generate robust protection, the vaccine uses a live but weakened version of the measles virus. There’s no evidence that a vaccinated person has ever spread the weakened measles virus to another person.

    Despite this, social media posts have incorrectly claimed or suggested that the ongoing measles outbreak in Texas is due to a vaccine strain and that vaccine clinics are the reason why the outbreak has grown.

    “‘Texas Measles Outbreak Began in the Vaccinated,’” reads a Feb. 20 X post from the anti-vaccine group Children’s Health Defense, which was shared on Instagram. “Isn’t it odd that in the same area where there was a mass measles vaccination campaign there is now an outbreak?”

    “Measles cases in Gaines County, TX, exploded immediately after health officials handed out free measles vaccines — vaccines that contain live measles virus,” a Facebook post stated. “CDC studies show vaccinated children shed measles virus, which can spread to the unvaccinated. Did the vaccine fuel the outbreak?”

    Misinterpreting a scientific finding from the 2015 Disneyland measles outbreak, another Facebook post claimed that “vaccine strain measles … can spread from person to person.” It added, “This is what happens with live virus vaccines.”

    The Disneyland claim is similar to one Robert F. Kennedy Jr., the founder and former chairman of Children’s Health Defense who is now the Department of Health and Human Services secretary, has made before, including in a 2019 letter to the prime minister of Samoa. That year, the island nation experienced a large measles outbreak after vaccination rates fell perilously low, in part due to misinformation propagated by Children’s Health Defense. In the letter, Kennedy referenced the California outbreak to incorrectly posit that Samoan children who died of measles may have succumbed to a vaccine strain of the virus.

    Even though the source of the measles importation is not yet known, posts have also made unsubstantiated claims that the Texas outbreak was sparked by immigrants illegally crossing the southern border.

    No Evidence the Measles Vaccine Ever Transmits Virus

    Because the measles vaccine is a live vaccine, it’s theoretically possible that it could in rare cases cause infections that then spread the vaccine virus. This would be most likely in an immunocompromised person whose immune system is not robust enough to respond to even the weakened virus and gets sick. Research does show that for some vaccinated individuals, the virus or parts of it can be found in small amounts in urine or respiratory secretions, as we’ve noted before.

    But the vaccine is not recommended for immunocompromised people. And evidence of this so-called vaccine shedding is not the same as evidence of transmission. After many decades and billions of vaccinations, there is no indication that the vaccine virus is transmitted.

    As the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention told us when we addressed this concern last year, not only is there “no history” of a measles outbreak ever occurring as a result of the vaccine, but even a single transmission of the vaccine virus to another person has “never been proven.”

    2016 systematic review that included more than 770 scientific articles determined that there have been “no confirmed cases of human-to-human transmission of the measles vaccine virus.”

    Multiple experts also reiterated to PolitiFact last month that the vaccine does not pose a transmission risk. 

    The claim that the current outbreak began with or expanded due to vaccination is contradicted by several other lines of evidence as well.

    Lara Anton, a press officer for the Texas Department of State Health Services, told us in late February, when these claims first circulated, that all 30 samples the department genotyped and had results for showed the measles virus was the wild-type D8 strain, which circulates in many parts of the world. This included the first cases. 

    The first case in the Texas outbreak was unvaccinated, Anton said, along with many others. As of March 25, there have been 327 cases, of which only two have been in vaccinated people. The remainder are in people who are unvaccinated or have an unknown vaccination status.

    In neighboring New Mexico, there have been 43 cases as of March 25. Of those, 31 were in unvaccinated people, eight were in people with unknown vaccination status and four were in people who had received one or more vaccine doses.

    “The New Mexico Department of Health has no evidence of a measles outbreak beginning with a person that has been vaccinated,” David Morgan, a public information officer for the department, told us in an email. He added that CDC genotype testing shows that the measles strain found in New Mexico cases is the same one as in Texas and “that the New Mexico outbreak is not caused by the vaccine.” (Although the New Mexico health department told us it considers the cases in the two states to be a single regional outbreak, there isn’t yet a direct epidemiological link between any of the New Mexico cases and a Texas case.)

    Oklahoma has also now reported nine measles cases (seven confirmed and two probable) in the northeastern part of the state, all in unvaccinated people. The initial cases “reported exposure to the measles outbreak in West Texas and New Mexico,” according to the state’s Department of Health.

    Kansas, too, has identified 23 measles cases in the southwest part of the state as of March 26, with a suspected link to the cases in Texas and New Mexico. Only one of the cases is in a person who has been fully vaccinated for their age.

    All of this is consistent with how measles outbreaks occur in the U.S. The outbreak was first identified in January in undervaccinated Mennonite communities in Gaines County, Texas, where many children are home schooled or attend smaller private schools and are not vaccinated.

    Even in the public schools there, two of the three districts in the county had kindergarten MMR vaccination rates well below the 95% needed to prevent outbreaks in 2023-2024 — including one with fewer than half of students vaccinated. (Overall, the vast majority of parents vaccinate their children against measles, but when unvaccinated people are clustered together in the same area, a measles introduction can lead to large outbreaks.)

    Notably, the measles outbreak has also led to the first measles death in the U.S. in a decade, in an otherwise healthy child — something there’s no evidence the vaccine strain could do. Another person in New Mexico also tested positive for measles after death.

    “There’s no data and the biological plausibility of it being a vaccine strain … it’s just not even in the cards,” Dr. Michael Mina, a former Harvard School of Public Health professor who studied measles, told us.

    Given all this, vaccination clinics are not a plausible source of measles. It’s also completely expected to see clinics pop up precisely when cases are continuing to rise because vaccination is an important tool for stopping the spread of measles. Vaccination, however, does not provide immediate protection, nor do enough people necessarily go to the clinics to get vaccinated to stop the spread of an outbreak, so it’s common to continue to see clinics as an outbreak develops. (Local health officials in West Texas have said that there hasn’t been much demand for vaccines.)

    Uncommonly, vaccination can temporarily contribute to the case numbers if someone has a reaction to the vaccine that looks similar enough to measles to be counted as a case. This is not the same, however, as the vaccine causing a real case of measles. 

    The one Facebook post, for example, pointed to the 2015 Disneyland outbreak, incorrectly claiming that “73 of the 194 cases were determined to be vaccine strain measles.” But as Science Feedback has explained, the post was likely misinterpreting a 2017 paper that discussed methods for distinguishing between “measles cases and vaccine reactions to avoid unnecessary outbreak response measures such as case isolation and contact investigations.”

    The paper did not say that 73 of 194 measles cases in that outbreak were caused by the vaccine. Rather, the paper referred to sequences and suspected cases. In other words, precisely because vaccine reactions are not infectious and do not require the same public health response, it is useful to quickly differentiate between those instances and a bona fide measles case.

    Indeed, by early March, there initially had been five measles cases among vaccinated people in the Texas outbreak count. That tally is now down to two. One case was removed, Anton said, because it was “reclassified as a vaccine reaction and not a case.” She said the state does additional testing when someone develops symptoms within six to 21 days of being vaccinated to check whether it’s a measles case or a vaccine reaction.

    Two other cases were changed to being unvaccinated since the vaccinations had occurred after being exposed to measles. The individuals had received a first MMR dose a day or two before becoming symptomatic, Anton said. It’s recommended that unvaccinated people who have measles exposure get the vaccine within 72 hours to either prevent infection or reduce illness severity, but the prophylaxis does not always work.

    Original Measles Source Unknown

    Although it’s no surprise that measles is spreading in an undervaccinated community, it’s not known how measles first infected people in Gaines County. The first measles case of the outbreak had not traveled internationally, according to the Texas health department.

    People online have taken advantage of this information vacuum, blaming “Biden’s open borders” and illegal immigration.

    “If the vaccines worked and it was eradicated, where did it come from?” asked one Threads post from last month, misunderstanding the difference between elimination and eradication, the latter of which means a disease is no longer present anywhere in the world. “Hmm. In Texas, mind you. Right near the border. Right where people are coming over, unvaccinated, but yet it’s the Americans you’re worried about??” 

    As we said, it’s not known how measles made its way to Texas. However, it’s worth noting that the cases are in the northwestern part of the state and not particularly close to the border. There’s no evidence at this time that people in the country illegally are responsible, PolitiFact has written.

    Measles importations usually occur when U.S. residents return from visiting places where measles is common. To a lesser extent, foreign travelers introduce the disease.

    Mina told us that it’s possible measles could have originated in Mexico, but Europe is a more typical source. The countries with the highest number of reported measles cases are generally in Europe, Africa and Asia — not the Americas, according to World Health Organization data.

    Last November, the Pan American Health Organization reverified that Brazil was measles-free, restoring measles elimination status — first given in 2016 — to the entire Americas region.


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    Murphy, Sean and Devi Shastri. “Texas measles outbreak rises to 48 cases. It’s the state’s worst in nearly 30 years.” AP. 14 Feb 2025.

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    The post Posts Make Unsupported Claims About Origin of Texas Measles Outbreak appeared first on FactCheck.org.

    This post was originally published on FactCheck.org.

  • Este artículo estará disponible en español en El Tiempo Latino.

    As fallout from a Trump administration group chat about a military attack in Yemen continues to unfold, some Democrats are saying the inadvertent inclusion of a journalist in the chat goes beyond incompetence — they say it was criminal.

    Legal experts on national security issues say Democrats may have a point, that a case could be made that the chat violated a provision of the Espionage Act. But they say it is highly unlikely such a prosecution would be initiated by the Trump administration against one of its own.

    Speculation about culpability for the chat that included Jeffrey Goldberg, editor-in-chief of The Atlantic, and whether any of the Trump administration officials involved in the chat should face any consequences continues to percolate on Capitol Hill. The chat between top administration national security officials took place on Signal, a private encrypted messaging app. Goldberg reported on March 24 that he had received a connection request through the app from National Security Adviser Michael Waltz, who then added him to the chat.

    Photo by Jaap Arriens/NurPhoto via Getty Images.

    On March 26, after several administration officials insisted the information shared in the chat was not classified, the Atlantic published more of the messages. In one of them, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth appeared to provide a timeline for impending U.S. military strikes in Yemen on March 15.

    Department of Defense regulations specifically prohibit use of the app to share “non-public DoD information.”

    “Unmanaged ‘messaging apps,’ including any app with a chat feature, regardless of the primary function, are NOT authorized to access, transmit, process non-public DoD information. This includes but is not limited to messaging, gaming, and social media apps. (i.e., iMessage, WhatsApps, Signal),” according to a 2023 DoD memo. NPR reported that just days after the Signal chat on March 15, the Pentagon issued a warning that a “vulnerability has been identified in the Signal Messenger Application” and that “Russian professional hacking groups are employing the ‘linked devices’ features to spy on encrypted conversations.”

    House Speaker Mike Johnson said the use of Signal for the chat was “a mistake,” and President Donald Trump said that Waltz — who took “full responsibility” for the inadvertent inclusion of Goldberg in the chat — “has learned a lesson.” But Democrats say that’s not enough. Some have called for a formal investigation. On March 25, House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries sent Trump a letter calling on him to fire Hegseth “immediately.”

    Some leading Democrats have gone even further, saying the chat was illegal or that its participants ought to be prosecuted.

    • “This is blatantly illegal and dangerous beyond belief,” Sen. Elizabeth Warren posted on X on March 24. “Our national security is in the hands of complete amateurs.”
    • “I am horrified by reports that our most senior national security officials, including the heads of multiple agencies, shared sensitive and almost certainly classified information via a commercial messaging application, including imminent war plans,” Rep. Jim Himes, the ranking member of the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, said in a statement on March 24. “If true, these actions are a brazen violation of laws and regulations that exist to protect national security, including the safety of Americans serving in harm’s way.”
    • “At this moment, the White House and Secretary Hegseth are trying desperately to underplay a extraordinary blunder,” Sen. Jack Reed, the ranking member of the Senate Armed Services Committee, said at a press conference on March 25. “We cannot overstate how serious of a disaster it is. If an American service member texted classified information about an active military operation to an unknown number on an unclassified app, they would be dismissed, investigated and prosecuted.”
    • “Every single one of the government officials on this text chain have now committed a crime – even if accidentally – that would normally involve a jail sentence,” Sen. Chris Coons said in an X post that appears to have since been deleted.

    Warren’s press office pointed us to stories that suggest participants in the Signal exchange may have violated a part of the Espionage Act that makes it illegal to inadvertently share “through gross negligence” sensitive national security information.

    The section of the law related to the handling of defense information states: “Whoever, being entrusted with or having lawful possession or control of any document, writing, code book, signal book, sketch, photograph, photographic negative, blueprint, plan, map, model, instrument, appliance, note, or information, relating to the national defense” and “through gross negligence permits the same to be removed from its proper place of custody or delivered to anyone in violation of his trust, or to be lost, stolen, abstracted, or destroyed … Shall be fined under this title or imprisoned not more than ten years, or both.”

    Kevin Carroll, a lawyer who specializes in national security litigation and previously worked as a CIA officer, told us in a phone interview that the Signal chat was “100%” a violation of that law.

    “In a society of laws, the FBI director would read this in the Atlantic Monthly, and … tell the FBI Washington field office to start an investigation of people, and the investigation would be managed by the counterespionage section of the national security division” in the Department of Justice, Carroll said. “And there’s just no question, zero question, that in any administration other than this, that is what would happen.”

    “It’s absolutely the kind of thing where if Hegseth and others were junior military personnel, they would absolutely be court-martialed,” Carroll said. “If they were civilians, they’d absolutely be prosecuted by the counter espionage section of the Justice Department. … Hegseth and these other guys would absolutely be sent to prison if we were living in a society of laws, which we’re no longer living in.”

    In a press conference on March 26, Secretary of State Marco Rubio — who participated in the chat — said that while “obviously someone made a mistake” by adding a journalist to the chat group, he was assured by the Pentagon that “none of the information on there at any point threatened the operation or the lives of our servicemen. And, in fact, it was a very successful operation.”

    The same day, Hegseth posted on X, “So, let’s me get this straight. The Atlantic released the so-called ‘war plans’ and those ‘plans’ include: No names. No targets. No locations. No units. No routes. No sources. No methods. And no classified information. Those are some really shitty war plans.”

    According to the Atlantic, two hours before the scheduled start of the bombing in Yemen, Hegseth shared this with the chat group:

    • TIME NOW (1144ET): Weather is FAVORABLE. Just CONFIRMED w Centcom we are a GO for mission launch.
    • 1215et: F-18s LAUNCH (1st strike package)”
    • “1345: ‘Trigger Based’ F-18 1st Strike Window Starts (Target Terrorist is @ his Known Location so SHOULD BE ON TIME – also, Strike Drones Launch (MQ-9s)”
    • “1410: More F-18s LAUNCH (2nd strike package)”
    • “1415: Strike Drones on Target (THIS IS WHEN THE FIRST BOMBS WILL DEFINITELY DROP, pending earlier ‘Trigger Based’ targets)”
    • “1536 F-18 2nd Strike Starts – also, first sea-based Tomahawks launched.”

    For Hegseth to claim that “the impending target and time and method of a manned aircraft attacking something is not classified is preposterous,” Carroll said. And in any case, he said, the information need not to have been marked as classified to run afoul of the Espionage Act.

    “It’s obviously national defense information,” Carroll said. “So that’s the controlling criteria: Is it or is it not national defense information that could be helpful to an adversary.”

    “Yes, it’s possible that the Espionage Act was violated here,” David Alan Sklansky, a professor who teaches criminal law at Stanford University, concurred in an email. “That depends on two things: first, whether the information carelessly disclosed to Jeffrey Goldberg was ‘information relating to the national defense’ within the meaning of the statute, and second, whether the information was provided to Jeffrey Goldberg through gross negligence.

    “The first requirement is probably satisfied,” Sklansky said. “Courts generally treat information as falling within the protection of this statute if it relates to military facilities or activities, and if it is ‘closely held’ by the government, as opposed to being made generally available to the public. The information posted on the Signal chats appears to qualify.

    “So the question comes down to whether one or more of the officials participating in the chat exhibited gross negligence in the handling of this information–in other words, whether they departed egregiously from the standard of care that would be expected,” Sklansky said. “That’s hard to assess definitively without knowing more about how all this happened, but there certainly are grounds for suspecting that gross negligence was involved. If the case were prosecuted, this would be a question for the jury.”

    But neither Sklansky nor Carroll thinks any charges will be filed against anyone involved in the Signal chat.

    “It is highly unlikely that this case will be criminally investigated, let alone prosecuted, because that would be the job of federal prosecutors and law enforcement agents, and the Trump Administration has, to put it mildly, shown little interest in holding itself to account for violations of the law,” Sklansky said.

    Carroll put it more bluntly: “It would be more likely that a Jim Crow South sheriff would prosecute a murder by the Klan than that [FBI Director] Kash Patel and [U.S. Attorney General] Pam Bondi are going to investigate this.”

    Trump was asked in a White House meeting on March 25 if he planned to investigate the matter.

    “It’s not really an FBI thing,” Trump said. “It’s really something having to do with security — security like will somebody be able to break in? Are people able to break into conversations? And if that’s true, we’re going to have to find some other form of device. … But we’ll look into it.” Trump said he asked Waltz “to immediately study that and find out.”

    In a press briefing on March 26, White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt said “the National Security Council, the White House counsel’s office and also, yes, Elon Musk’s team” were looking into the issue. “Elon Musk has offered to put his technical experts on this to figure out how this number was inadvertently added to the chat, again, to take responsibility and ensure this can never happen again,” Leavitt said.

    There’s another legal issue being debated about the use of Signal, which allows messages to be deleted after a set amount of time. Messages in the chat in question were set to be automatically deleted in four weeks.

    Federal open-records laws, including the Presidential Records Act and the Federal Records Act, require records to be kept of all communication involving official government business, Alex Howard, deputy director of the Sunlight Foundation, told NextGov in February.

    According to the National Archives and Records Administration: “Agencies that allow employees to send and receive official electronic mail messages using a system not operated by the agency must ensure that Federal records sent or received on such systems are preserved in the appropriate agency recordkeeping system.” Guidance from NARA in 2015 stated, “Employees create Federal records when they conduct agency business using personal electronic messaging accounts or devices. This is the case whether or not agencies allow employees to use personal accounts or devices to conduct agency business. This is true for all Federal employees regardless of status.”

    An update of the federal records laws in 2014 allows federal employees “using a non-official electronic messaging account” to provide records of those communications to federal archivists within 20 days. So as Josh Gerstein wrote for Politico on March 25, “That means the officials involved in these discussions on Signal still have time to comply since these messages came about 10 days ago.”


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