Israel killed more than 200 Palestinians in Gaza on Saturday, including 40 members of a single family. The official death toll in Gaza is now over 44,000, although experts believe that is a vast undercount of the true figure. Israel’s onslaught has continued to kill medical and aid workers in recent days, including three people with World Central Kitchen, the head of the intensive care unit at…
This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.
A week after countries at COP29 agreed to a climate finance deal that left vulnerable nations furious, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) is beginning hearings for a landmark climate change opinion that could be politically and legally significant for international environmental action.
It is the largest case in the history of the United Nations court, and will cover the legal obligations of countries to protect their people and ecosystems from climate change, and the repercussions for nations contributing to the crisis.
It comes a week after the agreement at COP29, the UN’s annual climate summit, for wealthy states to provide $300B in annual climate finance by 2035 to help poor and developing nations, which face the worst impacts of climate change. But these vulnerable countries called the deal unacceptable and woefully inadequate, with the total being well short of the $1.3T experts say is required every year.
The ICJ case, born out of student-led efforts from Pacific Island nation of Vanuatu, will see arguments presented by 98 countries and a dozen international organisations, including Small Island Developing States, the US, China, oil coalition OPEC, and the WWF.
The case first came on the map in March 2023, when the UN General Assembly – at the request of Vanuatu – asked the ICJ to issue an advisory opinion on the legal obligations of states to prevent climate change, in what was a historic first for the policymaking organ.
Vanuatu, which will open the arguments at the ICJ, is among the countries most vulnerable to climate change, and has had to deal with increased flooding and typhoons, intense storms, and rising sea levels.
“We live on the front lines of climate change impact. We are witnesses to the destruction of our lands, our livelihoods, our culture and our human rights,” Ralph Regenvanu, the island nation’s climate change envoy, told reporters ahead of the hearing.
Global sea levels have risen by 21-24cm since 1880, but this has accelerated in the decade leading to 2023, when levels rose by an average of 4.3cm. Parts of the Pacific experienced even higher hikes. At the same, time the world has warmed by 1.3°C since preindustrial times, and even breached the 1.5°C target countries agreed to at COP21 in Paris.
The 2015 Paris Agreement, in fact, will be central to the proceedings at the ICJ over the next two weeks, which will determine whether the pact is legally binding, as climate activists have referred to it. If the court does adjudge it as legally binding, it’s likely to draw a challenge from the US, which joined the agreement without the Senate’s review, and could once again leave the agreement altogether under Donald Trump’s second term as president.
And even if it doesn’t find the Paris Agreement to be legally binding, the ICJ could look to other documents to find an obligation, as the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) did in April, when it issued an opinion stating that protection from climate change was a human right.
The ICJ’s advisory opinions assess legal questions and provide guidance for the court to interpret the existing law, helping inform how it would handle similar cases in the future. While its advice is non-binding and unable to force affluent countries into action, it is likely to drive legislative development and serve as the basis for other climate lawsuits, both on an international and domestic level.
At the hearings, 15 international judges will answer two questions: what are countries obliged to do under international law to protect the climate from human-caused greenhouse gas emissions, and what are the legal consequences for states that have caused significant harm to the environment from their actions (or lack thereof)?
The second question particularly references Small Island Developing States, which bear the brunt of the climate crisis, as well as present and future generations affected by its adverse effects.
Ahead of the hearings, the ICJ – also known as World Court – met scientists from the UN’s Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, who briefed the judges on the science behind the impacts and future risks of climate change, and the solutions for adaptation and mitigation.
“With most countries falling far short of their obligations to reduce emissions and protect and restore nature, this advisory opinion has the potential to send a powerful legal signal that states cannot ignore their legal duties to act,” said Manuel Pulgar-Vidal, global climate and energy lead at the WWF, and former environment minister of Peru, when he served as the president of COP20.
The ICJ will deliver a decision in 2025, but the proceedings follow an uptick in climate change litigation in recent years. A ruling by the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea last year stated that countries are legally obliged to fight climate change to preserve the marine ecosystem, for example, while the ECHR’s aforementioned human rights decision was based on a Swiss case, but has implications for the entire continent.
The Netherlands, the site of the ICJ, had a similar human rights ruling by a court in 2015, which was upheld by the Supreme Court four years later. And more recently, South Korea’s top court ruled that the country’s climate law failed to protect basic human rights and ordered lawmakers to strengthen its emission reduction targets. The governments of India, Pakistan, the UK, the Netherlands, Australia, and Germany (among others) too have been forced into climate action by the courts.
“For our generation and for the Pacific Islands, the climate crisis is an existential threat. It is a matter of survival, and the world’s biggest economies are not taking this crisis seriously,” said Vishal Prasad, director of the Pacific Islands Students Fighting Climate Change. “We need the ICJ to protect the rights of people at the front lines.”
The post World Court Opens Landmark Climate Change Case As Vulnerable Nations Rue COP29 Finance Deal appeared first on Green Queen.
This post was originally published on Green Queen.
Activists targeted as US-linked hard-right campaigns sow disinformation ahead of inter-American court of human rights ruling on case of woman who was denied abortion in 2013
Earlier this year, Morena Herrera woke up to find that a video about her had been posted on social media. It claimed that the 64-year-old campaigner for abortion rights in El Salvador had “chased down” a young woman in hospital and “terrorised” her into seeking an abortion.
The young woman was Beatriz, who had been denied an abortion in 2013, even though she was seriously ill and the foetus would not have survived outside the uterus.
Continue reading…This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.
An exiled West Papuan leader has called for unity among his people in the face of a renewed “colonial grip” of Indonesia’s new president.
President Prabowo Subianto, who took office last month, “is a deep concern for all West Papuans”, said Benny Wenda of the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP).
Speaking at the Oxford Green Fair yesterday — Morning Star flag-raising day — ULMWP’s interim president said Prabowo had already “sent thousands of additional troops to West Papua” and restarted the illegal settlement programme that had marginalised Papuans and made them a minority in their own land.
“He is continuing to destroy our land to create the biggest deforestation project in the history of the world. This network of sugarcane and rice plantations is as big as Wales.
“But we cannot panic. The threat from [President] Prabowo shows that unity and direction is more important than ever.
Indonesia doesn’t fear a divided movement. They do fear the ULMWP, because they know we are the most serious and direct challenge to their colonial grip.”
Here is the text of the speech that Wenda gave while opening the Oxford Green Fair at Oxford Town Hall:
Wenda’s speech
December 1st is the day the West Papuan nation was born.
On this day 63 years ago, the New Guinea Council raised the Morning Star across West Papua for the first time.
We sang our national anthem and announced our Parliament, in a ceremony recognised by Australia, the UK, France, and the Netherlands, our former coloniser. But our new state was quickly stolen from us by Indonesian colonialism.
This day is important to all West Papuans. While we remember all those we have lost in the struggle, we also celebrate our continued resistance to Indonesian colonialism.
On this day in 2020, we announced the formation of the Provisional Government of West Papua. Since then, we have built up our strength on the ground. We now have a constitution, a cabinet, a Green State Vision, and seven executives representing the seven customary regions of West Papua.
Most importantly, we have a people’s mandate. The 2023 ULMWP Congress was first ever democratic election in the history. Over 5000 West Papuans gathered in Jayapura to choose their leaders and take ownership of their movement. This was a huge sacrifice for those on the ground. But it was necessary to show that we are implementing democracy before we have achieved independence.
The outcome of this historic event was the clarification and confirmation of our roadmap by the people. Our three agendas have been endorsed by Congress: full membership of the MSG [Melanesian Spearhead Group], a UN High Commissioner for Human Rights visit to West Papua, and a resolution at the UN General Assembly. Through our Congress, we place the West Papuan struggle directly in the hands of the people. Whenever our moment comes, the ULMWP will be ready to seize it.
Differing views
I want to remind the world that internal division is an inevitable part of any revolution. No national struggle has avoided it. In any democratic country or movement, there will be differing views and approaches.
But the ULMWP and our constitution is the only way to achieve our goal of liberation. We are demonstrating to Indonesia that we are not separatists, bending this way and that way: we are a government-in-waiting representing the unified will of our people. Through the provisional government we are reclaiming our sovereignty. And as a government, we are ready to engage with the world. We are ready to engage with Indonesia as full members of the Melanesian Spearhead Group, and we believe we will achieve this crucial goal in 2024.
The importance of unity is also reflected in the ULMWP’s approach to West Papuan history. As enshrined in our constitution, the ULMWP recognises all previous declarations as legitimate and historic moments in our struggle. This does not just include 1961, but also the OPM Independence Declaration 1971, the 14-star declaration of West Melanesia in 1988, the Papuan People’s Congress in 2000, and the Third West Papuan Congress in 2011.
All these announcements represent an absolute rejection of Indonesian colonialism. The spirit of Merdeka is in all of them.
The new Indonesian President, Prabowo Subianto, is a deep concern for all West Papuans. He has already sent thousands of additional troops to West Papua and restarted the illegal settlement programme that has marginalised us and made us a minority in our own land. He is continuing to destroy our land to create the biggest deforestation project in the history of the world. This network of sugarcane and rice plantations is as big as Wales.
But we cannot panic. The threat from Prabowo shows that unity and direction is more important than ever. Indonesia doesn’t fear a divided movement. They do fear the ULMWP, because they know we are the most serious and direct challenge to their colonial grip.
I therefore call on all West Papuans, whether in the cities, the bush, the refugee camps or in exile, to unite behind the ULMWP Provisional Government. We work towards this agenda at every opportunity. We continue to pressure on United Nations and the international community to review the fraudulent ‘Act of No Choice’, and to uphold my people’s legal and moral right to choose our own destiny.
I also call on all our solidarity groups to respect our Congress and our people’s mandate. The democratic right of the people of West Papua needs to be acknowledged.
What does amnesty mean?
Prabowo has also mentioned an amnesty for West Papuan political prisoners. What does this amnesty mean? Does amnesty mean I can return to West Papua and lead the struggle from inside? All West Papuans support independence; all West Papuans want to raise the Morning Star; all West Papuans want to be free from colonial rule.
But pro-independence actions of any kind are illegal in West Papua. If we raise our flag or talk about self-determination, we are beaten, arrested or jailed. The whole world saw what happened to Defianus Kogoya in April. He was tortured, stabbed, and kicked in a barrel full of bloody water. If the offer of amnesty is real, it must involve releasing all West Papuan political prisoners. It must involve allowing us to peacefully struggle for our freedom without the threat of imprisonment.
Despite Prabowo’s election, this has been a year of progress for our struggle. The Pacific Islands Forum reaffirmed their call for a UN Human Rights Visit to West Papua. This is not just our demand – more than 100 nations have now insisted on this important visit. We have built vital new links across the world, including through our ULMWP delegation at the UN General Assembly.
Through the creation of the West Papua People’s Liberation Front (GR-PWP), our struggle on the ground has reached new heights. Thank you and congratulations to the GR-PWP Administration for your work.
Thank you also to the KNPB and the Alliance of Papuan Students, you are vital elements in our fight for self-determination and are acknowledged in our Congress resolutions. You carry the spirit of Merdeka with you.
I invite all solidarity organisations, including Indonesian solidarity, around the world to preserve our unity by respecting our constitution and Congress. To Indonesian settlers living in our ancestral land, please respect our struggle for self-determination. I also ask that all our military wings unite under the constitution and respect the democratic Congress resolutions.
I invite all West Papuans – living in the bush, in exile, in refugee camps, in the cities or villages – to unite behind your constitution. We are stronger together.
Thank you to Vanuatu
A special thank you to Vanuatu government and people, who are our most consistent and strongest supporters. Thank you to Fiji, Kanaky, PNG, Solomon Islands, and to Pacific Islands Forum and MSG for reaffirming your support for a UN visit. Thank you to the International Lawyers for West Papua and the International Parliamentarians for West Papua.
I hope you will continue to support the West Papuan struggle for self-determination. This is a moral obligation for all Pacific people. Thank you to all religious leaders, and particularly the Pacific Council of Churches and the West Papua Council of Churches, for your consistent support and prayers.
Thank you to all the solidarity groups in the Pacific who are tirelessly supporting the campaign, and in Europe, Australia, Africa, and the Caribbean.
I also give thanks to the West Papua Legislative Council, Buchtar Tabuni and Bazoka Logo, to the Judicative Council and to Prime Minister Edison Waromi. Your work to build our capacity on the ground is incredible and essential to all our achievements. You have pushed forwards all our recent milestones, our Congress, our constitution, government, cabinet, and vision.
Together, we are proving to the world and to Indonesia that we are ready to govern our own affairs.
To the people of West Papua, stay strong and determined. Independence is coming. One day soon we will walk our mountains and rivers without fear of Indonesian soldiers. The Morning Star will fly freely alongside other independent countries of the Pacific.
Until then, stay focused and have courage. The struggle is long but we will win. Your ancestors are with you.
On 27 November, 2024 Amelia Shindelar (managing director of the Human Rights Initiative at the University of Minnesota) published in Open Global Rights an assessment of the situation of n HRDs in the USA: From grief to activism: The dangers confronting human rights defenders in the United States
Human rights defenders who have lost loved ones to law enforcement violence face additional traumas and risks. These activists need safety and support for their mental and physical well-being.
…HRDs are at high risk of adverse health and safety outcomes. They face significant mental health challenges, particularly when the defenders are from a marginalized community and work on issues related to their identities and their communities. Through a series of interviews with HRDs involved in the anti-law enforcement violence movement, my research team learned about the particular risks faced by HRDs in the United States who have lost a loved one to law enforcement violence.
The most recognised risk to HRDs is the threat to their physical safety. This danger can take various forms, including direct violence and assault, ranging from beatings to torture and abduction at the hands of both state and non-state actors. Tragically, hundreds of HRDs are killed each year. Front Line Defenders reported over 300 killings in 2023 alone, and this figure likely underestimates the true toll.
While not as often discussed, other risks are just as severe. These include the criminalization of protest and activism, spurious lawsuits, or legal proceedings designed to hinder their work and drain their resources. Ostracization and or stigmatization within their communities leads to social isolation. The chronic stress and trauma associated with human rights work can have severe mental health consequences.
The unique struggles of defenders who have lost loved ones to law enforcement violence
In the United States, HRDs who have lost family members or loved ones to law enforcement violence face an exceptional set of traumatizing experiences that go beyond the already significant challenges associated with the loss of a loved one to violence. We identified four common risk factors that contribute to this:
1. Dehumanization and criminalization by the media
Traditional media often relies on official statements from law enforcement, which emphasize perceived threats and reinforce that the officer is justified in their use of force. Victims of law enforcement violence are regularly portrayed as criminals in an effort to justify their deaths and shift the focus elsewhere.
Shortly after the death of her son in 2022, Monique Johnson shared with us her experience of how the media portrayed the situation, saying, “They always put their own narrative out there so that people think that he’s the bad guy.” Monique’s experience mirrors that of all the other activists that we interviewed. This negative portrayal can have severe consequences, including exacerbating grief, traumatization, and a loss of social support, as community members withdraw their assistance based on these representations.
2. Recurring exposure to law enforcement violence
Each new incident of violence reopens the wounds. With over 1,000 people killed by law enforcement in the United States each year, the reminders are frequent and painful. Cindy Sundberg, whose son Tekle was killed in 2022, vividly described her experience: “Each event and each killing is like you just open up the wound, and they take a knife and stir it up. And you are just oozing pain.”
In the cases that receive substantial media attention, there’s an added layer of daily trauma. Courteney Ross, George Floyd’s fiance, described this experience: “It never stops. I know loss and grief don’t stop, but when you are faced with literally a symbol of your loved one’s murder every single day, it’s exhausting. It’s just—it’s fearful; it’s anxiety ridden.”
This recurring exposure leads to chronic stress, keeping defenders in a state of heightened alertness that can have severe physical and mental health consequences and affect their ability to process their grief and trauma.
3. Surveillance and harassment by law enforcement
Many HRDs report surveillance or harassment by law enforcement following the death of their loved ones, ranging from increased police presence in their neighborhoods to overt acts of intimidation. Such experiences contribute to a pervasive sense of fear and insecurity.
Matilda Smith shared her experience of constant fear after the officer who killed her son moved into her apartment building: “I was afraid for my life, and my daughter was, and my son as well.” This anxiety led her to move to a different part of town, but the feeling of being watched persisted. The psychological impact of surveillance can be severe, leading to a constant state of alertness and paranoid thoughts and behaviors.
4. Negative consequences of activism
All of the affected individuals with whom we spoke turned to activism to find purpose and healing after the death of their loved ones. As demonstrated by the examples above, among others, activists face multifaceted risks. “I’ve known people in this work that have died of a broken heart,” said Jeralynn Brown-Blueford, co-founder of the Alan Blueford Foundation. Other interviewees also described the emotional, physical, financial, and social toll of their work.
Activism can involve difficult physical labor; carrying protest materials for long distances, building temporary blockades, setting up and taking down sound systems and event spaces, and distributing supplies and resources are just a few examples. Marilyn Hill, whose son was killed in 1997 and has since been active in the anti-law enforcement violence movement, talked about the physical toll the work takes: “I had to load and unload and pick up heavy things…I ended up with a hole in my stomach, and it got bigger and bigger. I ended up having the most excruciating surgery that left me in a nursing home for a month after the surgery.”
The intense focus on activism can strain family relationships. According to Colette Flanagan, founder of Mothers Against Police Brutality, “People get confused; they don’t know what to do when you fight against the policeman. It has damaged our family. I basically lost my daughter. We’re estranged—we haven’t spoken in ten years.” Family estrangement can lead to a loss of crucial support systems, leaving defenders more vulnerable to burnout and emotional exhaustion.
Conclusion
Understanding the risks faced by HRDs in the United States is crucial not only for supporting individual defenders but also for ensuring the sustainability of human rights movements. As the rights community continues to grapple with issues of systemic injustice and human rights violations, we must recognize the human cost borne by those on the front lines of these battles and work towards creating safer, more supportive environments.
Her research focuses on the protection, security, and well-being of human rights defenders.
This post was originally published on Hans Thoolen on Human Rights Defenders and their awards.
The jailing of pro-democracy activists, omnipresent surveillance and a distrust of the police have driven people into a fearful silence
Growing up, I had always dreamed of becoming a police officer like my uncle. In my childhood in the 1980s and 90s, the police had a positive and brave image. I remember when I was in first or second grade, struggling with English, my uncle would tutor me. After our lessons, I would stay at his house to play. Next to his bed was a punching bag, and he would teach me how to throw punches and do one-handed push-ups.
My uncle would show off the muscles on his arms, telling me his dream was to become a police officer who fights crime and protects the innocent. He eventually did. And in his police uniform graduation photo, he stood tall and proud – a hero in my eyes.
Continue reading…This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.
SPECIAL REPORT: By Doug Dingwall of ABC Pacific
A landmark case that began in a Pacific classroom and could change the course of future climate talks is about to be heard in the International Court of Justice (ICJ).
The court will begin hearings involving a record number of countries in The Hague, in the Netherlands, today.
Its 15 judges have been asked, for the first time, to give an opinion about the obligations of nations to prevent climate change — and the consequences for them if they fail.
The court’s findings could bolster the cases of nations taking legal action against big polluters failing to reduce emissions, experts say.
They could also strengthen the hand of Pacific Island nations in future climate change negotiations like COP.
Vanuatu, one of the world’s most natural disaster-prone nations, is leading the charge in the international court.
The road to the ICJ — nicknamed the “World Court” — started five years ago when a group of University of the South Pacific law students studying in Vanuatu began discussing how they could help bring about climate action.
“This case is really another example of Pacific Island countries being global leaders on the climate crisis,” Dr Wesley Morgan, a research associate with UNSW’s Institute for Climate Risk and Response, said.
“It’s an amazing David and Goliath moment.”
Meanwhile, experts say the Pacific will be watching Australia’s testimony today closely.
So what is the court case about exactly, and how did it get to this point?
From classroom to World Court
Cynthia Houniuhi, from Solomon Islands, remembers clearly the class discussion where it all began.
Students at the University of the South Pacific’s campus in Vanuatu’s capital, Port Vila, turned their minds to the biggest issue faced by their home countries.
While their communities were dealing with sea level rise and intense cyclones, there was an apparent international “deadlock” on climate change action, Houniuhi said.
And each new report from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change painted a bleak picture of their futures.
“These things are real to us,” Hounhiuhi said. “And we cannot accept that . . . fate in the IPCC report.
“[We’re] not accepting that there’s nothing we can do.”
Their lecturer tasked them with finding a legal avenue for action. He challenged them to be ambitious. And he told them to take it out of their classroom to their national leaders.
So the students settled on an idea: Ask the World Court to issue an advisory opinion on the obligations of states to protect the climate against greenhouse gas emissions.
“That’s what resonated to us,” Houniuhi, now president of Pacific Islands Students Fighting Climate Change, said.
They sent out letters to Pacific Island governments asking for support and Vanuatu’s then-Foreign Minister Ralph Regenvanu agreed to meet with the students.
Vanuatu took up the cause and built a coalition of countries pushing the UN General Assembly to send the matter to its main judicial body, the International Court of Justice, for an advisory opinion.
In March last year, they succeeded when the UN nations unanimously adopted the resolution to refer the case — a historic first for the UN General Assembly.
It was a decision celebrated with a parade on the streets of Port Vila.
Australian National University professor in international law Dr Donald Rothwell said Pacific nations had already overcome their biggest challenge in building enough support for the case to be heard.
“From the perspective of Vanuatu and the small island and other states who brought these proceedings, this is quite a momentous occasion, if only because these states rarely have appeared before the International Court of Justice,” he said.
“This is the first occasion where they’ve really had the ability to raise these issues in the World Court, and that in itself will attract an enormous amount of global attention and raise awareness.”
Dr Sue Farran, a professor of comparative law at Newcastle University in the United Kingdom, said getting the case before the ICJ was also part of achieving climate justice.
“It’s recognition that certain peoples have suffered more than others as a result of climate change,” she said.
“And justice means addressing wrongs where people have been harmed.”
A game changer on climate?
Nearly 100 countries will speak over two weeks of hearings — an unprecedented number, Professor Rothwell said.
Each has only a short, 30-minute slot to make their argument.
The court will decide on two questions: What are the obligations of states under international law to protect the climate and environment from greenhouse gas emissions?
And, what are the legal consequences for states that have caused significant harm to the climate and environment?
Vanuatu will open the hearings with its testimony.
Regenvanu, now Vanuatu’s special envoy on climate change, said the case was timely in light of the last COP meeting, where financial commitments from rich, polluting nations fell short of the mark for Pacific Islands that needed funding to deal with climate change.
For a nation hit with three cyclones last year — and where natural disaster-struck schools have spent months teaching primary students in hot UNICEF tents – the stakes are high in climate negotiations.
“We just graduated from being a least-developed country a few years ago,” Regenvanu said.
“We don’t have the financial capacity to build back better, build back quicker, respond and recover quicker.
“We need the resources that other countries were able to attain and become rich through fossil fuel development that caused this crisis we are now facing.
“That’s why we’re appearing before the ICJ. We want justice in terms of allowing us to have the same capacity to respond quickly after catastrophic events.”
He said the advisory opinion would stop unnecessary debates that bog down climate negotiations, by offering legal clarity on the obligations of states on climate change.
It will also help define controversial terms, such as “climate finance” — which developing nations argue should not include loans.
And while the court’s advisory opinion will be non-binding, it also has the potential to influence climate change litigation around the world.
Dr Rothwell said much would depend on how the court answered the case’s second question – on the consequences for states that failed to take climate action.
He said an opinion that favoured small island nations, like in the Pacific Islands, would let them pursue legal action with more certainty.
“That could possibly open up a battleground for major international litigation into the future, subject to how the [International Court of Justice] answers that question,” he said.
Regenvanu said Vanuatu was already looking at options it could take once the court issues its advisory opinion.
“Basically all options are on the table from litigation on one extreme, to much clearer negotiation tactics, based on what the advisory opinion says, at the forthcoming couple of COPs.”
‘This is hope’
Vanuatu brought the case to the ICJ with the support of a core group of 18 countries, including New Zealand, Germany, Bangladesh and Singapore.
Australia, which co-sponsored the UN resolution sending the case to the ICJ, will also speak at today’s hearings.
“Many will be watching closely, but Vanuatu will be watching more closely than anyone, having led this process,” Dr Morgan said.
A Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade spokesperson said Australia had engaged consistently with the court proceedings, reflecting its support for the Pacific’s commitment to strengthening global climate action.
Some countries have expressed misgivings about taking the case to the ICJ.
The United States’ representative at the General Assembly last year argued diplomacy was a better way to address climate change.
And over the two weeks of court hearings this month, it’s expected nations contributing most to greenhouse gases will argue for a narrow reading of their responsibilities to address climate change under international law — one that minimises their obligations.
Other nations will argue that human rights laws and other international agreements — like the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights — give these nations larger obligations to prevent climate change.
Professor Rothwell said it was hard to predict what conclusion the World Court would reach — and he expected the advisory opinion would not arrive until as late as October next year.
“When we’re looking at 15 judges, when we’re looking at a wide range of legal treaties and conventions upon which the court is being asked to address these questions, it’s really difficult to speculate at this point,” he said.
“We’ll very much just have to wait and see what the outcome is.”
There’s the chance the judges will be split, or they will not issue a strong advisory opinion.
But Regenvanu is drawing hope from a recent finding in a similar case at the International Tribunal of the Law of the Sea, which found countries are obliged to protect the oceans from climate change impacts.
“It’s given us a great deal of validation that what we will get out of the ICJ will be favourable,” he said.
For Houniuhi, the long journey from the Port Vila classroom five years ago is about to lead finally to the Peace Palace in The Hague, where the ICJ will have its hearings.
Houniuhi said the case would let her and her fellow students have their experiences of climate change reflected at the highest level.
But for her, the court case has another important role.
“This is hope for our people.”
Republished from ABC Pacific with permission and RNZ Pacific under a community partnership.
This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.
In what could be the biggest protest march in New Zealand’s history, 42,000 people took to the roads over fears Māori rights are being dismantled. Eva Corlett reports
It started at the northern tip of the North Island, gathering momentum as it moved its way down the country. By the time the march – or hikoi – reached its conclusion nine days later outside parliament in Wellington it was thought to be one of the biggest New Zealand has ever seen, with 42,000 people taking part. The demonstration was sparked by what critics say is the rightwing government’s attempt to fundamentally redraw the relationship between the Māori people and the state.
A lawyer and activist Annette Sykes, who was on the march, says it was a unifying moment for Māori people, but also showed the strength of public feeling against a potential rollback of hard-won rights. She says she feels the new ruling coalition is coming up with divisive policies that “are actually trying to demolish that sense of unity that we have forged as a nation, that mutual respect”.
Continue reading…This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.
By Patrick Decloitre, RNZ Pacific correspondent French Pacific desk
Pro-independence Kanak leader Christian Téin will remain in a mainland French jail for the time being, a Court of Appeal has ruled in Nouméa.
This followed an earlier ruling on October 22 from the Court of Cassation, which is tasked to rule on possible procedural mistakes in earlier judgments.
The Court of Cassation found some flaws in the procedure that justified the case being heard again by a Court of Appeal.
Téin’s lawyer, Pierre Ortet, confirmed his client’s detention in a mainland prison (Mulhouse jail, north-eastern France) has been maintained as a result of the latest Court of Appeal hearing behind closed doors in Nouméa on Friday.
But he also told local media he now intends to bring the case to the European Court of Human Rights, as well as United Nations’ human rights mechanisms — especially on the circumstances that surrounded Téin’s transfer to France on 23 June 2024 on board a specially-chartered plane four days after his arrest in Nouméa on June 19.
Nouméa Public Prosecutor Yves Dupas told local media in an interview on Friday that in this case the next step should happen “some time in January”, when a criminal chamber of the Court of Cassation is expected to deliver another ruling.
Reacting to recent comments made by pro-independence party Union Calédonienne, which maintains Téin is a political prisoner, Dupas said Téin and others facing similar charges “are still presumed innocent”, but “are not political prisoners, they have not been held in relation to a political motive”.
Alleged crimes
The alleged crimes, he said, were “crimes and delicts related to organised crime”.
The seven charges include complicity as part of murder attempts, theft involving the use of weapons and conspiracy in view of the preparation of acts of organised crimes.
Téin’s defence maintains it was never his client’s intention to commit such crimes.
Christian Téin is the head of a “Field Action Coordinating Cell” (CCAT), a group created late in 2023 by the largest and oldest pro-independence party Union Calédonienne.
From October 2023 onward, the CCAT organised marches and demonstrations that later degenerated — starting May 13 — into insurrectional riots, arson and looting, causing 13 deaths and an estimated 2.2 billion euros (NZ$3.9 billion) in material damage, mainly in the Greater Nouméa area.
“The judicial inquiry aims at establishing every responsibility, especially at the level of ‘order givers’,” Dupas told local Radio Rythme Bleu on Friday.
He confirmed six persons were still being detained in several jails of mainland France, including Téin.
3 released under ‘judicial control’
Three others have been released under judiciary control with an obligation to remain in mainland France.
“You see, the manifestation of truth requires time. Justice requires serenity, it’s very important”, he commented.
Late August, Téin was also chosen as president of the pro-independence umbrella FLNKS at its congress.
The August 2024 Congress was also marked by the non-attendance of two other main pillars of the movement, UPM and PALIKA, which have since confirmed their intention to distance themselves from FLNKS.
This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.
This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.
This post was originally published on Radio Free.
Despite it being illegal in Australia to recruit soldiers for foreign armies, the Israeli Defence Forces (IDF) recruiters are hard at work enticing young Australians to join Israel’s army. Michael West Media investigates.
INVESTIGATION: By Yaakov Aharon
The Israeli war machine is in hyperdrive, and it needs new bodies to throw into the fire. In July, The Department of Home Affairs stated that there were only four Australians who had booked flights to Israel and whom it suspected of intending to join the Israel Defence Forces (IDF).
The Australian Border Force intervened with three of the four but clarified that they did not “necessarily prevent them from leaving”.
MWM understands a batch of Australian recruits is due to arrive in Israel in January, and this is not the first batch of recruits to receive assistance as IDF soldiers through this Australian programme.
Many countries encourage certain categories of immigrants and discourage others. However, Israel doesn’t just want Palestinians out and Jews in — they want Jews of fighting age, who will be conscripted shortly after arrival.
The IDF’s “Lone Soldiers” are soldiers who do not have parents living in Israel. Usually, this means 18-year-old immigrants with basic Hebrew who may never have spent longer than a school camp away from home.
There are a range of Israeli government programmes, charities, and community centres that support the Lone Soldiers’ integration into society prior to basic training.
The most robust of these programs is Garin Tzabar, where there are only 90 days between hugging mum and dad goodbye at Sydney Airport and the drill sergeant belting orders in a foreign language.
Garin Tzabar
In 2004, Prime Minister Ariel Sharon asked Minister for Aliyah [Immigration] and Integration, Tzipi Livni, to significantly increase the number of people in the Garin Tzabar programme.
The IDF website states that Garin Tzabar “is a unique project, a collaborative venture of the Meitav Unit in the IDF, the Scout movement, the security-social wing of the Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of Immigration and Absorption, which began in 1991”. (Translated from Hebrew via Google Translate.)
The Meitav Unit is divided into many different branches, most of which are responsible for overseeing new recruits.
Powerful and unique journalism by @yaakov_aharon on a story that receives shamefully little coverage in Australia; the recruitment of Australians to serve in the Israeli military: https://t.co/OdNVzzMEbx
— Antony Loewenstein (@antloewenstein) December 2, 2024
However, the pride of the Meitav Unit is the branch dedicated to recruiting all the unique population groups that are not subject to the draft (eg. Ultra-Orthodox Jews). This branch is then divided into three further Departments.
In a 2020 interview, the Head of Meitav’s Tzabar Department, Lieutenant Noam Delgo, referred to herself as someone who “recruits olim chadishim (new immigrants).” She stated:
“Our main job in the army is to help Garin Tzabar members to recruit . . . The best thing about Garin Tzabar is the mashakyot (commanders). Every time you wake up in the morning you have two amazing soldiers — really intelligent — with pretty high skills, just managing your whole life, teaching you Hebrew, helping you with all the bureaucratic systems in Israel, getting profiles, seeing doctors and getting those documents, and finishing the whole process.”
The Garin Tzabar programme specifically advertises for Australian recruits.
The contact point for Australian recruits is Shoval Magal, the executive director of Garin Tzabar Australia. The registered address is a building shared by the NSW Jewish Board of Deputies and the Zionist Council of NSW, the community’s peak bodies in the state.
A post from April 2020 on the IDF website states:
“Until three months ago, Tali [REDACTED], from Sydney, Australia, and Moises [REDACTED], from Mexico City, were ordinary teenagers. But on December 25, they arrived at their new family here in Israel — the “Garin Tzabar” family, and in a moment, they will become soldiers. In a special project, we accompanied them from the day of admission (to the program) until just before the recruitment.“ (Translated from Hebrew via Google Translate).
Michael Manhaim was the executive director of Garin Tzabar Australia from 2018 to 2023. He wrote an article, “Becoming a Lone Soldier”,’ for the 2021 annual newsletter of Betar Australia, a Zionist youth group for children. In the article, Manhaim writes:
“The programme starts with the unique preparation process in Australia.
. . . It only takes one step; you just need to choose which foot will lead the way. We will be there for the rest.”
A criminal activity
MWM is not alleging that any of the parties mentioned in this article have broken the law. It is not a crime if a person chooses to join a foreign army.
However, S119.7 of the Commonwealth Criminal Code Act 1995 states:
A person commits an offence if the person recruits, in Australia, another person to serve in any capacity in or with an armed force in a foreign country.
It is a further offence to facilitate or promote recruitment for a foreign army and to publish recruitment materials. This includes advertising information relating to how a person may serve in a foreign army.
The maximum penalty for each offence is 10 years.
Rawan Arraf, executive director of the Australian Centre for International Justice, said:
“Unless there has been a specific declaration stating it is not an offence to recruit for the Israel Defence Force, recruitment to a foreign armed force is a criminal offence under Australian law, and the Australian Federal Police should be investigating anyone allegedly involved in recruitment for a foreign armed force.”
Army needing ‘new flesh’
If the IDF are to keep the war on Gaza going, they need to fill old suits of body armour with new grunts.
Reports indicate the death toll within IDF’s ranks is unprecedented — a suicide epidemic is claiming further lives on the home front, and reservists are refusing in droves to return to active duty.
In October, Israeli opposition leader Yair Lapid accused Bibi Netanyahu of obscuring the facts of Israel’s casualty rate. Any national security story published in Israel must first be approved by the intelligence unit at the Military Censor.
“11,000 soldiers were injured and 890 others killed,” Lapid said, without warning and live on air. There are limits to how much we accept the alternative facts”.
In November 2023, Shoval Magal shared a photo in which she is posing alongside six young Australians, saying, “The participants are eager to have Aliya (immigrate) to Israel, start the programme and join the army”.
These six recruits are the attendees of just one of several seminars that Magal has organised in Melbourne for the summer 2023 cycle, having also organised separate events across cities in Australia.
Magal’s June 2024 newsletter said she was “in the advanced stages of the preparation phase in Australia for the August 2024 Garin”. Most recently, in October 2024, she was “getting ready for Garin Tzabar’s 2024 December cycle.”
There are five “Aliyah (Immigration) Events” in Sydney, Melbourne and Perth. The sponsoring organisations are Garin Tzabar, the Israeli Ministry for Aliyah (Immigration) and Integration, and a who’s who of the Jewish-Australian community.
The star speaker at each event is Alon Katz, an Australian who joined Garin Tzabar in 2018 and is today a reserve IDF soldier. The second speaker, Colonel Golan Vach, was the subject of two Electronic Intifada investigations alleging that he had invented the 40 burned babies lie on October 7 to create a motive for Israel’s onslaught in Gaza.
If any Australian signed the papers to become an IDF recruit at these events, is someone liable for the offence of recruiting them to a foreign army?
MWM reached out for comment to Garin Tzabar Australia and the Zionist Federation of Australia to clarify whether the IDF is recruiting in Australia but did not receive a reply.
Yaakov Aharon is a Jewish-Australian journalist living in Wollongong. He enjoys long walks on Wollongong Beach, unimpeded by Port Kembla smoke fumes and AUKUS submarines. First published by Michael West Media and republished with permission.
This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.
This post was originally published on Radio Free.
Twenty five Pacific civil society organisations and solidarity movements have called on Pacific leaders of their “longstanding responsibility” to West Papua, and to urgently address the “ongoing gross human rights abuses” by Indonesia.
The organisations — including the Pacific Conference of Churches (PCC), Fiji Council of Social Services (FCOSS). Pacific Network on Globalisation (PANG), Fiji Women’s Crisis Centre (FWCC) and Vanuatu Human Rights Coalition — issued a statement marking 1 December 2024.
This date commemorates 63 years since the Morning Star flag was first
raised in West Papua to signify the territory’s sovereignty.
The organisations condemned the “false narrative Indonesia has peddled of itself as a morally upright, peace-loving, and benevolent friend of the Melanesian people and of the Pacific”.
Jakarta had “infiltrated our governments and institutional perceptions”.
The statement also said:
Yet Indonesia’s annexation of the territory, military occupation, and violent oppression, gross human rights violations on West Papuans continue to be ignored internationally and unfortunately by most Pacific leaders.
The deepening relations between Pacific states and Jakarta reflect how far the false
narrative Indonesia has peddled of itself as a morally upright, peace-loving, and benevolent
friend of the Melanesian people and of the Pacific, has infiltrated our governments and
institutional perceptions.
The corresponding dilution of our leaders’ voice, individually and collectively, is indicative of political and economic complicity, staining the Pacific’s anti-colonial legacy, and is an attack
on the core values of our regional solidarity.
The Pacific has a legacy of holding colonial powers in our region to account. The Pacific
Islands Forum (PIF) Leaders communiques in 2015, 2017, and 2019 are reflective of this,
deploring the violence and human rights violations in West Papua, calling on Indonesia to
allow independent human rights assessment in the territory, and to address the root causes of conflict through peaceful means.
In 2023, PIF Leaders appointed Fiji and Papua New Guinea (PNG) Prime Ministers, [Sitiveni] Rabuka and [James] Marape respectively to facilitate such constructive engagement with Indonesia.
As PIF envoys, both Prime Ministers visited Indonesia in 2023 on separate occasions, yet
they have failed to address these concerns. Is this to be interpreted as regional political
expediency or economic self-interest?
Today, torture, discrimination, extrajudicial killings, unlawful arrests, and detention of West
Papuans continue to be rife. Approximately 70,000 Papuans remain displaced due to military operations.
Between January and September this year, human rights violations resulted in a total of over 1300 victims across various categories. The most significant violations were arbitrary detention, with 331 victims in 20 cases, and freedom of assembly, which affected at least 388 victims in 21 cases. Other violations included ill-treatment (98 victims), torture (23
victims), and killings (15 victims), along with freedom of expression violations impacting 31
victims.
Additionally, cultural rights violations affected dozens of individuals, while intimidation cases resulted in 15 victims. Disappearances accounted for 2 victims, and right
to health violations impacted dozens.
This surge in human rights abuses highlights a concerning trend, with arbitrary detention and freedom of assembly violations standing out as the most widespread and devastating.
The commemoration of the Morning Star flag-raising this 1st of December is a solemn
reminder of the region’s unfinished duty of care to the West Papuan people and their
struggle for human rights, including the right to self-determination.
Clearly, Pacific leaders, including the Special Envoys, must fulfill their responsibility to a
region of genuine peace and solidarity, and thereby rectify their unconscionable response
thus far.
They must do justice to the 63 years of resilient resistance by the West Papuan
people under violent, even deadly repression.
We call on leaders, especially the Prime Ministers of Fiji and PNG, not to succumb to Indonesia’s chequebook diplomacy and other soft-power overtures now evident in education, the arts, culture, food and agriculture, security, and even health sectors.
We remind our Pacific leaders of their responsibility to 63 years of injustice by Indonesia, and the resilience of the West Papuan people against this oppression to this day.
In solidarity with the people of West Papua, we demand that our leaders:
This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.
Campaigners say problems with digital transfer could affect hundreds of thousands of people on ‘10-year route’ visas
The Home Office has admitted that many people who have the right to live and work in the UK cannot access their eVisas and provide proof that they are allowed to be in the country.
Human rights campaigners have said problems with accessing eVisas could lead to a scandal involving hundreds of thousands of people. Those affected are allowed to be in the UK but cannot show their right to work or rent a home.
Continue reading…This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.
Feminist solidarity has weakened, but women around the world tell me their fight continues
What happens in America does not stay in America. The prospect of Trump’s second administration is devastating for many American women, but its reverberations are also echoing for women across the globe, and bringing much more fear and uncertainty than last time around.
Eight years ago, while Trump’s success shocked women in Britain, it also brought rays of hope – in the shape of a resurgence of solidarity. On the day after the election in 2016, I remember going into my workplace, a charity for refugee women, feeling pretty bleak, and looking at other women’s downcast faces. Then, at the end of the day, one of our colleagues had the most unexpected news. The charity’s online donations had rocketed.
Continue reading…This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.
Feminist solidarity has weakened, but women around the world tell me their fight continues
What happens in America does not stay in America. The prospect of Trump’s second administration is devastating for many American women, but its reverberations are also echoing for women across the globe, and bringing much more fear and uncertainty than last time around.
Eight years ago, while Trump’s success shocked women in Britain, it also brought rays of hope – in the shape of a resurgence of solidarity. On the day after the election in 2016, I remember going into my workplace, a charity for refugee women, feeling pretty bleak, and looking at other women’s downcast faces. Then, at the end of the day, one of our colleagues had the most unexpected news. The charity’s online donations had rocketed.
Continue reading…This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.
Feminist solidarity has weakened, but women around the world tell me their fight continues
What happens in America does not stay in America. The prospect of Trump’s second administration is devastating for many American women, but its reverberations are also echoing for women across the globe, and bringing much more fear and uncertainty than last time around.
Eight years ago, while Trump’s success shocked women in Britain, it also brought rays of hope – in the shape of a resurgence of solidarity. On the day after the election in 2016, I remember going into my workplace, a charity for refugee women, feeling pretty bleak, and looking at other women’s downcast faces. Then, at the end of the day, one of our colleagues had the most unexpected news. The charity’s online donations had rocketed.
Continue reading…This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.
On Papuan Independence Day, the focus is on discussing protests against Indonesia’s transmigration programme, environmental destruction, militarisation, and the struggle for self-determination. Te Aniwaniwa Paterson reports.
By Te Aniwaniwa Paterson of Te Ao Māori News
On 1 December 1961, West Papua’s national flag, known as the Morning Star, was raised for the first time as a declaration of West Papua’s independence from the Netherlands.
Sixty-three years later, West Papua is claimed by and occupied by Indonesia, which has banned the flag, which still carries aspirations for self-determination and liberation.
The flag continues to be raised globally on December 1 each year on what is still called “Papuan Independence Day”.
Region-wide protests
Protests have been building in West Papua since the new Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto announced the revival of the Transmigration Programme to West Papua.
This was declared a day after he came to power on October 21 and confirmed fears from West Papuans about Prabowo’s rise to power.
This is because Prabowo is a former general known for a trail of allegations of war crimes and human rights abuses in West Papua and East Timor to his name.
Transmigration’s role
The transmigration programme began before Indonesia gained independence from the Dutch colonial government, intended to reduce “overcrowding” in Java and to provide a workforce for plantations in Sumatra.
After independence ended and under Indonesian rule, the programme expanded and in 1969 transmigration to West Papua was started.
This was also the year of the controversial “Act of Free Choice” where a small group of Papuans were coerced by Indonesia into a unanimous vote against their independence.
In 2001 the state-backed transmigration programme ended but, by then, over three-quarters of a million Indonesians had been relocated to West Papua. Although the official transmigration stopped, migration of Indonesians continued via agriculture and development projects.
Indonesia has also said transmigration helps with cultural exchange to unite the West Papuans so they are one nation — “Indonesian”.
West Papuan human rights activist Rosa Moiwend said in the 1980s that Indonesians used the language of “humanising West Papuans” through erasing their indigenous identity.
“It’s a racist kind of thing because they think West Papuans were not fully human,” Moiwend said.
Pathway to environmental destruction
Papuans believe this was to dilute the Indigenous Melanesian population, and to secure the control of their natural resources, to conduct mining, oil and gas extraction and deforestation.
This is because in the past the transmigration programme was tied to agricultural settlements where, following the deforestation of conservation forests, Indonesian migrants worked on agricultural projects such as rice fields and palm oil plantations.
Octo Mote is the vice-president of the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP). Earlier this year Te Ao Māori News interviewed Mote on the “ecocide and genocide” and the history of how Indonesia gained power over West Papua.
The ecology in West Papua was being damaged by mining, deforestation, and oil and gas extraction, he said. Mote said Indonesia wanted to “wipe them from the land and control their natural resources”.
He emphasised that defending West Papua meant defending the world, because New Guinea had the third-largest rainforest after the Amazon and Congo and was crucial for climate change mitigation as they sequester and store carbon.
Concerns grow over militarisation
Moiwend said the other concern right now was the National Strategic Project which developed projects to focus on Indonesian self-sufficiency in food and energy.
Merauke Integrated Food and Energy Estate (MIFEE) started in 2011, so isn’t a new project, but it has failed to deliver many times and was described by Global Atlas of Environmental Justice as a “textbook land grab”.
The mega-project includes the deforestation of a million hectares for rice fields and an additional 600,000 hectares for sugar cane plantations that will be used to make bioethanol.
The project is managed by the Ministry of Defense and the Ministry of Agriculture, and the private company, Jhonlin Group, owned by Haji Andi Syamsuddin Arsyad. Ironically, given the project has been promoted to address climate issues, Arsyad is a coal magnate, a primary industry responsible for man-made climate change.
Recently, the Indonesian government announced the deployment of five military battalions to the project site.
Conservation news website Mongabay reported that the villages in the project site had a population of 3000 people whereas a battalion consisted of usually 1000 soldiers, which meant there would be more soldiers than locals and the villagers said it felt as if their home would be turned into a “war zone”.
Merauke is where Moiwend’s village is and many of her cousins and family are protesting and, although there haven’t been any incidents yet, with increased militarisation she feared for the lives of her family as the Indonesian military had killed civilians in the past.
Destruction of spiritual ancestors
The destruction of the environment was also the killing of their dema (spiritual ancestors), she said.
The dema represented and protected different components of nature, with a dema for fish, the sago palm, and the coconut tree.
Traditionally when planting taro, kumara or yam, they chanted and sang for the dema of those plants to ensure an abundant harvest.
Moiwend said they connected to their identity through calling on the name of the dema that was their totem.
She said her totem was the coconut and when she needed healing she would find a coconut tree, drink coconut water, and call to the dema for help.
There were places where the dema lived that humans were not meant to enter but many sacred forests had been deforested.
She said the Indonesians had destroyed their food sources, their connection to their spirituality as well destroying their humanity.
“Anim Ha means the great human being,” she said, “to become a great human being you have to have a certain quality of life, and one quality of life is the connection to your dema, your spiritual realm.”
Te Aniwaniwa Paterson is a digital producer for Te Ao Māori News. Republished with permission.
This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.
27 November 2024, from UN Human Rights:
![Mga Nalimutan [The Forgotten], inspired by a photography taken by Joe Galvez New York City, United States, 2017.](https://www.ohchr.org/sites/default/files/styles/hero_5_image_desktop/public/2024-11/minority-artists-award-memory-in-present-2024-972x700.jpg?itok=oQgPdm-9)
© Francis Estrada
The top awards for the 2024 International Contest for Minority Artists were presented to five award winners — Bianca Broxton, Joel Pérez Hernández, Francis Estrada, Laowu Kuang and youth laureate Jayatu Chakma — during a special ceremony in Geneva, Switzerland.
UN Human Rights partnered with civil society organizations, Freemuse, Minority Rights Group International, the City of Geneva, the Centre des Arts of the International School of Geneva, and with the support of the Loterie Romande. The theme, Memory in the Present, celebrates the creativity and cultural expression of minority artists whose artwork explores themes relating to memory and memorialization around the globe.
“Naturally, such collective identities will largely be grounded in a collective memory of events, generating or perpetuating values or traditions that shape the way persons belonging to a minority feel bound together by common experiences,” said Nicolas Levrat, United Nations Special Rapporteur on Minority Issues. “Such memories often define how and why these past experiences shared by persons belonging to a given minority (or by previous generations) make them singular, different from other groups.”
The winners and honourable mentions at the awards ceremony in Geneva, Switzerland (shown from left to right) — Francis Estrada, Maganda Shakul, Jayatu Chakma, André Fernandes, Bianca Broxton, Joel Pérez Hernández, Chuu Wai, Laowu Kuang. © OHCHR/Irina Popa
The contest serves as a platform for minority artists human rights defenders who play a key role worldwide to build bridges of understanding, dialogue and empathy through creative and artistic means. It celebrates minority artists who have made significant contributions to raise awareness, inspire action, and foster deeper understanding of human rights across diverse communities.
The Winners
Bianca Broxton in one of her performance pieces, A Conversation, in Boston, Massachusetts, USA. She invited audience members to engage in a dialogue about their personal relationships with hair, racism, and beauty, while she crocheted dreadlocks to add to the piece. © Bianca Broxton
Bianca Broxton is an American interdisciplinary artist who focuses on raising awareness of health inequalities among minority women in the United States. She frames historical narratives and memories around the marginalized voices using sculptures and collages to portray minorities with dignity and a focus on restorative justice.
“My experience as a Black woman drives me to tell the histories of those who have faced systemic oppression and to portray them positively. I refuse to have my subjects seen only as victims of systemic injustice,” she said.
Visual artist Laowu Kuang accepting his award at the ceremony in Geneva, Switzerland. © OHCHR/Irina Popa
Laowu Kuang is a visual artist belonging to the Tibetan minority in China. Through a vivid interplay of colors and textures displayed on large canvases, his artwork navigates themes of memory and memorialization in contemporary China, through traditional Tibetan symbols and motifs.
“In contrast to Western painting, with its excessive color scale, and Han Chinese painting, with its muted and elegant concept of applying colors, Tibetan painting has a strong and intense contrast of colors,” he said. “The stone carvings of Tibetan folk art are a perfect combination of religion and nature, which is a communication and dialogue between human beings and gods, between heaven and earth.”
Joel Pérez Hernández is a visual and plastic artist from the Maya Tseltal people, born in the Lacandón jungle of Chiapas, Mexico. Hernández has dedicated years to studying traditional techniques and motifs with elder artisans and creators of his community.
“Much knowledge is asleep in our mountains, voices are trapped in the rivers, colors sleep under the stones, and in our collective memory, as well,” he said. “My people nourish me and motivate me to awaken all that; that is what I include in my works. I find no need to sign my pieces, because my people, my family, my friends make up the essence of each one of them.”
Born in the Philippines, Francis Estrada is a visual artist and educator, currently residing in the United States. Estrada’s artwork focuses on culture, history, and perception, and questions the influence of historical photographs, mass media, political propaganda, and personal archives on social narratives and collective memory.
“My art is a tool through which I confront how our understandings of culture are mediated, and the methods through which history and memory are created and perpetuated,” he said. “I think of my work as partial narratives for the viewers to complete based on their own experiences and associations.”
Youth laureate Jayatu Chakma is an artist belonging to the Chakma Indigenous community of the Chittagong Hill Tracts region in Bangladesh. His artwork features ink, acrylic, watercolor, and natural elements like mud and colors from leaves, as a way to reflect on the life of his community in relation with forced displacement and the loss of their lands.
“Chittagong Hill Tracts is a part of Bangladesh which represents a culture of variation in terms of people and landscape,” he said. “But there are stories hidden behind the decorated valleys of Chittagong Hill Tracts: my artworks are influenced by the stories of being displaced, losing belongings and relatives. I want to create artworks that show a different side of Chittagong Hill Tracts, besides its natural beauty and cultural diversity that we see on TV.”
This post was originally published on Hans Thoolen on Human Rights Defenders and their awards.
Information campaign directed at diplomatic missions expected after court cases highlighted ‘slave-like’ working conditions for domestic workers
The Australian government has restricted foreign diplomats bringing domestic workers into the country, a UN anti-slavery expert has reported, after two recent federal court cases exposed systemic exploitation a judge described as “slave-like working conditions”.
Sign up for Guardian Australia’s breaking news email
Continue reading…This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.
A Fiji solidarity group for the Palestinians has accused the Rabuka-led coalition government of “complicity” in Israel’s genocide and relentless war in Gaza that has killed more than 44,000 people — mostly women and children — over the past year.
The Fijians4Palestine have called on the Fiji government to “uphold the principles of peace, justice, and human rights that our nation cherishes”.
“We urge our leaders to use their diplomatic channels to advocate for a peaceful resolution to the conflict, to support international efforts in providing humanitarian aid to the affected regions, and to publicly express solidarity with the Palestinian people, reflecting the sentiments of many Fijians,” the movement said in a statement marking the UN International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People.
The group said it was “ashamed that the Fiji government continues to vote for the genocide and occupation of Palestinians”.
It said that it expected the Fiji government to enforce arrest warrants issued by the International Criminal Court (ICC) for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Israel’s former defence minister Yoav Gallant for alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity in the Gaza Strip.
The Fijians4Palestine group’s statement said:
It has been over one year since Israel began its genocide against Palestinians in Gaza.
Over the past year, Israeli attacks have killed more than 44,000 Palestinians living in Gaza, equal to 1 out of every 55 people living there.
At least 16,756 children have been killed, the highest number of children recorded in a single year of conflict over the past two decades. More than 17,000 children have lost one or both parents.
At least 97,303 people are injured in Gaza — equal to one in 23 people.
According to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees, every day 10 children lose one or both legs, with operations and amputations conducted with little or no anaesthesia due to Israel’s ongoing siege.
In addition to the killed and injured, more than 10,000 people are feared buried under the rubble.
With few tools to remove rubble and rescue those trapped beneath concrete, volunteers and civil defence workers rely on their bare hands.
We, the #Fijians4Palestine Solidarity Network join the global voices demanding a permanent ceasefire and an end to the violence. We express our unwavering solidarity with the Palestinian people.
The Palestinian struggle is not just a regional issue; it is a testament to the resilience of a people who, despite facing impossible odds, continue to fight for their right to exist, freedom, and dignity. Their struggle resonates with all who believe in justice, equality, and the fundamental rights of every human being.
Families torn apart
The images of destruction, the stories of families torn apart, and the cries of children caught in the crossfire are heart-wrenching. These are not mere statistics or distant news stories; these are real people with hopes, dreams, and aspirations, much like us.
As Fijians, we have always prided ourselves on our commitment to peace, unity, and humanity. Our rich cultural heritage and shared values teach us the importance of standing up for what is right, even when it is not popular or convenient.
Today, we stand in solidarity with the Palestinian people, not out of political allegiance but out of a shared belief in humanity, justice, and the inalienable human rights of every individual.
We unequivocally condemn the State of Israel for its actions that amount to war crimes, genocide, and apartheid against the Palestinian people. The deliberate targeting of civilians, the disproportionate use of force, and the destruction of essential infrastructure, including hospitals and schools, are in clear violation of international humanitarian law.
The intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial, or religious group is evident. The continuous displacement of Palestinians, the destruction of their homes, and the systematic erasure of their history and culture are indicative of genocidal intent.
The State of Israel’s policies in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, characterised by racial segregation, discrimination, and domination, amount to apartheid as defined under international law.
Oppressive regime
The construction of settlements, the separation wall, and the system of checkpoints are manifestations of this oppressive regime. Palestinians are subjected to different laws, regulations, and treatments based on their ethnicity, clearly violating the principle of equality.
We call upon the Fiji government to uphold the principles of peace, justice, and human rights that our nation cherishes. We urge our leaders to use their diplomatic channels to advocate for a peaceful resolution to the conflict, to support international efforts in providing humanitarian aid to the affected regions, and to publicly express solidarity with the Palestinian people, reflecting the sentiments of many Fijians.
We are ashamed that the Fiji government continues to vote for the genocide and occupation of Palestinians. We expect our government to enforce arrest warrants issued by the International Criminal Court for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Israel’s former defence minister Yoav Gallant for alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity in the Gaza Strip.
The silence of the Fiji government is complicity, and history will not forgive their inaction.
Our solidarity with the Palestinian people is a testament to our shared humanity. We believe in a world where diversity, is treated with dignity and respect. We dream of a future where children in Gaza can play without fear, where families can live without the shadow of war, and where the Palestinian people can finally enjoy the peace and freedom they so rightly deserve.
There can be no peace without justice, and we stand in unity with all people and territories struggling for self-determination and freedom from occupation.
The Pacific cannot be an Ocean of Peace without freedom and self determination in Palestine, West Papua, Kanaky and all oppressed territories.
This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.
By Patrick Decloitre, RNZ Pacific correspondent French Pacific desk
New Caledonia’s largest pro-independence party, the Union Calédonienne (UC), has unveiled the main outcome of its congress last weekend, including its plans for the French Pacific territory’s political future.
Speaking at a news conference on Thursday in Nouméa, the party’s newly-elected executive bureau, now headed by Emmanuel Tjibaou, debriefed the media about the main resolutions made during its congress.
One of the motions was specifically concerning a timeframe for New Caledonia’s road to independence.
Tjibaou said UC now envisaged that one of the milestones on this road to sovereignty would be the signing of a “Kanaky Agreement”, at the latest on 24 September 2025 — a highly symbolic date as this was the day of France’s annexation of New Caledonia in 1853.
‘Kanaky Agreement’ by 24 September 2025?
This, he said, would mark the beginning of a five-year “transition period” from “2025 to 2030” that would be concluded by New Caledonia becoming fully sovereign under a status yet to be defined.
Several wordings have recently been advanced by stakeholders from around the political spectrum.
Depending on the pro-independence and pro-France sympathies, these have varied from “shared sovereignty”, “independence in partnership”, “independence-association” and, more recently, from the also divided pro-France loyalists camp, an “internal federalism” (Le Rassemblement-LR party) or a “territorial federation” (Les Loyalistes).
Charismatic pro-independence leader Jean-Marie Tjibaou, Emmanuel’s father who was assassinated in 1989, was known for being an advocate of a relativist approach to the term “independence”, to which he usually preferred to adjunct the pragmatic term “inter-dependence”.
Negotiations between all political parties and the French State are expected to begin in the next few weeks.
The talks (between pro-independence, anti-independence parties and the French State) are scheduled in such a way that all parties manage to reach a comprehensive and inclusive political agreement no later than March 2025.
The talks had completely stalled after the pro-indeoendence riots broke out on 13 May 2024.
Over the past three years, following three referendums (2018, 2020, 2021, the latter being strongly challenged by the pro-independence side) on the question of independence (all yielding a majority in favour of New Caledonia remaining part of France), there had been several attempts to hold inclusive talks in order to discuss New Caledonia’s political future.
But UC and other parties (including pro-France and pro-independence) did not manage to sit at the same table.
Speaking to journalists, Emmanuel Tjibaou confirmed that under its new leadership, UC was now willing to return to the negotiating table.
He said “May 13 has stopped our advances in those exchanges” but “now is the time to build the road to full sovereignty”.
Back to the negotiating table
In the footsteps of those expected negotiations, heavy campaigning will follow to prepare for crucial provincial elections to be held no later than November 2025.
The five years of “transition” (2025-2030), would be used to transfer the remaining “regal” powers from France as well as putting in place “a political, financial and international” framework, accompanied by the French State, Tjibaou elaborated.
And after the transitional period, UC’s president said a new phase of talks could start to put in place what he terms “interdependence conventions on some of the ‘regal’ — main — powers” (defence, law and order, foreign affairs, currency).
Tjibaou said this project could resemble a sort of independence in partnership, a “shared sovereignty”, a concept that was strongly suggested early November 2024 by visiting French Senate President Gérard Larcher.
But Tjibaou said there was a difference in the sense that those discussions on sharing would only take place once all the powers have been transferred from France.
“You can only share sovereignty if you have obtained it first”, he told local media.
One of the other resolutions from its congress held last weekend in the small village of Mia (Canala) was to reiterate its call to liberate Christian Téin, appointed president of the FLNKS (Kanak Socialist National Liberation Front) in absentia late August, even though he is currently imprisoned in Mulhouse (north-east of France) pending his trial.
Allegations over May riots
He is alleged to have been involved in the organisation of the demonstrations that degenerated into the May 13 riots, arson, looting and a deadly toll of 13 people, several hundred injured and material damage estimated at some 2.2 billion euros (NZ$3.9 billion).
Tjibaou also said that within a currently divided pro-independence movement, he hoped that a reunification process and “clarification” would be possible with other components of FLNKS, namely the Progressist Union in Melanesia (UPM) and the Kanak Liberation Party (PALIKA).
Since August 2024, both UPM and PALIKA have de facto withdrawn with FLNKS’s political bureau, saying they no longer recognised themselves in the way the movement had radicalised.
In 1988, after half a decade of a quasi civil war, Jean-Marie Tjibaou signed the Matignon-Oudinot agreements with New Caledonia’s pro-France and anti-independence leader Jacques Lafleur.
The third signatory was the French State.
One year later, in 1989, Tjibaou was shot dead by a hard-line pro-independence militant.
His son Emmanuel was aged 13 at the time.
‘Common destiny’
In 1998, a new agreement, the Nouméa Accord, was signed, with a focus on increased autonomy, the notions of “common destiny” and a local “citizenship” and a gradual transfer of powers from France.
After the three referendums held between 2018 and 2021, the Nouméa Accord prescribed that if there had been three referendums rejecting independence, then political stakeholders should “meet to examine the situation thus generated”.
On Thursday, Union Calédonienne also stressed that the Nouméa Accord remained the founding document of all future political discussions.
“We are sticking to the Nouméa Accord because it is this document that brings us to the elements of accession to sovereignty”.
This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.
This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.
When Stephenie came upon workers in Portland, Oregon, who had bagged up all of her belongings in a homeless encampment sweep, she desperately pleaded to get one item back: her purse. It contained her cash and food stamp card — what she needed to survive. The crew refused to look for it, she said. The items workers had put in clear bags were headed to a city warehouse. Those in black bags were…
This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.
Officials acknowledge prisoners have harmed themselves but say they did not set themselves on fire or self-immolate
Several incarcerated people in Virginia’s high-security Red Onion state prison have intentionally burned themselves in a protest against harsh conditions at the facility.
A written statement from Virginia’s department of corrections acknowledged that men imprisoned there had harmed themselves, although the authorities confirmed six incidents while others reported that 12 men were injured.
Continue reading…This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.
A long-awaited Fifa report into the legacy of the Qatar World Cup has finally been published, but only after its key recommendation was rejected by the organisation.
Fifa’s subcommittee on human rights and social responsibility has found that the game’s world body “has a responsibility” to provide financial remedy to workers who suffered loss as a result of employment related to the 2022 World Cup. Its report argues that Fifa should use its Qatar legacy fund to remedy those workers. Two days before the report was published, however, Fifa announced that the $50m fund would be used on international development projects instead.
Continue reading…This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.
Walter Ngano, on Friday, 29 November 2024, wrote about three nationals in Kenya being honoured as Human Rights Defenders, illustrating again how awards can function at the national level.
Three Kenyan activists were feted at an awards ceremony on Friday, November 29, recognizing them for their commitment to protecting human rights. Boniface Mwangi, Hanifa Adan, and Hussein Khalid were awarded the Human Rights Defender of the Year award during the Human Rights Defenders (HRD) Awards. The event was held at the Royal Danish Embassy in Nairobi, Kenya.
The three, who are prominent activists in Kenya, were jointly awarded the prize, which is under the Working Group on Human Rights Defenders in Kenya, which brings together Civic Society Organizations and development partners concerned with the protection of HRDs.
The three were honoured for the role they played in the June-August Gen Z protests that were witnessed in Kenya in 2024. Together, they managed to lead Kenyans in advocating for the withdrawal of the Finance Bill, 2024.
In addition, Boniface Mwangi was recognized for his contributions towards advancing good governance, constitutionalism, the rule of law, and the promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms in Kenya. [https://humanrightsdefenders.blog/2019/05/17/debate-in-kenya-are-human-rights-defenders-always-credible/]
Hussein was honoured for his contribution to ensuring access to justice for survivors and families of victims of rights violations. Hanifa, on the other hand, was awarded for her dedication to the promotion of public integrity in Kenya.
The aim of the ceremony is to honour and publicly recognise the important work of HRDs in Kenya by giving out awards to men and women who have demonstrated courage and impact in the promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms.
While speaking after winning the award, Hanifa Adan expressed her joy at winning the award and dedicated the award to Kenyans who lost their lives in the June-August Gen Z protests witnessed in 2024. The award was her fourth in 2024.
“I feel honoured to have won the Human Rights Defender of the Year Award. It’s such an honour, and this is my fourth award this year. I dedicate this award to each and every comrade that we lost during the Gen Z protests,” Hanifa noted.
Hussein Khalid while receiving his award expressed his surprise at being feted but acknowledged the role of activism in the country this year. “I am really shocked by this, but when I look back, it is because of the so many days and sleepless nights we spent doing post-mortems and autopsies for the comrades that we lost in the protests,” Khalid stated. The activist went ahead to request a moment’s silence for the deceased.
This post was originally published on Hans Thoolen on Human Rights Defenders and their awards.
On 29 November 2024, OHCHR published this interview in the context of the International Day for Women Human Rights Defenders.
© Kirsty Teichert
Nonhlanhla Dlamini heads SWAGAA – the Swatini Action Group Against Abuse, a local Eswatini organisation whose primary focus is on ending gender-based violence in the country. Since 1990, SWAGAA has provided care, support, prevention, and access to justice for victims and survivors of gender-based violence, by working with community leaders, community members, and the Government, as well as providing counselling for GBV victims. For the International Day for Women Human Rights Defenders, Dlamini answers questions about GBV, her inspirations and why it was necessary for her to become one of the first women elected as a member of parliament in Eswatini.
What actually motivated me was an incident where a relative of mine was raped at the age of six by a stranger. We didn’t find the person. SWAGAA already existed, but I didn’t know anything about them. Then in 1997, I saw an advertisement [for SWAGAA] in the newspaper. And when I learned about what they were doing, I asked myself why I didn’t know about the organization when I had this problem because I had no one to talk to. I had no one to support me. We reported the matter to the police, but nothing ever happened. We’re so frustrated. So, when I saw the position, I just knew this was my job. And my objective was, I want people to know about SWAGAA. I wanted SWAGAA to be a household name.
I have several times, particularly when I get hurt, because, you know, sometimes this world can be very cruel. And I ask myself, how could people do such an evil thing? I do get depressed. And when I’m very depressed, I’m like, you know, out of all the jobs that I could be doing, why am I even doing this job? Then I get some motivation with some of the success stories. If I quit, who else is going to do it? I kind of feel I’m compelled to do it because there’s a whole lot of people that are looking up to me for help. So, I continue.
… The mistake that we make as advocates and women’s rights activists is that we’re always pushing for others to go and make the change that we want to see. So, I made a decision; I was going to stand for the next elections, which were in 2008. I realized that for years, I’ve been part of a vote for a woman campaign, pushing women to stand for elections. But I’ve never thought of myself one day running for elections. I ran the race to Parliament. I was nominated. I was widely supported. I won the primary elections. It was easy for the primary elections, but the secondary elections were not easy. And I was the only woman against seven men. It was very rough. It was very testing. But I pushed with everything that I had. And I won the elections, and I became a member of Parliament. And the first motion that I moved in Parliament, was that the Minister of Justice bring the sexual offenses and domestic violence bill within 30 days. And his response was no. I kept asking, and that is how the bill was finally seen by Parliament.
The most critical thing is prevention. Prevention, prevention, because once it happens, it’s difficult to pick up the pieces. …
Of course I do, 100 percent. I consider myself a human rights defender because due to the nature of the work that I’m doing, I am continuously standing up for the rights of women and girls in Eswatini. And I have advocated for better legislation in the country. I have advocated for better services in the country, be it in the police, be it in the hospitals, be it in the justice system. I have done everything that I think needs to be done under the sun to make sure that I stand for the rights of the citizens of this country. And I’m saying this because I also know people believe in me. I’ve done all I possibly can to advocate for the rights of women and children in the country.
This post was originally published on Hans Thoolen on Human Rights Defenders and their awards.
By Sera Sefeti in Baku, Azerbaijan
As the curtain fell at the UN climate summit in Baku last Sunday, frustration and disappointment engulfed Pacific delegations after another meeting under-delivered.
Two weeks of intensive negotiations at COP29, hosted by Azerbaijan and attended by 55,000 delegates, resulted in a consensus decision among nearly 200 nations.
Climate finance was tripled to US $300 billion a year in grant and loan funding from developed nations, far short of the more than US $1 trillion sought by Least Developed Countries and Small Island Developing States.
“We travelled thousands of kilometres, it is a long way to travel back without good news,” Niue’s Minister of Natural Resources Mona Ainu’u told BenarNews.
Three-hundred Pacific delegates came to COP29 with the key demands to stay within the 1.5-degree C warming goal, make funds available and accessible for small island states, and cut ambiguous language from agreements.
Their aim was to make major emitters pay Pacific nations — who are facing the worst effects of climate change despite being the lowest contributors — to help with transition, adaptation and mitigation.
“If we lose out on the 1.5 degrees C, then it really means nothing for us being here, understanding the fact that we need money in order for us to respond to the climate crisis,” Tuvalu’s Minister for Climate Change Maina Talia told BenarNews at the start of talks.
PNG withdrew
Papua New Guinea withdrew from attending just days before COP29, with Prime Minister James Marape warning: “The pledges made by major polluters amount to nothing more than empty talk.”
Fiji’s lead negotiator Dr Sivendra Michael told BenarNews that climate finance cut across many of the committee negotiations running in parallel, with parties all trying to strategically position themselves.
“We had a really challenging time in the adaptation committee room, where groups of negotiators from the African region had done a complete block on any progress on (climate) tax,” said Dr Michael, adding the Fiji team was called to order on every intervention they made.
He said it’s the fourth consecutive year adaptation talks were left hanging, despite agreement among the majority of nations, because there was “no consensus among the like-minded developing countries, which includes China, as well as the African group.”
Pacific delegates told BenarNews at COP they battled misinformation, obstruction and subversion by developed and high-emitting nations, including again negotiating on commitments agreed at COP28 last year.
Pushback began early on with long sessions on the Global Stock Take, an assessment of what progress nations and stakeholders had made to limit global warming to 1.5 degrees C.
“If we cannot talk about 1.5, then we have a very weak language around mitigation,” Tuvalu’s Talia said. “Progress on finance was nothing more than ‘baby steps’.”
Pacific faced resistance
Pacific negotiators faced resistance to their call for U.S.$39 billion for Small Island Developing States and U.S.$220 billion for Least Developed Countries.
“We expected pushbacks, but the lack of ambition was deeply frustrating,” Talia said.
Greenpeace Pacific lead Shiva Gounden accused developed countries of deliberately stalling talks — of which Australia co-chaired the finance discussions — including by padding texts with unnecessary wording.
“Hours passed without any substance out of it, and then when they got into the substance of the text, there simply was not enough time,” he told BenarNews.
In the final week of COP29, the intense days negotiating continued late into the nights, sometimes ending the next morning.
“Nothing is moving as it should, and climate finance is a black hole,” Pacific Climate Action Network senior adviser Sindra Sharma told BenarNews during talks.
“There are lots of rumours and misinformation floating around, people saying that SIDS are dropping things — this is a complete lie.”
COP29 presidency influence
Sharma said the significant influence of the COP presidency — held by Azerbaijan — came to bear as talks on the final outcome dragged past the Friday night deadline.
The Azeri presidency faced criticism for not pushing strongly enough for incorporation of the “transition away from fossil fuels” — agreed to at COP28 — in draft texts.
“What we got in the end on Saturday was a text that didn’t have the priorities that smaller island states and least developed countries had reflected,” Sharma said.
COP29’s outcome was finally announced on Sunday at 5.30am.
“For me it was heartbreaking, how developed countries just blocked their way to fulfilling their responsibilities, their historical responsibilities, and pretty much offloaded that to developing countries,” Gounden from Greenpeace Pacific said.
Some retained faith
Amid the Pacific delegates’ disappointment, some retained their faith in the summits and look forward to COP30 in Brazil next year.
“We are tired, but we are here to hold the line on hope; we have no choice but to,” 350.org Pacific managing director Joseph Zane Sikulu told BenarNews.
“We can very easily spend time talking about who is missing, who is not here, and the impact that it will have on negotiation, or we can focus on the ones who came, who won’t give up,” he said at the end of summit.
Fiji’s lead negotiator Dr Michael said the outcome was “very disappointing” but not a total loss.
“COP is a very diplomatic process, so when people come to me and say that COP has failed, I am in complete disagreement, because no COP is a failure,” he told BenarNews at the end of talks.
“If we don’t agree this year, then it goes to next year; the important thing is to ensure that Pacific voices are present,” he said.
Republished from BenarNews with permission.
This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.
On 27 November 2024 ISHR shared this profile:
‘The Egyptian authorities must open the civic space for civil society to play its role. They must stop persecuting human rights defenders, political opponents, and journalists simply for doing their jobs. The UN and the international community must maintain pressure on them to comply with human rights standards.’
Basma Mostafa is an Egyptian investigative journalist and co-founder of the Law and Democracy Support Foundation. She began her journalism career amid the Egyptian revolution, focusing on sensitive issues such as torture, enforced disappearances, and extrajudicial killings.
Basma’s commitment to exposing human rights violations in Egypt came at a high personal cost. Over the years, she faced numerous threats and severe reprisals for her work, including being detained three times, forcibly disappeared, and accused of ‘affiliation with a terrorist organisation’ and of ‘spreading false information’. Following a sustained campaign of intimidation, Basma was forced to leave Egypt in 2020.
What happened during the Egyptian revolution strengthened my commitment to the principles of human rights and to defending them.
https://ishr.ch/defender-stories/human-rights-defenders-story-basma-mostafa-from-egypt
This post was originally published on Hans Thoolen on Human Rights Defenders and their awards.
In her latest report to the UN General Assembly, the Special Rapporteur on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association , Gina Romero, underscored the effects of a growing negative rhetoric directed at civil society and activists.
The Special Rapporteur presented her report ‘Protecting the Rights to Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and of Association from Stigmatization’ in an interactive dialogue with States at the UN General Assembly’s Third Committee.
The report highlights the growing number of harmful narratives that stigmatise civil society groups and activists engaged in association and peaceful assemblies, labeling them as ‘enemies or threats to security and values.’
The Special Rapporteur highlighted an alarming trend of harmful narratives that undermine the legitimacy of peaceful activism and target human rights defenders and the public for exercising their rights to freedom of assembly and association. She discussed how activists and organisations face stigmatising labels and accusations for organising peaceful protests, forming associations, and bringing urgent issues to the attention of authorities and the international community. Her report listed specific narratives and language used in various countries to stigmatise the work of civil society organisations and activists.
Particularly vulnerable to these harmful attacks are advocates for ethnic and religious minorities, women, children, young activists, LGBTIQ+ people, environmental and Indigenous activists, and defenders of democracy, transparency, and fair elections, with trade unions and labor rights groups also being targeted frequently.
These narratives result in the restriction of human rights. While most States participating in the interactive dialogue welcomed the report, some rejected the references to their country in the report, including China, India, Iran, and Russia. Several States asked the Rapporteur about best practices and concrete examples to support and protect the right to peaceful assembly and association.
Gina Romero responded that States should avoid stigmatising protesters and civil society, facilitate peaceful assembly and association, and ensure any restrictions are evidence-based and meet the requirements of legality, necessity and proportionality. She also responded to criticism from China, India, Iran and Russia by emphasising the challenges faced when there are no responses from States to inquiries, denial of requests for country visits, or lack of clear information about state actions and called on states to engage more openly with her mandate.
The Special Rapporteur also noted that harmful narratives from both State and non-State actors restrict access to freedoms of assembly and association, leading to rights violations and shrinking civic space. She called on States to detect, monitor, and counter such cases to ‘prevent undue legal restrictions and repression of these freedoms, which create a cycle of repression and stigmatization’ and implement legal and policy reforms.
This post was originally published on Hans Thoolen on Human Rights Defenders and their awards.
Palestinian diaspora poets, singers and musicians gathered today with solidarity partners from Aotearoa New Zealand, African nations — including South Africa — in a vibrant celebration.
The celebration marked the UN International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People and similar events have been happening around New Zealand today, across the world and over the weekend.
Images by David Robie of Asia Pacific Report.
This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.
This post was originally published on Radio Free.
A community broadcaster in Aotearoa New Zealand has appealed for an end to the “sadistic cruelty” and the “out in the open genocide” by Israel in Gaza and the occupied Palestine territories.
In an open letter, Lois Griffiths, co-presenter of the environmental, social justice and current affairs programme Earthwise on Plains FM, has criticised the “injustices imposed by colonialism” and has cited Bethlehem Lutheran pastor Munther Isaac in saying “Gaza today has become the moral compass of the world”.
Her letter is published by Asia Pacific Report to mark the UN International Day of Solidarity with the Palestinian People.
The open letter by Griffiths says:
K Gurunathan’s article “Sparks fly as political tinder of Māori anger builds” (The Press and The Post, November 25) argues that the injustices imposed by colonialism, including the “systematic confiscation of Māori land”, leading to poverty and cultural alienation are factors behind the anger expressed by the recent Hīkoi.
We need to learn Aotearoa New Zealand history.
One needs to learn history in order to understand the present.
But we need to learn world history too.
Coincidentally, I am in the middle of reading Israeli journalist Gideon Levy’s most recent book The Killing of Gaza: reports on a catastrophe.
Levy has been there many times, reporting first hand about the sadistic cruelty imposed on its people, a cruelty that began in 1948.
He explains that Hamas promotes armed resistance as a last resort. Any other approach has been ignored
The Israeli regime is being accused now of war crimes. But war crimes have been going on for decades.
But it sickens me to even think of what is happening now. It is genocide, genocide out in the open.
In the words of Bethlehem Lutheran pastor Munther Isaac: “Gaza today has become the moral compass of the world.”
This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.