Category: federal reserve

  • Climate activists with Stop the Money Pipeline protest outside Chase Bank branches in midtown Manhattan on June 2, 2021, to demand the banking giant stop investing in fossil fuel projects.

    At the United Nations this week, President Joe Biden sought to distance his administration from the Trump administration’s attacks on climate policy. Biden announced that the United States will double its contribution to international climate finance to $11.4 billion annually by 2024 under the Paris Agreement to help poorer nations reduce greenhouse gas emissions and adapt to the impacts of climate disruption.

    But Indigenous and climate justice activists largely characterized the new pledge as falling far short of what is needed to truly address the ongoing climate disaster. They are also calling on Biden to appoint climate leaders as financial regulators, and separately, to stop Trump-approved pipelines including the Dakota Access Pipeline and Canadian oil giant Enbridge’s Line 3 tar sands pipeline.

    “President Biden is attempting to turn the page from the Trump administration, but until he uses his authority to stop all Trump-era fossil fuel projects, our communities will continue to raise the red flag,” said Joye Braun, national pipelines organizer for Indigenous Environmental Network, in a statement.

    Biden’s pledge comes as a new UN report on global emissions targets found that the planet is still on track to warm 2.7 degrees Celsius above pre-industrial levels by 2100 — far above the 1.5 degrees that scientists and the Paris Agreement established the world should be targeting, and as Arctic sea ice has reached its annual low, the 12th lowest on record.

    Congressional progressives including Sen. Chris Van Hollen and Representatives Jamaal Bowman and Ilhan Omar are using the moment to pressure Congress and Biden, calling on them this week to support the Polluters Pay Climate Fund Act, or “Make Polluters Pay” bill, and to incorporate the bill as part of Biden’s $3.5 trillion reconciliation package.

    The bill would require companies like ExxonMobil, Chevron and other major climate polluters to pay a combined $500 billion at minimum into the Polluters Pay Climate Fund based on their respective percentage of global emissions. The money would be dedicated to helping vulnerable and marginalized communities adapt to climate impacts, transition to renewable energy and advance environmental justice.

    “I’ve witnessed my district and community be devastated by recent storms and climate impacts that were the direct result of global emissions from major fossil fuel companies like Exxon, Shell, and Chevron,” said Rep. Jamaal Bowman this week. “Polluters must take full responsibility for their destruction and pay up now.”

    The lawmakers called the legislation a straightforward way to generate revenue for President Biden’s “Build Back Better” agenda, calling on him not cut the reconciliation bill without first adopting their “polluters pay” approach. Still, leading climate activists have noted that the bill would only account for a fraction of the fossil fuel industry’s damages while allowing the industry to continue to pollute.

    Meanwhile, climate activists are also ramping up a pressure campaign demanding major Wall Street banks stop financing fossil fuels by the start of the UN Climate Change Conference of the Parties (COP26) in Glasgow, Scotland, on November 1. Among COP26’s major goals are global emission reductions of about 45 percent from 2010 levels by 2030, and $100 billion in annual financial aid from rich to poor countries — with half of that going to poor nations to help adapt to climate disruption’s worst impacts.

    Climate activists say the U.S. won’t be able to meet its emissions targets or climate finance goals, however, unless financial regulators force banks, insurers and asset managers to stop financing fossil fuels. With the Biden administration set to release its climate-related financial risk strategy, climate campaigners are renewing calls for President Biden to appoint a progressive climate leader to head the Federal Reserve and staging direct actions outside major fossil fuel financers.

    More than 40 climate activists were arrested in New York City while blocking the entrances of JPMorgan Chase, Citibank and Bank of America on the 10-year anniversary of Occupy Wall Street and in the run-up to New York Climate Week and today’s global climate strike. Dozens more risked arrest at Chase, Bank of America and the Canadian consulate in Seattle to demand the institutions stop bankrolling tar sands pipelines.

    But even as climate finance activists with the Stop the Money Pipeline coalition celebrate a number of recent divestment wins — including from the MacArthur Foundation, Harvard, Macalester College, major insurer Chubb and the New York State pension fund — not a single major bank has committed to divesting from oil and gas, and all continue to have some exposure to coal, according to the coalition. In fact, the largest fossil fuel financer, JPMorgan Chase, is doubling down on funding oil and gas for years to come despite the International Energy Agency’s report earlier this year calling for an end to new investments in fossil fuels.

    That’s why it’s so important, campaigners say, for the Fed to step in and why Stop the Money Pipeline is intensifying an internal White House push to replace Republican Fed Chair Jerome Powell at the end of his four-year term in February 2022.

    “Frankly, the Federal Reserve is the most powerful financial regulator and it has done very, very little on climate, basically nothing, and it’s pretty clear Jerome Powell is not looking to do more than the bare minimum on climate, so we need a new Fed chair who’s more willing to take action on this critical threat to financial stability,” says Yevgeny Shrago, who is policy counsel for Public Citizen’s Climate Program.

    A Fossil-Free Fed

    Last week, another set of progressive House Democratic representatives, Mondaire Jones, Ayanna Pressley and Rashida Tlaib, introduced the Fossil Free Finance Act, which would force the Federal Reserve to break up banks if they do not reduce the carbon emissions they finance in line with the Paris Agreement.

    Under Powell, the central bank has created several committees focused on climate-related financial risks, but has refused to turn the committees’ recommendations into regulatory requirements. Powell has rejected calls to use the Fed as a tool in the fight to mitigate the climate disaster, insisting it is not appropriate for the Fed to step beyond its mandate.

    “Congress has the power to increase or shrink the mandate of the Fed. That is fully within their province, so there’s a lot of detractors [of the bill], especially Republicans, saying, ‘That’s not the Fed’s place.’ Well, you know what, the Fed also weighs in on cryptocurrency and matters around racial justice and … issues that didn’t exist when the Fed was first formed,” says Tracey Lewis, a climate finance policy analyst with 350.org. “We cannot be originalists and textualists when it comes to monetary policy…. It gives an air of preserving a history that may not be worthy of preservation.”

    She tells Truthout that the Fossil Free Finance Act would protect the stability of the financial system as a whole by protecting against the financial threats banks and insurers increasingly face from unfolding climate disasters, including floods, droughts, wildfires, polar vortexes and heat domes. “Increasing events means increasing loss, which means not just physical loss but financial loss,” she says. “Where we have smaller banks, regional banks, will they be able to absorb that loss? It’s very doubtful.”

    Lewis says most campaigners for a Fossil Free Fed want to see Federal Reserve Governor Lael Brainard replace Powell as Fed chair. Brainard’s strong commitment both to full employment and to strong financial regulation could prove monumental in the success of the Biden administration’s stated agenda of mitigating the financial impacts of the pandemic and climate crisis, as well as addressing deepening structural racism and inequality. Her record stands in strong contrast to Powell’s, whose Fed has weakened Dodd-Frank reforms as well as tools that federal bank regulators use to monitor bank risk-taking and law compliance.

    Fossil-free Fed campaigners also want to see progressive economists Sarah Bloom Raskin and Lisa Cook replace Randy Quarles and Richard Clarida as Federal Reserve vice chair of supervision and vice chair, respectively. Cook would be first Black woman to serve on the Fed’s board.

    Lewis cited Cook’s work to study the pandemic’s disproportionate impacts on women, especially women of color, from job losses and insufficient caregiving supports that resulted in almost 1.8 million fewer women in the labor force as of May 2021. She says these are the kinds of perspectives the administration should be focused on bringing in to the Fed Reserve board, not the same “white, heteronormative hegemons” whose neoliberal, Milton Friedman-style fiscal policies got us here in the first place.

    The Stop the Money Pipeline coalition is also ramping up engagement with the Biden administration as Treasury officials are set to issue a report on the tools available for addressing climate risk in the financial system just after the Glasgow talks.

    “It’s a really important report because it could very well serve as a blueprint for regulatory action for federal agencies if it’s bold and meets the Biden administration’s rhetoric on climate,” Public Citizen’s Shrago says. “It could be a path forward for appointees, including a new Federal Reserve chair, to protect the financial system from the advance of the climate crisis.”

    He cautioned that it’s Treasury officials who should be leading the drafting of the report and urged a strong final draft that meets Biden’s climate commitments, rather than a watered-down draft that would come out of a consensus process with the Financial Stability Oversight Counsel, which consists of federal and state financial regulators and insurance experts, including three appointed by Trump. “We don’t think [Treasury] should strive for a consensus document when there’s three people appointed by someone who took no action on climate change and withdrew the United States from the Paris Agreement,” Shrago says.

    The push for the bills comes as Chinese President Xi Jinping announced Tuesday that his country will stop building coal-fired power plants overseas. Climate activists cautiously celebrated the announcement by far the biggest domestic producer of coal and the largest financier of coal-fired power plants around the world.

    “One of the common criticisms of the climate finance regulation work is that as long as there’s demand for energy or fossil fuels, cutting off money or definancing it really isn’t going to work, because people will just go somewhere else for money, but what you see is even national governments like China are recognizing that these projects aren’t profitable and if you cut off the flow of financing now, it’s going to reduce the amount of fossil fuels in the air later,” Shrago tells Truthout.

    The Chinese commitment comes as banks, asset managers and insurance companies continue to issue much less impactful or meaningless climate commitments that environmentalists are calling out as predictable greenwashing and cynical climate PR ahead of COP26. Bank of America, for instance, while sponsoring New York Climate Week, recently closed a deal to underwrite a new $1.5 billion Canadian, “sustainability-linked” bond for Enbridge, the company behind the Line 3 tar sands pipeline.

    Moreover, Saudi Arabia’s $430 billion sovereign wealth fund is expected to announce its first green debt issuance, which raises funds for environmental investments by borrowing money from “green” bonds. It also announced that it will work with notorious fossil fuel funder and shadow bank BlackRock on developing an “environmental social and governance” framework, which Shrago called a climate “net negative” as long as Saudi Aramco, the world’s biggest oil company, continues to extract fossil fuels.

    Lastly, Royal Dutch Shell’s recent announcement that it will sell all of its assets in West Texas’s Permian basin to ConocoPhillips for around $9.5 billion is being described a “carbon shell game” by journalists who note that the company is simply offloading fossil fuel production to another company that will continue extraction in the Permian.

    “There a bit of a ‘last-one-out’ problem in fossil fuels that it’s important for regulators to think about,” Shrago says. “As more and more people divest from fossil fuels, there’s going to be fewer and fewer buyers, so the next time someone wants to divest, fewer companies will pick up their assets and eventually you’re just going to see a market that dries up, and whenever that happens, whoever is left holding the potato is going to be in a lot of trouble, and there’s going to be a lot of banks, private equity funds, hedge funds and insurance companies that are behind the curve if regulators don’t act.”

    The best way to ensure regulators do act, climate finance analysts say, is to retool the most influential financial institution in the country — the Federal Reserve. “This may be the absolute last chance that a Democratic president has to make real changes to the Fed and Fed policy,” 350’s Lewis tells Truthout. “President Biden has an opportunity that was not present for President Obama, not for President Clinton, not for President Carter.”

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • The US financial system is extremely complicated and this series shades light only on some corners of that system by focusing on the banking sector.

    This post was originally published on Real Progressives.

  • Given that the concept of leverage will be used often in the upcoming posts, this post spends some time explaining what leverage is and some of its impacts on the balance sheet of any economic unit.

    This post was originally published on Real Progressives.

  • The post studies how the Fed is involved in fiscal operations and how the U.S. Treasury is involved in monetary-policy operations. The extensive interaction between these two branches of the U.S. government is necessary for fiscal and monetary policies to work properly.

    This post was originally published on Real Progressives.

  • Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Massachusetts) questions witnesses during a Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee confirmation hearing in the Dirksen Senate Office Building on Capitol Hill on August 05, 2021 in Washington, D.C.

    After it was revealed that top Federal Reserve officials had made several large stock trades, Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Massachusetts) has called for regional Fed banks to stop allowing Fed officials to trade stocks altogether.

    On Wednesday, Warren sent letters to 12 regional Fed presidents urging them to amend their ethics rules to bar themselves and their staff from trading stocks, calling it a matter of reinforcing public confidence in the agency.

    “Regional Fed leaders must ban the ownership and trading of individual stocks by senior officials, and impose strong and enforceable ethics and financial conflicts of interest rules for themselves and their staff to restore public trust,” Warren said. “Instating critical ethics rules will send a clear and necessary message to the American people about the importance of government ethics and the integrity of Fed officials.”

    The Fed announced Thursday that after outcry over recent Fed officials’ stock trades, the agency is now looking into changing its rules regarding stock trading per the direction of Fed Chair Jerome Powell.

    “Because the trust of the American people is essential for the Federal Reserve to effectively carry out our important mission, Chair Powell late last week directed board staff to take a fresh and comprehensive look at the ethics rules around permissible financial holdings and activities by senior Fed officials,” a spokesperson for the Federal Reserve said. “This review will assist in identifying ways to further tighten those rules and standards.”

    It was recently revealed that Dallas Fed President Robert S. Kaplan and Boston Fed President Eric Rosengren both bought and sold significant amounts of stocks and real estate-related assets last year as the global economy was being rocked by the pandemic. Rosengren had stakes in four real estate trusts.

    Kaplan, meanwhile, had made nearly two dozen stock trades of $1 million or more, including in companies like Johnson and Johnson and oil and gas companies that were directly involved in or affected by the COVID-19 pandemic. Many of his oil and gas transactions were made at a time when the role of the industry was being questioned within the finance world.

    These trades appear to be legal, and were made outside of the window that would qualify them as insider trading. But even if they weren’t strictly illegal, the Fed still has wide sway over the stock market at large — and the trades raise questions about whether or not such officials should be allowed to trade stocks at all, considering they hold such positions of power and possess a wealth of insider knowledge.

    Kaplan and Rosengren have both pledged to sell their individual stock holdings by the end of this month. But Warren said that the practice should be banned altogether for people in positions of vast political power, asserting in her letters that “the American public should not have to rely on vague and unenforceable promises made amidst an ethics firestorm in order to have confidence that Fed officials are acting solely in the public interest, not based on their own financial interests.”

    “The controversy over asset trading by high-level Fed personnel highlights why it is necessary to ban ownership and trading of individual stocks by senior officials who are supposed to serve the public interest,” Warren continued. She asked the leaders of the Fed branches to impose a ban on stock trading within 60 days and send her a written plan to do so by mid-October.

    The Massachusetts lawmaker has been pushing for tighter rules around stock trades for politicians and federal officials overall. Earlier this year, she unveiled legislation that would bar members of Congress, the president, cabinet officials, judicial leaders, and anyone in a position of influencing financial regulation from trading stocks. The bill, she said, would fight corruption and increase public trust in Washington.

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • (L-R) Rep. Rashida Tlaib (D-Michigan) and Rep. Ayanna Pressley (D-Massachusetts) attend a news conference outside the U.S. Capitol on March 11, 2021 in Washington, D.C.

    On Wednesday, progressive lawmakers introduced a bill that would mandate the Federal Reserve to force large banks and financial institutions to stop funding fossil fuel projects in order to help bring the country in line with greenhouse gas emissions reductions goals.

    The Fossil Free Finance Act was introduced by Representatives Rashida Tlaib (D-Michigan), Ayanna Pressley (D-Massachusetts) and Mondaire Jones (D-New York). Under the bill, the Fed would ensure that banks with more than $50 billion in assets are aligning their financing projects with emissions targets. It would prohibit financing of new or expanded fossil fuel projects after next year and prohibit financing of all fossil fuel projects after 2030.

    With the goal of aligning greenhouse gas emissions with the U.S.’s commitments under the Paris Agreement, the bill also prohibits financing of greenhouse gas emissions generally, calling for a 50 percent reduction in financed emissions by 2030 and a 100 percent reduction by 2050. The banks and financial institutions would be required to report to Congress on their progress.

    “Our planet is burning. Over the last five years, financial institutions under the Federal Reserve’s supervision provided trillions in direct fossil fuel financing — and each new project brings us closer to the brink,” said Tlaib. “The Federal Reserve’s role is not to surrender our planet to corporate polluters and shepherd our financial system to its destruction. The Federal Reserve’s role is to act.”

    The bill is cosponsored by 14 Democrats in the House, including progressives like Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-New York). It’s also been endorsed by a handful of climate organizations like Sunrise Movement, Sierra Club, 350.org and Public Citizen.

    “Wall Street banks have made it clear that, without strong federal oversight and regulation, they plan to continue pouring money into the fossil fuels that are driving the climate crisis and pushing us toward another financial crisis,” said Sierra Club’s Fossil-Free Finance campaign manager Ben Cushing. “The Federal Reserve has long failed to use its existing tools to adequately rein in Wall Street’s risky fossil fuel investments.”

    Fossil fuel financing has come under intense scrutiny from climate advocates over the past years. A March report found that the world’s largest 60 banks, including institutions like JP Morgan Chase, Citigroup and Wells Fargo have shelled out $3.8 trillion in financing for fossil fuel projects since the Paris Agreement was signed in 2015. The report also revealed that in spite of COVID’s impact on cutting fossil fuel use, funding has been increasing steadily over the past years.

    Climate advocates draw parallels between subsidies from the government and financing from banks for fossil fuel projects, which for the most part are not even a profitable investment, and bailouts for the fossil fuel industry. Recent research suggests that fossil fuels are only dominant because of the massive bailouts provided to the industry by the government.

    The Federal Reserve has been complicit in the propping up of the fossil fuel industry. Last year, under Chairman Jerome Powell, the Fed changed its lending rules so that it could accommodate the bloated, failing fossil fuel industry as COVID exposed just how fragile the industry is. Progressives have launched a campaign to oust Powell, citing his softness on Wall Street and unwillingness to address financing that exacerbates the climate crisis.

    Defunding fossil fuel projects is crucial to mitigating further climate disasters, researchers and advocates say. Even traditionally conservative institutions are beginning to recognize this: the International Energy Agency (IEA) was previously hesitant to call out fossil fuel financing as a major contributor to the climate crisis, which governments and financial institutions seized on as an excuse to continue funding fossil fuel projects.

    But in May, the IEA released a bombshell report saying that governments and corporations must stop pursuing new fossil fuel projects nearly immediately if the world is to set itself on track to attain net zero emissions by 2050.

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • This post answers some FAQs about monetary policy and central banking. Each of them can be read independently.

    This post was originally published on Real Progressives.

  • Sen. Elizabeth Warren

    Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Massachusetts) sent a letter to Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell this week asking the agency to break up Wells Fargo, which has been involved in several questionable and unethical dealings over the past years.

    “I write to urge the Federal Reserve Board of Governors (the Fed) to take immediate action in response to the repeated, ongoing, and inexcusable failure of Wells Fargo & Company (Wells Fargo) to eliminate abusive and unlawful practices that have cost consumers hundreds of millions of dollars,” Warren wrote.

    The lawmaker wants the Fed to revoke the bank’s financial holding company license, which would split the company’s banking services like loans and bank accounts from its other financial services, like managing investment funds.

    By Warren’s count, the company has been embroiled in eight major scandals, starting in 2016 when it was exposed for making 1.5 million fake accounts and 500,000 fake credit cards in customers’ names without their permission in order to boost sales. The company agreed to pay out a paltry $142 million in a class action lawsuit over the wrongdoing.

    Since then, Wells Fargo has been engulfed in a plethora of scandals large and small, including sending out erroneous messages in 2018 telling customers that they needed to purchase auto insurance. The bank has been ordered to pay over $5 billion in fines to make up for its missteps over the past years, according to Warren’s letter.

    Last week, the bank was fined $250 million by the Treasury Department for not moving fast enough to compensate customers affected by their 2018 scandal, in which the bank was found to be mismanaging auto and home loans. As Warren pointed out in her letter, Wells Fargo failed to adequately protect consumers from foreclosure — and now, they have failed to compensate for that failure.

    “Wells Fargo has been caught again cheating consumers — this time cheating them by not following through on promises they made and agreements they signed to be able to reimburse consumers for the last time they cheated them,” Warren said on MSNBC Wednesday. “So my question is, if you’re not going to break up Wells Fargo this time, tell me when you are.”

    The Massachusetts senator also implied that there could be more misconduct that has yet to be uncovered.

    All of the scandals “have all been about cheating the American public,” Warren said. “When you cheat the American public that much, it’s time for the regulators to step in, it’s time for the Fed to step in and say, ‘You no longer get to be a giant bank holding company that can not only cheat consumers but affect our economy overall. You gotta be taken back to your component parts where you don’t pose that kind of risk.’”

    Wells Fargo has been subject to major federal regulation before. In 2018, the Fed implemented a harsh punishment on the bank: The agency, under then-Fed chair Janet Yellen, placed a cap on the bank’s overall finances, not allowing them to grow past that cap until it fixed its many questionable banking practices. The cap was lifted slightly this year to help Wells Fargo lend to small businesses that are struggling due to the pandemic.

    Even with the cap implemented three years ago, the company has continually found itself mired in scandals. “It is clear that even with such a cap in place, Wells Fargo is simply ungovernable,” Warren wrote in her letter.

    “I am concerned that Wells Fargo’s senior executives are focused on expanding risky investment banking activities instead of remediating consumer harms and improving lax internal controls,” she said, pointing out that executives are seeking to compete with other banks while still failing to uphold its accountability to consumers.

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • Jerome Powell looks over his glases

    Economic observers commonly remark that the chair of the Federal Reserve System is the second most powerful person in Washington. Though probably an overstatement, this trope nonetheless reflects the fact that our central bank has an enormous impact on financial conditions not only in the United States but also, because of the key role of the U.S. dollar in global markets. That means the Fed can, for good or ill, impact economic growth, employment, wages, inflation and investment from Alabama to Azerbaijan. And, as the primary leader of such a powerful institution, the chair of the Fed holds the key to most of these policies.

    The four-year term of the current chairperson, Jerome Powell, ends February 2022, and President Joe Biden must soon decide whether to reappoint him. Even under normal circumstances, this decision would be highly consequential. But now, the implications could be monumental.

    The Biden administration and the United States face a number of profound challenges which the Federal Reserve must help confront: facilitating the continued economic recovery from the pandemic’s destruction; promoting maximum employment and decent living standards, including accelerating opportunities for oppressed racial and ethnic groups and others facing unfair structural barriers; helping to make the economy more resilient to global warming and, more importantly, assisting the U.S. and the world make the massive but critical transformation to a fossil fuel-free economy; and accelerating efforts to protect the economy from reckless, destructive and unstable financial decisions by politically and economically powerful megabanks and other financial institutions.

    Importantly, the Biden administration is taking on most of these challenges. President Biden wants to end the pandemic, combat the climate crisis, address structural racism and inequality, “build back better,” and promote full employment — while keeping the financial system from melting down for the third time in less than 15 years. Whom he picks to be the next Federal Reserve chairperson could not be more important. The next chair of the Federal Reserve will lead the Fed in playing an appropriate, active and effective role to help address these issues at this critical time, or he or she will drag the Fed’s feet and even oppose the actions that must be taken. The success of the Biden administration’s agenda, to say nothing of the health and welfare of the American people, could hang in the balance.

    Some progressive lawmakers, including Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Massachusetts), Rep. Ayanna Pressley (D-Massachusetts) and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-New York) and progressive groups have raised serious questions about a Powell reappointment. But there are many, across the political spectrum, who think the choice is obvious: that Biden should simply reappoint Powell, since he seems to be doing a good job. But this is far from obvious. In fact, a Powell renomination raises serious concerns simply based on his record. And then when the challenges facing the U.S. and the Biden administration are considered, these serious concerns mount further.

    Republicans in Congress believe that the Fed should “just” focus on the outcomes that the Federal Reserve is narrowly tasked with addressing, namely maximum employment and stable prices. And since the great financial crisis of 2007-2009, financial stability has also been added as an explicit important goal. But even if the focus is “only” on these three goals, Powell’s record is problematic. And if we take into account the ramifications of the failure to address systemic racism in the labor market and the climate emergency, then reaching these three basic goals (maximum employment, stable prices and financial stability) becomes a much more difficult task. So we cannot neatly separate out these broader goals from the narrower list.

    In terms of the substantive policy arguments, many of those in the center and on the left who are supporting Powell’s reappointment appear to be basing their views on Powell’s record on the first two of the standard mandates: maximum employment and price stability. With the onset of the pandemic, Powell committed the Fed to placing a monetary floor under the severely threatened economy by injecting the economy with massive amounts of liquidity, supporting broader swaths of the economy — albeit sometimes grudgingly, like in the case of the municipal lending facility — by administering special lending facilities created by Congress to support small businesses, municipalities, and others during the dark days of Spring and Summer 2020, and by resisting pressure to pull back many of these supports even as the economy was recovering and inflation fears began to mount. Powell’s support of maximum employment pre-dated the pandemic and dovetails with a mission of attacking structural racial and ethnic employment inequality by supporting the adoption of new monetary policy guidance that would allow for the temporary overshooting of the inflation target in order to sustain economic recovery that would generate demand for workers deeper and deeper into the pool of the unemployed and underemployed.

    In these areas — employment and prices — with positive spillover effects on aspects of racial and ethnic inequality — Powell deserves good marks.

    But supporters who focus only on these areas are ignoring another crucial component of the Fed’s job — financial regulation and financial stability — where Powell has a much more problematic record. By supporting questionable policies in the area of financial regulation, Powell has likely jeopardized some of the progress made on employment issues. These policies have most likely also greatly exacerbated wealth inequality, minimizing the otherwise positive results that would follow the change in monetary policy toward the Fed’s inflation target.

    As experts on financial regulation at the Americans for Financial Reform (AFR) and Better Markets have documented, in recent years, during the Trump Presidency, Powell supported numerous Federal Reserve initiatives to roll back financial regulations that had been put in place as a response to the Great Financial Crisis of 2007-2009. In addition, as AFR notes,

    The Powell Fed did more than water down Dodd-Frank reforms…. It also weakened core supervisory tools that federal bank regulators have always used to monitor bank risk-taking and compliance with laws. Led by Chair Powell, the Fed has effectively turned off some of the early warning systems regulators used to detect emerging risks to the financial system.

    These de-regulatory moves came just prior to the global financial market meltdown in March 2020 when the pandemic hit, a meltdown made potentially much worse by the buildup of speculative excesses and high debts that U.S. financial regulators, led by Powell’s Fed, had allowed to accumulate. As Better Markets puts it, “Many of the Fed’s actions in response to the pandemic were necessary given the unprecedented uncertainty it caused…. But it is important to remember that the scale and scope of those actions were needed not just because of the pandemic, but because of preexisting fragility and instability in the financial system.” As a result of the turmoil exacerbated by previous failures to regulate, especially the nonbank financial system, the Federal Reserve had to commit trillions of dollars to sustain the financial system.

    The Fed did run some congressionally mandated programs to help small businesses and municipal, state and local governments. But the latter program was so narrowly drawn and involved such high interest rates that it provided very little direct help. The upshot is that, despite having more than 10 years to implement a thorough-going financial regulatory regime, in March 2020, the Fed still found itself in the position of having to bail out the financial markets when the pandemic hit, while simultaneously giving relatively short shrift to specialized facilities to help out communities, small businesses and local governments. In the absence of a strong commitment to financial regulation and the will to enforce it, this destructive cycle of speculative excesses, financial crises and bailouts is simply going to continue.

    Central Bank Independence: The Perennial Red Herring

    Right-wing, mainstream and even some progressive observers have argued that Biden should reappoint Powell in order to protect the so-called independence of the Federal Reserve. One version of this argument is that it is “traditional” for the incoming President to reappoint the current Fed Chair to a second term in order to acknowledge the Fed’s independence. According to this view, it would be good to restore this “tradition” since Donald Trump violated it by refusing to reappoint Janet Yellen as chair of the Fed. However, there are several problems with this argument. First, there is no such tradition at the Fed. More importantly, the idea of Federal Reserve “independence” is mostly a cover to protect the outsized power that the financial industry holds over Fed policy, and to undermine the democratic control of the Fed that is written into its by-laws and is consistent with a functioning democracy.

    If one looks at the Fed chairs since 1936 when the current governance structure was adopted, some incoming presidents did reappoint the current chairs and some did not. And some were pushed out and some simply resigned.

    Marriner Eccles was chair from 1936-1948 and when Harry Truman was elected president, he appointed a different chairperson, Thomas McCabe. Arthur Burns, who had been Richard Nixon’s appointee was not reappointed by Jimmy Carter when he became president. Paul Volcker, chair from 1979-1987, would not have been reappointed a second time by Ronald Reagan. And, as mentioned earlier, Trump did not reappoint Yellen. So, far from a tradition, the reappointment of a Fed chair occurs sometimes, at other times, not.

    As far as central bank independence is concerned, it is certainly true that the presidential abuse of central banking powers for narrow political goals, such as being reelected, or supporting personal real estate investing goals, is a potential recipe for disaster. The solution to this problem is to not elect such people to be president.

    But no central bank can or should be “independent” from political influence in a democracy. The Federal Reserve’s governing laws, as amended during the 1930s, make it a creature of Congress with its structure also being influenced by the U.S. president’s appointment powers. These laws were created to make sure that the Federal Reserve is responsive to the needs of the overall economy, as interpreted by our elected officials, and not disproportionately influenced by the Fed’s natural constituency: Wall Street. And the pressures to cater to Wall Street — because of the close ties between the Fed and the financial markets, the natural revolving-door tendencies of regulatory agencies and, most importantly, the desire by Federal Reserve officials to cultivate a powerful political constituency to help it maintain its autonomy from governmental authority — are extremely strong.

    As a result, central banks that are independent from their political authorities tend to be highly dependent on private banks and other financial institutions. In this way, it is too easy to get Federal Reserve policy that is lax toward the financial institutions they are supposed to be regulating while they engage in highly risky, speculative and dangerous activities, and then turn around and bail them out when they get in trouble.

    So for progressives and others to trot out this shibboleth of “central bank independence” in defense of reappointing Jerome Powell is troubling, given the implications for more Wall Street control of the Fed.

    To be sure, the possible presidential abuse of the Federal Reserve System would be problematic. But for the president to exercise his or her legally authorized influence on the choice of the Federal Reserve’s priorities, at a time of great economic transition and need, is simply an act of exercising one of the key channels of democratic, public input into these important policies. The Federal Reserve’s amended laws authorized more presidential control as part of an attempt to try to reduce the destructive powers of Wall Street on the Fed. (Congress, of course, is the other key democratic channel of influence).

    Given the serious destructive power that financial deregulation has had on both the economic and political power of the megabanks and their capacity to destabilize our economy, Jerome Powell’s poor record of upholding strict financial regulatory rules is a serious concern, even if his expansionary monetary policies and apparent commitment to full employment is important.

    No Need to Choose Between Commitment to Full Employment and Financial Stability

    The important point is that we do not have to choose between desirable goals of monetary policy; there is no necessary trade-off. There are other strong candidates for Fed chair: for example, Federal Reserve Governor Lael Brainard, who has a strong commitment both to full employment monetary policy and to strong financial regulation.

    The problems with reappointing a Fed chair who is not committed to strong financial regulation are not the end of the story. What about the other big challenges we face that President Biden has high up on his agenda? Improving the access of communities of color to good jobs and to fight systemic racism are a strong priority of President Biden and the Democrats. Jerome Powell and the Fed’s new strategy for prioritizing full employment and allowing temporary over-shooting of their inflation target in order to generate more employment opportunities for those typically at the back of the employment line is a good step in the right direction. But a financial crisis caused by lax regulations and enforcement could easily derail this policy by crunching the economy and labor market.

    In addition, there are serious concerns about Powell’s commitment to using the Fed’s tools to combat the climate crisis. Powell’s Fed has been reluctant to limit banks’ lending to fossil fuel companies, even though this increases risks to banks, given the likely constraints to be placed by governments on fossil fuel production in the near future. Nor has Powell made a commitment to using the power of Fed asset buying and lending to help finance green energy, as envisaged, for example, in the Green New Deal policies.

    These policies would, to be sure, be highly controversial. Some Republican lawmakers, such as Pennsylvania’s Pat Toomey, are already pushing back hard on the idea that the Fed should promote climate friendly policies. But that is all the more reason why it is necessary to have a Fed chair and other Federal Reserve board members who will be aggressive and fearless in pushing these policies.

    Thankfully, Biden has the chance to change significantly the orientation of the Fed board. Not only is the position of the Federal Reserve chair open, Biden will also have the opportunity to appoint a Federal Reserve vice chair and the Fed governor who is the point person on financial regulation. Experienced progressives, such as former Fed Reserve board governor Sarah Bloom Raskin, a firm advocate of strong financial regulation; William Spriggs, professor of economics at Howard University and chief economist at the AFL-CIO who is an expert on labor markets, including labor issues related to workers of color; or my colleague Robert N. Pollin of the University of Massachusetts Amherst, an authority on finance and the job creation impacts of Green investments would be ideal candidates for these positions.

    Still, Biden is being urged by some moderates and even progressives to offer a “balanced ticket,” to satisfy all elements of his constituency, a ticket that would include retaining Jerome Powell as chair.

    This would be a mistake. The Fed will either be a significant, powerful and leading institution that helps to implement Biden’s transformational agenda, or it will be lagging behind and even dragging the agenda back. It is time for Biden to be bold and to create a Federal Reserve to match his crucial economic agenda. He should seize the opportunity while available.

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • While details in operating procedures have changed through time, the federal funds rate has progressively gained in importance as a relevant operating tool since the 1920s.

    This post was originally published on Real Progressives.

  • Now that we have an understanding of how the balance sheet of the Fed works, it is possible to go into the details of how the Fed operates in the economy in terms of monetary policy.

    This post was originally published on Real Progressives.

  • Part 1 reviewed basic balance-sheet mechanics. This post begins to apply them to the Federal Reserve System (Fed).

    This post was originally published on Real Progressives.

  • AOC and Rashida Tlaib walk down a hallway in the U.S. capitol

    A group of progressive lawmakers led by Reps. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Rashida Tlaib urged President Joe Biden on Tuesday to replace Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell — a Trump appointee — with a leader committed to tackling systemic climate risk and strictly regulating Wall Street banks.

    In a joint statement, five progressive lawmakers argued that Biden should not take the advice of commentators and lawmakers urging him to reappoint Powell, a Republican who has won praise from some progressive economists for keeping interest rates low in the pursuit of full employment.

    Reps. Ayanna Pressley (D-Mass.), Mondaire Jones (D-N.Y.), Jesús “Chuy” García (D-Ill.), Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.), and Tlaib (D-Mich.) acknowledge that with Powell at the helm, the Fed “has made positive changes to its approach to full employment reflected in the new monetary policy framework.”

    But they contend that Powell’s track record on climate and financial regulation should disqualify him from staying on as Fed chair past February 2022, when his term is set to expire.

    “Under his leadership the Federal Reserve has taken very little action to mitigate the risk climate change poses to our financial system,” the lawmakers said. “At a time when the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change is warning of the potential catastrophic and irreversible damage inflicted by a changing climate, we need a leader at the helm that will take bold and decisive action to eliminate climate risk.”

    According to a report released last week by Oil Change International, the Fed under Powell has “worked to maintain and increase fossil fuel finance from the United States” even as the central bank’s leaders have made gestures toward climate risk in recent speeches.

    With Powell in charge, the Democratic lawmakers continued, the Fed “has substantially weakened many of the reforms enacted in the wake of the Great Recession regulating the largest banks, including capital and liquidity requirements, stress tests, the Volcker Rule, and living will requirements.”

    “Weakening financial regulations that were specifically created to prevent such a disaster from happening again risks the livelihoods of Americans across the country,” they added.

    The progressive lawmakers’ statement echoes concerns that watchdog organizations and climate advocates have raised in recent months as Biden is poised to decide whether Powell will remain in his post for another term.

    Last week, after Powell delivered a closely watched address in which he did not once mention the climate crisis, Public Citizen’s Yevgeny Shrago warned that the Fed is “sleepwalking through climate chaos” and refusing to use the myriad tools at its disposal to mitigate risk.

    “The European Central Bank (ECB) released a report that highlights both the immediacy and magnitude of the climate threat to the financial system and how far behind the Fed under Powell is in addressing it,” Shrago wrote. “The Fed’s lack of action in response to these threats should eliminate any question about whether Powell will take the climate crisis seriously. Biden must choose a new Fed chair who will.”

    While the progressive lawmakers did not mention any preferred candidates to replace Powell, the Revolving Door Project’s Max Moran offered several suggestions in a blog post last month, including Michigan State University professor Lisa Cook and attorney Sarah Bloom Raskin, who previously served on the Fed’s Board of Governors.

    “Cook, who has been endorsed by Senator Sherrod Brown, is a strong supporter of full employment policies, and has testified against deregulatory proposals,” Moran noted. “It’s also wild that almost seven months into the new administration, Sarah Bloom Raskin still lacks a job. There might be no one better suited to lead the Fed’s too-long-delayed work to purge the financial system of systemic risks caused by climate change.”

    “It’s important for Biden to not settle for Powell merely because he’s been strong on monetary policy in the last few years,” Moran argued. “Biden can choose someone more deeply devoted to full employment, and who doesn’t push him into a false choice between being strong on monetary policy and strong on regulatory policy. The president can have his cake and eat it too here, so he should. Because if he doesn’t, it’s average people who will suffer the most.”

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • Local youth and volunteers gather in an open field and wait to support firefighters during a wildfire next to the Greek village of Kamatriades, near Istiaia, northern Evia (Euboea) island on August 9, 2021.

    Since the advent of neoliberalism 40 years ago, societies virtually all over the world have undergone profound economic, social and political transformations. At its most basic function, neoliberalism represents the rise of a market-dominated world economic regime and the concomitant decline of the social state. Yet, the truth of the matter is that neoliberalism cannot survive without the state, as leading progressive economist Robert Pollin argues in the interview that follows. However, what is unclear is whether neoliberalism represents a new stage of capitalism that engenders new forms of politics, and, equally important, what comes after neoliberalism. Pollin tackles both of these questions in light of the political implications of the COVID-19 pandemic, as most governments have implemented a wide range of monetary and fiscal measures in order to address economic hardships and stave off a recession.

    Robert Pollin is distinguished professor of economics and co-director of the Political Economy Research Institute at the University of Massachusetts-Amherst and author of scores of books, including Back to Full Employment (2012), Greening the Global Economy (2015) and Climate Crisis and the Global Green new Deal: The Political Economy of Saving the Planet (co-authored with Noam Chomsky, 2020).

    C.J. Polychroniou: Neoliberalism is a politico-economic project associated with policies of privatization, deregulation, globalization, free trade, austerity and limited government. Moreover, these principles have reigned supreme in the minds of most policymakers around the world since the early 1980s, and continue to do so. Is neoliberalism a new stage of capitalism?

    Robert Pollin: Let’s first be clear on what we mean by “neoliberalism.” The term neoliberalism draws on the classical meaning of the word “liberalism.” Classical liberalism is the political philosophy that embraces the virtues of free-market capitalism and the corresponding minimal role for government interventions. According to classical liberalism, free-market capitalism is the only effective framework for delivering widely shared economic well-being. In this view, only free markets can increase productivity and average living standards while delivering high levels of individual freedom and fair social outcomes. Policy interventions to promote economic equality within capitalism — through, for example, taxing the rich, big government spending on social programs, or regulating market activities through, for example, decent minimum wage standards and regulations to prevent financial markets from becoming gambling casinos — will always end up doing more harm than good, according to this view.

    For example, establishing living wage standards as the legal minimum — at, say $15 an hour or higher — would cause unemployment to rise, since, according to classical liberalism, employers won’t be willing to pay unskilled workers more than what the free market determines they are worth. Similarly, regulating financial markets will inhibit capitalists from undertaking risky investments that can raise living standards. Classical liberals will argue that the Wall Street Masters of the Universe are infinitely more qualified than government bureaucrats in deciding what to do with their own money. And if the Wall Street investors make dumb decisions, then so be it; let them fail. In that way, [classical liberalism says] the free market rewards smart decisions and punishes bad ones, all to the greater benefit of the whole society.

    Now to neoliberalism: Neoliberalism is a contemporary variant of classical liberalism that became dominant worldwide around 1980, beginning with the elections of Margaret Thatcher in the U.K. and Ronald Reagan in the United States. At that time, it was certainly a new phase of capitalism. Thatcher’s dictum that “there is no alternative” to neoliberalism became a rally cry, supplanting what had been, since the end of World War II, the dominance of Keynesianism and social democracy in global economic policymaking. In the high-income countries of Western Europe and North America along with Japan, in particular, this Keynesian/social democratic version of capitalism featured, to varying degrees, a commitment to low unemployment rates, decent levels of support for working people and workplace conditions, extensive regulations of financial markets, public ownership of significant financial institutions and high levels of public investment.

    Of course, this was still capitalism. Disparities of income, wealth and opportunity remained intolerably high, along with the social malignancies of racism, sexism and imperialism. Ecological destruction, in particular global warming, was also beginning to gather force over this period, even though few people took notice at the time. Nevertheless, all told, Keynesianism and social democracy produced dramatically more egalitarian as well as more stable versions of capitalism than the neoliberal regime that supplanted these models.

    It is critical to understand that neoliberalism was never a project to replace social democracy with true free-market capitalism. Rather, contemporary neoliberals are committed to free-market policies when they support the interests of big business and the rich as, for example, with lowering regulations in the workplace and financial markets. But these same neoliberals become far less insistent on free market principles when invoking such principles might damage the interests of big business, Wall Street and the rich.

    An obvious example is the historically unprecedented levels of support provided during the COVID recession to prevent economic collapse. Just in 2020 in the U.S. for example, the federal government pumped nearly $3 trillion into the economy, equal to about 14 percent of total economic activity (GDP) to prevent a total economic collapse. On top of that, the U.S. Federal Reserve injected nearly $4 trillion — equal to about 20 percent of GDP — to avoid a Wall Street meltdown. Of course, pumping government money into the U.S. economy, at a level equal to roughly one-third of total GDP, all in no more than one year’s time, completely contradicts any notion of free-market, minimal government capitalism.

    How would you assess the effects of neoliberal practices on the U.S. economy and society at large?

    How neoliberalism works in practice, as opposed to rhetoric, was powerfully illustrated over the past year during the COVID-19 pandemic and recession. That is, due to the public health emergency, employment and overall economic activity throughout the world fell precipitously, since major sections of the global economy were forced into lockdown mode. In the U.S., for example, nearly 50 percent of the entire labor force filed for unemployment benefits between March 2020 and February 2021. However, over this same period, the prices of Wall Street stocks — as measured, for example, by the Standard and Poor’s 500 index, a broad market indicator — rose by 46 percent, one of the sharpest one-year increases on record. Similar interventions throughout the world achieved similar results elsewhere. Thus, according to the International Monetary Fund, overall economic activity (GDP) contracted by 3.5 percent in 2020, which it describes as a “severe collapse … that has had acute adverse impacts on women, youth, the poor, the informally employed and those who work in contact-intensive sectors.” At the same time, global stock markets rose sharply — by 45 percent throughout Europe, 56 percent in China, 58 percent in the U.K. and 80 percent in Japan, and with Standard & Poor’s Global 1200 index rising by 67 percent.

    But, of course, these patterns of relentless rising inequality didn’t begin with the COVID recession. Consider, for example, the relationship between corporate CEOs and their workers over the course of neoliberalism. As of 1978, just prior to the rise of neoliberalism, the CEOs of the largest 350 U.S. corporations earned $1.7 million, which was 33 times the $51,200 earned by the average private-sector nonsupervisory worker. As of 2019, the CEOs were earning 366 times more than the average worker, $21.3 million versus $58,200. Under neoliberalism, in other words, the pay for big corporate U.S. CEOs has increased more than tenfold relative to the average U.S. worker.

    Of course, there are real lives hovering behind these big statistical patterns. For example, recent research by Anne Case and Angus Deaton has documented powerfully an unprecedented rise, pre-COVID, in what they term “deaths of despair” — i.e., a decline in life expectancy through rising increases in suicide, alcoholism and drug addiction among white working-class people in the U.S. Case and Deaton explain this rise of deaths by despair to the decline in decent-paying and stable working-class jobs that has resulted from neoliberalism. In short, neoliberalism is fundamentally a program of champagne socialism for big corporations, Wall Street and the rich, and “let them eat cake” capitalism for almost everyone else.

    Amid our current summer of unprecedented wildfires and flooding, the consequences of global warming are now everywhere before us. But we need to be clear on the extent to which global warming and the rise of neoliberal dominance have been intertwined. Indeed, as of 1980, the year Ronald Reagan took office, the average global temperature was still at a safe level, equal to that of the preindustrial period around 1800. Under 40 years of neoliberalism, the average global temperature has risen relentlessly, to where it is now 1.0 degrees Celsius above the preindustrial average. Climate scientists have insisted that we cannot allow the global average temperature to exceed 1.5 degrees Celsius above the preindustrial level. Moreover, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) just released its Sixth Assessment Report, which projects we will be breaching this 1.5-degree threshold by 2040 unless we enact fundamental changes in the way the global economy operates. Step one must be to stop burning oil, coal and natural gas to produce energy. Under neoliberalism, we have allowed fossil fuel companies to continue profiting off of destroying the planet.

    Large-scale government interventions are considered an anathema to neoliberal policymakers. Yet, as you and your colleague Jerry Epstein have argued, neoliberalism seems to rely extensively on the state for its own survival. Can you talk a bit about the connection between neoliberalism and government support?

    The extraordinary bailout policies that were enacted during the COVID recession were by no means an aberration from what has been standard practice throughout the 40 years that neoliberalism has dominated global economic policymaking.

    Indeed, it was only 13 years ago, in 2008, that Wall Street hyper-speculation brought the global economy to its knees during the Great Recession. To prevent a 1930s-level depression at that time, economic policymakers throughout the world — including the United States, the countries of the European Union, Japan, South Korea, China, India and Brazil — all enacted extraordinary measures to counteract the crisis created by Wall Street. As in 2020, these measures included financial bailouts, monetary policies that pushed central bank-controlled interest rates close to near-zero and large-scale fiscal stimulus programs financed by major expansions in central government deficits.

    In the United States, the fiscal deficit reached $1.4 trillion in 2009, equal to 9.8 percent of GDP. The deficits were around $1.3 trillion in 2010 and 2011 as well, amounting to close to 9 percent of GDP in both years. These were the largest peacetime deficits prior to the 2020 COVID recession. As with the 2020 crisis, the interventions led by the Federal Reserve to prop up Wall Street and corporate America were even more extensive than the federal government’s deficit spending policies. Moreover, this total figure does not include the full funding mobilized in 2009 to bailing out General Motors, Chrysler, Goldman Sachs and the insurance giant AIG, all of which were facing death spirals at that time. It is hard to envision the form in which U.S. capitalism might have survived at that time if, following true free-market precepts as opposed to the actual practice of neoliberal champagne socialism, these and other iconic U.S. firms would have been permitted to collapse.

    Bailout operations of this sort have occurred with near-clockwork regularity throughout the neoliberal era, starting with Ronald Reagan. Thus, in 1983 under Reagan, the U.S. government reached a then peacetime high in the U.S. for federal deficit spending, at 5.7 percent of GDP. At the time, the U.S. and global economy were still mired in the second phase of the severe double-dip recession that lasted from 1980 to ‘82. Reagan was also facing a reelection campaign in 1984. Of course, both as a political candidate and all throughout his presidency, Reagan preached loudly that big government was always the problem, never the solution. Yet Reagan did not hesitate to flout his own rhetoric in overseeing a massive fiscal bailout when he needed it.

    If neoliberalism is bad economics and there is a continued need to bailout the current system from recurring crises and disasters, why is it still around after 40 or so years? What keeps it in place? And how likely is it that the return to “emergency Keynesianism” may spell the end of the neoliberal nightmare?

    Neoliberalism is not “bad economics” for big corporations, Wall Street and the rich. To the contrary, neoliberalism has been working out extremely well for these groups. The regular massive bailout operations have been neoliberalism’s life-support system. It is due to these bailouts, first and foremost, that neoliberalism remains today as the dominant economic policy framework globally.

    But it is also true that neoliberalism can be defeated, and supplanted by a policy framework that is committed to high levels of social and economic equality as well as ecological justice — which is to say, a project that has a reasonable chance of protecting human life on earth as we know it. Many people, including myself, like the term “Global Green New Deal” to characterize this project. It’s fine if other people prefer different terms. The point is that this project will obviously require massive and sustained levels of effective political mobilization throughout the world. Whether such mobilizations can be mounted successfully remains the open question moving forward. I myself am inspired by the extent to which the environmental and labor movements, in the U.S. and elsewhere, are increasingly and effectively joining forces to make this happen.

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • From the definition of a dollar as a unit of measure all the way to what The Fed is and how public policy can be informed – Grumbine runs the gamut on MMT basics.

    This post was originally published on Real Progressives.

  • If the Democratic coalition remains reliant on well-to-do suburbanites reluctant to accept taxes on the rich, the new Popular Front strategy will fall short.

    This post was originally published on Dissent MagazineDissent Magazine.

  • The federal government does not collect taxes to pay for anything. It collects taxes to fulfill its Constitutional obligation.

    This post was originally published on Real Progressives.

  • A person holds a sign reading "CLIMATE, JOBS, CARE, JUSTICE" under an overpass

    The movement to create public banks is gaining ground in many parts of the U.S., particularly as part of an effort among activists and progressive lawmakers to extend banking access to low-income communities and communities of color in the post-COVID-19 economy. But how does public banking help protect the local community and assist with development? If public banks become part of the Federal Reserve — as a bill introduced by Representatives Rashida Tlaib and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez aims to do — what would be the consequences? Leading progressive economist Gerald Epstein, professor of economics and co-director of the Political Economy Research Institute at the University of Massachusetts at Amherst, has studied the issue of public banking extensively and sheds ample light on these questions in this exclusive interview for Truthout.

    C.J. Polychroniou: After a series of ups and downs, the movement for public banking is gaining traction in states in the U.S. Why do we need public banks, and why are they a better alternative than private banks?

    Gerald Epstein: First off, when I discuss a public bank or a public banking and finance institution, I generally mean a financial institution that has public support, has a social or public goal, and is not driven mainly by a profit motive.

    Why do we need public banking institutions? Plenty of reasons. Private banks charge excessive fees for simple banking services. Asset management companies and financial advisers have major conflicts of interest. Banks engage in highly risky activities, expecting bailouts when they get into financial trouble. Private equity firms strip businesses and households of their assets by loading them up with debts, leaving them without the wherewithal to pay decent wages or compete with other companies.

    The public provision of financial services is important not only because it can do what the current financial system does not do, but it can do better at many of the things that private finance purports to do. A public banking and financial institution could help restructure the financial system to better serve public needs, especially the short-term and long-term needs of the poor, the working class and the planet.

    Here are some important functions that a public banking and financial institution could play in our economy:

    1. Competition and regulation: Public options compete with existing financial institutions, thereby providing people with alternatives to private finance and possibly improving the products and services that private finance offers. The public option also provides a means of regulating private financial institutions through competition.
    2. Public goods: Public goods, such as a highly educated population, efficient infrastructure, and long-term technological innovation with broad positive spillovers, can be supported by public finance institutions.
    3. Collective goods and complementarities: Collective goods are those that require concerted and collective action to come to fruition and generate productive outcomes. For example, as Mehrsa Baradaran argues in developing her proposal for “A Homestead Act for the 21st Century,” providing affordable housing is not sustainable in and of itself because there are a number of complementary goods that must be available at the same time, such as jobs, financial institutions and grocery stores. Here, community development is a good that must involve collective planning and simultaneous financing in a number of different areas for any of the pieces to succeed. A public banking and financial institution can be a useful mechanism to coordinate and help finance these activities.
    4. Financial inclusion — fighting poverty, exploitation and racial discrimination: Financial exclusion, exploitation and racial injustice are deeply ingrained social ills in the United States. Public banking and finance institutions can help finance affordable housing, cooperatives, small businesses, education initiatives and financial services, all in communities of color and for institutions owned or controlled by members of the community.
    5. Financial resilience and stability: Public banking and finance institutions, by contributing to a diverse financial ecosystem, help to make the financial system more resilient and robust. For example, unlike for-profit banks, publicly oriented financial institutions tend to perform countercyclically, helping to stabilize the economy rather than exacerbating crises.
    6. Economic transformation: For large-scale transformative issues, the social provision of finance must play a major role. These include projects that have long-term gestation periods, massive uncertainty, large economies of scale, and the need for complementary investments and planning. One example is the pressing need to make the transition to renewable and non-carbon-producing fuels, such as the Green New Deal. This requires investment in new technologies and infrastructure implementation. In such a multifaceted transformative endeavor, public provision of finance is crucial as a facilitating mechanism and a planning tool.
    7. Promote full employment and good jobs: Credit allocation is key for job creation, including areas of structural unemployment, as well as patient capital for long-term gestation projects and infrastructure investments. Here, the quality of employment is as critical as the quantity (“high road” employment).
    8. Instrument of public policy: In an economic transformation like the Green New Deal, public provision of credit is a powerful instrument of government policy. Countries that have made successful, rapid and transformative economic changes, including the United States, South Korea, Taiwan, China, and Western European countries, such as France, Germany and Italy in the first few decades after World War II, all used public provision of finance as a carrot or stick to elicit desired corporate behavior and allocate credit to priority sectors.
    9. Reducing the power of financial elites and countering capital strike: Among the most important effects of a public banking and financial institution — and a key reason that capitalists often oppose it — is that having a public option reduces the market power of private capital and the political power of finance. As private banks and other financial activities in the United States have become bigger and more concentrated, social provision of finance will confront these oligopolies with more competition. Politically, public options reduce the power of the threat of a capital strike and of being “too big to fail.” With a large public banking and financial institution footprint, we can say to Wall Street, “Go ahead and fail. Our public financial institutions will provide the needed services without you.” Moreover, public banking and financial institutions provide a counterweight if private finance threatens capital flight in response to progressive policies they don’t like.

      Can public banking and finance institutions thrive and survive in a capitalist economy?

      Capitalist economies, especially those dominated by neoliberalism, would seem to be a uniquely inhospitable place for public banking and finance. Yet, as Thomas Marois has documented, there has been a dramatic increase in public banking and financial institutions’ prevalence around the world in recent decades. According to him, over 900 public banks currently exist. Altogether, they control more than 20 percent of all bank assets, public and private. While it is true that public control of banking assets has probably fallen from its 1970s height of around 40 percent, today’s economies are much bigger, and the total mass of public bank capital has grown substantially. The latest estimate by Marois shows that public banks have combined financial assets totaling near $49 trillion, which equals more than half of global GDP.

      How can public banking and financial institutions continue to thrive in the apparently hyper-capitalist environment of most countries? Two factors are pivotal. The first one has to do with the recent decades of financial crises, which have led to the growth of these public institutions to rescue finance, if not the economy as a whole. The second may be a bit more surprising: in some ways, these institutions are actually more efficient and safer than private financial institutions.

      Despite mainstream economics’ claim to the contrary, there are some competitive advantages of these public institutions that allow them a fighting chance, even in the capitalist marketplace. They are the following:

      1. Public banking and finance institutions tend to emphasize “relationship” banking so that bankers and customers get to know each other well; this increases knowledge of credit risks and enhances trust, thereby reducing manipulative or fraudulent behavior on both sides.
      2. Public mandates and lack of shareholder control typically lead public banking and finance institutions to adopt less risky behavior than their private counterparts. This can result in less instability.
      3. Access to capital at lower cost: Many public banking and finance institutions have lower costs for capital because they are perceived as being safer than private banks that engage in high-risk activities. They tend to build capital through profit retention, since they are not under pressure to distribute dividends to shareholders, and they do not face the same shareholder demands for rapid expansion.
      4. Public mandates lead to banks passing on advantages to customers: Public banking and finance institutions pass on lower expenses to customers rather than needing to pay extraordinarily high executive salaries and large amounts of dividends. This attracts more borrowers and more depositors and lenders.
      5. Economies of scale: Even though relationship banking and tight monitoring of credit risks can be very costly, public banking and finance institutions can achieve economies of scale by joining networks that provide services like underwriting, technical assistance, and help identifying lenders and good borrowers. Such networks can at least partially erode some of the advantageous economies of scale that large private firms have.

      Still, this kind of banking seems stunted in the U.S. relative to some other places in the world, but I would argue that this is because private banking gets massive subsidies from the U.S. government (including the Federal Reserve) that mostly are not available to public banking and finance institutions. It will take political mobilization to change this, and, thankfully, that mobilization is beginning to happen.

      What kind of grassroot initiatives are currently going on in the fight for public banking?

      Public banking initiatives in the U.S. have gained unprecedented momentum in recent years. The origins of the resurgence of interest in public banking go back to the Occupy Movement, which emerged in 2011 as a response to the economic and social injustices heightened by the global financial crisis. The infrastructure crisis, the exclusion of millions of Americans from basic banking services and private banking’s longstanding history of financing environmentally harmful projects have further fueled interest in public banking across the U.S.

      As a response to these problems, public banking advocates have started state and local initiatives to establish public banking institutions in a number of localities. Alongside these initiatives, networks of organizations and advocacy groups have been created. The Public Banking Institute, the California Public Banking Alliance and the National Public Banking Alliance are among the major think tanks and organizations advocating for public banking. These organizations have forged connections with a panoply of nongovernmental organizations and grassroots movements to help develop existing coalitions and mobilize support.

      Advocates working toward establishing public banks follow two common approaches. The first approach is to establish public banks at the city, county or regional level. In most cases, the state governments need to pass legislation to authorize the creation of local-level public banks. The second approach involves establishing a state public bank, like the Bank of North Dakota, which would act as the public depository for state funds and partner with local lenders.

      There are attempts in different states to establish public banks following both of these approaches. These efforts are spread throughout the country. Here is a brief rundown.

      New York State and Pennsylvania host initiatives to establish public banks at local and state levels. Both states are working toward passing a bill that would provide the legal background for local governments to establish their own public banks. In Pennsylvania, this legislation will be used to establish a city public bank in Philadelphia. Besides, both states are pursuing legislation to establish state-level public banks. The advocates in Pennsylvania are working closely with the Public Banking Institute to establish a public bank following the Bank of North Dakota model. These efforts are supported by numerous grassroots groups in both states.

      Washington State is another important hub for public banking advocacy. Over the past several years, advocates have been pushing to establish a state-level public bank that would function as a public depository for state money and would be authorized to manage and invest state funds in infrastructure development programs. Although these efforts have been facing fierce ideological opposition, particularly from the state treasurer, the organizers who participated in our survey expressed their commitment to continue pushing for public banking in the coming years. Besides these three states, there are efforts to establish state-level public banks in nine other states: Colorado, California, Hawaii, Maryland, Massachusetts, New Jersey, New Mexico, Oregon and Virginia.

      The most significant victory for the public banking movement took place in California in 2019 as the legislation enabling the creation of local public banks, AB 857, passed. This is the first municipal banking legislation in the country authorizing the state to charter 10 municipal banks over seven years. There are also ongoing efforts to convert California’s Infrastructure and Development Bank (the IBank), currently an infrastructure loan fund, into a state-level public bank.

      The lack of alternatives to Wall Street banks gave rise to the Public Bank LA initiative, which began a campaign to establish a municipal bank that would be owned by the city of Los Angeles and would manage city funds in the public interest.

      One of the first major accomplishments of Public Bank LA was to facilitate a city referendum to form a public bank. Although the referendum fell short at 44.15 percent support, this momentum was translated into the formation of the California Public Banking Alliance, which is a coalition of 10 public banking grassroots groups across the state.

      Besides local public banking, advocates in California have been campaigning for a state-level public bank. These efforts started in 2019 with the introduction of a bill, SB 528, by Democratic Sen. Ben Hueso. This bill aimed to transform the IBank into a depository institution that could take deposits from cities and countries, manage them and provide loan guarantees and conduit bonds to California projects. After the failure of this bill, a new task force started working on converting the IBank into a state-level public bank. In July 2020, a new bill, AB 310, was introduced for this purpose. AB 310 has two main components/targets: (1) expanding the IBank’s lending capacity; and (2) converting the IBank into a state public bank. The expansion in the lending capacity was introduced to support local governments and small businesses, targeting especially those owned by disadvantaged groups.

      Overall, California can be considered as a center of public banking advocacy work in the U.S. There is a large and growing public support for public banking, and the advocates have been successful in building coalitions, forming organizations and introducing legislation. By following these developments and building dialogue, advocates in other parts of the country can take important lessons from the victories and challenges faced by public banking organizers from California.

      Still, without broader federal support, such as what the government gives private banks, these public banks will always be at … somewhat of a disadvantage. Thankfully, a number of progressive legislators and activists are pursuing initiatives at the federal level to support public banking and finance institutions and activities.

      Bill H.R. 8721 was introduced in October 2020 to provide for the federal charter of certain public banks. What would be the role of a public bank created by the federal government? Could it provide an effective pathway toward financing the green transition?

      The Public Banking Act, a federal bill introduced to Congress in October 2020 by Representatives Rashida Tlaib and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, speaks directly to some of the demands expressed by public banking advocates in our survey analysis. The Public Banking Act aims to enable and encourage the creation of public banks at state and local levels by establishing a comprehensive federal regulatory framework, grant programs and support [for] the financial infrastructure. In other words, this bill encourages the creation of public banks by providing “top-down” support for “bottom-up” local initiatives.

      Under the Public Banking Act, public banks can become members of the Fed. In addition, this legislation presents a pathway for state-chartered banks to gain federal recognition and identifies a framework for public banks to interact with postal banking (where the USPS serves as a bank), or FedAccounts (where everyone gets an account with the Fed through which they could receive direct payments, such as stimulus checks, from the government). The bill also introduces lending rules and regulations regarding excluded and marginalized groups, ecological sustainability and data reporting. For instance, it prohibits public banks from engaging in or supporting fossil fuel investment. Besides, it directs the Fed to develop regulations and provide guidance to ensure that public banks’ activities remain consistent with climate goals and are universal and comprehensively include historically excluded and marginalized groups.

      A key feature of the Public Banking Act is that it recognizes the need for more federal-level support for local- and state-level public banking initiatives. This legislation also shows that the Fed and the Treasury can be instrumental in supporting the financial infrastructure outside of their typical models of action.

      There are other possible federal initiatives to help finance a Green New Deal. The Federal Reserve itself could buy green bonds, as suggested, for example, by Robert Pollin. Or the government could create a free-standing “Green Bank” at the federal level to mobilize private capital and combine it with public monies to help fund the green transition. Finally, some have proposed the creation of a federal infrastructure bank, and presumably, this bank could be restricted to funding only climate-friendly investments. All of this could greatly complement initiatives at the state and municipal levels to promote solutions to the climate emergency.

      This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

    1. A technician inspects hardware used for bitcoin mining at Bitfarms in Saint Hyacinthe, Quebec, on March 19, 2018.

      Bank regulators are rushing to come up with cryptocurrency rules, according to the Federal Reserve official overseeing financial regulation, but many fear the rule-making comes too late, and the unregulated bonanza may already be on the cusp of crashing and causing a broader recession that would hurt the poor most intensely.

      Fed Vice Chair of Supervision Randal Quarles said on May 25 that his agency and two others — the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency (OCC) and the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (FDIC) — are taking the lead in what appears to be a scramble to act amid a period of instability with the potential to do serious damage to the rest of the economy. About 1 in 5 financial industry professionals believe that a cryptocurrency downturn could deliver a “salient shock to financial stability” over the next 12 to 18 months, according to a Fed survey conducted between February and April.

      Though the rich might lose substantial sums in economic downturns, working-class people invariably suffer the most. The last four recessions and the ongoing COVID-19 recession sent millions of people on the margins into poverty, with people of color hit the hardest.

      “We along with the OCC and the FDIC are engaged right now in what we are calling a ‘sprint,’” Quarles said at a hearing before the Senate Banking Committee. The OCC is the primary regulator of federally chartered banks, and the FDIC is the agency that guarantees customer savings and oversees state-chartered banks. The Fed oversees bank holding companies and non-bank financial firms, and regulates the stability of the financial system as a whole.

      Quarles said the three agencies have been working “over a relatively concentrated period of time, to pull together all of our work in digital assets, and to have a joint view, a joint framework for their regulation and supervision practices with regard to them.”

      “It would be premature for me to tell you where that’s going to turn out,” he added, “but this is something that is a high priority not only as a matter of importance, but as a matter of chronology. And we expect to be able to give at least some results from that soon.”

      The sudden “sprint” by regulators to examine cryptocurrencies might come too late, with the entire market on the brink of collapse. A sell-off earlier this month saw cryptocurrencies lose some $1 trillion in value in a week, from a peak global market cap of $2.5 trillion on May 11.

      Volatility has been fueled by the structure of cryptocurrency markets. Traders can borrow 50-125 times the amount of cryptocurrency that they purchase on popular exchanges. Ownership of cryptocurrencies is highly concentrated in the hands of a relatively small number of owners, with some 42 percent of all Bitcoin owned by 2,155 unique purchasers. The value of cryptocurrencies has also fluctuated wildly in recent weeks in response to restrictions imposed by the Chinese government, and tweets from billionaire Elon Musk.

      “While it’s welcome that the Fed, OCC and FDIC are going to be examining regulatory gaps when it comes to crypto, it’s crucial that they also examine any implications for systemic risk,” said Alexis Goldstein, a senior policy analyst at Americans for Financial Reform and a Truthout contributor. “With no cryptocurrency reporting requirements whatsoever for hedge fund or private equity funds, the regulators are in the dark.”

      Regulatory agencies had an opportunity to act two and a half years ago, after a previous cryptocurrency crash. Since then, the global market has grown significantly, making the negative consequences of a downturn more severe. The value of the cryptocurrency market’s most recent peak, at $2.5 trillion, was three times the size of its previous peak of $815 billion in January 2018. The most recent market boom has also come at a time of great uncertainty and hardship for many throughout the world amid the COVID-19 pandemic, suggesting that the growth might be driven by irrational optimism.

      By comparison, there was roughly $1.3 trillion in outstanding subprime mortgage debt in March 2007 amid the housing market meltdown that caused the Great Recession. Banks might now be engaged in safer consumer lending practices than they were during the subprime mortgage crisis, but corporations have borrowed heavily in recent years, racking up some $10.5 trillion in debt under relaxed lending standards. Fed Governor Lael Brainard warned on May 6 that inflated stock prices and “very high levels of corporate indebtedness bear watching because of the potential to amplify the effects of a re-pricing event.”

      Cryptocurrencies have recovered somewhat since shedding $1 trillion in value earlier this month, but numerous analysts have said the market resembles a bubble. This cohort of skeptics includes Vitalik Buterin, the 27-year-old who co-founded Ethereum, one of the more popular cryptocurrencies. “It could have ended already. It could end months from now,” Buterin told CNN.

      Nouriel Roubini, an economist who became famous in 2008 for predicting the subprime mortgage crisis and the Great Recession, also believes that a cryptocurrency bubble is bursting. Unlike Buterin, he questions whether cryptocurrency has any use-value at all.

      “A bubble occurs when the price of something is way above its fundamental value. But we can’t even determine the fundamental value of these cryptocurrencies, and yet their prices have run up dramatically,” Roubini said on May 21. “In that sense, this looks like a bubble to me.”

      Despite Quarles’s promise of a “sprint,” recent remarks made by one of his colleagues failed to convey the same sense of urgency. FDIC Chair Jelena McWilliams said on May 11, at the height of the market, that her priorities in examining cryptocurrencies were to “allow entrepreneurship to flourish in the United States,” and that she would be consulting with the banking industry to see “what (if anything) the FDIC should be doing.”

      McWilliams made the remarks in a speech to the Federalist Society, a highly ideological right-wing organization known for its embrace of laissez-faire dogma, and for handpicking judicial nominees for the Republican Party. The FDIC issued a request for information on digital assets the week after giving her speech.

      Both McWilliams and Quarles are Republicans who were appointed to their current positions by former President Donald Trump. Quarles’s term as a top Fed official is set to expire in October. McWilliams’s FDIC Chairmanship won’t expire until 2023.

      Quarles, in particular, has a reputation for having a rosy view of what will happen if banks are left to do whatever they want. In June 2006, while serving as under-secretary of the Treasury, he reacted to predictions of a housing market downturn by remarking: “I have to say that I do not think this is a likely scenario.” About two years later, the collapse of the U.S. housing market brought down the entire global financial system.

      The Fed vice chair was criticized at the May 25 Senate Banking Committee hearing for more recent laxness by Democratic Sen. Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts. Warren berated Quarles for the Fed’s decision to relax its supervision of Credit Suisse before the bank lost $4.7 billion in late March after the collapse of the family fund Archegos — a firm run by Bill Hwang, a man who had been previously banned by U.S. regulators from managing public money after pleading guilty in 2012 to insider trading and wire fraud charges.

      Warren ripped Quarles and the Fed for their decision last year to absolve Credit Suisse and other foreign banks from answering to an oversight board called the Large Institution Supervision Coordinating Committee. She noted that prior to this decision, Credit Suisse had failed a Fed stress test in 2019 because its models were unrealistic. “Your term as chair is up in five months, and our financial system will be safer when you are gone,” Warren told Quarles.

      Though the Credit Suisse debacle involved more conventional forms of assets, there are lessons for those concerned about digital asset markets, Goldstein told Truthout. She noted that family funds like Archegos Capital Management aren’t subject to disclosure requirements like other asset management firms.

      It would be one thing if rich asset managers were only harming themselves. But by recklessly playing with huge sums of money, they risk spreading calamity throughout the economy. The Great Recession was caused by predatory lending and complex derivatives leading to systemic failure that spread misery among the working class, starting with the collapse of the investment bank Lehman Brothers in 2008. In the ensuing recession, neighborhoods with more than 40 percent of inhabitants below the poverty line increased their population by 5 million between 2010-2014. A recession could similarly spread should the market for cryptocurrency plummet even further.

      “There may be multiple Archegos-sized crypto whales in the shadows,” Goldstein said. “If so, they’d all be invisible to regulators because of the total lack of reporting requirements for cryptocurrency.”

      This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

    2. To conceal the economic and social decline that continues to unfold at home and abroad, major newspapers are working overtime to promote happy economic news. Many headlines are irrational and out of touch. They make no sense. Desperation to convince everyone that all is well or all will soon be great is very high. The assault on economic science and coherence is intense. Working in concert, and contrary to the lived experience of millions of people, many newspapers are declaring miraculous “economic growth rates” for country after country. According to the rich and their media, numerous countries are experiencing or are on the cusp of experiencing very strong “come-backs” or “complete recoveries.” Very high rates of annual economic growth, generally not found in any prior period, are being floated regularly. The numbers defy common sense.

      In reality, economic and social problems are getting worse nationally and internationally.

      “Getting back to the pre-Covid standard will take time,” said Carmen Reinhart, the World Bank’s chief economist. “The aftermath of Covid isn’t going to reverse for a lot of countries. Far from it.” Even this recent statement is misleading because it implies that pre-Covid economic conditions were somehow good or acceptable when things have actually been going downhill for decades. Most economies never really “recovered” from the economic collapse of 2008. Most countries are still running on gas fumes while poverty, unemployment, under-employment, inequality, debt, food insecurity, generalized anxiety, and other problems keep worsening. And today, with millions of people fully vaccinated and trillions of phantom dollars, euros, and yen printed by the world’s central banks, there is still no real and sustained stability, prosperity, security, or harmony. People everywhere are still anxious about the future. Pious statements from world leaders about “fixing” capitalism have done nothing to reverse the global economic decline that started years ago and was intensified by the “COVID Pandemic.”

      In the U.S. alone, in real numbers, about 3-4 million people a month have been laid off for 13 consecutive months. At no other time in U.S. history has such a calamity on this scale happened. This has “improved” slightly recently but the number of people being laid off every month remains extremely high and troubling. In New York State, for example:

      the statewide [official] unemployment rate remains the second highest in the country at just under 9%. One year after the start of the pandemic and the recession it caused, most of the jobs New York lost still have not come back. (emphasis added, April 2021).

      In addition, nationally the number of long-term unemployed remains high and the labor force participation rate remains low. And most new jobs that are “created” are not high-paying jobs with good benefits and security. The so-called “Gig Economy” has beleaguered millions.

      Some groups have been more adversely affected than others. In April 2021, U.S. News & World Report conveyed that:

      In February 2020, right before the coronavirus was declared a pandemic by the World Health Organization, Black women had an employment to population ratio of 60.8%; that now stands at 54.8%, a drop of 6 percentage points.

      The obsolete U.S. economic system has discarded more than half a million black women from the labor force in the past year.

      In December 2019, around the time the “COVID Pandemic” began to emerge, Brookings reported that:

      An estimated 53 million people—44 percent of all U.S. workers ages 18–64—are low-wage workers. That’s more than twice the number of people in the 10 most populous U.S. cities combined. Their median hourly wage is $10.22, and their median annual earnings are $17,950.

      The Federal Reserve reports that 37 percent of Americans in 2019 did not have $400 to cover an unanticipated emergency. In Louisiana alone, 1 out of 5 families today are living at the poverty level.  Sadly, “60% of Americans will live below the official poverty line for at least one year of their lives.” While American billionaires became $1.3 trillion richer, about 8 million Americans joined the ranks of the poor during the “COVID Pandemic.”

      And more inflation will make things worse for more people. A March 2021 headline from NBC News reads: “The price of food and gas is creeping higher — and will stay that way for a while.”  ABC News goes further in April 2021 and says that “the post-pandemic economy will include higher prices, worse service, longer delays.”

      Homelessness in the U.S. is also increasing:

      COVID-driven loss of jobs and employment income will cause the number of homeless workers to increase each year through 2023. Without large-scale, government employment programs the Pandemic Recession is projected to cause twice as much homelessness as the 2008 Great Recession. Over the next four years the current Pandemic Recession is projected to cause chronic homelessness to increase 49 percent in the United States, 68 percent in California and 86 percent in Los Angeles County. [The homeless include the] homeless on the streets, shelter residents and couch surfers. (emphasis added, January 11, 2021)

      Perhaps ironically, just “Two blocks from the Federal Reserve, a growing encampment of the homeless grips the economy’s most powerful person [Federal Reserve Chairman Jerome Powell].”

      Officially, about four million businesses, including more than 110,000 restaurants, have permanently closed in the U.S. over the past 14 months.  In April 2021 Business Insider stated that, “roughly 80,000 stores are doomed to close in the next 5 years as the retail apocalypse continues to rip through America.”  The real figure is likely higher.

      Bankruptcies have also risen in some sectors. For example, bankruptcies by North American oil producers “rose to the highest first-quarter level since 2016.”

      In March 2021 the Economic Policy Institute reported that “more than 25 million workers are directly harmed by the COVID labor market.” Anecdotal evidence suggests that there are more than 100 applicants for each job opening in some sectors.

      Given the depth and breadth of the economic collapse in the U.S., it is no surprise that “1 in 6 Americans went into therapy for the first time in 2020.” The number of people affected by depression, anxiety, addiction, and suicide worldwide as a direct result of the long depression is very high. These harsh facts and realities are also linked to more violence, killings, protests, demonstrations, social unrest, and riots worldwide.

      In terms of physical health, “Sixty-one percent of U.S. adults report undesired weight changes since the COVID-19 pandemic began.” This will only exacerbate the diabetes pandemic that has been ravaging more countries every year.

      On another front, the Pew Research Center informs us that, as a result of the economic collapse that has unfolded over the past year, “A majority of young adults in the U.S. live with their parents for the first time since the Great Depression.”   And it does not help that student debt now exceeds $1.7 trillion and is still climbing rapidly.

      Millions of college faculty have also suffered greatly over the past year. A recent survey by the American Association of University Professors (AAUP) found that:

      real wages for full-time faculty decreased for the first time since the Great Recession[in 2008], and average wage growth for all ranks of full-time faculty was the lowest since the AAUP began tracking annual wage growth in 1972. After adjusting for inflation, real wages decreased at over two-thirds of colleges and universities. The number of full-time faculty decreased at over half of institutions.

      This does not account for the thousands of higher education adjuncts (part-time faculty) and staff that lost their jobs permanently.

      In April 2021, the Center on Budget & Policy Priorities stated that, “millions of people are still without their pre-pandemic income sources and are borrowing to get by.” Specifically:

      • 54 million adults said they didn’t use regular income sources like those received before the pandemic to meet their spending needs in the last seven days.
      • 50 million used credit cards or loans to meet spending needs.
      • 20 million borrowed from friends or family. (These three groups overlap.)

      Also in April 2021, the Washington Post wrote:

      The pandemic’s disruption has created inescapable financial strain for many Americans. Nearly 2 of 5 of adults have postponed major financial decisions, from buying cars or houses to getting married or having children, due to the coronavirus crisis, according to a survey last week from Bankrate.com. Among younger adults, ages 18 to 34, some 59 percent said they had delayed a financial milestone. (emphasis added)

      According to Monthly Review:

      The U.S. economy has seen a long-term decline in capacity utilization in manufacturing, which has averaged 78 percent from 1972 to 2019—well below levels that stimulate net investment. (emphasis added, January 1, 2021).

      Capitalist firms will not invest in new ventures or projects when there is little or no profit to be made, which is why major owners of capital are engaged in even more stock market manipulation than ever before. “Casino capitalism” is intensifying. This, in turn, is giving rise to even larger stock market bubbles that will eventually burst and wreak even more havoc than previous stock market crashes. The inability to make profit through normal investment channels is also why major owners of capital are imposing more public-private “partnerships” (PPPs) on people and society through neoliberal state restructuring. Such pay-the-rich schemes further marginalize workers and exacerbate inequality, debt, and poverty. PPPs solve no problems and must be replaced by human-centered economic arrangements.

      The International Labor Organization estimates that the equivalent of 255 million full-time jobs have been lost globally as a result of government actions over the past 13-14 months.

      In March of this year, the Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO) of the United Nations reported that, “Acute hunger is set to soar in over 20 countries in the coming months without urgent and scaled-up assistance.” The FAO says, “”The magnitude of suffering is alarming.”

      And according to Reuters, “Overall, global FDI [Foreign Direct Investment] had collapsed in 2020, falling by 42% to an estimated $859 billion, from $1.5 trillion in 2019, according to the UNCTAD report.” UNCTAD stands for United Nations Conference on Trade and Development.

      The international organization Oxfam tells us that:

      The coronavirus pandemic has the potential to lead to an increase in inequality in almost every country at once, the first time this has happened since records began…. Billionaire fortunes returned to their pre-pandemic highs in just nine months, while recovery for the world’s poorest people could take over a decade. (emphasis added, January 25, 2021)

      According to the World Bank, “The COVID-19 pandemic has pushed about 120 million people into extreme poverty over the last year in mostly low- and middle-income countries.”  And despite the roll-out of vaccines in various countries:

      the economic implications of the pandemic are deep and far-reaching. It is ushering in a “new poor” profile that is more urban, better educated, and reliant on informal sector work such as construction, relative to the existing global poor (those living on less than $1.90/day) who are more rural and heavily reliant on agriculture. (emphasis added)

      Another source notes that:

      Pew Research Center, using World Bank data, has estimated that the number of poor in India (with income of $2 per day or less in purchasing power parity) has more than doubled from 60 million to 134 million in just a year due to the pandemic-induced recession. This means, India is back in a situation to be called a “country of mass poverty” after 45 years. (emphasis added)

      In Europe, there is no end in sight to the economic decline that keeps unfolding. The United Kingdom, for example, experienced its worst economy in literally 300 years:

      The economy in the U.K. contracted 9.9 percent in 2020, the worst year on record since 1709, the Office for National Statistics (ONS) said in a report on Friday (Feb. 12). The overall economic drop in 2020 was more than double in 2009, when U.K. GDP declined 4.1 percent due to the worldwide financial crisis. Britain experienced the biggest annual decline among the G7 economies — France saw its economy decline 8.3 percent, Italy dropped 8.8 percent, Germany declined 5 percent and the U.S. contracted 3.5 percent. (emphasis added)

      Another source also notes that, “The Eurozone is being haunted by ‘ghost bankruptcies,’ with more than 200,000 firms across the European Union’s four biggest nations under threat when Covid financial lifelines stop.” In another sign of economic decline, this time in Asia, Argus Media reported in April 2021 that Japan’s 2020-21 crude steel output fell to a 52-year low.

      Taken alone, on a country-by-country basis, these are not minor economic downturns, but when viewed as a collective cumulative global phenomenon, the consequences are more serious. It is a big problem when numerous economies decline simultaneously. The world is more interdependent and interconnected than ever. What happens in one region necessarily affects other regions.

      One could easily go country by country and region by region and document many tragic economic developments that are still unfolding and worsening. Argentina, Lebanon, Colombia, Turkey, Brazil, Mexico, Jordan, South Africa, Nigeria, and dozens of other countries are all experiencing major economic setbacks and hardships that will take years to overcome and will negatively affect the economies of other countries in an increasingly interdependent world. And privatization schemes around the world are just making conditions worse for the majority of people. Far from solving any problems, neoliberalism has made everything worse for working people and society.

      It is too soon for capitalist ideologues to be euphoric about “miraculous economic growth and success.” There is no meaningful evidence to show that there is deep, significant, sustained economic growth on a broad scale. There is tremendous economic carnage and pain out there, and the scarring and consequences are going to linger for some time. No one believes that a big surge of well-paying jobs is right around the corner. Nor does anyone believe that more schemes to pay the rich under the banner of high ideals will improve things either.

      Relentless disinformation about the economy won’t solve any problems or convince people that they are not experiencing what they are experiencing. Growing poverty, hunger, homelessness, unemployment, under-employment, debt, inequality, anxiety, and insecurity are real and painful. They require real solutions put forward by working people, not major owners of capital concerned only with maximizing private profit as fast as possible.

      The economy cannot improve and serve a pro-social aim and direction so long as those who produce society’s wealth, workers, are disempowered and denied any control of the economy they run. Allowing major decisions to be made by a historically superfluous financial oligarchy is not the way forward. The rich and their representatives are unfit to rule and have no real solutions for the recurring crises caused by their outmoded system. They are focused mainly on depriving people of an outlook that opens the path of progress to society.

      There is no way for the massive wealth of society to be used to serve the general interests of society so long as the contradiction between the socialized nature of the economy and its continued domination by competing private interests remain unresolved. All we are left with are recurring economic crises that take a bigger and bigger toll on humanity. To add insult to injury, we are told that there is no alternative to this outdated system, and that the goal is to strive for “inclusive capitalism,” “ethical capitalism,” “responsible capitalism,” or some other oxymoron.

      But there is an alternative. Existing conditions do not have to be eternal or tolerated. History shows that conditions that favor the people can be established. The rich must be deprived of their ability to deprive the people of their rights, including the right to govern their own affairs and control the economy. The economy, government, nation-building, and society must be controlled and directed by the people themselves, free of the influence of narrow private interests determined to enrich themselves at the expense of everyone and everything else.

      The rich and their political and media representatives are under great pressure to distort social consciousness, undermine the human factor, and block progress. The necessity for change is for humanity to rise up and usher in a modern society that ensures prosperity, stability, and peace for all. It can be done and must be done.

      The post Economic Collapse Continues Uninterrupted first appeared on Dissident Voice.

      This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

    3. To conceal the economic and social decline that continues to unfold at home and abroad, major newspapers are working overtime to promote happy economic news. Many headlines are irrational and out of touch. They make no sense. Desperation to convince everyone that all is well or all will soon be great is very high. The assault on economic science and coherence is intense. Working in concert, and contrary to the lived experience of millions of people, many newspapers are declaring miraculous “economic growth rates” for country after country. According to the rich and their media, numerous countries are experiencing or are on the cusp of experiencing very strong “come-backs” or “complete recoveries.” Very high rates of annual economic growth, generally not found in any prior period, are being floated regularly. The numbers defy common sense.

      In reality, economic and social problems are getting worse nationally and internationally.

      “Getting back to the pre-Covid standard will take time,” said Carmen Reinhart, the World Bank’s chief economist. “The aftermath of Covid isn’t going to reverse for a lot of countries. Far from it.” Even this recent statement is misleading because it implies that pre-Covid economic conditions were somehow good or acceptable when things have actually been going downhill for decades. Most economies never really “recovered” from the economic collapse of 2008. Most countries are still running on gas fumes while poverty, unemployment, under-employment, inequality, debt, food insecurity, generalized anxiety, and other problems keep worsening. And today, with millions of people fully vaccinated and trillions of phantom dollars, euros, and yen printed by the world’s central banks, there is still no real and sustained stability, prosperity, security, or harmony. People everywhere are still anxious about the future. Pious statements from world leaders about “fixing” capitalism have done nothing to reverse the global economic decline that started years ago and was intensified by the “COVID Pandemic.”

      In the U.S. alone, in real numbers, about 3-4 million people a month have been laid off for 13 consecutive months. At no other time in U.S. history has such a calamity on this scale happened. This has “improved” slightly recently but the number of people being laid off every month remains extremely high and troubling. In New York State, for example:

      the statewide [official] unemployment rate remains the second highest in the country at just under 9%. One year after the start of the pandemic and the recession it caused, most of the jobs New York lost still have not come back. (emphasis added, April 2021).

      In addition, nationally the number of long-term unemployed remains high and the labor force participation rate remains low. And most new jobs that are “created” are not high-paying jobs with good benefits and security. The so-called “Gig Economy” has beleaguered millions.

      Some groups have been more adversely affected than others. In April 2021, U.S. News & World Report conveyed that:

      In February 2020, right before the coronavirus was declared a pandemic by the World Health Organization, Black women had an employment to population ratio of 60.8%; that now stands at 54.8%, a drop of 6 percentage points.

      The obsolete U.S. economic system has discarded more than half a million black women from the labor force in the past year.

      In December 2019, around the time the “COVID Pandemic” began to emerge, Brookings reported that:

      An estimated 53 million people—44 percent of all U.S. workers ages 18–64—are low-wage workers. That’s more than twice the number of people in the 10 most populous U.S. cities combined. Their median hourly wage is $10.22, and their median annual earnings are $17,950.

      The Federal Reserve reports that 37 percent of Americans in 2019 did not have $400 to cover an unanticipated emergency. In Louisiana alone, 1 out of 5 families today are living at the poverty level.  Sadly, “60% of Americans will live below the official poverty line for at least one year of their lives.” While American billionaires became $1.3 trillion richer, about 8 million Americans joined the ranks of the poor during the “COVID Pandemic.”

      And more inflation will make things worse for more people. A March 2021 headline from NBC News reads: “The price of food and gas is creeping higher — and will stay that way for a while.”  ABC News goes further in April 2021 and says that “the post-pandemic economy will include higher prices, worse service, longer delays.”

      Homelessness in the U.S. is also increasing:

      COVID-driven loss of jobs and employment income will cause the number of homeless workers to increase each year through 2023. Without large-scale, government employment programs the Pandemic Recession is projected to cause twice as much homelessness as the 2008 Great Recession. Over the next four years the current Pandemic Recession is projected to cause chronic homelessness to increase 49 percent in the United States, 68 percent in California and 86 percent in Los Angeles County. [The homeless include the] homeless on the streets, shelter residents and couch surfers. (emphasis added, January 11, 2021)

      Perhaps ironically, just “Two blocks from the Federal Reserve, a growing encampment of the homeless grips the economy’s most powerful person [Federal Reserve Chairman Jerome Powell].”

      Officially, about four million businesses, including more than 110,000 restaurants, have permanently closed in the U.S. over the past 14 months.  In April 2021 Business Insider stated that, “roughly 80,000 stores are doomed to close in the next 5 years as the retail apocalypse continues to rip through America.”  The real figure is likely higher.

      Bankruptcies have also risen in some sectors. For example, bankruptcies by North American oil producers “rose to the highest first-quarter level since 2016.”

      In March 2021 the Economic Policy Institute reported that “more than 25 million workers are directly harmed by the COVID labor market.” Anecdotal evidence suggests that there are more than 100 applicants for each job opening in some sectors.

      Given the depth and breadth of the economic collapse in the U.S., it is no surprise that “1 in 6 Americans went into therapy for the first time in 2020.” The number of people affected by depression, anxiety, addiction, and suicide worldwide as a direct result of the long depression is very high. These harsh facts and realities are also linked to more violence, killings, protests, demonstrations, social unrest, and riots worldwide.

      In terms of physical health, “Sixty-one percent of U.S. adults report undesired weight changes since the COVID-19 pandemic began.” This will only exacerbate the diabetes pandemic that has been ravaging more countries every year.

      On another front, the Pew Research Center informs us that, as a result of the economic collapse that has unfolded over the past year, “A majority of young adults in the U.S. live with their parents for the first time since the Great Depression.”   And it does not help that student debt now exceeds $1.7 trillion and is still climbing rapidly.

      Millions of college faculty have also suffered greatly over the past year. A recent survey by the American Association of University Professors (AAUP) found that:

      real wages for full-time faculty decreased for the first time since the Great Recession[in 2008], and average wage growth for all ranks of full-time faculty was the lowest since the AAUP began tracking annual wage growth in 1972. After adjusting for inflation, real wages decreased at over two-thirds of colleges and universities. The number of full-time faculty decreased at over half of institutions.

      This does not account for the thousands of higher education adjuncts (part-time faculty) and staff that lost their jobs permanently.

      In April 2021, the Center on Budget & Policy Priorities stated that, “millions of people are still without their pre-pandemic income sources and are borrowing to get by.” Specifically:

      • 54 million adults said they didn’t use regular income sources like those received before the pandemic to meet their spending needs in the last seven days.
      • 50 million used credit cards or loans to meet spending needs.
      • 20 million borrowed from friends or family. (These three groups overlap.)

      Also in April 2021, the Washington Post wrote:

      The pandemic’s disruption has created inescapable financial strain for many Americans. Nearly 2 of 5 of adults have postponed major financial decisions, from buying cars or houses to getting married or having children, due to the coronavirus crisis, according to a survey last week from Bankrate.com. Among younger adults, ages 18 to 34, some 59 percent said they had delayed a financial milestone. (emphasis added)

      According to Monthly Review:

      The U.S. economy has seen a long-term decline in capacity utilization in manufacturing, which has averaged 78 percent from 1972 to 2019—well below levels that stimulate net investment. (emphasis added, January 1, 2021).

      Capitalist firms will not invest in new ventures or projects when there is little or no profit to be made, which is why major owners of capital are engaged in even more stock market manipulation than ever before. “Casino capitalism” is intensifying. This, in turn, is giving rise to even larger stock market bubbles that will eventually burst and wreak even more havoc than previous stock market crashes. The inability to make profit through normal investment channels is also why major owners of capital are imposing more public-private “partnerships” (PPPs) on people and society through neoliberal state restructuring. Such pay-the-rich schemes further marginalize workers and exacerbate inequality, debt, and poverty. PPPs solve no problems and must be replaced by human-centered economic arrangements.

      The International Labor Organization estimates that the equivalent of 255 million full-time jobs have been lost globally as a result of government actions over the past 13-14 months.

      In March of this year, the Food and Agricultural Organization (FAO) of the United Nations reported that, “Acute hunger is set to soar in over 20 countries in the coming months without urgent and scaled-up assistance.” The FAO says, “”The magnitude of suffering is alarming.”

      And according to Reuters, “Overall, global FDI [Foreign Direct Investment] had collapsed in 2020, falling by 42% to an estimated $859 billion, from $1.5 trillion in 2019, according to the UNCTAD report.” UNCTAD stands for United Nations Conference on Trade and Development.

      The international organization Oxfam tells us that:

      The coronavirus pandemic has the potential to lead to an increase in inequality in almost every country at once, the first time this has happened since records began…. Billionaire fortunes returned to their pre-pandemic highs in just nine months, while recovery for the world’s poorest people could take over a decade. (emphasis added, January 25, 2021)

      According to the World Bank, “The COVID-19 pandemic has pushed about 120 million people into extreme poverty over the last year in mostly low- and middle-income countries.”  And despite the roll-out of vaccines in various countries:

      the economic implications of the pandemic are deep and far-reaching. It is ushering in a “new poor” profile that is more urban, better educated, and reliant on informal sector work such as construction, relative to the existing global poor (those living on less than $1.90/day) who are more rural and heavily reliant on agriculture. (emphasis added)

      Another source notes that:

      Pew Research Center, using World Bank data, has estimated that the number of poor in India (with income of $2 per day or less in purchasing power parity) has more than doubled from 60 million to 134 million in just a year due to the pandemic-induced recession. This means, India is back in a situation to be called a “country of mass poverty” after 45 years. (emphasis added)

      In Europe, there is no end in sight to the economic decline that keeps unfolding. The United Kingdom, for example, experienced its worst economy in literally 300 years:

      The economy in the U.K. contracted 9.9 percent in 2020, the worst year on record since 1709, the Office for National Statistics (ONS) said in a report on Friday (Feb. 12). The overall economic drop in 2020 was more than double in 2009, when U.K. GDP declined 4.1 percent due to the worldwide financial crisis. Britain experienced the biggest annual decline among the G7 economies — France saw its economy decline 8.3 percent, Italy dropped 8.8 percent, Germany declined 5 percent and the U.S. contracted 3.5 percent. (emphasis added)

      Another source also notes that, “The Eurozone is being haunted by ‘ghost bankruptcies,’ with more than 200,000 firms across the European Union’s four biggest nations under threat when Covid financial lifelines stop.” In another sign of economic decline, this time in Asia, Argus Media reported in April 2021 that Japan’s 2020-21 crude steel output fell to a 52-year low.

      Taken alone, on a country-by-country basis, these are not minor economic downturns, but when viewed as a collective cumulative global phenomenon, the consequences are more serious. It is a big problem when numerous economies decline simultaneously. The world is more interdependent and interconnected than ever. What happens in one region necessarily affects other regions.

      One could easily go country by country and region by region and document many tragic economic developments that are still unfolding and worsening. Argentina, Lebanon, Colombia, Turkey, Brazil, Mexico, Jordan, South Africa, Nigeria, and dozens of other countries are all experiencing major economic setbacks and hardships that will take years to overcome and will negatively affect the economies of other countries in an increasingly interdependent world. And privatization schemes around the world are just making conditions worse for the majority of people. Far from solving any problems, neoliberalism has made everything worse for working people and society.

      It is too soon for capitalist ideologues to be euphoric about “miraculous economic growth and success.” There is no meaningful evidence to show that there is deep, significant, sustained economic growth on a broad scale. There is tremendous economic carnage and pain out there, and the scarring and consequences are going to linger for some time. No one believes that a big surge of well-paying jobs is right around the corner. Nor does anyone believe that more schemes to pay the rich under the banner of high ideals will improve things either.

      Relentless disinformation about the economy won’t solve any problems or convince people that they are not experiencing what they are experiencing. Growing poverty, hunger, homelessness, unemployment, under-employment, debt, inequality, anxiety, and insecurity are real and painful. They require real solutions put forward by working people, not major owners of capital concerned only with maximizing private profit as fast as possible.

      The economy cannot improve and serve a pro-social aim and direction so long as those who produce society’s wealth, workers, are disempowered and denied any control of the economy they run. Allowing major decisions to be made by a historically superfluous financial oligarchy is not the way forward. The rich and their representatives are unfit to rule and have no real solutions for the recurring crises caused by their outmoded system. They are focused mainly on depriving people of an outlook that opens the path of progress to society.

      There is no way for the massive wealth of society to be used to serve the general interests of society so long as the contradiction between the socialized nature of the economy and its continued domination by competing private interests remain unresolved. All we are left with are recurring economic crises that take a bigger and bigger toll on humanity. To add insult to injury, we are told that there is no alternative to this outdated system, and that the goal is to strive for “inclusive capitalism,” “ethical capitalism,” “responsible capitalism,” or some other oxymoron.

      But there is an alternative. Existing conditions do not have to be eternal or tolerated. History shows that conditions that favor the people can be established. The rich must be deprived of their ability to deprive the people of their rights, including the right to govern their own affairs and control the economy. The economy, government, nation-building, and society must be controlled and directed by the people themselves, free of the influence of narrow private interests determined to enrich themselves at the expense of everyone and everything else.

      The rich and their political and media representatives are under great pressure to distort social consciousness, undermine the human factor, and block progress. The necessity for change is for humanity to rise up and usher in a modern society that ensures prosperity, stability, and peace for all. It can be done and must be done.

      This post was originally published on Radio Free.

    4. New York Stock Exchange juxtaposed with Green New Deal protesters

      This week, Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Sen. Ed Markey re-introduced the Green New Deal. One crucial arm of it is the Green New Deal for Public Housing, a bill to rebuild and revitalize the nation’s public housing infrastructure. Momentum by lawmakers to reinvest in our existing public housing infrastructure has been building for years. Combined with President Biden’s push for a $2 trillion infrastructure plan, there is a real opportunity to rebuild our economy with the public at the forefront.

      Meanwhile, the largest Wall Street players continue to do well, even in a still-struggling economy. The recent volatility in the price of GameStop stock, combined with the prevalence of easy-to-use trading apps like Robinhood, has led to a surge of interest in trading in the stock market by so-called “retail” (nonprofessional) traders. In the media narrative that followed, some proclaimed the triumph of David vs. Goliath. But the largest players on Wall Street have reaped massive rewards off the volatility. Goldman Sachs and Morgan Stanley both reported record first-quarter profits, thanks in part to massive revenues in their trading divisions.

      Robinhood’s lofty marketing claims say it aims to “democratize finance.” But if we truly want to democratize our economy, it’s going to take more than a few more retail traders getting rich in the stock market while the profits of the titans of finance continue to climb. It will take committed, long-term public investments. One idea to facilitate these very investments is being considered by Congress to channel both public and private capital into public infrastructure projects.

      Flipping the Script on Public-Private Investments

      On April 14, the House Financial Services Committee held a hearing to discuss infrastructure ideas to help realize President Biden’s “build back better” economic vision. Among the ideas discussed at the hearing was a proposal by Cornell University Law Professor Saule Omarova: a National Investment Authority that could fund public projects large and small, but also provide a way for the public to invest their money without having to rely on Wall Street.

      Today, major Wall Street players act as a middle man on nearly every kind of investment. They take fees each step of the way — be it when private companies go public, cities sell bonds to fund projects, or even when the public chooses to invest in mutual funds or other financial products that aim to produce a steady return. If you’re lucky enough to be able to save for retirement, unless you buy a savings bond, whatever you do, you give Wall Street a cut. If we created a National Investment Authority, there would be a new asset class that would let savers invest purely in public projects, whether that be the Green New Deal, high-speed rail or other projects to benefit the entire country.

      Another problem the National Investment Authority solves is the current funding gap we have for large-scale, long-term public projects. As Professor Omarova writes, the current approach to infrastructure funding in the United States is to “allow private markets to decide which projects are worthy of funding.” But Wall Street is generally uninterested in investing in projects that might take more than a lifetime to create profits, let alone a few years.

      When Wall Street does invest in public projects, it demands tolls and fees that can guarantee near-term returns, like when Chicago leased off its parking meter system in 2008 to private investors. These investors are now on track to recoup their entire investment by 2021, and then enjoy 62 more years of profits, all paid for by the city’s residents. Meanwhile, parking meter rates doubled in the first five years, and Chicago is now contractually restricted from improving the downtown streets with the leased meters, preventing them from adding bicycle lanes or expanding sidewalks.

      What happened in Chicago is just one example of so-called public-private partnerships, where cities and states sell off public assets to private actors, just to balance their budgets. But the idea of the National Investment Authority is to flip the public-private partnership script. It would compel private money to fund public projects under public control instead.

      The way it would do this is by creating a new asset class, backed by the full faith and credit of the federal government, which would create a new financial product nearly as safe as Treasuries (U.S. government bonds widely seen by the financial markets as one of the safest, least risky investments that exist). Because of the government backing, it could not only be attractive to the general public, but even to pension funds and other long-term institutional investors who want a decent return with less risk. While there’s no reason the National Investment Authority couldn’t be solely funded with public dollars, a combination of public dollars and private investment could make it go even further.

      Operationally, the National Investment Authority would be a new public entity that sits between the Federal Reserve and the Treasury Department. It would have a dedicated mission to invest strategically in projects that would create socially inclusive, equitable and environmentally sustainable economic growth. To ensure it doesn’t stray from its mission, it would have multiple measures for accountability: a governing board, a public interest council, an audit panel and separate oversight by audits from the Government Accountability Office.

      It would have two arms: an Infrastructure Bank and an agency to invest in leapfrog, moonshot-type projects. The Infrastructure Bank would issue grants, loans, insurance and more to support public infrastructure like roads, clean energy facilities and water treatment plants. The other arm would be an asset manager, with a portfolio of equity investments in environmentally safe, socially beneficial long-term projects.

      There’s precedent in the United States for this kind of organized, vast investment in public projects. The National Investment Authority is a modernized version of a New Deal–era program called the Reconstruction Finance Corporation. First created by President Hoover, Franklin D. Roosevelt grew it and used it to help the country out of the Great Depression. The Reconstruction Finance Corporation funded projects big and small, and at the time, its investments were larger than those of all of Wall Street combined. Institutions like the Small Business Administration and Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac (which help to facilitate investment in housing by buying mortgages from lenders) are still-surviving subsidiaries of the Reconstruction Finance Corporation.

      While the American Rescue Plan has provided a much needed short-term stimulus to the public, the future of the U.S. economy remains uncertain. Supplemental unemployment insurance and the suspension on most federal student loan payments are both due to expire in the fall. One of the lessons learned from the last financial crisis is that Wall Street actors will grab the best assets on the cheap after a market crash, leading to further dominance of our economy by a few giant, private players.

      The National Investment Authority could ensure this doesn’t repeat, acting to reverse the trend toward privatization and make real investments in public projects. It’s an idea that’s popular — a majority of voters (54 percent) support the idea, according to polling by the Justice Collaborative. Combined with the president’s push for the infrastructure bill and the reintroduction of the Green New Deal, the moment seems ripe for transformational public investments.

      This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

    5. Discussion in the United States about secular stagnation, a long-term tendency toward weak business investment and slow growth, has mostly focused on wealthy countries. But slowing growth around the world cannot be explained as the sign of economic “maturity.”

      This post was originally published on Dissent MagazineDissent Magazine.

    6. True democracy is populism—is it not? It has always struck me as odd that “populism” is used to describe a fringe politics, motivated by grievances that are viewed as illegitimate complaining. But if the not-profit-making needs of local and regional communities are determined and addressed by a democratic, majoritarian process, isn’t that what real “populism” must be? The problem, as I noted in Why MMT Progressivism is the Real Populism, is that local and regional communities have to pay people and businesses to provide the goods and services they decide are necessary for their collective wellbeing. And, since local and regional communities cannot issue their own currency, payments for their not-profit-making enterprises can only be derived by the operations of sovereign fiat money at the national level. And if that larger problem cannot be resolved—if we cannot understand how the federal government can issue fiat currency to pay for collective goods and services—how can a real populism ever unfold?

      I have spent considerable time over the last several years trying to visualize an explanation of modern fiat money that frees us from the constraints of imagining that federal spending, for the collective wellbeing, must be paid for with tax revenues—or by borrowing dollars from private commerce which must be repaid with future tax revenues. Sometimes it feels like progress is being made—that modern monetary theory (MMT) has its toe in the door guarding our normative thinking about money.

      One might even consider the current resurgence in federal spending by the Biden administration as a positive sign. It should be noted, however, that this new spending—unfunded by tax revenues—is not being explained through the lens of modern fiat money operations, but by the justification that interest rates are currently so low the federal government can afford to borrow great sums of money—and that new revenues, to repay the “loans” will eventually be found in the realm of new taxes on global corporations. So, really, not much progress is being made at all—at least on the topic of understanding how the fiat money system works, and how to use it to our collective advantage. And, for lack of progress on visualizing fiat money accurately, it is very likely we shall eventually (and perhaps at the most inopportune moment of confronting the climate crisis!) shackle ourselves, once again, in the chains of irrational fiscal austerity. Certainly, we are a long way from creating a rational payment system for genuine populism.

      A book I recently read, Double-Entry, by Jane Gleeson-White (for which I am grateful to a footnote in Tom Wheeler’s book From Gutenberg to Google) has given me pause to consider that, perhaps, another approach to freeing ourselves from the bondage of our outdated “standard money theory” is necessary. Reading the book started me thinking that attempts to explain that the U.S. government, in its “deficit spending,” does not borrow money at all and is, therefore, not required to collect future taxes to repay a “debt”—perhaps that is too steep a hill to climb. At least it seems likely we will not be able to climb it fast enough to begin meeting the new challenges we face as a collective society—challenges which are now becoming desperate. 

      Double Entry is a history of—and a crucial “sociological” analysis of—double-entry bookkeeping. Its roots are traced from the merchants of Venice, and its first codified explanation in 1494 by a mathematician monk (and close friend of Leonardo DaVinci), Luca Pacioli. This explanation happened to be written just after the moveable-type printing press was invented and was, as a result, rapidly disseminated throughout Europe. Gleeson-White’s book traces the evolution of double-entry through the Renaissance, to the Industrial Revolution, through the invention of joint stock companies (i.e. corporations) and, eventually, the development of National Accounts which today calculate the Gross National Product (and supposed economic “health” of nations). Many things jumped out at me in the reading, but two gave rise to the topic of this essay:

      First, double-entry bookkeeping invented the concept of financial “profit” which, from my perspective, is the source of the cognitive dissonance of our standard money theory. The calculation (and justification) of financial profit, in fact, was (and is) the ultimate purpose of double-entry. Second, the process of double-entry bookkeeping (and the concept of financial profit) established what I earlier referred to as our “normative thinking about money”—that is to say, the actual mental architecture with which we perceive and understand monetary operations. And it is this mental architecture, structured over centuries by the operations of double-entry bookkeeping, that makes the hill of federal “deficit spending” such a steep obstacle. No matter how hard you try to revisualize and reframe it, “deficit spending” will always be defined by the bookkeeping of our mental architecture about money as “spending more than you earn.” Period.

      Except maybe—perhaps—there is another way to consider the whole thing altogether. And, perhaps, this other way solves the problem of “deficit spending” in a manner that makes “real populism” an actual possibility.

      What is a Public Bank for?

      While reading Double Entry, I found myself pondering a recent piece by Rohan Grey at RealProgressives.org explaining the “Public Banking Act” currently proposed by U.S. Representatives Tlaib and Ocasio-Cortez. What I kept wondering about is the possibility of utilizing public banks, as they are described in the proposed bill, as a “payments system” by which the federal government buys the not-profit-making goods and services Congress determines are necessary for the collective wellbeing—what I think of as “fiat spending.”

      In a nutshell, what I began visualizing is a process whereby Congress, instead of “appropriating” dollars for the U.S. Treasury to spend, authorizes the Federal Reserve to establish “Public Asset Accounts” on its balance sheet. Each authorized Public Asset Account would be associated with a specific not-profit-making undertaking which Congress, by democratic process, determines is necessary or desirable for the collective wellbeing. The Public Asset Accounts would be established to hold collateral Public Banks trade to the FED in exchange for new Reserves (U.S. fiat money). The new Reserves would then be used by the Public Banks to establish “payment accounts” which would be used by local and regional organizations and businesses to implement the specific not-profit-making undertaking Congress has defined. Here is the crucial, bookkeeping thing:

      The “collateral” the Public Bank trades to the FED (in exchange for new Reserves) is the public good Congress has identified in its authorization—and which, for bookkeeping purposes, has been given a specific dollar value per unit. Thus, just as the FED issues Reserves in exchange for profit-making collateral (financial securities) it is also enabled to issue Reserves in exchange for not-profit-making assets that benefit the collective wellbeing. And the Public Banks then use those Reserves as the basis for “payment accounts” which local and regional organizations and businesses use to actually create the public asset.

      A quick example

      Before considering the advantages of this payment system, let’s look at a quick example. Congress, by democratic process, authorizes a Public Asset Account for “American Childcare Programs—For the Purpose of Establishing, Staffing, and Operating Free-to-use Preschool, Afterschool, and Summer Day camp Programs in every local community of America.” (As you might recall, President Obama proposed something like this in his 2013 State of the Union address. What happened next was a scramble to find new tax revenues to pay for it and the eventual, quiet abandonment of the proposal because raising taxes—to avoid increasing “deficit spending” and the “national debt”—was not politically viable. Result: a not-profit-making asset America desperately needs for its collective wellbeing was left undone—another example of the “efficacy” of our standard money theory.)

      But these are new times! Congress (I am now imagining) has passed the Public Banking Act and every state has at least one federally authorized, not-profit-making, Public Bank which is a member of the Federal Reserve banking system. To implement its decision to undertake the provision of free-to-use childcare in America the U.S. Congress, instead of appropriating dollars for the Treasury to spend, authorizes the FED to establish, on its balance sheet, a Public Asset Account titled “American Childcare Programs.” Congress also announces that local community groups can apply for “payment accounts” at state Public Banks to establish, staff and operate local childcare facilities. Congress also issues a set of criteria and parameters which must be met for local groups to qualify for the payment accounts—parameters which would include public ownership of the asset.

      In response, Parents for Santa Fe Childcare (PSFC) organizes itself, researches the parameters and criteria established by Congress, and applies to the Federal New Mexico Public Bank for a payment account of up to $300,000 per year to establish and operate a preschool, afterschool, and summer day camp childcare program. The Public Bank does its due diligence—confirming that the community group and its business plan meets the qualifying standards set by Congress. It then establishes the PFSC payment account on its books—and PFSC proceeds to set up, staff, and operate the childcare program, writing checks on its payment account as necessary.

      Now let’s walk through a quick description of how the fiat money flows. Though slightly tedious, it is important, so please try to get the rhythm of it.

      1. When the Public Bank issues “X bank dollars” and credits them to PSFC’s payment account, it also submits to the Federal Reserve X dollars of “American Childcare Programs” Public Assets as collateral for X dollars in new Reserves. The FED issues and credits the new Reserves to the Public Bank’s Reserve account at the central bank. The FED then records the X dollars of Public Childcare Assets in the authorized account on its balance sheet.
      2. When PSFC writes a check on its payment account at the Public Bank, the check goes through the end-of-day clearing process at the FED (along with all the other inter-bank transactions that occurred that business day). During this clearing process, Reserves are debited, as necessary, from the public bank’s Reserve account and credited to, as is very likely to be the case, the Reserve account of a private, for-profit bank in which the check was deposited by the vendor, or staff, who had received the check as payment.

      By this process, the decision by Congress to pay American citizens and businesses to undertake the not-profit-making task of providing free-to-use childcare in local communities is translated into concrete action.

      But why do it that way?

      There are at least three compelling reasons.

      1. The first I have already alluded to: The fiat dollars we have just observed being directed to the establishment and operations of local childcare programs are not generated by tax revenues. Nor are they borrowed from existing Reserves of private commerce, an action which the norms of bookkeeping establish as a debt which must be repaid—in other words, by definition, “deficit spending.” Because they are not “deficit spending,”these allocations of fiat money for the collective benefit cannot be subjected to the political objections and arguments about “increasing the federal deficit,” or “increasing the national debt.” They are simply Federal Reserve banking operations—part of the grand machinations of everyday enterprise and commerce that are recorded on double-entry balance sheets. (Now, however, that “everyday enterprise” comprises bothprofit-making enterprise and not-profit-making enterprise for the collective well-being.) The Public Asset Accounts can only be critiqued, therefore, on the merits of what they intend to accomplish—what Public Asset for collective society they intend to create.

      (It should be noted as well that this is not a bookkeeping “gimmick.” The Public Assets the FED receives as collateral for the Reserves it issues are real assets. In fact, it could be argued they are more real than a large portion of the assets—current or deferred—that are listed in the accounts of today’s corporate world. In the case just illustrated, the Public Assets on the FED’s balance sheet comprise a publicly owned national childcare infrastructure available, without charge, to every American family. If that is not a real asset for our modern times, I do not understand the meaning of the term!)

      • Using a “Public Bank payment system,” as described above, creates (from State to State, across the country) an apolitical, universally applied process for the allocation, disbursement, and oversight of Congressionally mandated spending programs. Political machinations over control of the spending, at the state or local levels, are avoided because the decisions are “banking” decisions in the hands of federally regulated public banks.
      • Finally, and of special importance to our title-topic, the allocation process is decentralized in a manner that directly involves the creative initiatives of local and regional communities. While the over-arching goals, criteria, and parameters of a given “Public Asset” are established at the “top” (by national democratic process of Congress) the conceiving and managing of each specific instance of its implementation are undertaken from the “bottom up” by local and regional citizen-organizations and businesses.

      A list of possibilities

      Here is a list (that comes easily to mind) of some not-profit-making “Public Assets” that Congress could authorize the FED to create an account for on its balance sheet:

      • Hydrogen & Electric Fueling Infrastructures
      • Sea-Level-Rise Mitigation & Relocation Programs
      • Agricultural Carbon Sequestration
      • Desertification Mitigation & Reforestation
      • Forest-Fire Mitigation National Guard
      • Zero-Carbon Community Micro-Grid Systems
      • National Affordable Housing Coop
      • American Childcare Programs
      • American Debt-Free College
      • Universal Health Care
      • Fully Funded Toxic Waste Cleanups

      Each one of these Public Asset Accounts (debated and authorized by the national democratic process of Congress) enables the Federal Reserve to issue new fiat money—through the due-diligence of Public Banks—directly to local citizen-organizations and/or local and regional business organizations, for the purpose of creating specific Public Assets which benefit the wellbeing of collective society. There are no tax increases required. There is no federal borrowing involved. The “national debt” clock in New York City stops clicking—and is soon turned off entirely as being irrelevant. Not-profit-making enterprise, directed by local and regional organizations and businesses, simply and quietly becomes an on-going component of the Federal Reserve banking system. This is what I would call “paying for populism.”

      This post was originally published on Real Progressives.

    7. Just over two months into the new year, 2021 has already seen a flurry of public banking activity. Sixteen new bills to form publicly-owned banks or facilitate their formation were introduced in eight U.S. states in January and February. Two bills for a state-owned bank were introduced in New Mexico, two in Massachusetts, two in New York, one each in Oregon and Hawaii, and Washington State’s Public Bank Bill was re-introduced as a “Substitution.” Bills for city-owned banks were introduced in Philadelphia and San Francisco, and bills facilitating the formation of public banks or for a feasibility study were introduced in New York, Oregon (three bills), and Hawaii.

      In addition, California is expected to introduce a bill for a state-owned bank later this year, and New Jersey is moving forward with a strong commitment from its governor to implement one. At the federal level, three bills for public banking were also introduced last year: the National Infrastructure Bank Bill (HR 6422), a new Postal Banking Act (S 4614), and the Public Banking Act (HR 8721). (For details on all these bills, see the Public Banking Institute website here.)

      As Oscar Abello wrote on NextCity.org in February, “2021 could be public banking’s watershed moment.… Legislators are starting to see public banks as a powerful potential tool to ensure a recovery that is more equitable than the last time.”

      Why the Surge in Interest?

      The devastation caused by nationwide Covid-19 lockdowns in 2020 has highlighted the inadequacies of the current financial system in serving the public, local businesses, and local governments. Nearly 10 million jobs were lost to the lockdowns, over 100,000 businesses closed permanently, and a quarter of the population remains unbanked or underbanked. Over 18 million people are receiving unemployment benefits, and moratoria on rent and home foreclosures are due to expire this spring.

      Where was the Federal Reserve in all this? It poured out trillions of dollars in relief, but the funds did not trickle down to the real economy. They flooded up, dramatically increasing the wealth gap. By October 2020, the top 1% of the U.S. population held 30.4% of all household wealth, 15 times that of the bottom 50%, which held just 1.9% of all wealth.

      State and local governments are also in dire straits due to the crisis. Their costs have shot up and their tax bases have shrunk. But the Fed’s “special purpose vehicles” were no help. The Municipal Liquidity Facility, ostensibly intended to relieve municipal debt burdens, lent at market interest rates plus a penalty, making borrowing at the facility so expensive that it went nearly unused; and it was discontinued in December.

      The Fed’s emergency lending facilities were also of little help to local businesses. In a January 2021 Wall Street Journal article titled “Corporate Debt ‘Relief’ Is an Economic Dud,” Sheila Bair, former chair of the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, and Lawrence Goodman, president of the Center for Financial Stability, observed:

      The creation of the corporate facilities last March marked the first time in history that the Fed would buy corporate debt… The purpose of the corporate facilities was to help companies access debt markets during the pandemic, making it possible to sustain operations and keep employees on payroll. Instead, the facilities resulted in a huge and unnecessary bailout of corporate debt issuers, underwriters and bondholders….This created a further unfair opportunity for large corporations to get even bigger by purchasing competitors with government-subsidized credit.

      …. This presents a double whammy for the young companies that have been hit hardest by the pandemic. They are the primary source of job creation and innovation, and squeezing them deprives our economy of the dynamism and creativity it needs to thrive.

      In a September 2020 study for ACRE called “Cancel Wall Street,” Saqib Bhatti and Brittany Alston showed that U.S. state and local governments collectively pay $160 billion annually just in interest in the bond market, which is controlled by big private banks. For comparative purposes, $160 billion would be enough to help 13 million families avoid eviction by covering their annual rent; and $134 billion could make up the revenue shortfall suffered by every city and town in the U.S. due to the pandemic.

      Half the cost of infrastructure generally consists of financing, doubling its cost to municipal governments. Local governments are extremely good credit risks; yet private, bank-affiliated rating agencies give them a lower credit score (raising their rates) than private corporations, which are 63 times more likely to default. States are not allowed to go bankrupt, and that is also true for cities in about half the states. State and local governments have a tax base to pay their debts and are not going anywhere, unlike bankrupt corporations, which simply disappear and leave their creditors holding the bag.

      How Publicly-owned Banks Can Help 

      Banks do not have the funding problems of local governments. In March 2020, the Federal Reserve reduced the interest rate at its discount window, encouraging all banks in good standing to borrow there at 0.25%. No stigma or strings were attached to this virtually free liquidity – no need to retain employees or to cut dividends, bonuses, or the interest rates charged to borrowers. Wall Street banks can borrow at a mere one-quarter of one percent while continuing to charge customers 15% or more on their credit cards.

      Local governments extend credit to their communities through loan funds, but these “revolving funds” can lend only the capital they have. Depository banks, on the other hand, can leverage their capital, generating up to ten times their capital base in loans. For a local government with its own depository bank, that would mean up to ten times the credit to inject into the local economy, and ten times the profit to be funneled back into community needs. A public depository bank could also borrow at 0.25% from the Fed’s discount window.

      North Dakota Leads the Way

      What a state can achieve by forming its own bank has been demonstrated in North Dakota. There  the nation’s only state-owned bank was formed in 1919 when North Dakota farmers were losing their farms to big out-of-state banks. Unlike the Wall Street megabanks mandated to make as much money as possible for their shareholders, the Bank of North Dakota (BND) is mandated to serve the public interest. Yet it has had a stellar return on investment, outperforming even J.P. Morgan Chase and Goldman Sachs. In its 2019 Annual Report, the BND reported its sixteenth consecutive year of record profits, with $169 million in income, just over $7 billion in assets, and a hefty return on investment of 18.6%.

      The BND maximizes its profits and its ability to serve the community by eliminating profiteering middlemen. It has no private shareholders bent on short-term profits, no high-paid executives, no need to advertise for depositors or borrowers, and no need for multiple branches. It has a massive built-in deposit base, since the state’s revenues must be deposited in the BND by law. It does not compete with North Dakota’s local banks in the retail market but instead partners with them. The local bank services and retains the customer, while the BND helps as needed with capital and liquidity. Largely due to this amicable relationship, North Dakota has nearly six times as many local financial institutions per person as the country overall.

      The BND has performed particularly well in economic crises. It helped pay the state’s teachers during the Great Depression, and sold foreclosed farmland back to farmers in the 1940s. It has also helped the state recover from a litany of natural disasters.

      Its emergency capabilities were demonstrated in 1997, when record flooding and fires devastated Grand Forks, North Dakota. The town and its sister city, East Grand Forks on the Minnesota side of the Red River, lay in ruins. The response of the BND was immediate and comprehensive, demonstrating a financial flexibility and public generosity that no privately-owned bank could match. The BND quickly established nearly $70 million in credit lines and launched a disaster relief loan program; worked closely with federal agencies to gain forbearance on federally-backed home loans and student loans; and reduced interest rates on existing family farm and farm operating programs. The BND obtained funds at reduced rates from the Federal Home Loan Bank and passed the savings on to flood-affected borrowers. Grand Forks was quickly rebuilt and restored, losing only 3% of its population by 2000, compared to 17% in East Grand Forks on the other side of the river.

      In the 2020 crisis, North Dakota shone again, leading the nation in getting funds into the hands of workers and small businesses. Unemployment benefits were distributed in North Dakota faster than in any other state, and small businesses secured more Payroll Protection Program funds per worker than in any other state. Jeff Stein, writing in May 2020 in The Washington Post, asked:

      What’s their secret? Much credit goes to the century-old Bank of North Dakota, which — even before the PPP officially rolled out — coordinated and educated local bankers in weekly conference calls and flurries of calls and emails.

      According Eric Hardmeyer, BND’s president and chief executive, BND connected the state’s small bankers with politicians and U.S. Small Business Administration officials and even bought some of their PPP loans to help spread out the cost and risk….

      BND has already rolled out two local successor programs to the PPP, intended to help businesses restart and rebuild. It has also offered deferments on its $1.1 billion portfolio of student loans.

      Public Banks Excel Globally in Crises

      Publicly-owned banks around the world have responded quickly and efficiently to crises. As of mid-2020, public banks worldwide held nearly $49 trillion in combined assets; and including other public financial institutions, the figure reached nearly $82 trillion. In a 2020 compendium of cases studies titled Public Banks and Covid 19: Combatting the Pandemic with Public Finance, the editors write:

      Five overarching and promising lessons stand out: public banks have the potential to respond rapidly; to fulfill their public purpose mandates; to act boldly; to mobilize their existing institutional capacity; and to build on ‘public-public’ solidarity. In short, public banks are helping us navigate the tidal wave of Covid-19 at the same time as private lenders are turning away….

      Public banks have crafted unprecedented responses to allow micro-, small- and medium-sized enterprises (MSMEs), large businesses, public entities, governing authorities and households time to breathe, time to adjust and time to overcome the worst of the crisis. Typically, this meant offering liquidity with generously reduced rates of interest, preferential repayment terms and eased conditions of repayment. For the most vulnerable in society, public banks offered non-repayable grants.

      The editors conclude that public banks offer a path toward democratization (giving society a meaningful say in how financial resources are used) and definancialization (moving away from speculative predatory investment practices toward financing that grows the real economy). For local governments, public banks offer a path to escape monopoly control by giant private financial institutions over public policies.

      This article was first posted on ScheerPost.

      The post Will 2021 Be Public Banking’s Watershed Moment? first appeared on Dissident Voice.

      This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

    8. [Original interview published May 4, 2010]

      Is the Federal Reserve an almighty-like “creature” or rather extremely limited in its essential operations? L. Randall Wray, an expert on monetary policy, answers questions with regard to the Fed and central banks in general.

      L. Randall Wray is a professor of economics and research director of the Center for Full Employment and Price Stability at the University of Missouri–Kansas City (UMKC).

      The approach of the economists at UMKC, which has been dubbed “The Kansas City School,” builds on the work of Abba P. Lerner, John Maynard Keynes and Hyman P. Minsky.

      Mr. Wray’s current research focuses on providing a critique of orthodox monetary policy, and the development of an alternative approach. He also publishes extensively in the areas of full employment policy and the monetary theory of production. With Levy Institute President Dimitri B. Papadimitriou, he is working to publish, or republish, the work of the late financial economist Hyman P. Minsky, and is using Minsky’s approach to analyze the current global financial crisis.

      Mr. Wray is the author of “Money and Credit in Capitalist Economies”, 1990, and “Understanding Modern Money: The Key to Full Employment and Price Stability”, 1998. He is also coeditor of, and a contributor to, “Money, Financial Instability, and Stabilization Policy”, 2006, and “Keynes for the 21st Century: The Continuing Relevance of The General Theory”, 2008.

      He taught for more than a decade at the University of Denver and has been a visiting professor at Bard College, the University of Bologna, and the University of Rome (La Sapienza). He received a B.A. from the University of the Pacific and an M.A. and a Ph.D. from Washington University, where he was a student of Minsky.


      Mr. Wray, I conducted not so long ago an interview with a colleague of yours from the Economics Department at the University of Missouri in Kansas City, William K. Black, and asked him if the Federal Reserve, as it exists today, shouldn’t being abolished for the sake of humanity. Mr. Black answered this way:

      “It depends on what one means by ‘as it exists today.’ My colleague Randy Wray is the expert on this. He makes the persuasive point that the Fed’s essential operations are extremely limited and not terribly complex.”[1]

      Now that I am able to ask you, Mr. Wray: is this true that the Fed isn’t the almighty-like “creature” as perceived in the view of the general public? What makes its “essential operations extremely limited”?

      Milton Friedman played the biggest role in promoting the view that the Fed is the all-powerful Wizard of Oz, spinning dials and controlling the money supply which then determines output and employment. However, the Fed is not to be trusted, hence, should be constrained by a constant-rate-of-growth-of-money-supply rule. This was finally tried in the disastrous early 1980s great monetarist experiment run by Fed Chairman Paul Volcker (simultaneously attempted in Thatcher’s UK). I say disastrous because it wiped out half of our thrifts (home mortgage lenders—but not before helping to set off a wave of fraud that was the subject of Bill Black’s book[2]). By the mid-1980s the Fed had given up money targets, and had also abandoned the Friedmanian myth that money and output are closely correlated—with money driving output.

      Over time, the Fed (and all central banks of the developed nations) explicitly adopted interest rate targets and some version of the “New Monetary Consensus” Taylor Rule. The central bank is supposed to adjust its interest rate target in response to output gaps (deviation of output from its “natural rate”) and inflation gaps (deviations of inflation from the desired rate). It is believed that greater transparency helps to manage market expectations about inflation, which is ultimately the best way to keep prices in check. And that, in turn, is supposed to be the main way in which central banks contribute to maintaining robust economic growth.

      In truth, central bank policy has always determined the overnight interbank lending rate (called the fed funds rate in the US). Leaving to the side regulatory and supervisory power for a moment, that really is all the central bank does. There is no evidence that changing the overnight interest rate (within the usual range) has any significant or predictable impact on the economy. It truly is a Wizard of Oz—if one recalls that the Wizard behind the curtain actually had no power at all. Now, I think that it can be demonstrated that both the great “Maestro” (Alan Greenspan) and the current Chairman (Ben Bernanke) have consistently misread the economy and hence persistently adopt the “wrong” policy (raising rates going into recessions, for example) but fortunately interest rate policy has little impact on the economy. What is unfortunate is that for a very long time policymakers believed that economic policy could be left to the “omnipotent” Fed—which means that the truly powerful fiscal policy has been neglected. By the way, this is an even bigger problem in Euroland—whose monetary policy has been approximately the same as that in the US, but whose fiscal policy has been even more anaemic, that is to say, chronically too tight. (It must be that way, because individual euro nations do not have independent fiscal capacity.)

      One essential instrument through which the Fed can influence the conditions of the market-place is, I believe, the “Federal Open Market Committee” based in Washington D.C. What are the instruments of this Committee? And can you understand that critiques of the past and the present argue(d) that those instruments enable the Fed to create the whole thing that we know as the “business cycle” of boom and bust essentially by itself? Is this claim true or false – or does reality take place somewhere in-between?

      As I just discussed, really all the Fed does is set and manage the overnight interest rate—which has little impact on anything of importance. For example, following what the Japanese did when their own economy collapsed a generation ago, the Fed responded to the crisis by lowering the interest rate essentially to zero. And just as this had no positive impact on the Japanese economy over the past two decades, it had no discernible impact on the US economy. Bernanke had long argued that what Japan needed was “quantitative easing” to supplement the zero rate policy. He was always vague about what that means, but he had this idea that the Fed can “push on a string”—encourage banks to lend and borrowers to borrow by “pumping liquidity” into the economy. This would take the form of increasing bank excess reserves—providing them with far more reserves than they wanted to hold—on the belief they would then lend.

      Of course, it is all pretty silly and amounts to combining a misunderstanding with a nice slogan. Bernanke still, apparently, believes in the long discredited notion of a “money multiplier”: when banks have excess reserves they expand loans and deposits by a multiple. But banks do not operate that way and never have operated that way. The “multiplier” is just an ex post identity (we can always divide deposits by reserves and will find a number greater than one) with no causal implications. Banks neither lend reserves nor wait for reserves before they lend. If faced with good customers willing to borrow, banks make loans and create deposits. If they then find they need reserves to meet legal requirements or for clearing purposes they go to the fed funds market to get them; if there are no extra reserves to be found, the Fed provides them to prevent the fed funds rate from being driven above target. So what quantitative easing really amounts to is keeping excess reserves in the system and the overnight rate near zero. Nothing new about it, but “quantitative easing” is a nice slogan with no economic implication. Banks will not lend and borrowers will not borrow because they know we are in a deep and long recession.

      However, what is interesting and in some ways scary is that the Fed has expanded its balance sheet to $2 trillion by purchasing assets; it has also made all sorts of guarantees of private liabilities. And we have no idea what the Fed has bought or promised because it refuses to tell us. In the US there is a movement to force an audit of the Fed. Until that is done we cannot know what Bernanke and company have done under cover of the quantitative easing slogan. I am not so much worried about the likely losses the Fed will suffer on the toxic waste it has borrowed and guaranteed. Rather, I would like to know what favors Bernanke has provided to Timmy Geithner’s buddies on Wall Street. So far everything we have found out about what Geithner did when he was at the NY Fed stinks to high heavens. It sure looks like scandal and fraud of historic proportions. I expect that we are living through what will long be considered to be the worst scandal in human history.

      So to provide a more direct answer: no the Fed can neither create nor cure recessions and crises. It can determine the overnight interest rate, and it can provide reserves on demand. It can also buy anything for sale simply by crediting reserves (a point Bernanke made in testimony before Congress). We used to think the Fed would never buy bad private assets—but Bernanke changed all that. I do think Bernanke made mistakes, and he had to do a lot of learning “on the job” because he came out of academia with inadequate understanding of monetary operations. Greater competency would have had a marginally better outcome. But, really, only appropriate fiscal policy could have led to a quicker recovery. We did not get that.

      If it is true that money rules the world, isn’t it then true that those who rule the money actually rule the world? Of course, the inevitable next question has to be after this one before: who owns the Federal Reserve which issues the reserve currency of the world?

      Well, the Fed is nominally owned by private banks, who own shares in the Fed and receive a maximum 6% return on equity. Private banks play some role in selecting officers of district banks. Some Fed officials work their way up through the Fed after spending time in private banks. However I would not make too much of any of this. The Fed is a creature of Congress, created in the 1913 Act, with subsequent legislation dictating functions and policies. In other words, it really is a branch of government, albeit an unusual one since there are private shareholders. Does the Fed cater to financial institutions? Yes, but so does the Treasury—and as we know, Goldman Sachs has been running the Treasury for the past three Presidencies—Clinton, Bush and Obama. I think that is of greater import than is Wall Street’s control of the Fed. Capture of regulators is nothing new, of course. It has, however, become much more obvious and complete since Clinton was elected. He brought in Rubin and essentially handed Washington over to Wall Street. Washington then deregulated finance, which responded in the expected manner by “Hoovering” up 40% of all US corporate profits. The triumvirate of Rubin, Greenspan and Summers led the charge, and then added Paulson, Geithner and Bernanke. Remarkably, only Greenspan’s reputation has suffered in the collapse—and of this team he was the only one who actually raised some doubts during the speculative bubbles that followed.

      Money might “rule the world” but it is a big mistake to believe that the Fed controls money. Further, while the dollar is the reserve currency, it is also a mistake to attribute too much power to Washington. It always takes (at least) two to tango. The US current account deficits provides the dollar assets desired by the rest of the world; our willingness to run a trade deficit is required, as is the positive net saving desire of the rest of the world. And, in truth, most of these decisions that lead to current account deficits for us, and capital account surpluses for the rest of the world, are made in the non-government sectors.

      As far as I know the Federal Reserve is a private entity designed at the beginning of the 20th Century by private bankers under rather suspicious circumstances. Its official mandate is to be “the lender of last resort” in order to prevent financial crises like the one of 1907. Did it fulfil this mandate to prevent crises? Or didn’t the Fed already fail to do so at the end of the Roaring Twenties? Economists like Milton Friedman and Murray Rothbard for example argued that the Federal Reserve System not only failed to avoid the problem it was created against but rather helped to cause it in the first place. What is your opinion on this critical question?

      I think Friedman, et.al., have got that wrong. Yes, the Fed was created to be a lender of last resort, to stop the frequent bank runs experienced in the US. And of course we were centuries behind European nations in the establishment of a central bank (we had some failed attempts)—an interesting history related to America’s populism and fear of east coast bankers. I won’t go into that. But I certainly would not call the creation of the Fed “illegitimate”—we had a disastrous crisis in 1907 that set in place the process that led to the Fed’s creation. In the 1929 crash the Fed actually did act aggressively, lending reserves and lowering the interest rate. The problem was that the US was on a gold standard and when gold started leaving the country the Fed raised the interest rate to stop the flow. Friedman looks at bank lending and measures of the money supply and blames the Fed for not increasing the money supply. In truth—and just like today—banks would not lend and borrowers would not borrow for the simple reason that if they had, defaults were almost certain. Only if the Fed flew helicopters and dropped bags of cash could it have increased the money supply. But that is not monetary policy—it is fiscal policy and is normally done by the Treasury. In other words the Fed had no way to increase the money supply. Now what Bernanke has done is to have the Fed buy bad assets—but that is not something central banks did in the 1930s. Yes if the Fed had gone out and bought loans and corporate bonds and equities, and bought farms and houses, it could have done some real good. But I have never heard Friedman argue for such policies.

      How do you judge on the performance of the Fed in the build-up and the handling of this crisis? And do you agree or disagree with William Greider, the author of “The Secrets of the Temple”, who came in an article for “The Nation” to the conclusion that “the Fed is the problem, not the solution”?[3]

      I have a lot of respect for Greider’s work. Now as I said earlier, I do think Greenspan and Bernanke have almost always got things wrong—they always misread the economy. They try to fight inflation exactly when the economy heads into a recession. They usually fail to see speculative booms. They promote deregulation and promote risky new financial practices and products. They raise interest rates at the wrong time; indeed, they cause a lot of asset price instability by continually monkeying around with interest rate targets. That is not good, but impacts on financial asset prices are usually short-lived. And as we now know, the NY Fed, especially, aids and abets dangerous practices and even fraud. So while I think most people overestimate the power in the hands of our modern day Wizard of Oz, I do agree that we ought to tie the hands of the Wizard.

      So here is what I propose: Congress should mandate that the Fed set the overnight rate at 25 basis points (0.25%) and leave it there. Forever. That would be the extent of monetary policy in the US. A very simple robot would replace the FOMC, programmed to pay 25 basis points on reserves, and charge 50 basis points on loans of reserves to chartered banks.

      Now there are two other issues that remain. First, should the Fed lend to “shadow banks”? Our current crisis began in the shadow bank sector, when Lehman, Bear, Goldman, and others could not raise funds—essentially facing a “bank run”, not on deposits but rather on commercial paper and other short-term instruments. The Fed has typically dealt with such problems in the past by calling in chartered banks and telling them it would open up its discount window to any bank that would lend to non-bank financial institutions. In this way, commercial bank could have serviced their investment bank customers.

      Alternative, the Fed could lend directly to shadow banks, but only on the condition that they open their books to the Fed. The Fed would then lend against good assets to stop the run, and would use the opportunity to conduct a thorough examination of the books. Of course, an insolvent institution would not like such an intrusion—but that would be the cost imposed in order to get the benefit of Fed lending. No one should lend to a customer without assessing credit worthiness. If the Fed then found the institution to be insolvent, a resolution (including bankruptcy proceedings) would begin. If the Fed had dealt with the shadow institutions in this manner when the crisis hit, there is little doubt that many of them would have been resolved and closed. Of course, that is why the commercial banks would not lend to them—it was widely believed that all large institutions were massively insolvent due to toxic waste on their books. We have rescued them and encouraged them to go on with the same practices that created their insolvency. The situation is now much worse than it was in 2007.

      Second, we have issues of regulation and supervision of financial institutions, including protection of consumers of financial products. In the US there is a movement to consolidate regulation and supervision, possibly in the hands of the Fed. It is ironic that the Fed has long demonstrated that it has no interest in regulating or supervising wayward institutions, but it now is fighting hard to become the super-duper regulator. I do not think the Fed is reformable. It is probably far better to consolidate regulation and supervision at the Treasury—with the caveat noted above that since Clinton that has been run by Goldman. Still, I think it is easier to reform the Treasury. I would, however, retain the Fed as lender of last resort—and it would then have the power as a lender to examine the books of any institution to which it lends.

      Let’s broaden the perspective a little bit. How comes modern money in general into existence “out of thin air”?[4] Is there a problem related to this process when it is connected with compound interest and the exponential growth of compound interest? Further on, in case this observation by Richard Heinberg is accurate:

      “Our current money system requires constant growth so as to enable repayment of the interest on the debts that created the money to begin with”,[5]

      isn’t this then a root-cause for many ills in the world that can only become bigger and bigger as long as we follow this constant growth-dogma?

      Yes, interest gives rise to a logic and a necessity for growth of money values: nominal growth must exceed the interest rate to avoid rising debt ratios (in a sort of “Ponzi” or pyramid scheme). But I do not see that as a problem—capitalist systems have an inherent logic of growth, too—M-C-M’ as Marx put it. As I said earlier, I favour a near-zero overnight rate—which is equivalent to Keynes’s call for “euthanasia of the rentier”. Other rates will be above zero, to compensate for liquidity and credit risks. But in any case, we would have much lower rates than at present, and a greater probability that nominal growth would exceed the nominal interest rate. There is also much to be said about shifting the weight of the financial system away from private debt and toward public debt—but that is a topic for another day. Capitalist systems do much better with low private debt and high public debt—so long as government operates with its own sovereign floating exchange rate, non-convertible currency—what I call sovereign or modern money.

      Modern money is 4000 years old, at least, as Keynes said. Our perception is blinded by the relatively recent experience with a gold standard and then with the fixed exchange rate Bretton Woods system—but that amounts to a total of a couple of hundred years that represented a sharp deviation from the normal situation. The “fiat money” we now have—what I prefer to call sovereign currency—is actually the usual case and the fixed exchange rate and gold standard are abnormal (they were actually imposed in a misguided effort to make the capitalist system “self-regulating”).

      Money is not a commodity, it is a debt. Privately issued money is the debt of the issuer, and is often made convertible to the sovereign’s currency. The sovereign’s currency, in turn, is also a debt, denominated in the unit of account chosen by the sovereign. In both cases, the “fundamental law of credit” as Mitchell Innes called it, is that one must always accept one’s own liability in payment. The bank must take back its own IOU—in the old days, a bank note, today a bank check—in payments made to the bank (payments on loans, for example). That is also true of government. The difference is that the government imposes liabilities on us (fees, fines, taxes) and then we pay those off by delivering the government’s own currency back to government. The authorities have been doing this for 4000 years, at least, issuing clay tablets, metal coins, hazelwood tally sticks, paper, or electronic entries on computer tapes—then accepting them back in tax payment. Nothing new about it.

      And it is for good, and for ill. Democracy helps to ensure that this is mostly to accomplish the public purpose. But, as we know, it is sometimes hard to impose democracy on our authorities. Democracy is a work in progress—imperfect but better than the alternatives.

      Is it a problem that money creation lays in private hands?

      Yes. And no. Look, the unit of account is social, national. Anyone can write an IOU in that unit of account. You cannot stop it, although you can put constraints on it. People can write too many IOUs, and they can accept too many. They will get in trouble. They will need bail-outs and bankruptcy procedures and debt enforcement. Thus, there is a role for government to play.

      And, as discussed, government also creates “money” by issuing its own IOUs denominated in the social unit of account. It can use those to help achieve the public purpose, building roads and providing education and paying social security to retirees. It can spend too little, generating unemployment and failing to achieve the public purpose. It can spend too much, causing bottle-necks and too much aggregate demand, both of which can generate inflation. Again, getting all of this just right is a work in progress. Unfortunately, it is hindered by gross misunderstanding of the monetary system. From inception, the purpose of money was to move resources to the authorities. Over the past 4000 years we have tried to get democratic control over them. It is still an imperfect system, but I think that using the monetary system to move resources to the public sphere has proven to be a very desirable tool in achieving the public purpose. It would work better if people understood how it works.

      But we also need to ensure that enough is left to satisfy private purposes. The private sector also uses the monetary system to achieve private purposes—again, for good and for ill. Exactly how much of our economy ought to be monetized is always a work in progress (education, childcare, transplantable organs), and how much is properly within the scope of the public sphere will always be contentious.

      The Fed is currently boosting the money supply very rapidly. One would assume that this leads to inflation. In an interview with me, James Turk, the publisher of the “Freemarket Gold & Money Report” (http://www.fgmr.com), stated something quite noteworthy with regard to the US stock market:

      “It is not rising because of good economic conditions. Instead, it is rising simply because too many dollars are being created and they have to end up somewhere. So a logical place for them is the stock market.”[6]

      In other words: is it in financial assets like stock where the inflation is lingering right now?

      I think it is quite misleading to claim the Fed is boosting the money supply. The Fed has increased bank reserves, as discussed above. But you and I do not have accounts at the Fed—we do not have access to those reserves. And banks (that do have reserves at the Fed) do not want to lend—even if we wanted to borrow.

      I think that deregulation (promoted by the Fed and Treasury as discussed above) helped to make speculative bubbles possible. And Fed bailouts and protection of insolvent and probably fraudulent financial institutions (what Bill Black calls control frauds) has no doubt stoked the belief in the “Bernanke moderation” (an expectation that Bernanke will not let anyone fail, no matter how much toxic waste a Goldman Sachs accumulates) that makes our financial system bubble-prone (Frank Veneroso labels our economy “Bubble-onian”). Yes, we are in the middle of the biggest speculative bubble in human history—equities and commodities, and, believe it or not, real estate is still bubblicious. It will crash. And, yes the Fed deserves some blame. But it is not due to Fed money creation.

      I would instead point to what my professor Hyman Minsky called money manager capitalism: too much money under management seeking the highest total returns. Borrowed money and leverage is a factor; but much of it is not borrowed. For example, pension funds have grown tremendously, and in the US are equal to about three-quarters of GDP. Their funds have to go somewhere—and have played the major role in bubbling-up commodities prices. We will need a much bigger crash to wipe out enough managed money to end the bubbles.

      Two last questions, Mr. Wray. Why do we need central banks at all? Aren’t they, as James Turk puts it, “the real barbarous relic”?[7]

      I do not think they are relics—or at least, I think the functions that central banks perform are still important. Let me put it another way: central banks were originally founded to provide government finance and to act as lenders of last resort. Both functions are still needed. To be sure, we could consolidate the central bank and treasury and have that consolidated power provide both of these functions. Indeed, I would strongly support that—not because it is necessary but because it would simplify procedures and make the processes much easier for the population and politicians to understand. Most importantly, we could end all the nonsense about fiscal sustainability. We would just have the treasury directly credit bank accounts when it spends and debit them when it taxes; we would stop issuing treasury bonds and everyone could stop worrying about government debt—because we would not issue any (the only government IOUs issued would be cash and reserves, neither of which are included in the debt numbers).

      Thank you very much for taking your time, Mr. Wray!

      By Lars Schall, May 3, 2010

      SOURCES:

      [1] Lars Schall: “The Great Global Bank Robbery, Part 2“, Interview with William K. Black, published at MMNews on April 21, 2010 under:

      http://www.mmnews.de/english-news/5376-the-great-global-bank-robbery-part-2

      [2] William K. Black: “The Best Way to Rob a Bank Is to Own One: How Corporate Executives and Politicians Looted the S&L Industry” (University of Texas Press, April 2005)

      [3] William Greider: “Bailing Out the Bad Guys: What Congress and Bush Do Best”, published in The Nation on July 30, 2008 under: http://www.thenation.com/doc/20080818/greider

      [4] George Washington: “German Central Bank Admits that Credit is Created Out of Thin Air”, published at Business Insider on March 20, 2010 under:

      http://www.businessinsider.com/german-central-bank-says-credit-is-created-out-of-thin-air-2010-3

      [5] Lars Schall: “How much oil is left?“, Interview with Richard Heinberg, published at MMNews on April 7, 2010 under:

      http://www.mmnews.de/english-news/5283-how-much-oil-is-left

      [6] Lars Schall: “Gold is not an ‘investment’. It is money”, Interview with James Turk, published at MMNews on November 24, 2009 under:

      http://www.mmnews.de/english-news/4306-gold-is-not-an-investment-it-is-money

      [7] James Turk: “The Barbarous Relic—It Is Not What You Think”, Committee for Monetary Research and Education, Inc., Monograph Number 55, published January 2006 under:

      http://goldmoney.com/documents/barbarous-relic.pdf

      http://www.mmnews.de/english-news/5463-truths-and-myths-of-the-federal-reserve

      This post was originally published on Real Progressives.

    9. Critics of MMT often say, “but it’s only ‘chartalism’”—as if chartalism, itself, were a discredited explanation of reality that inherently discredits Modern Money Theory. (This sleight of hand is reinforced, I think, by the fact that “chartalism” sounds like “charlatanism” which, in fact, means bearing a false pretense of knowledge.)

      Dismissing MMT as mere “chartalism,” however, is like dismissing the fact that airplanes fly as being merely “aerodynamics”—as if there were something fishy about aerodynamics which, in turn, made it fishy that airplanes fly. The simple fact of the matter is that airplanes do fly, and the explanation of why that is so is “aerodynamics” (the difference in pressure exerted on an airfoil moving through a stream of air). Some may argue there are other forces responsible for flight—forces of levitation or anti-gravity molecules—and it may be possible to marshal convincing arguments for such explanations. But such arguments cannot negate the observable operations of aerodynamics.

      More important is the question: why should the attempt to negate these observable operations even be made? What is the motivation? Do we wish to argue that airplanes should not be flown because we have investments in the greyhound bus system?

      Likewise, the simple fact of the matter is that fiat money is given its value by the fact that taxes levied by the sovereign government must be paid with it—and that logically, in consequence, the sovereign fiat money must be issued and spent before it can be collected as taxes—and that an initial, primary, and perpetual reason people and businesses are willing to provide real, valuable goods and services in exchange for the fiat money is because of the need to have it to pay their taxes with. The name for this dynamic happens to be “chartalism”—coined by a German economist from the Latin “charta”—meaning a token, or a ticket (which is what fiat money is). The fact that, in the U.S., all other monies—bank-dollars, BitCoins, Berkshares, centennial gold-coins, etc.—must be converted to U.S. Reserves (America’s fiat money) before they can be used to pay federal taxes, signifies the reality of the chartalism dynamic. Every other form of money has its value because, ultimately, it is a claim (a token, a ticket) on U.S. Reserves held in one account or another at the Federal Reserve central bank—and the Reserves themselves are, in turn, a claim on federal tax credits.

      And what is the motivation to discredit this chartalism dynamic—and with it the opportunities for collective benefit that chartalism (as explained by Modern Money Theory) makes possible? The only motivation I can discern is to prevent the collective benefits from ever being realized—and behind this I can only imagine two reasons: First, to deny the advocates of a collective benefit the political goodwill of voters who will be better off if the collective benefit is established. Second, to gain the political goodwill of narrow (but wealthy) interests who believe they will be harmed if the collective benefit is pursued.

      As a quick example, let’s take universal healthcare. If implemented, it would clearly increase the wellbeing and financial security of hundreds of millions of American voters—an eventuality that would likely cause those voters to re-elect the politicians who championed and were responsible for providing the healthcare coverage. Another politician who represents, instead of the collective good, the narrow interests of the existing healthcare insurance industry—a politician who is paid by that industry (through super-PAC campaign donations) millions of dollars a year—will do everything possible to prevent universal healthcare from curtailing the insurance industry’s profits—including, above all else, disparaging and discrediting the legitimate monetary operations which will pay for it.

      Discrediting chartalism—and the Modern Money Theory that derives from it—is an essential component, then, of arguing that the federal government cannot afford to provide universal healthcare—which is, in turn, an essential component of preventing the collective benefit from ever being implemented. For the paid servants of narrow, profit-making, special interests—like the healthcare insurance and fossil fuel industries—belittling and disparaging chartalism is, therefore, like the Dutch boy with his finger in the dike: If the reality of chartalism were ever to be acknowledged—and with it the fact that universal healthcare is something we can pay ourselves to provide to ourselves, and a green energy infrastructure is something we can pay ourselves to invent, design, and construct—it would become difficult to hold back an ever-growing tide of progressive, not-profit-making goods and services conceived and implemented for the collective wellbeing.

      Which would put conservative politicians at a considerable disadvantage on election days.

      Hence, the aerodynamics of chartalism, at all costs, cannot be allowed to fly.

      This post was originally published on Real Progressives.

    10. The social and economic destruction engulfing the U.S. and dozens of other countries remains out of everyone’s control and more chaos, instability, and insecurity now mark the global landscape.

      The ruling elite have repeatedly shown their inability to tackle any serious problems effectively. They are at a loss for how to deal with current problems and refuse to consider any alternative to their obsolete economic system. The best they can do is recycle old ideas to maintain their class power and privilege. Their efforts to block the New focus mainly on promoting disinformation about “new and better forms of capitalism,” including oxymorons like “inclusive capitalism,” “responsible capitalism,” and “ethical capitalism.”

      Since the outbreak of the “COVID Pandemic” in March 2020 every week has been a roller coaster for humanity. The economy and society keep lurching from one crisis to another while incoherence and stress keep amplifying. It is said that 1 in 6 Americans went into therapy for the first time in 2020.

      Unemployment, under-employment, inequality, mental depression, anxiety, suicide, environmental decay, inflation, debt, health care costs, education, and poverty are worsening everywhere. Thousands of businesses that have been around for years keep disappearing left and right.

      Top-down actions in response to the “COVID Pandemic” have made so many things worse for so many people. Many are wondering which is worse: the covid-19 virus or the top-down response to the pandemic. Governments everywhere have steadfastly refused to mobilize the people to solve the many problems that are worsening. The moral climate is low and more people are worried about the future.

      An atmosphere has been created whereby people are supposed to feel like the exhausting “COVID Pandemic” will last forever and we can all forget about getting back to any normal healthy non-digital relations, activities, and interactions. No society in history has worn face masks for an entire year. We are told over and over again that there is no returning to anything called “normal.” Moving everything online and repeatedly asserting that this is great, “cool,” and wonderful is proving to be unsatisfactory and unfulfilling. People want and need real, direct, non-digital connections and interactions with other human beings. Life behind a screen is not life.

      Even with all the restrictions and shutdowns the virus, according to the mainstream media, continues to wreak havoc at home and abroad. It is almost like none of the severe restrictions on people’s freedoms made any difference. People have had to endure this humiliation while also not being permitted any role in deciding the aim, operation, and direction of the economy or any of the affairs of society; they are left out of the equation every step of the way and not even asked for superficial “input” that always goes unheeded anyway. Existing governance arrangements are simply not working to empower people or affirm their rights. The people’s interests and will are blocked at every turn by an outdated political setup that advances only the narrow interests of the rich.

      Despite intense pressure to blindly rely on the rich and their political representatives to “figure things out,” this is not working. Nor does it help that the mainstream media approaches multiple crises and issues with endless double-talk, disconnected facts, catchy sound-bites, dramatic exaggerations, angry voices, political axe-grinding, and lots of confusion. Coherence and a human-centered outlook are avoided at all costs. People are constantly left disoriented. Jumping arbitrarily and rapidly from one thing to another in the most unconscious way is presented as useful analysis and information. This is why sorting out basic information has become a full-time job for everyone. People are understandably worn-out and overwhelmed. Disinformation overload degrades mental, emotional, and physical health.

      The world has become an uglier and gloomier place—all in the name of “improving health.” It is no surprise that a recent Gallup Poll shows that the majority of Americans are extremely dissatisfied with government, the economy, the culture, and the moral climate.

      In this hazardous unstable context, there are two ever-present key pieces of disinformation operating side by side. Both are designed to deprive working people of any say, initiative, outlook, or power.

      First there is the “once everyone is vaccinated things will be much better” disinformation. This ignores the fact that capitalist crises have endogenous causes not exogenous causes and that the economic crisis started well before the “COVID Pandemic.” More than 150 years of recessions, depressions, booms, busts, instability, chaos, and anarchy have not been caused by external phenomena like bacteria, germs, and viruses but by the internal logic and operation of capital itself. A so-called “free market” economy by its very nature and logic ensures “winners” and “losers,” “booms” and “busts.” It is called a “dog-eat-dog” fend-for-yourself competitive world for a reason. The modern idea that humans are born to society and have rights by virtue of their being is alien to “free market” ideology.

      Despite the fact that millions have been vaccinated at home and abroad, poverty, inequality, unemployment, debt, and other problems continue to worsen. Businesses continue to suffer and disappear. Hospitality, leisure, recreation, and other sectors have been decimated in many countries. Air travel is dramatically lower. So are car sales. It is not enough to say, “Yes, the next few months will be rough and lousy economically speaking but we will get there with more vaccinations. Just be patient, it will all eventually work out.” This is not what is actually unfolding. The all-sided crisis we find ourselves in started before the “COVID Pandemic” and continues unabated. Such a view also makes a mockery of economic science and the people’s desire to decide the affairs of society and establish much better arrangements that exclude narrow private interests and do not rely on police powers.

      In the coming months millions more will be vaccinated but economic decline and decay will continue. Both the rate and amount of profit have been falling for years. And owners of capital are not going to invest in anything when there is no profit to be had and when it is easier instead to balloon fictitious capital and pretend everything is a stock market video game. The lack of vaccinations did not cause the economic collapse the word is currently suffering through, nor will more vaccinations reverse economic decline and decay. The “COVID Pandemic” has largely made some people vastly richer and millions more much poorer. The “COVID Pandemic” has significantly increased inequality. Unfortunately, the so-called “Great Reset” agenda of the World Economic Forum and Pope Francis’s recent call for a “Copernican Revolution” in the economy will make things worse for millions more because they will perpetuate the existing moribund economic system. Such agendas are designed to fool the gullible, block working class consciousness and action, and keep the initiative in the hands of the global oligarchy.

      The same applies to so-called “stimulus packages.” Various versions of these top-down monetary and fiscal programs have been launched in different countries, and while they have assuaged some problems for people, they have not been adequate or fixed any underlying problems. They have not prevented poverty or mass unemployment. Economies remain mired in crisis. In most cases “stimulus packages” have made things worse by increasing the amount of debt that many generations will have to repay. This is in addition to the many other forms of debt Americans suffer from and rent payments that will one day have to be paid.

      Many are also wondering why trillions of dollars can be printed and instantly turned over to the banks and corporations with no discussion but the same cannot be done for social programs, public enterprises, and the people. Why, for example, can all not get free healthcare or have taxes eliminated? Why can’t various forms of personal debt be wiped out instantly? If the government can print money for “them” why can’t they print money for “us”? Who is government supposed to serve? Billionaires?

      Nether the CARES Act of 2020 nor the stimulus package passed in December 2020 nor the one President Biden is pushing for in March 2021 will be adequate or solve any major problems. Many felt that the $600 stimulus checks that went out in December 2020 were pathetic and insulting.

      The problem lies with a socialized productive economy run by everyone but owned and controlled by a tiny handful of competing private interests determined to maximize profit as fast as possible regardless of the damage to the social and natural environment. There is no way for the economy to benefit all individuals and serve the general interests of society so long as it is dominated by a handful of billionaires. The social wealth produced by workers cannot benefit workers and the society if workers themselves do not control the wealth they produce and have first claim to.

      The outlook, agenda, and reference points of the rich must be rejected and replaced by a human-centered aim, agenda, direction, and outlook. The current trajectory is untenable and unsustainable. The situation is dangerous in many ways, but perhaps one good thing to come out of the accelerated pace of chaos, anarchy, and instability are the contradictions that are presenting new opportunities for action with analysis that favors working people.

      The post Vaccinations and Stimulus Packages Won’t Mend the Economy first appeared on Dissident Voice.

      This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

    11. A self-funding national infrastructure bank modeled on the “American System” of Alexander Hamilton, Abraham Lincoln, and Franklin D. Roosevelt would help solve two of the country’s biggest problems.

      Millions of Americans have joined the ranks of the unemployed, and government relief checks and savings are running out; meanwhile, the country still needs trillions of dollars in infrastructure. Putting the unemployed to work on those infrastructure projects seems an obvious solution, especially given that the $600 or $700 stimulus checks Congress is planning on issuing will do little to address the growing crisis. Various plans for solving the infrastructure crisis involving public-private partnerships have been proposed, but they’ll invariably result in private investors reaping the profits while the public bears the costs and liabilities. We have relied for too long on private, often global, capital, while the Chinese run circles around us building infrastructure with credit simply created on the books of their government-owned banks.

      Earlier publicly-owned U.S. national banks and U.S. Treasuries pulled off similar feats, using what Sen. Henry Clay, U.S. statesman from 1806 to 1852, named the “American System” – funding national production simply with “sovereign” money and credit. They included the First (1791-1811) and Second (1816-1836) Banks of the United States, President Lincoln’s federal treasury and banking system, and President Franklin Roosevelt’s Reconstruction Finance Corporation (RFC) (1932-1957). Chester Morrill, former Secretary of the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve, wrote of the RFC:

      [I]t became apparent almost immediately, to many Congressmen and Senators, that here was a device which would enable them to provide for activities that they favored for which government funds would be required, but without any apparent increase in appropriations. . . . [T]here need be no more appropriations and its activities could be enlarged indefinitely, as they were, almost to fantastic proportions. [emphasis added]

      Even the Federal Reserve with its “quantitative easing” cannot fund infrastructure without driving up federal expenditures or debt, at least without changes to the Federal Reserve Act. The Fed is not allowed to spend money directly into the economy or to lend directly to Congress. It must go through the private banking system and its “primary dealers.” The Fed can create and pay only with “reserves” credited to the reserve accounts of banks. These reserves are a completely separate system from the deposits circulating in the real producer/consumer economy; and those deposits are chiefly created by banks when they make loans. (See the Bank of England’s 2014 quarterly report here.) New liquidity gets into the real economy when banks make loans to local businesses and individuals; and in risky environments like that today, banks are not lending adequately even with massive reserves on their books.

      A publicly-owned national infrastructure bank, on the other hand, would be mandated to lend into the real economy; and if the loans were of the “self funding” sort characterizing most infrastructure projects (generating fees to pay off the loans), they would be repaid, canceling out the debt by which the money was created. That is how China built 12,000 miles of high-speed rail in a decade: credit created on the books of government-owned banks was advanced to pay for workers and materials, and the loans were repaid with profits from passenger fees.

      Unlike the QE pumped into financial markets, which creates asset bubbles in stocks and housing, this sort of public credit mechanism is not inflationary. Credit money advanced for productive purposes balances the circulating money supply with new goods and services in the real economy. Supply and demand rise together, keeping prices stable. China increased its money supply by nearly 1800% over 24 years (from 1996 to 2020) without driving up price inflation, by increasing GDP in step with the money supply.

      HR 6422, The National Infrastructure Bank Act of 2020

      A promising new bill for a national infrastructure bank modeled on the RFC and the American System, H.R. 6422, was filed by Rep. Danny Davis, D-Ill., in March. The National Infrastructure Bank of 2020 (NIB) is projected to create $4 trillion or more in bank credit money to rebuild the nation’s rusting bridges, roads, and power grid; relieve traffic congestion; and provide clean air and water, new schools and affordable housing. It will do this while generating up to 25 million union jobs paying union-level wages. The bill projects a net profit to the government of $80 billion per year, which can be used to cover infrastructure needs that are not self-funding (broken pipes, aging sewers, potholes in roads, etc.). The bill also provides for substantial investment in “disadvantage communities,” those defined by persistent poverty.

      The NIB is designed to be a true depository bank, giving it the perks of those institutions for leverage and liquidity, including the ability to borrow at the Fed’s discount window without penalty at 0.25% interest (almost interest-free). According to Alphecca Muttardy, a former macroeconomist for the International Monetary Fund and chief economist on the 2020 NIB team, the NIB will create the $4 trillion it lends simply as deposits on its books, as the Bank of England attests all depository banks do. For liquidity to cover withdrawals, the NIB can either borrow from the Fed at 0.25% or issue and sell bonds.

      Modeled on its American System predecessors, the NIB will be capitalized with existing federal government debt. According to the summary on the NIB Coalition website:

      The NIB would be capitalized by purchasing up to $500 billion in existing Treasury bonds held by the private sector (e.g., in pension and other savings funds), in exchange for an equivalent in shares of preferred [non-voting] stock in the NIB. The exchange would take place via a sales contract with the NIB/Federal Government that guarantees a preferred stock dividend of 2% more than private-holders currently earn on their Treasuries. The contract would form a binding obligation to provide the incremental 2%, or about $10 billion per year, from the Budget. While temporarily appearing as mandatory spending under the Budget, the $10 billion per year would ultimately be returned as a dividend paid to government, from the NIB’s earnings stream.

      Since the federal government will be paying the interest on the bonds, the NIB needs to come up with only the 2% dividend to entice investors. The proposal is to make infrastructure loans at a very modest 2%, substantially lower than the rates now available to the state and local governments that create most of the nation’s infrastructure. At a 10% capital requirement, the bonds can capitalize ten times their value in loans. The return will thus be 20% on a 2% dividend outlay from the NIB, for a net return on investment of 18% less operating costs. The U.S. Treasury will also be asked to deposit Treasury bonds with the bank as an “on-call” subscriber.

      The American System: Sovereign Money and Credit

      U.S. precedents for funding internal improvements with “sovereign credit” – credit issued by the national government rather than borrowed from the private banking system – go back to the American colonists’ paper scrip, colonial Pennsylvania’s “land bank”, and the First U.S. Bank of Alexander Hamilton, the first U.S. Treasury Secretary. Hamilton proposed to achieve the constitutional ideal of “promoting the general welfare” by nurturing the country’s fledgling industries with federal subsidies for roads, canals, and other internal improvements; protective measures such as tariffs; and easy credit provided through a national bank. Production and the money to finance it would all be kept “in house,” without incurring debt to foreign financiers. The national bank would promote a single currency, making trade easier, and would issue loans in the form of “sovereign credit.” ’

      Senator Henry Clay called this model the “American System” to distinguish it from the “British System” that left the market to the “invisible hand” of “free trade,” allowing big monopolies to gobble up small entrepreneurs, and foreign bankers and industrialists to exploit the country’s labor and materials. After the charter for the First US Bank expired in 1811, Congress created the Second Bank of the United States in 1816 on the American System model.

      In 1836, Pres. Andrew Jackson shut down the Second U.S. Bank due to perceived corruption, leaving the country with no national currency and precipitating a recession.  “Wildcat” banks issued their own banknotes – promissory notes allegedly backed by gold. But the banks often lacked the gold necessary to redeem the notes, and the era was beset with bank runs and banking crises.

      Abraham Lincoln’s economic advisor was Henry Carey, the son of Matthew Carey, a well-known printer and publisher who had been tutored by Benjamin Franklin and had tutored Henry Clay. Henry Carey proposed creating an independent national currency that was non-exportable, one that would remain at home to do the country’s own work. He advocated a currency founded on “national credit,” something he defined as “a national system based entirely on the credit of the government with the people, not liable to interference from abroad.” It would simply be a paper unit of account that tallied work performed and goods delivered.

      On that model, in 1862 Abraham Lincoln issued U.S. Notes or Greenbacks directly from the U.S. Treasury, allowing Lincoln’s government not only to avoid an exorbitant debt to British bankers and win the Civil War, but to fund major economic development, including tying the country together with the transcontinental railroad – an investment that actually turned a profit for the government.

      After Lincoln was assassinated in 1865, the Greenback program was discontinued; but Lincoln’s government also passed the National Bank Act of 1863, supplemented by the National Bank Act of 1864. Originally known as the National Currency Act, its stated purpose was to stabilize the banking system by eradicating the problem of notes issued by multiple banks circulating at the same time. A single banker-issued national currency was created through chartered national banks, which could issue notes backed by the U.S. Treasury in a quantity proportional to the bank’s level of capital (cash and federal bonds) deposited with the Comptroller of the Currency.

      From Roosevelt’s Reconstruction Finance Corporation (1932-57) to HR 6422

      The American president dealing with an economic situation most closely resembling that today, however, was Franklin D. Roosevelt. America’s 32nd president resolved massive unemployment and infrastructure problems by greatly expanding the Reconstruction Finance Corporation (RFC) set up by his predecessor Herbert Hoover. The RFC was a remarkable publicly-owned credit machine that allowed the government to finance the New Deal and World War II without turning to Congress or the taxpayers for appropriations. The RFC was not called an infrastructure bank and was not even a bank, but it served the same basic functions. It was continually enlarged and modified by Pres. Roosevelt to meet the crisis of the times until it became America’s largest corporation and the world’s largest financial organization. Its semi-independent status let it work quickly, allowing New Deal agencies to be financed as the need arose. According to Encyclopedia.com:

      [T]he RFC—by far the most influential of New Deal agencies—was an institution designed to save capitalism from the ravages of the Great Depression. Through the RFC, Roosevelt and the New Deal handed over $10 billion to tens of thousands of private businesses, keeping them afloat when they would otherwise have gone under ….

      A similar arrangement could save local economies from the ravages of the global shutdowns today.

      The Banking Acts of 1932 provided the RFC with capital stock of $500 million and the authority to extend credit up to $1.5 billion (subsequently increased several times). The initial capital came from a stock sale to the U.S. Treasury. With those modest resources, from 1932 to 1957 the RFC loaned or invested more than $40 billion. A small part of this came from its initial capitalization. The rest was financed with bonds sold to the Treasury, some of which were then sold to the public. The RFC ended up borrowing a total of $51.3 billion from the Treasury and $3.1 billion from the public.

      Thus the Treasury was the lender, not the borrower, in this arrangement. As the self-funding loans were repaid, so were the bonds that were sold to the Treasury, leaving the RFC with a net profit. The RFC was the lender for thousands of infrastructure and small business projects that revitalized the economy, and these loans produced a total net income of over $690 million on the RFC’s “normal” lending functions (omitting such things as extraordinary grants for wartime). The RFC financed roads, bridges, dams, post offices, universities, electrical power, mortgages, farms, and much more–all while generating income for the government.

      HR 6422 proposes to mimic this feat. The National Infrastructure Bank of 2020 can rebuild crumbling infrastructure across America, pushing up long-term growth, not only without driving up taxes or the federal debt, but without hyperinflating the money supply or generating financial asset bubbles. The NIB has growing support across the country from labor leaders, elected officials, and grassroots organizations. It can generate real wealth in the form of upgraded infrastructure and increased employment as well as federal and local taxes and GDP, paying for itself several times over without additional outlays from the federal government. With official unemployment at nearly double what it was a year ago and an economic crisis unlike the U.S. has seen in nearly a century, the NIB can trigger the sort of “economic miracle” the country desperately needs.

      This article was first posted on ScheerPost.

      This post was originally published on Radio Free.