Google did not mislead Australian consumers when it used an on-screen notification to seek consent for significant changes to the use and collection of personal data for targeted advertising between 2016 and 2018, the Federal Court has found. The case brought by the Australian Competition and Consumer Commissioner (ACCC) in 2020 was dismissed on Friday,…
On the heels of New York Times workers walking off the job, Sen. Bernie Sanders on Friday made the case for revamping the nation’s news media system by giving reporters around the United States the resources necessary to produce high-quality journalism for the benefit of society. In an email to supporters, the Vermont Independent described how profit-maximizing media outlets have undermined…
A review of Australia’s media bargaining code has recommended the government investigate extending it to digital platforms other than Google and Facebook, and verify the value of the deals it is driving. The review into the operation of the News Media and Digital Platforms Mandatory Bargaining Code in its first 12 months was released by Treasury…
It all speaks to scale: the attorney generals of 40 states within the US clubbing together to charge Google for misleading users. On this occasion, the conduct focused on making users assume they had turned off the location tracking function on their accounts even as the company continued harvesting data about them.
The $391.5 billion settlement was spearheaded by Oregon Attorney General Ellen Rosenblum and Nebraska Attorney General Doug Petersen. “For years Google has prioritized profit over their users’ privacy,” stated Rosenblum. “They have been crafty and deceptive. Consumers thought they had turned off their location tracking features on Google, but the company continued to secretly record their movements and use that information for advertisers.”
The investigation was prompted by revelations in a 2018 Associated Press article “that many Google services on Android devices and iPhones store your location data even when you’ve used a privacy setting that says it will prevent Google from doing so.”
Despite Google’s claim that the Location History function could be turned off at any time, thereby not storing the data, the report found this assertion to be false. “Even with Location History paused, some Google apps automatically store time-stamped location data without asking. (It’s possible, though laborious, to delete it.)” As Jonathan Mayer, a Princeton computer scientist and former chief technologist for the Federal Communications Commission’s enforcement bureau reasoned, “If you’re going to allow users to turn off something called ‘Location History,’ then all the places where you maintain location history should be turned off.”
What the company failed to explain was that another account setting, the Web & App Activity, was automatically switched on the setting up of a Google account, irrespective of activating the “off” function in Location History.
Google’s explanation at the time proved typically unpersuasive. “There are a number of different ways that Google may use location to improve people’s experience, including: Location History, Web and App Activity, and through device-level Location Services,” a company spokesperson said in a statement to AP. “We provide clear descriptions of these tools, and robust controls so people can turn them on or off, and delete their histories at any time.”
Since then, the company’s misleading approach to location data has been found wanting by the Australian Federal Court. The case, brought against Google by the Australian Competition & Consumer Commission (ACCC), noted that the account setting “Web & App Activity” allowed the tech giant “to collect, store and use personally identifiable location data when it was turned on, and that setting turned on by default.”
Last month, the Arizona Attorney General Mark Brnovich entered an $85 million settlement with Google for allegedly using “deceptive and unfair” practices regarding location tracking. It was the outcome of a lawsuit inspired by the Associated Press report from 2018.
The settlement, the largest internet privacy settlement in US history, makes it clear that Google must make its disclosures on location clearer starting next year. Additional information for users must be made whenever a location-related account setting is “on” or “off”. Tracking location that is unavoidably gathered must be made clear, along with the types of location data Google collects and that data is used “at an enhanced ‘Location Technologies’ webpage.”
It also signals the growing scrutinising role played by states in the US unhappy with lax federal approaches to Silicon Valley. The state of Oregon, to cite an example, set up a dedicated Consumer Privacy Task Force in 2019, and consumer data privacy legislation is promised for the 2023 legislative session. Privacy breaches is one of a number of areas of focus, including harmful speech, illegal labour practices and antitrust violations.
In response to the settlement, Google spokesperson José Castañeda did what those of his ilk do: minimise the conduct, and cloak it in inoffensive garble. “Consistent with improvements we’ve made in recent years, we have settled this investigation, which was based on outdated product policies that we changed years ago.”
The entire profit-making premise of most big tech companies lies in using personal data. It’s the digital world’s fossil fuel, buried in unmolested reserves – till they are extracted. Location data is, to that end, invaluable, being, the Oregon Department of Justice notes, “among the most sensitive and valuable personal information Google collects.” A limited amount of location data is sufficient to “expose a person’s identity and routines and can be used to infer personal details.”
The ignorant and those labouring under the false assumption they have consented to the exercise are merely told they are dealing with products of sophistication. It’s all about the experience, and such abstract notions as privacy are duly treated as old hat and tat.
Millions have been expended by tech giants via their platoons of lobbyists to battle the trend towards greater privacy protections, notably those blowing in stern judgment from the European Union. Key targets have been the EU’s Digital Markets Act (DMA) and Digital Services Act (DSA), notably in the areas of surveillance advertising and access to platform data. The intent here, as Natasha Lomas writes, is one of “shielding their processes and business models from measures that could weaken their market power.”
According to lobbying documents obtained by Corporate Europe Observatory and Global Witness via freedom of information applications, the tech behemoths expended $30 million alone in 2020.
The Google Settlement may well be the largest of its type in the United States, but it hardly gets away from the central premise of why such companies exist. Apple has been particularly keen to throw cash at the effort. The lobby tally bill is striking: 3.5 million euros in 2020, followed by 6.5 million euros in 2021. The runner-up so happens to be Facebook (Meta), which added half a million euros to its EU lobbying budget for 2021. The previous year, the total was 5.5 million euros.
Such efforts show that the lawmakers within the United States and beyond can hardly afford to be too self-congratulatory. The battle is very much in progress, and Google, while bruised, is hardly defeated.
A new research project between national science agency the CSIRO and Google will seek to better understand blue carbon ecosystems in the Indo-Pacific and Australia through the use of machine learning. Blue carbon refers to the carbon captured in the world’s oceans and coastal ecosystems, namely mangroves, seagrass and tidal marshes. According to the CSIRO,…
Extending the Privacy Act to offshore data collection where it relates to Australians goes beyond that of the European Union’s General Data Protection Regulation, according to a handful of tech giants and industry groups. The Digital Industry Group Inc (DIGI), Business Council of Australia and the Tech Council of Australia all flagged concerns with the…
Global tech and consulting giants routinely engaged by government departments have been shown to be paying only a fraction of tax on multi-billion dollar local income in the latest tax transparency report released on Thursday. While the tax office report showed large corporates paid a record $68 billion in income tax in 2021, tax transparency…
A new study suggests that the news media’s tanking levels of public trust may be made worse merely by association with social media.
The study, released this month by the Reuters Institute at Oxford University, has exposed gaps between trust in news via conventional delivery and the same thing consumed via social media.
It doesn’t matter whether people use social media or not: Levels of trust is lower if they simply associate news with the platforms.
The gap varies between platforms and between countries but the overall finding is that levels of trust in news on social media, search engines, and messaging apps is consistently lower than audience trust in information in the news media more generally.
And our media is becoming more and more associated with social media.
Many of the country’s main news outlets have done deals with Google to appear on its Google News platform. Click on the app and you’ll see stories from Stuff, Newshub, New Zealand Herald and NewstalkZB, Radio New Zealand, Television New Zealand, Newsroom, and the Otago Daily Times.
I think I’ve also seen The Spinoff in there, too.
NZME has brokered a deal with Facebook for the use of content, and other publishers are using the Commerce Commission in the hope of leveling the negotiating playing field.
Split between north and south
The Reuters study (part of the institute’s on-going research into trust in the media) was a split between north and south. The four countries surveyed were the United Kingdom, the United States, India, and Brazil. Two thousand people were surveyed in each country and covered seven platforms: Facebook, Google, Instagram, TikTok, Twitter, WhatsApp, and YouTube.
New Zealand use of social media more closely follows that of the United States and the United Kingdom than India and Brazil so the data relating to those two nations are quoted here. The full results can be found here.
Google showed the smallest gap between platform and general trust in news. It was only one percentage point behind in Britain where 53 percent express general trust in news. In the US, where the general trust level sits at 49 percent, Google was actually four percentage points ahead.
The same could not be said for other platforms.
To ease the calculation, we’ll say roughly 50 percent of respondents in both countries express trust in news in general. Contrast that with news on Facebook, Instagram and Twitter, which score in the mid to high twenties.
TikTok news is trusted by only 20 percent on those surveyed, the same number as WhatsApp rates in the United States (the UK is higher on 29 percent).
Only YouTube emerged from the twenties, with its news content being rated by 33 percent in Britain and 40 percent in the United States.
Complex reasons
The reasons for these gaps in perception of news on social media are complex. This is due in part to the fact that social media serves many different purposes for many different users.
News is only a small part of the interchange that occurs. The study shows that no more than a third use Google or Facebook for daily access to news, with other platforms below 20 percent, and on TikTok only 11 percent.
Large portions of the public, in fact, do not use social media platforms at all (although this does not stop them having opinions about them in the survey). Usage varies between Britain and America but a quarter to a third never use Facebook, Google or YouTube and half to three quarters do not use the remaining platforms.
Previous Reuters research has shown levels of trust in news are higher in those who access it on a regular basis. Distrust is highest among those who have least contact with news and with social platforms. This is confirmed by the latest survey.
News organisations may take some comfort from the findings that young people are more trusting of news on social platforms than older people. The gap is huge in some cases.
An average 14 percent of Americans and Britons over 55 trust news on Facebook. That rises to 40 percent among those under 35. The gap for Google is similar and even greater on other platforms.
News aside, however, people have generally positive views of platforms. More than two-thirds give Google a tick and almost as many give the thumbs-up to YouTube. Both are seen as the best platforms on which learn new things.
Facebook doesn’t fare so well
Facebook does not fare quite so well but at 40-45 percent positive rating, while fewer than a third feel positively about Twitter and TikTok.
In spite of these warm fuzzies, however, the surveys reveal “big problems”, particularly with Facebook.
Almost two-thirds of respondents blame Facebook for propagating false or misleading information and it is also seen as the worst culprit in on-platform harassment, irresponsible use of personal data, prioritising political views, and censoring content.
Although opinions expressed by non-users has complicated the Reuters study, both users and no-users express similar views when it comes to these problems. For example, the proportion of Facebook users that say false or misleading information is a problem on the platform (63 percent) is virtually the same as those who say it is in the overall sample.
The study, which includes an even wider range of variables than are included here, attempts to correlate platform usage and ideas about journalism. After all, it is on such platforms — and from the mouths of some politicians — that users encounter discussions about journalism and criticism of journalists.
The survey asked specific questions about journalists. Half the respondents thought journalists try to manipulate the public to serve the agendas of powerful politicians and care more about getting attention than reporting the facts.
Forty percent thought journalists were careless in what they reported, and a slightly higher proportion thought they were only in it for the money.
Criticism of journalism
The researchers then attempted to identify where and how criticism of journalism is encountered. Twitter users are most likely to encounter it. In the United States almost half said they often see criticism of media there and the UK is not far behind.
More than 40 percent of Facebook and Google users in America encounter it and a third of British users of those two platforms say they see it there. Other (newer) platforms have even higher incidences.
So that is where the criticism of journalists is propagated, but who is doing the criticising? Almost half those surveyed in the United States pointed the finger at politicians and political parties, although a similar number also say the hear it from “ordinary people”.
The figures are slightly lower in the UK but around a third identify political or government sources.
The survey also asked whether other public figures were responsible for criticism of journalists. Celebrities and activists figure in around a third of responses but so, too, do journalists themselves.
The surveys also give some pointers about the relative importance of “clicks” or how much attention our newsrooms should give to real-time analytics. The answer is . . . some.
Respondents were asked to pick the factors that were important in deciding whether they could trust information on online platforms. In both countries fewer than 40 percent said the number of likes or shares were important or very important.
Media source familiarity
Around half paid attention to comments on items but far more important was whether they had heard of the media source. Two thirds were influenced by the tone or language used in headlines and almost 60 percent were influenced by accompanying images.
That finding correlates with another in which respondents were asked who should be responsible for helping to differentiate between trustworthy and untrustworthy content on the internet.
More than two-thirds put that responsibility on media organisations, higher than on tech companies, and significantly higher than on government (although Britons were more inclined toward regulation than their American cousins).
However, if the research proved one thing, it was that the media/social media environment is deeply nuanced and manifests the complexities of human behaviour. The conclusions drawn by the researchers say as much. They leave a couple of important take-aways.
“As a trade-off for expanding reach and scale, newsrooms have often ceded considerable control to these outside companies in terms of how their content is distributed and how often and in what form their work appears on these services.
“Such relationships have been further strained as publishers become increasingly dependent on platforms to reach segments of the public least interested in consuming news through legacy modes, even as platforms themselves have pivoted to serving up other kinds of experiences farther removed from news, recognising that many of their most active users have less interest in such content, especially where politically contentious issues are involved.”
They say the gap they have identified is likely a reflection of this mismatch in audience perceptions about what platforms are for, the kinds of information they get when using the services, and how people think more generally about news media.
“It is possible that the main challenge for news organisations when it comes to building and sustaining audience trust is less about the specific problem of how their journalism is perceived when audiences encounter it online, and more about the broader problem of being seen at all.”
My conclusion
Years ago, we heard the term “News You Can Use” as a response to the challenge of declining newspaper circulation. That was a catchy way of saying “We must be relevant”. The Reuters study is further proof that journalism’s real challenge lies in producing content that ordinary people need to live their daily lives. If that means collating and publishing daily lists of what every supermarket chain is charging for milk, bread, cabbages and potatoes then so be it.
Dr Gavin Ellis holds a PhD in political studies. He is a media consultant and researcher. A former editor-in-chief of The New Zealand Herald, he has a background in journalism and communications — covering both editorial and management roles — that spans more than half a century. Dr Ellis publishes a website called Knightly Views where this commentary was first published and it is republished by Asia Pacific Report with permission.
Microsoft is using a vast network of subsidiaries and tax havens to minimise the tax it pays in Australia as it holds lucrative government contracts to deliver public services, according to a new report by a tax transparency group that sparked a call for the Albanese government to act. The new analysis shows Microsoft’s global…
A new micro-credentialing program from Google has launched to train Australians in digital skills of “high demand” in six months or less, with 10,000 free scholarships to be offered to largely unrepresented groups. As the tech skills crunch continues, Google’s Career Certificates program is set to deliver online training and industry-recognised micro-credentials in IT support,…
A new Senate inquiry will examine the nature and extent of the influence of foreign-owned Big Tech companies Google, Meta, Microsoft, Apple and Amazon have on the Australian market and public debate. Senator Andrew Bragg secured the “overdue” inquiry unopposed in the Senate on Monday, successfully having the matter referred to the Economics References Committee…
There is mounting pressure on tech titans Google and Facebook to pay local news media to carry their news online.
Google has already done deals with some for its News Showcase, but other big names in news are still trying to get the platforms to pay — and the government is hinting it could force the issue soon.
“Are you putting the hard word on them to secure deals to pay for content? Are you going to legislate?” Newshub Nation host Simon Shepherd asked Willie Jackson last weekend, putting the hard word on the broadcasting and media minister.
“Are you putting the hard word on them to secure deals to pay for content? Are you going to legislate?” Newshub Nation host Simon Shepherd asked Willie Jackson a week ago, putting the hard word on the broadcasting and media minister.
“I’m trying really hard. I have said to them, [in] three months let’s see the deals in the marketplace,” the minister replied.
For years local news media have griped about getting very little from the platforms distributing their stuff to huge audiences — and profiting from it.
The thing most likely to persuade the tech titans to pay local newsmakers is the likelihood of the government forcing the issue with legislation — and this was the first time that a government minister had set any kind of deadline publicly.
‘I want to see fairness’
“I want to see some fairness. I want to see all these Kiwi news organisations looked after . . and these big players have the funding and the resourcing to be able to do that,” Willie Jackson told Newshub Nation.
Some of the deals that have been done were revealed earlier this month when Google launched the local version of its News Showcase service, now available via Google’s websites and apps.
The first Kiwi outlets ever to get regular payments from Google for that include The New Zealand Herald’s owner NZME and its subscriber subsidiary BusinessDesk, RNZ, online sites Scoop and Newsroom and the Pacific Media Network. There is also a handful of local outlets too like Crux, which serves the Southern Lakes region, and Kapiti News.
“It’s part of our commitment to continuing to play a part in what we see as a very important shared responsibility to ensure the long term sustainability of public interest journalism in New Zealand,” Google’s local country representative Carolyn Rainsford told RNZ’s Gyles Beckford recently.
Broadcasting Minister Willie Jackson described that as “a good start, but not enough” — while the Spinoff’s founder Duncan Grieve was also underwhelmed.
He reckoned it was actually Willie Jackson that Google had in mind with the Showcase launch “to create a sense that Google is now a solid and public spirited ally to the news industry”.
Deal “close” report on NZME and Google. Image: Mediawatch/RNZ
For now, Google News Showcase is far from a comprehensive or compelling service for Kiwis. It offers nothing from our biggest national news producer Stuff or other big names in news like TVNZ and Newshub — or smaller outlets such Allied Press and The Spinoff.
Bargaining collectively
Several publishers — including Stuff — have banded together with the News Publishers Association to bargain collectively with Google and Meta (the parent company of Facebook).
Earlier this year the Commerce Commission gave them permission to negotiate a deal for a 10-year period.
So how’s that going?
“We can’t comment much on the status, but we are engaging with the NPA,” was all Google’s regional head of partnerships Shilpa Jhunjhunwala would tell RNZ earlier this month.
A recent report by the Judith Nielsen Institute estimate Google and Facebook paid Australian media companies about A$200m last year.
Australia’s News Media Bargaining Code.Video: Judith Neilson Institute
How much might Google throw into our news media, willingly or not?
“Unfortunately an interview won’t be possible,” Google New Zealand told Mediawatch last week (without explaining why).
Instead they gave us a statement attributable to Caroline Rainsford, country director Google New Zealand:
“We are proud of the launch of Google News Showcase and continuing our conversations with other local news media businesses.”
“We can’t give you any kind of commercial numbers because they’re all commercial and in confidence,” Google’s regional head of partnerships Shilpa Jhunjhunwala told RNZ’s Gyles Beckford earlier this month.
When pressed, she said Google’s global commitment to News Showcase was $1 billion over three years.
“But beyond that, we’re not able to share anything specific to New Zealand,” she said.
Why is there no deal with other New Zealand news publishers yet?
‘No serious offers on table’
“Those negotiations are underway, but neither of those companies have put any serious offers on the table,” Stuff chief executive Sinead Boucher told Mediawatch.
She said the Australian deals were their benchmark.
“What we produce is very similar kind of content and we operate in very similar markets. We’d be looking for payments that equate to more like NZ$40 million to $50 million a year into the industry here,” she said.
“I think the government and Minister Jackson have made clear that the government expect fair deals to be done — and that they are prepared to legislate in the near term to ensure that happens,” she said.
“The only way to materially address this is to create an environment where we can negotiate fair commercial payment from these giant multinationals who have built their businesses entirely off content created by other people,” she said.
“You could think of any search term and put it into Google and look down the results and see that a new story created by somebody is part of the results. What we are focused on negotiating a commercial payment for that content in the same way that you would for any other product,” she said.
“If you invested in a car and someone started running it as a taxi, you would expect them to compensate you for that — not to build their own business without recognising your investment,” Boucher told Mediawatch.
“Our problem is that these platforms are very reluctant to come to the table and have a fair negotiation. That’s why the sort of legislation has been needed in Australia and other countries and also here in New Zealand,” she said.
The tale across the Tasman.
ACCC regulator chair Rod Sims … called “the man who forced Google and Meta to pay for news.” Image: ACCC/RNZ
For more than a decade, he chaired the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission (ACCC) Australia’s competition regulator.
“It was fraught at times, but we presented the report to government in mid-2019 and they accepted the recommendation to have a News Media Bargaining Code six months later. It was legislated in February 2021. That’s pretty quick in terms of policy development in Australia,” Sims told Mediawatch.
“Google’s done a deal with essentially all media businesses. Meta has only done a deal with media businesses which that employ 85 percent of (Australia’s) journalists. It’s crucial that . . . it’s widely shared and you need legislation so that everybody has the ability to bargain.
“I know for a fact that the payments were well in excess of A$200 million — so NZ $40 million to $50 million sounds absolutely the right number to be spread across all media,” he said.
“Google and Meta were required to bargain with all eligible media businesses — and if they could not reach agreement, then arbitration would come into place. The threat of that evened up the bargaining power,” he said.
“The second component was that if Google and Meta did a deal with one media player, then they were required under law to do a deal with all media players. So their choice was either have no media content on their platform, or do deals,” he said.
“They chose to do deals with media companies because there’s value to them,” he said.
Arbitration threat needed
“I’m a bit concerned that in New Zealand you don’t have arbitration at the end of the negotiation period negotiations fail,” he said.
A Google officer once told me struggling news media pleading for “compensation” were like redundant drivers of horse-drawn carriages and rickshaws expecting today’s taxi drivers to pay them.
“No, that’s completely wrong. This is not like the car taking the place of the horse and carriage or smartphones taking the place of Kodak film because Google and Facebook don’t produce any journalism. So they haven’t taken the place of media, because they’re just not in the media business,” Rod Sims told Mediawatch.
“For Google to be a good search engine, it needs to bring in media into its search just about every time. But they don’t need any particular media company. So only by the News Media Bargaining Code could you even up the bargaining power,” he said.
“Unless we get payment for media that’s being taken and used for free, we’ll have a lot less media and less media harms society,” he said.
“It’s not up to me to tell the New Zealand government what to do, but my advice would be to pass the Australian News Media Bargaining Code,” he said.
This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.
Hundreds of community members and workers across four cities gathered to protestProject Nimbus, a $1.2 billion contract between Google, Amazon, and the Israeli government and military, on Thursday.
“There can be no tech for war. No tech for apartheid,” Alex Hanna, director of research at the Distributed AI Research Institute, expressed to a crowd of demonstrators led by Amazon and Google tech workers.
While the cloud-computing project has been hailed as a “game changer” for Israel, activists have feared that it will lead to data privacy issues, especially if utilized by the Israeli military to further the surveillance and data collection of Palestinians.
Google’s owninternal documentssuggest that Project Nimbus would allow the Israeli government and military to use “facial detection, automated image categorization, [and] object tracking” that workers believe will be used tofuel Israeli apartheid. According toa reportfromThe Intercept,Project Nimbus provides Israel, including the Israel Defense Forces, with advanced artificial intelligence technology that could be used for the digital surveillance of occupied Palestine territories.
Google has beenexpanding its defense contracts, despite objections from its workers. In theGuardian, Google workers stated that “These contracts are part of a disturbing pattern of militarization, lack of transparency and avoidance of oversight … We cannot look the other way, as the products we build are used to deny Palestinians their basic rights, force Palestinians out of their homes and attack Palestinians in the Gaza Strip.”
Rallying around the slogan #NoTechForApartheid, tech workers, led by ex-Google worker Ariel Koren, organized the collective Workers Against Nimbus to oppose the project. Koren, who resigned from Google because of analleged pattern of retaliationand silencing of Palestinian, Arab, Muslim and anti-Zionist Jewish people, has publicly criticized Project Nimbus because of her concern that the technology will be used to surveil and harm Palestinians.
Earlier this year, hundreds of employees signedan internal petitiondemanding that Google end its alleged retaliation against Koren. In response to Koren’s resignation, 15 workers against the project, who remained anonymous in fear of retaliation,told their storiesabout their experiences working at Google and its alleged culture of fear and repression.
In response to Koren’s forced resignation, tech workers organized a national day of action to escalate pressure on their companies to drop the contract. The protesting tech workers were joined by Jewish Voice for Peace, the Athena Coalition, the Adalah Justice Project, AROC: Arab Resource & Organizing Center, ACRE Action Center on Race and the Economy, and the Alphabet Workers Union.
The workplace protests are just the latest action by Google workers since the company announced the contract in 2021 in the midst of some of theworst violencein the Israeli-Palestinian conflict since 2014. The contract itself was signed the same week that the Israeli military attacked Palestinians in the Gaza Strip,killing nearly 250 people. Workers have circulated petitions, spoken to media and sentan internal letter, signed by more than 250 people, to Google CEO Sundar Pichai demanding that he put out a statement condemning the Israeli attacks against the Palestinian people.
Bathool Syed, an Amazon worker, stated in a press release from Google & Amazon Workers Against Project Nimbus that, “There is no way for Amazon and Google to justify a contract with a government that has violated numerous human rights and continues to oppress Palestinian lives. As workers, we are powerful and are sending a clear message that we do not want our labor to power violence.”
Organizers are hopeful that the #NoTechforApartheid protests will push their companiesto drop the computing contractandagree to the demandssent to Google’s executive team to reject future defense contracts, fund relief for Palestinians, protect their worker’s freedom of speech, and affirm the companies’ commitment to human rights principles.
A $37 billion lawsuit facing Google in the EU and UK over alleged anticompetitive conduct in digital advertising is being monitored by the Australian competition regulator as it finalises recommendations for new regulation of digital markets. Google, a key player in digital advertising and provider of the ‘adtech’ which coordinates the sale of online advertising…
Industry and Science minister Ed Husic has set the hares running on the issue of sovereign capability, local research, and the need to retain intellectual property in Australia in areas of strategic national importance. In interviews over the weekend, Mr Husic raised the alarm about international collaborations between Australian universities and large, foreign tech companies….
In June 2022, Paul M. Barrett and Justin Hendrix of NYU’s STERN Centre for Business and Human Rights came with a very timely report: “A Platform ‘Weaponized’:How YouTube Spreads Harmful Content—And What Can Be Done About It“. We know less about YouTube than the other major social media platforms. YouTube, with more than 2 billion users, is the most popular social media site not just in the United States, but in India and Russia as well. But because of the relative difficulty of analyzing long-form videos, as compared to text or still images, YouTube has received less scrutiny from researchers and policymakers. This in-depth report addresses the knowledge gap.
Like other major platforms, You Tube has a dual nature: It provides two billion users access to news, entertainment, and do-it-yourself videos, but it also serves as a venue for political disinformation, public health myths, and incitement of violence.
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YouTube’s role in Russia illustrates this duality. Since Russia launched its invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, YouTube has offered ordinary Russians factual information about the war, even as the Kremlin has blocked or restricted other Western-based social media platforms and pressured foreign journalists in the country to silence themselves. But for years before the brutal incursion, YouTube served as a megaphone for Vladimir Putin’s disinformation about Ukraine and its relations with the West. Despite its heft and influence, less is known about YouTube than other major social media sites.
Does YouTube send unwitting users down a ‘rabbit hole’ of extremism?
In response to reports that the platform’s own recommendations were “radicalizing” impressionable individuals, YouTube and its parent, Google, altered its recommendation algorithm, apparently reducing the volume of recommendations of misinformation and conspiratorial content. But platform recommendations aren’t the only way people find potentially harmful material. Some, like the white 18-year-old accused of shooting and killing 10 Black people in a Buffalo, N.Y., grocery store, seek out videos depicting violence and bigotry. These self-motivated extremists can find affirmation and encouragement to turn their resentments into dangerous action.
A social media venue with global reach
Roughly 80% of YouTube traffic comes from outside the United States, and because of language and cultural barriers, the platform’s content moderation efforts are less successful abroad than at home. The report explores how YouTube is exploited by Hindu nationalists persecuting Muslims in India, right-wing anti-vaccine advocates in Brazil, and supporters of the military junta in Myanmar.
In Part 2, we examine YouTube’s role as the internet’s vast video library, one which has contributed to the spread of misinformation and other harmful content. In 2019, for example, YouTube reacted to com- plaints that its recommendations were pushing impressionable users toward extremist right-wing views. The company made a series of changes to its algorithms, resulting in a decline in recommendations of conspiratorial and false content. But recommendations are not the only way that people find videos on YouTube. A troubling amount of extremist content remains available for users who search for it. Moreover, YouTube’s extensive program for sharing advertising revenue with popular creators means that purveyors of misinformation can make a living while amplifying the grievances and resentments that foment partisan hatred, particularly on the political right.
In Part 3, we turn our attention to YouTube’s role in countries outside of the U.S., where more than 80% of the platform’s traffic originates and where a profusion of languages, ethnic tensions, and cultural variations make the company’s challenges more complicated than in its home market. Organized misogynists in South Korea, far-right ideologues in Brazil, anti-Muslim Hindu nationalists, and supporters of Myanmar’s oppressive military regime have all exploited YouTube’s extraordinary reach to spread pernicious messages and rally like minded users. [see also: https://humanrightsdefenders.blog/2020/11/02/bbc-podcast-on-the-framing-of-video-monk-luon-sovath/]
Recommendations to the U.S. government Allocate political capital to reduce the malign side effects of social media: President Biden’s off-the- cuff expressions of impatience with the industry aren’t sufficient. He ought to make a carefully considered statement and lend his authority to legislative efforts to extend federal oversight authority. Former President Obama’s recent speech at Stanford about disinformation provided a helpful foundation. Enhance the FTC’s authority to oversee social media: Some of the issues raised in this report could be addressed by a proposal we made in a February 2022 white paper—namely, that Congress should authorize the Federal Trade Commission to use its consumer protection authority to require social media companies to disclose more data about their business models and operations, as well as provide procedurally adequate content moderation.
To YouTube: Disclose more information about how the platform works: A place to start is explaining the criteria algorithms use to rank, recommend, and remove content—as well as how the criteria are weighted relative to one another. Facilitate greater access to data that researchers need to study YouTube: The platform should ease its resistance to providing social scientists with information for empirical studies, including random samples of videos. Expand and improve human review of potential harmful content: YouTube’s parent company, Google, says that it has more than 20,000 people around the world working on content moderation, but it declines to specify how many do hands-on review of YouTube videos. Whatever that number is, it needs to grow, and outsourced moderators should be brought in-house. Invest more in relationships with civil society and news organizations: In light of their contribution to the collapse of the advertising-based business model of many U.S. news-gathering organizations, the platforms should step up current efforts to ensure the viability of the journalism business, especially at the local level.
The NYU Center for Business and Human Rights began publishing reports on the effects of social media on democracy in the wake of Russia’s exploitation of Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube during the 2016 U.S. presidential campaign. We initially advocated for heightened industry self-regulation, in part to forestall government intervention that could lead to First Amendment complications. As the inadequacy of industry reforms has become clear, we have supplemented our calls for self-regulation with a proposal for enhancement of the Federal Trade Commission’s consumer protection authority to oversee the industry.
In Part 4, we offer a concise version of the FTC proposal, as well as a series of recommendations to YouTube itself. The report does not address the problem of YouTube hosting potentially harmful videos aimed at children and teenagers. This persistent phenomenon deserves continued scrutiny but is beyond the scope of our analysis.
A review has been launched into the Big Tech misinformation code a year after it came into effect, but the global giants have already flagged they are likely to reject many of the media watchdog’s recommendations to improve it. The Australian Code of Practice on Disinformation and Misinformation was launched in February last year after…
A number of Big Tech firms have released their latest reports under Australia’s voluntary misinformation code as they face looming further regulation on the issue. The Australian Code of Practice on Disinformation and Misinformation was developed by large global tech firms following the Australian competition watchdog’s digital platforms inquiry in 2019. The voluntary code requires…
The architect of Australia’s Big Tech media bargaining code says that Facebook “likely” should be designated under it due to its refusal to negotiate with some news outlets, including the SBS and The Conversation. Former Australian Competition and Consumer Commission (ACCC) chair Rod Sims, who developed the Media News Bargaining Code (MNBC) during his time…
Sweeping reforms proposed by the Australian competition watchdog would “fundamentally change” the iPhone and App Store and lead to “significant consumer detriment”, Apple has said in a submission to government. A number of the biggest tech companies in the world have made submissions to the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission’s (ACCC) fifth interim report, raising…
Big Tech companies should be automatically designated under the media bargaining code and ministerial discretion scrapped in order to avoid the initiative being a “missed opportunity”, a new Reset Australia report has said. The report came amidst claims by whistleblowers that Facebook deliberately “over-blocked” critical Australian pages when it banned local news content on its…
Elon Musk — the world’s richest man and worth about $265 billion — is buying social media company Twitter, for $44 billion.
If Musk was in Russia, Western propaganda would call him an “oligarch”, but since he is in the United States he is referred to as a “very successful businessman”. Capitalists like Musk make up the 1% that owns more combined wealth than the bottom 90%.
The Twitter deal could still fall through. But if it goes ahead, what will Musk’s takeover likely mean?
Google has sent a warning shot across the world, ominously informing media outlets, bloggers, and content creators that it will no longer tolerate certain opinions when it comes to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.
Earlier this month, Google AdSense sent a message to a myriad of publishers, including MintPress News, informing us that, “Due to the war in Ukraine, we will pause monetization of content that exploits, dismisses, or condones the war.” This content, it went on to say, “includes, but is not limited to, claims that imply victims are responsible for their own tragedy or similar instances of victim-blaming, such as claims that Ukraine is committing genocide or deliberately attacking its own citizens.”
YouTube has been deleting videos disputing the US government narrative about Russian war crimes in Bucha, Ukraine, validating concerns we’ve discussed previously that Silicon Valley platforms would begin censoring anyone who challenges the authorized version of events in this war.
“By the way, my video ‘Bucha: More Lies’ has been deleted [by] YouTube’s censors,” reads a recent tweet by Gonzalo Lira.
“My stream last night on RBN was censored on Youtube after debunking the Bucha Massacre narrative,” Revolutionary Blackout Network reports.
It would seem that this clears up what YouTube meant when it said last month, “Our Community Guidelines prohibit content denying, minimizing or trivializing well-documented violent events. We are now removing content about Russia’s invasion in Ukraine that violates this policy.”
There has as yet been no investigation into what happened in Bucha by any international body and there are plenty of arguments to be made questioning aspects of the Official Story that westerners are being aggressively force fed by the narrative control machine of the US-centralized empire. Which would mean that YouTube is defining “well-documented” as “unproven assertions by the US government.”
Google sent a reminder to publishers that expands on current policy related to showing ads on content about the war on Ukraine via @martinibuster: https://t.co/lIIhxBwEog
YouTube is also demonetizing content that is more broadly critical of the US/NATO/Ukraine side of the war.
“Due to the war in Ukraine, we will pause monetization of content that exploits, dismisses, or condones the war,” a notice that’s being sent to users reads. “This pause includes, but is not limited to, claims that imply victims are responsible for their own tragedy or similar instances of victim blaming, such as claims that Ukraine is committing genocide or deliberately attacking its own citizens.”
And can I just add here that as a survivor of rape and abuse it makes me want to scream my fucking throat out to see phrases like “victim blaming” used to suppress speech criticizing the unipolarist geostrategic agendas of the most powerful and destructive government on earth. It’s extremely obnoxious how common this disgusting power-serving line has become.
It’s probably also worth noting at this point that YouTube is owned by Google, which is a US military contractor and which has been inseparably intertwined with US intelligence agencies from its very inception.
The radius of what these government-tied oligarchic Silicon Valley megacorporations deem worthy of censorship has been getting wider and wider with every major news story: from eliminating Russian trolls, to thwarting domestic extremists, to protecting election integrity, to stopping Covid misinformation. Now they’re just openly saying they’re censoring those who disagree with the world’s most powerful government about a war. The excuses change from day to day, but the only constant is that we’re always told the solution is more internet censorship.
BREAKING: The reason for both my and @jacksonhinklle's ban from @Twitch was because they were contacted by journalists from the @FinancialTimes today after a Tech Transparency Project Report defamed our stream content as Kremlin propaganda. pic.twitter.com/91pPOXx81D
The Amazon-owned streaming platform Twitch has also jumped aboard this latest censorship escalation, banning multiple accounts for voicing wrongthink about Ukraine in response to an inquiry by Financial Times as to why it’s permitting “pro-Kremlin falsehoods” on the platform. The Financial Times inquiry followed a report tattling on those accounts by the Soros and Omidyar-funded Tech Transparency Project.
Shortly after Russia invaded Ukraine, Twitch said it would move to “prohibit harmful misinformation actors from using our service”. But a report from the Tech Transparency Project detailed multiple accounts pushing pro-Kremlin falsehoods, such as claims the invasion was “de-Nazifying” Ukraine and a Russian “special operation”. Other streams peddled falsehoods about “biolabs” being set up in the war-torn country.
Twitch banned several accounts cited in the report and was investigating several more, it said, after being presented with the findings on Wednesday.
Twitter, another massive platform with ties to the US government, has also seized the moment as an opportunity to ratchet up the censorship of empire critics. Former UN weapons inspector Scott Ritter has been banned from the platform for simply tweeting criticisms of the establishment Bucha narrative; his account was suspended for one such criticism, the suspension was reversed upon review by Twitter, and then his account was again shut down for another such criticism he’d made days earlier. Journalist Pepe Escobar, who has been openly sympathetic to the Russian side of the conflict, was banned for saying that Azov neo-Nazis would be be “disinfected” with a “certified highway to hell thermobaric flamethrower.”
This dramatic uptick in censorship of political speech is happening against the backdrop of Elon Musk’s shenanigans about potentially buying Twitter in full, which has sent mainstream liberals into a tizzy over fears that speech on the platform would become less restricted due to statements Musk has made about opposing online censorship. I have a hard time imagining that the richest man in the world would actually do anything to protect free speech, but the horror with which imperial narrative managers are reacting to the faintest hint of that possibility is very revealing:
I am frightened by the impact on society and politics if Elon Musk acquires Twitter. He seems to believe that on social media anything goes. For democracy to survive, we need more content moderation, not less.
I might not necessarily agree with everything that’s been said by everyone who’s had their voices silenced in this latest ramp-up of online censorship, but I do strongly believe that only the worst and/or most deluded among us support their silencing. Under no possible framing is suppressing criticism of the mightiest power structure of all time a reasonable or acceptable thing to do.
I mean we’re already at a point here where the arguments for censorship don’t even make sense, when you look at them. When we were told people like Alex Jones and conspiracy circles like QAnon needed to be censored because they incite violence and harassment I didn’t agree with it, but at least the arguments about the need to prevent violence technically made sense. When we were told Covid skeptics need to be censored I didn’t agree with it, but at least the argument that people were dying as a result of being misinformed about a deadly virus technically made sense.
But what exactly is the argument for censoring wrongthink about the Ukraine war? Even if we pretend that everything they’re saying is 100% false and completely immoral, so what? What harm is being done? Does a Ukrainian drop dead every time someone says they don’t believe Russia committed war crimes in Bucha or Mariupol? Does Putin get magic murder powers if enough social media users say they support his war? Do liberal faces melt off their skulls if they accidentally see an RT headline?
Of course not. There’s no sensible argument that this new escalation in censorship is saving lives or that it’s being done for the good of the public. It’s being done to protect the interests of the powerful, plain and simple. It’s being done to prevent people from thinking unauthorized thoughts about a proxy war that was deliberately provoked to advance US strategic interests. And it’s being done to expand the radius of internet censorship for its own sake.
SCOTT RITTER: Twitter Wars—My Personal Experience in Twitter’s Ongoing Assault on Free Speech https://t.co/a3c445VtSk
It’s not healthy to seek control over what people say and think. Free speech is important not because it makes people sad when they don’t get to say what they want, but because the free exchange of ideas and information is how we collectively bring awareness to problems, change minds, stir the zeitgeist, and, if necessary, organize mass resistance.
And that’s exactly why the powerful work to prevent the free exchange of ideas and information. If people are permitted to stand at the center of a digital public square and send an unauthorized idea or piece of information viral if it resonates with others, that is a direct threat to status quo power structures. It’s not about saving Ukrainians, ending Covid misinformation, preventing violence, or any of the other excuses they’ve been rolling out since 2016. It’s about censoring the internet.
The advent of the internet gave the powerful the ability to propagandize the public far more rapidly and efficiently than they previously could, but it also brought on the risk of a democratized information space where the public can collectively figure out together that they’re being subjected to tyranny and deceit and decide to put an end to it. Herding the public onto these giant monopolistic platforms that are working in greater and greater intimacy with the empire is how our rulers have chosen to address this dilemma.
The idea is to keep the vast propagandizing power of the internet open while forcing its democratizing power closed, thereby keeping the balance of power tilted far toward the empire managers while manipulating us into believing this is all happening for our own good. But that’s all it is: manipulation. Psychological manipulation at mass scale, for the benefit of the powerful. That’s all this has ever been.
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Here’s how corporate-controlled Wikipedia describes In-Q-Tel: “An American not-for-profit venture capital firm based in Arlington, Virginia. It invests in high-tech companies to keep the Central Intelligence Agency, and other intelligence agencies, equipped with the latest in information technology in support of United States intelligence capability.”
While you gossiped about Will Smith or waved a Ukrainian flag, did you have any clue that the CIA has had its own venture capital firm since 1998?
On the In-Q-Tel (IQT) website, they openly explain their mission: “To invest in cutting-edge technologies to enhance the national security of the United States.” (See some of the companies they’ve invested in here.)
Jeffrey Smith, the former general counsel of the CIA, was one of a small group of intelligence community insiders who helped set up In-Q-Tel. He explains the firm’s name as such: “We really needed something that also had appeal to a wider audience and, frankly, had some sex to it.”
Thus, In-Q-Tel is named after Q, the fictional character who makes gadgets for James Bond. Those murderous spies are so damn clever, aren’t they?
“Much of the touch-screen technology used now in iPads and other things came out of various companies that In-Q-Tel identified,” Smith told NPR in 2012. IQT also bonded very early with an obscure little company you may have heard of: Google. The collaboration started when IQT funded a company that connected satellite images and maps. That company was later bought up by Google and became Google Earth.
“The U.S. Department of Defense’s bloated budget, along with CIA venture capital, helped to create tech giants, including Amazon, Apple, Facebook, Google, and PayPal,” explains T. J. Coles, director of the Plymouth Institute for Peace Research. “The government then contracts those companies to help its military and intelligence operations. In doing so, it makes the tech giants even bigger.”
Coles adds: “The companies that many of us take for granted — including Amazon, Apple, Facebook, Google, Microsoft, and PayPal — are connected indirectly and sometimes very directly to the U.S. military-intelligence complex.”
According to a detailed report by Open the Government, Jeff Bezos and Amazon were favorites of the U.S. intelligence “community” from Day One and they still enjoy a rather cozy and lucrative relationship. Currently, more than half of the former government employees hired by Amazon have been from the Defense Department.
Amazon also provides cloud services to the CIA — at a cost of billions. Also, in 2013, Amazon signed a Pentagon IT contract for $10 billion to create the Joint Enterprise Defense Infrastructure program (JEDI). According to the Pentagon, Amazon technology supports their “lethality and enhanced operational efficiency.”
After a more recent CIA-Amazon deal in November 2020, a company spokesperson explained that Amazon is “honored to continue to support the intelligence community as they expand their transformational use of cloud computing.”
Another company/product directly funded by the CIA and In-Q-Tel is the data visualization tool, Palantir. IQT invested in the early 2000s and Palantir is now worth roughly $38 billion. Palantir was the brainchild of Peter Thiel — a co-founder of PayPal, the first outside investor in Facebook, and a graduate of the World Economic Forum’s Young Global Leaders indoctrination camp, I mean… program.
“Palantir and its ability to make sense of a disordered mass of data are highly valued by spies,” explains journalist, Thibault Henneton. Palantir consultants include former CIA director George Tenet and former U.S. Secretary of State, Condoleezza Rice.
Do you get it yet?
Our lives are currently being manipulated and controlled by a shadow government that transcends national borders or loyalty. This corporate-state nexus coerces you into focusing on trivialities like Hollywood, party politics, etc. Meanwhile, the clowns you vote for, the media you watch, and the social media you obsess over are all owned and operated by (mostly) faceless psychopaths that move effortlessly between the “public” and “private” sectors.
Unless and until we say no to the monopoly capitalists, ruthless spies, and sociopathic transhumanists, we remain willing slaves to a lethal and immoral system. They manufacture our opinions, our desires, our dreams. But their power is so, so tenuous.
If it’s true freedom and autonomy you seek, all you have to do is stop conforming and stop fearing the wrath of the hive mind. Sure, it’s never easy to buck the system but if you don’t, you are living a life of delusion, submission, and fear.
A US$1.2 billion contract between Google, Amazon Web Services (AWS) and the Israeli government provides cloud services for the Israeli apartheid state to spy on Palestinians, reports Ramzy Baroud.
Jamie Alexander wanted Google to sign onto an ad in The New York Times earlier this year, calling on the federal government to “ACT NOW” on the climate crisis.
After all, Google was an original partner of Alexander’s group, Drawdown Labs. It’s part of a larger movement to harness the power and influence of corporations that have positioned themselves as leaders on climate change. The idea: Companies must go beyond reducing their own carbon footprint and go all-in on solutions to the climate crisis.
Indeed, when the group launched in 2020, a mix of small and large companies enthusiastically jumped in. Google’s chief sustainability officer, Kate Brandt, said: “We’re proud to support Drawdown Labs and to join this coalition of companies. Together, we can work toward a more sustainable future for everyone.”
So in January, after Alexander got word that Congress needed some cajoling to pick its climate agenda back up, she shot off an email to Google asking it to simply add its logo to a plea for Congress to do something – really, anything – on the climate crisis. Google’s response: No.
The ad ran in February with 25 corporate logos. But the group’s big-name partners – Google, Netflix, General Mills and LinkedIn – all were conspicuously absent. Faced with their reluctance, Alexander reached out to others, including Salesforce, eBay and Lyft, which did sign on even though they weren’t part of the coalition.
The refusals proved to be a turning point for Alexander. She’s now speaking out and reevaluating the premise her group set out to test: that some of the largest companies will go above and beyond to combat climate change. If companies that tout themselves as climate leaders won’t endorse a generic call to action, what are they willing to do?
“It was very surprising,” Alexander told Reveal from The Center for Investigative Reporting in an interview. “The large corporations in our own coalition failed my own barometer for climate leadership. Which is a hard pill to swallow. It’s definitely something that I lose sleep over.”
It wasn’t as if an ad in The New York Times was the be-all and end-all of climate advocacy. In fact, without any mention of specific legislation or policy in it, the ad seemed like a fairly minimal, noncontroversial step – a “no-brainer,” Alexander said.
As brand-name companies try to outdo one another in proclaiming themselves Earth’s best friend forever, the ad’s backstory illuminates the clear limits of relying on corporations to take the lead in averting the ravages of global warming. And it offers a rare moment of transparency in an ecosystem of advocacy organizations that are often too scared to talk openly about corporate partners for fear of pushing them away.
“It’s all a pretty damning critique of these companies’ climate commitments,” she said.
While more companies promise to zero out carbon emissions by some target far in the future, climate advocates worry those commitments are inadequate at best and take the steam out of transformational change at the government level by creating the illusion that it isn’t necessary. Last month, Reveal reported that Amazon – which has made a major public relations campaign out of its climate efforts – drastically undercounts its carbon footprint, watering down its climate pledges.
Alexander is the latest leader in the corporate sustainability world to become disillusioned by the lack of progress behind the promises. She designed Drawdown Labs as something of an experiment to see how companies large and small could set a new bar for climate leadership. It is part of the nonprofit organization Project Drawdown, and many of the corporate partners contribute money and collaborate on projects, such as creating resources for individuals, employees and small businesses to take climate action. Among other projects, the group organized a sign-on letter to support climate legislation last fall – also missing the corporate logos of Drawdown’s biggest partners.
The ad in The New York Times aimed to nudge Congress to reach into the wreckage of President Joe Biden’s collapsing Build Back Better legislation and salvage the climate parts of the bill. Those provisions were huge: $555 billion in funding, providing financial incentives to individuals and businesses to boost electric vehicles, wind and solar power, and other low-carbon fuels. Environmentalists say it’s a make-or-break opportunity to drive down emissions before the point at which scientists agree climate catastrophe will set in.
Fierce opposition from business groups such as the U.S. Chamber of Commerce helped doom the Build Back Better legislation. Showing businesses’ support for the climate provisions is key to building momentum in Congress, said Jamal Raad, executive director of Evergreen Action, an advocacy group that works with Drawdown Labs. The ad, he said, “certainly got attention.”
Around the same time as the ad, a slate of major corporations joined a letter praising the climate provisions of Build Back Better and urging congressional leadership to “overcome the present impasse and see these historic climate and clean energy investments are realized.”
Even oil companies Shell and BP America endorsed that one. It was organized by the Center for Climate and Energy Solutions, which asked members of its Business Environmental Leadership Council to sign on. Among the member companies that didn’t sign: Google.
The Drawdown ad didn’t even mention Build Back Better or any part of it. To make it more palatable, Alexander assured the companies she asked to sign on that it wouldn’t mention any specific legislation. It would merely show that the business community backed some kind of federal action and investment on climate issues. She didn’t ask them to help pay for it either.
Brandt, the Google leader who hailed Drawdown Labs originally, referred questions to a company spokesperson, Mara Harris, who declined to directly answer them. “Sustainability has been a core value for us since Google was founded over 23 years ago,” Harris said, and pointed to Google’s sustainability webpage.
Netflix spokesperson Bao-Viet Nguyen said, “We support Drawdown and their efforts,” but didn’t explain the company’s position on the ad.
General Mills spokesperson Jessica Stevens pointed to the company’s emissions reductions goals and said: “While we cannot possibly sign on to the thousands of requests we receive annually, our dedication to driving urgent climate action is clear.”
LinkedIn didn’t answer repeated inquiries.
The responses to Alexander’s plea showed how cautious businesses can be even on an issue they supposedly support. Some wanted to know who else had signed on before they would – a “game of chicken that’s often played,” Alexander said. Some of the corporate sustainability leaders she contacted made it clear that it wasn’t their call – that public policy officials at their companies would have to sign off and didn’t. Some declined by saying they were involved in hidden behind-the-scenes efforts.
Google and Netflix already had expressed support in subtler ways. Last fall, toward the bottom of a company blog post, Brandt wrote that Google supports the climate parts of Biden’s signature bill. Netflix wrote a supportive LinkedIn post last year.
But Alexander says companies know that not many people will see those things. “That’s just the bare minimum of what they could do if they really were committing to getting this thing passed,” she said. She had pitched companies on several other ways to use their influence – writing op-eds, meeting with legislators – and come up empty.
LinkedIn’s parent company, Microsoft, sent its president to a White House meeting in support of Biden’s bill, including its climate provisions, in January. It’s unclear why LinkedIn decided not to join the ad.
Both Netflix and LinkedIn tout their participation with Drawdown Labs as part of their sustainability efforts.
Alexander says she doesn’t blame the sustainability professionals working inside these companies. They may be spending their political capital to push their employers in other ways, and maybe this ad just didn’t make the priority list at the moment, she said.
Bill Weihl knows these calculations well. As a former “green energy czar” at Google and director of sustainability at Facebook, he said requests to take a stand were routinely shot down, often by the public policy team. “I saw that time and again,” he said. “Some executive saying why it’s not our job to take sides on something like this. It’s not our job to save the world.”
Companies don’t see much benefit to sticking out their necks, Weihl said, and worry about antagonizing lawmakers and their own trade associations, which might be helpful on other issues more core to their businesses. And they assume nobody will call them out when they say no.
Still, Weihl said, it seemed odd and disappointing that Google and others wouldn’t join a relatively tame statement from one of their own partners. A single ad or letter doesn’t even matter much, Weihl said. He wants to see serious lobbying muscle dedicated to the fight.
Weihl left Big Tech’s corporate sustainability teams and became a thorn in their side as the founder of ClimateVoice, which pressures companies to do more on climate advocacy – and gives them lousy scores for failing to do so. He said that in the grand battle over climate legislation, fossil fuel interests and their allies are aggressive – playing what he called “three-dimensional chess with tanks.” On the other side, he said the self-proclaimed pro-climate companies are playing “two-dimensional checkers with paper airplanes.”
As the head of the American Petroleum Institute, the oil industry trade group, told CNN last fall, “We’re leaving everything on the field here in terms of our opposition to anti-energy provisions.”
What aggravates Alexander is that federal investment in clean energy would help these same companies hit their own public climate commitments. A cleaner electrical grid, for example, would drive down emissions for all the companies that rely on the grid. So why wouldn’t firms that promise to slash emissions do everything they can to get there?
“That’s the part that makes me question the whole authenticity of these long-term, nonbinding climate commitments,” Alexander said.
Of course, 25 companies did come through for the ad, including a bunch of smaller ones like wool shoemaker Allbirds, scooter-sharing firm Lime and eco-retailer Grove Collaborative.
The experience has made Alexander rethink her experiment and ponder the way forward. “Should we be making a different bet about the companies that are going to be leading us to the future we need?” she wonders. She doesn’t claim to have the answer.
This story was edited by Andrew Donohue and copy edited by Nikki Frick.Feature photo courtesy Jamie Alexander.
“We are anonymous because we fear retaliation.” This sentence was part of a letter signed by 500 Google employees last October, in which they decried their company’s direct support for the Israeli government and military. In their letter, the signatories protested a $1.2 billion contract between Google, Amazon Web Services (AWS) and the Israeli government which provides cloud services for the Israeli military and government that “allows for further surveillance of and unlawful data collection on Palestinians, and facilitates expansion of Israel’s illegal settlements on Palestinian land”. This is called Project Nimbus. The project was announced in 2018 and went into effect in May 2021, in the first week of the Israeli war on besieged Gaza, which killed over 250 Palestinians and wounded many more.
“We are anonymous because we fear retaliation.” This text was part of a letter signed by 500 Google employees last October, in which they decried their company’s direct support for the Israeli government and military.
In their letter, the signatories protested a $1.2 billion contract between Google, Amazon Web Services (AWS) and the Israeli government which provides cloud services for the Israeli military and government that “allows for further surveillance of and unlawful data collection on Palestinians, and facilitates expansion of Israel’s illegal settlements on Palestinian land”.
This is called Project Nimbus. The project was announced in 2018 and went into effect in May 2021, in the first week of the Israeli war on besieged Gaza, which killed over 250 Palestinians and wounded many more.
The Google employees were not only disturbed by the fact that, by entering into this agreement with Israel, their company became directly involved in the Israeli occupation of Palestine, but were equally outraged by the “disturbing pattern of militarization” that saw similar contracts between Google – Amazon, Microsoft and other tech giants – with the US military, Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and other policing agencies.
In an article published in The Nation newspaper in June, three respected US academics have revealed the financial component of Amazon’s decision to get involved in such an immoral business, arguing that such military-linked contracts have “become a major source of profit for Amazon.” It is estimated, according to the article, that AWS alone was responsible for 63 percent of Amazon’s profits in 2020.
The maxim ‘people before profit’ cannot be any more appropriate than in the Palestinian context, and neither Google nor Amazon can claim ignorance. The Israeli occupation of Palestine has been in place for decades, and numerous United Nations resolutions have condemned Israel for its occupation, colonial expansion and violence against Palestinians. If all of that was not enough to wane the enthusiasm of Google and Amazon to engage in projects that specifically aimed at protecting Israel’s ‘national security’ – read: continued occupation of Palestine – a damning report by Israel’s largest human rights group, B’tselem should have served as that wake up call.
B’tselem declared Israel an apartheid state in January 2021. The international rights group, Human Rights Watch (HRW) followed suit in April, also denouncing the Israeli apartheid state. That was only a few weeks before Project Nimbus was declared. It was as if Google and Amazon were purposely declaring their support of apartheid. The fact that the project was signed during the Israeli war on Gaza speaks volumes about the two tech giants’ complete disregards of international law, human rights and the very freedom of the Palestinian people.
It gets worse. On March 15, hundreds of Google workers signed a petition protesting the firing of one of their colleagues, Ariel Koren, who was active in generating the October letter in protest of Project Nimbus. Koren was the product marketing manager at Google for Education, and has worked for the company for six years. However, she was the kind of employee who was not welcomed by the likes of Google, as the company is now directly involved with various military and security projects.
“For me, as a Jewish employee of Google, I feel a deep sense of intense moral responsibility,” she said in a statement last October. “When you work in a company, you have the right to be accountable and responsible for the way that your labor is actually being used,” she added.
Google quickly retaliated to that seemingly outrageous statement. The following month, her manager “presented her with an ultimatum: move to Brazil or lose her position.” Eventually, she was driven out of the company.
Koren was not the first Google – or Amazon – employee to be fired for standing up for a good cause, nor would, sadly, be the last. In this age of militarism, surveillance, unwarranted facial recognition and censorship, speaking one’s mind and daring to fight for human rights and other basic freedoms is no longer an option.
Amazon’s warehouses can be as bad, or even worse, than a typical sweatshop. Last March, and after a brief denial, Amazon apologized for forcing its workers to pee in water bottles – and worse – so that their managers may fulfill their required quotas. The apology followed direct evidence provided by the investigative journalism website, The Intercept. However, the company which stands accused of numerous violations of worker rights – including its engagement in ‘union busting’ – is not expected to reverse course any time soon, especially when so much profits are at stake.
But profits generated from market monopoly, mistreatment of workers or other misconducts are different from profits generated from contributing directly to war crimes and crimes against humanity. Though human rights violations should be shunned everywhere, regardless of their contexts, Israel’s war on the Palestinian people, now with the direct help of such companies, remains one of the gravest injustices that continues to scar the consciousness of humankind. No amount of Google justification or Amazon rationalization can change the fact that they are facilitating Israeli war crimes in Palestine.
To be more precise, according toThe Nation, the Google-Amazon cloud service will help Israel expand its illegal Jewish settlements by “supporting data for the Israel Land Authority (ILA), the government agency that manages and allocates state land.” These settlements, which are repeatedly condemned by the international community, are built on Palestinian land and are directly linked to the ongoing ethnic cleansing of the Palestinian people.
According to the Israeli newspaper, Haaretz, Project Nimbus is the “most lucrative tender issued by Israel in recent years.” The Project, which has ignited a “secretive war” involving top Israeli army generals – all vying for a share in the profit – has also whetted the appetite of many other international tech companies, all wanting to be part of Israel’s technology drive, with the ultimate aim of keeping Palestinians entrapped, occupied and oppressed.
This is precisely why the Palestinian boycott movement is absolutely critical as it targets these international companies, which are migrating to Israel in search for profits. Israel, on the contrary, should be boycotted, not enabled, sanctioned and not rewarded. While profit generation is understandably the main goal of companies like Google and Amazon, this goal can be achieved without necessarily requiring the subjugation of a whole people, who are currently the victims of the world’s last remaining apartheid regime.
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