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The Australian Parliament came alive with renewed activity last week, with many critical issues vying for attention. While housing, education, and Reconciliation initiatives are crucial, it’s the spectre from the past that refuses to fade into obscurity: the sinister Robodebt scheme and the damning Royal Commission report.
The Housing Australia Future Fund and the progress towards Reconciliation through an amplified Voice to Parliament are undoubtedly pressing matters. However, they seem overshadowed by the shadows of Coalition government program that wreaked havoc on countless lives. The Robodebt debacle, a scheme designed to supposedly claw back social security overpayments, has resurfaced with a vengeance as the aftermath of the Royal Commission report unfolds.
In a striking display of audacity, the former Prime Minister, Scott Morrison, brazenly dismissed the Commission’s damning findings against him. The report meticulously detailed the unintended suffering inflicted on individuals and their families yet, Morrison staunchly asserts that he bears no responsibility, denouncing the Commission’s conclusions as “disproportionate, incorrect, and unsubstantiated”.
There are chilling echoes of Morrison’s rhetoric in the divisive tactics employed by former US President Donald Trump, a style of politics that we thought we might have left behind. Morrison’s claims that he is a victim of political targeting also ignited a war of words with Minister for Government Services, Bill Shorten, who vehemently countered that the real victims are those whose lives were lost and trust eroded due to the unlawful scheme, not Morrison, who he labelled “a bottomless well of self-pity with not a drop of mercy for all of the real victims of Robodebt”.
Shorten’s impassioned response, laced with anger and frustration, drove home the enormity of the pain inflicted by the Robodebt scheme, emphasising that those who suffered were not politicians such as Morrison protected by parliamentary privilege, but everyday Australians stripped of their dignity and livelihoods. The Royal Commission, hailed as one of the most comprehensive and exhaustive in modern times, wielded its authority to reveal the truth behind the former government’s actions.
However, Morrison’s attempts to belittle the Commission’s legitimacy have sparked a fierce criticisms from other quarters. His attempts to disentangle himself from the scheme’s web of consequences, insisting that he is not accountable for its repercussions, made him look foolish. Morrison’s evasion of responsibility is emblematic of the broader political trend that existing during the Liberal–National Coalitions time in office between 2013–22, echoing the public’s frustration with politicians who evade accountability at every turn.
In the court of public opinion, Morrison’s defence stands – labelled by Shorten as the “Morrisonian Doctrine” of lies and mistruths – on shaky ground. Comparing the Royal Commission’s rigour to that of landmark inquiries such as the banking Royal Commission, or the investigation into child sexual abuse in religious institutions, the implications of this report may lead to fundamental reforms in Australia’s political landscape. Yet, the former Prime Minister’s refusal to accept his role in the debacle remains a symbol of his obstinacy.
Ignorance of the Robodebt facts
How can Morrison be so ignorant of the facts? The Robodebt scheme followed a painstakingly and forensically detailed examination by the Commission, encompassing thorough investigations and testimonies, bringing to light the extent of the suffering endured by countless individuals and their families due to the flawed scheme.
The voices of witnesses, often lost in the political manoeuvring from the Coalition at the time, and a mainstream media which showed a noticeable reluctance to engage deeply with the issue, found a platform through independent media outlets, which initially were instigated through the work of information activist, Asher Wolf.
The proceedings, though, were not lost on the public. The transparency and accountability displayed by the Royal Commission stood in stark contrast to Morrison’s response, which were purely attempts to sidestep his own culpability and the former Prime Minister’s insistent denial of the Commission’s findings raises serious questions about the nature of accountability in the political landscape.
As Morrison endeavours to distance himself from the Robodebt debacle, suspicions have grown regarding his motivations, possibly a pre-emptive measure in preparation for potential appearances at the National Anti-Corruption Commission, where his actions could face further scrutiny.
Other former Ministers, such as Alan Tudge and Christian Porter, who were also under scrutiny due to their involvement in the Robodebt scheme, could also face investigation by the National Anti Corruption Commission, despite their assertions that they were not named within the special “sealed section” of the Royal Commission report. However, despite these assertions from former Ministers, the aftermath of the Robodebt report underscores the complexity of the situation and the need for thorough investigations to reveal the complete truth.
In the midst of this political storm, the public demands answers. Morrison’s dismissive demeanour during Shorten’s accusations, coupled with his apparent lack of remorse, has left many astounded, with Morrison laughing in parliament while Shorten’s comments were being made – surely not the best response to make when considered the lives forever altered by the effects of the Robodebt scheme.
One question still lingers: can a nation truly move forward when its leaders refuse to face the past? The urgency for accountability will intensify as survivors and affected families demand justice through potential class action lawsuits. The previous government’s efforts to whitewash the debacle could also be challenged by a legal reckoning that transcends the confines of political privilege.
The question of Morrison’s political future also looms large, with his already-damaged reputation tarnished further by his insolent response to the Commission’s report. His reluctance to accept accountability is at odds with a public that demands transparency and responsibility from their leaders. As the nation grapples with the aftermath of this ordeal, one thing is certain: the debate over political accountability has only just begun, and the waves of reform it ushers in are likely to reverberate for years to come.
The post Morrison’s Robodebt denial faces fierce criticism appeared first on New Politics.
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The fallout from the Robodebt Royal Commission report continues to reverberate throughout Australian politics and while media interest in the issue may have waned, the implications of the report are far from over. Calls for former Prime Minister Scott Morrison to resign from Parliament have gained momentum, with critics asserting that the blame for the Robodebt scandal – described by Federal Court judge Bernard Murphy as a “massive failure in public administration” – extends beyond Morrison alone.
The revelations in the Robodebt Royal Commission report have shed light on the widespread issues plaguing the previous Liberal–National Coalition government’s automated debt recovery system. As public scrutiny intensifies, the focus has shifted to various former ministers and members of the public service who were involved in the flawed implementation of Robodebt, including Stuart Robert, Alan Tudge, Christian Porter, and potentially other Coalition Cabinet ministers.
Although Kathryn Campbell, a senior figure in the public service, has become the public face of opprobrium within this Robodebt scandal, there are likely others within the public service who will have to face the consequences of their involvement. While the push for Morrison’s resignation has not only come from other opposition parties but also within the Liberal Party itself, removing Morrison from Parliament will not mark the end of the Robodebt scandal, as the issue runs deeper and wider than his individual responsibility.
While there is a growing consensus within the community that Morrison should resign, it is important to note that he is not solely to blame for the Robodebt debacle. Nevertheless, the Liberal Party appears to be using him as a scapegoat, hoping that his resignation will mitigate some of the damage ahead of the next federal election, due in 2025. Morrison’s disastrous reign as prime minister continues to be a reminder of the Liberal Party’s challenges. However, his resignation is not such a simple process, as it would require him to retire, resign – or face charges related to Robodebt resulting in a criminal conviction with a potential jail term of over 12 months.
The Liberal Party finds itself in a difficult position regarding Morrison’s tenure. While they could disendorse him from the party, he would still remain in his seat for up to two years until the next federal election. Consequently, the party’s options to hasten his departure are limited. The longer Morrison stays in Parliament, the more damage he potentially inflicts on the Liberal Party’s reputation. Yet, it remains uncertain how they will manage his exit, as they lack definitive alternatives.
Considering the future prospects for Morrison, his chances of securing a lucrative post-political job appear bleak. The revelations from the Robodebt Royal Commission report, including the possibility of corruption charges, make it unlikely for him to attract prominent employment opportunities (although it could be argued that the “seriously corrupt” former NSW Premier Gladys Berejiklian is employed by Optus, so perhaps there may be an opening available there for Morrison as a sidekick? Or PwC, a consultancy firm that seemed to very open to corrupt deals with the former Coalition governmernt?)
Also, Morrison’s current role as a backbencher offers him a $230,000 salary, as well as freedom from significant responsibilities, and the ability to enjoy the benefits associated with the position. Why would someone like Morrison leave politics if this is his only viable option?
The Robodebt fallout continues
As the fallout from the Robodebt Royal Commission report continues to unfold, the demand for accountability and justice remains at the forefront. The public’s expectation for action extends beyond the resignation of Morrison from Parliament, as the full scope of responsibility and potential corruption must be thoroughly addressed. The Robodebt scandal has become a defining issue in Australian politics, and the consequences for those involved are far from over.
Morrison, of course, has dismissed the adverse findings against him, claiming that the Commission “did not understand how the government operates”. If how government operates includes breaches of protocol, corruption, incompetence, and the implementation of an illegal and unconstitutional scheme, then perhaps it is true – the Commission didn’t understand how the Morrison government operated but, then again, it’s possible no one else did, including Morrison himself.
Despite the damning findings, Morrison’s refusal to accept the report’s conclusions holds little weight – Morrison’s reputation as a liar further raises doubts about his credibility and his lack of trustworthiness extends beyond this particular issue, rendering his presence in Parliament of questionable value. History has shown that former prime ministers often contribute to the Australian community in various capacities after leaving politics. However, Morrison’s leaves behind a vacuum and his prospects seem limited, offering little in terms of domestic or international contributions.
There are also rumours the Cronulla–Sutherland Sharks rugby league team – a club littered with its own scandals of drug cheating, salary cap rorting and player misbehaviour – are considering removing Morrison as their number one ticket holder. This would serve as a significant blow to his ego, considering the perks associated with the position – such as free games and access to the corporate box. The potential loss of this affiliation underscores the dwindling popularity of Morrison and highlights his struggle to find relevance outside of politics.
The lack of Robodebt interest from the mainstream media
While the mainstream media did initially reported on the release of the Robodebt Royal Commission report – how could they not? – its coverage has been perfunctory and has since dwindled over the past few days. The 24-hour news cycle, driven by the constant search for new stories, does contribute to this phenomenon but it is worth noting that if a Labor government had been implicated in such an illegal scheme, the media coverage would likely have been far more extensive, especially when comparing with the Royal Commissions into trade union governance, and the Rudd government’s home insulation scheme, in 2014. Both of these were instigated by the Abbott government, primarily as a political attack on Labor, and were enthusiastically promoted by a compromised and partisan conservative mainstream media. Robodebt? Not so much.
Independent media outlets and social media played a crucial role in bringing Robodebt to the public’s attention – most notably, the campaign commenced by the digital rights activist Asher Wolf – with the mainstream media offering limited coverage and languishing far behind with their interest. This disparity does raises questions about media biases and their role in holding conservative governments accountable.
The blame for the Robodebt scandal should not solely rest on one or two individuals: Kathryn Campbell, is now facing scrutiny for her involvement and surely her future within the public service should be coming to an end, as if there was any further evidence required. However, it is evident that the blame game serves as a convenient tactic for those in the media and the Liberal Party to deflect responsibility. A more diligent media would have pursued a thorough investigation, exposing all those responsible.
The leader of the opposition, Peter Dutton is seeking to sweep the Robodebt disaster away from scrutiny, emphasising the need to “focus on the future”. Fortunately, the newly established National Anti-Corruption Commission is also focused on the future and will be closely examining the ‘sealed section’ of the Robodebt Royal Commission report and potentially uncovering additional names involved.
Will Dutton’s name be one of those listed? The pursuit of justice and accountability should take precedence over political posturing and while Dutton’s posturing was solely focused on providing a message to take to the Fadden byelection over the weekend, this pursuit needs to follow through in interests of the public.
The Robodebt scandal highlights the systemic issues of abuse of vulnerable people in the community, and protecting those in political office, which lead to a lack of transparency and accountability. As public sentiment continues to evolve, the demand for change will become more pronounced. The National Anti-Corruption Commission and the Department of Public Prosecutions must fulfill their duties by charging those responsible for the illegal Robodebt scheme. It is essential to address the systemic flaws within governance to prevent similar instances of misconduct and ensure a more transparent and accountable government. It is must never ever be allowed to happen again.
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In a significant development following last week’s release of the New South Wales ICAC report on serious corruption in public office, the Robodebt Royal Commission Report has now been made public. Similar to the ICAC findings, this report carries immense weight and significance. Spanning 990 pages, the report contains 57 recommendations and includes a ‘sealed section’ detailing referrals for civil and criminal prosecution, which will be directed towards the new National Anti-Corruption Commission. The identities of individuals mentioned in the sealed section will remain undisclosed until the NACC determines if charges should be filed.
Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, commenting on the release of the Robodebt Royal Commission Report, acknowledged the courage displayed by vulnerable Australians in the face of injustice, hardship, and grief. He sharply contrasted their bravery with those who attempted to shift blame, suppress the truth, and perpetuate the shocking harm caused by the Robodebt scheme. Described as a gross betrayal and a human tragedy, the scheme targeted Australians who often did not owe any debts. It was an illegal and wrongful pursuit of debt recovery that should never have taken place.
Under the previous Liberal–National Coalition government, the Robodebt scheme unlawfully raised a staggering $1.76 billion in debts from approximately 433,000 Australians. The consequences of this tragedy extended beyond financial hardship, causing stress, anxiety, and even financial destitution. Alarmingly, over 2,000 individuals lost their lives to suicide and stress, after receiving Robodebt notifications, underscoring the severity of the program’s impact. The report reveals that for over four years, Liberal ministers disregarded or dismissed repeated concerns raised by victims, public servants, community organizations, and legal experts.
The Robodebt Royal Commission Report characterises the scheme as a “crude and cruel” mechanism that needlessly traumatised people under the mere and remote suspicion of owed money. It highlights the costly failure of public administration, both in human and economic terms. The report resonates with those affected by the Robodebt system, the families of the deceased, witnesses who testified during the Royal Commission, and advocates who tirelessly brought attention to the failures of the program over the past five years.
The report’s release marks a turning point in the fight for justice and accountability. While much remains to be explored, the sealed section has become a subject of intense speculation. Although the names within it remain unknown, it is believed that at least three public servants and four ministers may be implicated. The potential laying of charges poses a delicate situation for the government, which must exercise caution, to avoid jeopardising any future legal actions against these people. However, the evidence presented thus far suggests criminal activities involving senior public servants or Ministers of the Crown, further intensifying the urgency for justice.
Minister for Government Services Bill Shorten, outlining his response to the report, emphasises how the previous government and senior public servants betrayed the trust of the nation and its citizens. The report’s assessment of the Robodebt scandal as the worst chapter of public administration, underlines the extent of the breach of citizens’ trust.
Shorten’s focus lies firmly on the victims, acknowledging the 433,000 vulnerable Australians identified by the Royal Commission and the countless others who were unjustly targeted. These individuals were subjected to a system of institutionalised abuse, wherein they received unfounded debt notices, often leading to court battles or demands from debt collection agencies. The reversal of the onus of proof and the treatment of citizens as guilty until proven innocent further compounded the harm they endured. Moreover, those who dared to raise concerns faced vile political attacks from the Coalition government.
Commissioner Catherine Holmes, who oversaw the Royal Commission, delivered a scathing judgment on the Robodebt scheme, deeming it unfair and illegal and also expressed astonishment at the lack of interest displayed in ensuring the scheme’s legality. The report also criticises the Coalition government for incompetence and cowardice, and for former Prime Minister, Scott Morrison for deliberately allowing federal Cabinet to be misled.
The Coalition parties faces criticism at their attempts to deflect blame
Former government minister Senator Bridget McKenzie has attempted to shift blame onto the public service, while Liberal Party leader Peter Dutton has accused the government of strategically timing the report’s release to coincide with the Fadden byelection.
McKenzie placed responsibility on public servants, stating that the assumption made by Cabinet is that proposed measures are legal under Australian law, and emphasised the need for “frank and fearless” advice from public servants to ensure informed decision-making on behalf of the Australian people, even though it was clear through her involvement with the infamous Sportsrorts affair, that McKenzie and the former Coalition government made a habit of avoiding advice provided to them by public servants. However, this attempt to absolve the government of responsibility has drawn criticism, given the report’s damning findings.
Dutton’s response to the report was primarily based on accusing the government of political maneuvering by releasing it during the Fadden byelection, even though the dates for the release of the Royal Commission report had been set even before member for Fadden, Stuart Robert, had announced his resignation from Parliament. Dutton’s other diversionary tactics included raising a wide range of unrelated issues, such as nuclear energy, and defending a racist and controversial anti-Voice to Parliament cartoon which appeared in the Australian Financial Review: the intention was clear: to avoid discussing the illegal and borderline criminal behaviour associated with the Robodebt scheme that was implemented by the Liberal Party.
The report’s findings pose a significant challenge to Dutton and the Liberal Party. His attempt to change the conversation reflects a desire to distance himself from the scandalous program that should never have been implemented by the party. The report’s revelations confirm that the advice provided at the time clearly indicated the illegality of the scheme, making the government’s actions inexcusable.
This latest development should be seen as a final nail in the coffin for the far-right wing faction that has dominated the Liberal Party since 2005. Calls for resignations – and legal action – from within the party, particularly for those associated with the Robodebt scandal, have grown louder. The report’s findings have also prompted demands for an overhaul of the Liberal Party’s recruitment policies, ensuring that individuals lacking ethical integrity and competency are not given the opportunity to hold public office.
The past decade has been marred by mediocrity and ethical shortcomings within the Liberal Party. Australia cannot afford a repetition of such a disgraceful period. It is essential for all political parties – including Liberal, Labor, National, and Greens – to reflect on their selection processes and ensure that individuals driven by self-interest and lacking moral standards are kept away from public office. While a diverse range of ideas in Parliament is essential, it is equally important to hold parties accountable and prevent the ascent of individuals who do not serve the best interests of the nation.
As Australia grapples with the aftermath of the Robodebt Royal Commission Report, a collective effort is needed to restore faith in the political system. It is crucial to return to an era where public officials driven solely by personal gain are considered outliers, swiftly dismissed from ministries, and regarded as a source of amusement rather than a serious threat. Restoring this approach will pave the way for a more accountable and ethical political landscape.
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