Category: Human Rights

  • Osama Nezar AlSagheer was a 19-year-old Bahraini student when he was arrested in 2017 during the suppression of peaceful protests in Duraz, which concerned the denaturalization of prominent Shia religious figure Sheikh Isa Qasim. During his detention, he was subjected to torture, enforced disappearance, solitary confinement, religious-based insults, religious discrimination, isolation, retaliation, medical neglect, unfair trials, harassment, assaults, and ill-treatment. He is currently serving a 61-year prison sentence in Jau Prison. Osama went on several hunger strikes during his detention to protest his ill-treatment and medical neglect but to no avail.

    On 20 June 2016, Bahraini citizens started a sit-in in solidarity with prominent Shia religious figure Sheikh Isa Qasim in front of his house in Duraz. on 23 May 2017, the Bahraini authorities’ violent dispersion of protesters in front of Sheikh Qasim’s house resulted in the death of five people, the injury of more than 100 people, and the arrest of 286 people, including Osama.

    Osama had previously participated in demonstrations and had been arrested on multiple occasions when he was a minor for exercising his rights to freedom of expression and assembly. He was first arrested in February 2013 when he was only 14 years old and was detained for 11 days. He was re-arrested during a demonstration in December 2014 and was heavily beaten.

    On 23 May 2017, riot police (Special Security Force Command officers) and officers in plain clothing arrested Osama after shooting him during the demonstration with expanding bullets, which led to shrapnel scattering throughout his body. The officers beat him before transporting him to the Criminal Investigations Directorate (CID) and forcibly disappearing him for 45 days. After detaining Osama for 20 days, officers took him to the Public Prosecution Office (PPO) without providing him with adequate time or facilities to prepare for trial. Authorities charged Osama with multiple crimes, including the attempted murder of a policeman.

    During Osama’s detention in the CID, officers repeatedly beat him on the head and both hands, which had been injured by pellets during his arrest, in order to extract a confession. They also forced Osama to insult his Shia beliefs, imitate animal noises as a form of degradation, and utter obscenities. Officers allegedly prevented Osama’s family from visiting him for two and a half months until visible injuries had subsided, in order to conceal evidence of torture.

    As a result of the torture, Osama suffers from chronic headaches and has lost mobility in his right ring finger. When transferred to the prison clinic on four different occasions, he did not receive effective treatment. Even during one hospital examination, he was still denied treatment despite having shrapnel scattered throughout his body, causing severe pain. After submitting a complaint to the Ministry of Interior Ombudsman, Osama went an additional 19 months without receiving medical treatment but was forced to sign a form stating that he had received treatment.

    The court convicted and sentenced him in several cases, totaling 71 years in prison on multiple charges, including 1) illegal assembly, 2) assaulting security forces, 3) possession and use of Molotov cocktails, iron bars, knives, and unlicensed axes to assault police officers for a terrorist purpose, and 4) destroying police cars. He was also stripped of his nationality twice. Throughout these trials, Osama was denied access to his attorney and reported that he was unable to prepare for trials or present evidence in his defense. One of these trials was the mass trial, the rulings of which were issued on 27 February 2019 against 171 Bahraini citizens, known as the “Duraz case.” Osama appealed the various convictions against him, resulting in the reduction of his sentence to 61 years, and his citizenship was restored.

     

    On 14 March 2019, Osama began a hunger strike demanding his right to treatment, the removal of shrapnel from expanding bullets in his body, and his transfer from the ward he shared with ISIS terrorist prisoners who were convicted of rape. He also sought to improve prison conditions and protest against the ill-treatment he had endured from a policeman who entered Osama’s cell several times, shouting, mocking, insulting, and cursing at him for no reason. During this strike, there was no news of him for more than a week.

     

    On 11 September 2019, Osama began another hunger strike, demanding that he be able to have a private visit after refraining from meeting his family, who had come to visit him in prison since 28 January 2019 due to intense pressure and humiliating inspections. He also requested a special visit for his mother, who has heart disease, to ensure she would not be treated harshly. Ten months prior to this strike, Osama had submitted a request for a private family visit that would take place without a barrier separating him from his visitors, but it was not approved. During this strike, he also demanded a quilt and a coat to protect himself from the cold, as the shrapnel from expanding bullets in his body caused him pain accompanied by cold. On 24 September 2019, 13 days after starting his hunger strike, the New Dry Dock Prison administration deprived Osama of his right to call his family and go out to access sunlight in the prison’s outdoor yard as an additional punishment for continuing his strike. During this strike, his blood sugar level dropped to 3.8, and he fainted in the bathroom, suffering a head bleed. This was compounded by ongoing feelings of cold and an inability to sleep due to his deteriorating health condition. On 3 October 2019, after entering the 23rd day of his hunger strike, Osama was transferred to solitary confinement in retaliation for continuing his strike. From his cell, he complained about the extreme cold he was enduring, saying, “I am freezing from the cold, I need a quilt and medical care! Convey my voice to the world!”

     

    On 25 December 2019 and 13 February 2020, the New Dry Dock Prison administration refused to transfer Osama to pre-scheduled medical appointments to address the issue of shrapnel from expanding bullets in his body, without providing reasons.

     

    In May 2020, Osama was transferred from New Dry Dock Prison to Jau Prison. On 15 December 2020, he was transferred from Building 12 of Jau Central Prison to isolation in Building 23 without knowing the reason, but he was returned to Building 12 three days later. On 3 January 2021, Osama was transferred to solitary confinement for unknown reasons.

     

    On 22 March 2021, Osama spoke in an audio recording about being severely beaten and injured in his head, eye, face, and back. He described being dragged down the corridor on 17 March 2021 by prison police officers while staging a peaceful sit-in in Building 12 inside Jau Prison in solidarity with prominent religious figure and political prisoner Sheikh Zuhair Abbas (Ashoor), who was subjected to a violent and sudden beating by a criminal prisoner, which may amount to attempted murder. He mentioned that there was video footage of the incident captured by surveillance cameras in the prison and demanded his right to file a torture report, but the Jau Prison administration did not respond to his requests. Following the spread of the audio recording on social media platforms, the prison administration deprived Osama of his right to contact his family for a month.

     

    On 7 July 2021, a group of Jau Prison officers took Osama out of the ward where he was held and transferred him to solitary confinement without mentioning the reason. He remained there for 14 days, bound with iron shackles, and there was no news of him during this period. On 21 July 2021, officers moved Osama to isolation in Building 12 of Jau Prison, placing him in a small cell where he could not see anyone in retaliation for his persistent demands for his most basic rights as a prisoner. The officers then placed a mentally ill foreign criminal prisoner in the same cell with Osama. While he was in this cell, Osama’s cellmate – who did not speak Arabic and did not share Osama’s religion- harassed him, intruded on him while he was in the bathroom multiple times, and engaged in repeated altercations with him. Osama feared being harmed during his sleep by his cellmate due to the ongoing harassment. Throughout this period, Osama was deprived of prayer as he was unable to hear the call to prayer, and the prison administration refused to provide him with a watch to know the prayer times. Contact between Osama and his family was cut off for over a month after he was transferred to isolation. On 1 September 2021, during a phone call with his family, Osama mentioned being deprived of contact with them for no reason. He also reported harassment from an officer in prison named Ahmed. When Osama asked the officer for the reason behind this treatment, Officer Ahmed stated it was ordered by the prison administration. The officer also threatened and insulted Osama, saying, “You will see when they attack you with a group of police officers and beat you for no reason,” and “You are not even worthy of a shoe!”

    On 27 January 2022, Osama was transferred to Building 3 of the Jau Prison, where he was once more placed in isolation with foreign criminal prisoners and drug addicts, despite his refusal to sign the transfer to this building. In March 2022, Osama was placed for several weeks in solitary confinement, and there was no news of him until the end of his solitary confinement on 3 April 2022.

    On 18 July 2022, the Special Forces assaulted the prisoners in Building 7 of the Jau Prison who were protesting the deteriorating prison conditions, most notably medical negligence. Osama was among them. The Special Forces sprayed prisoners with pepper spray and tried to force them into their cells. The next day, Osama was transferred to Salmaniya Hospital with his hands handcuffed and his legs chained. On 30 July 2022, Osama spoke in an audio recording about being deprived, along with all Shia prisoners in Jau Prison, of practicing their religious rites and being targeted sectarianly, contrary to allegations published in the official Bahraini media.

    On 13 August 2023, during Osama’s participation in a mass hunger strike that lasted 40 days with more than 800 prisoners in Jau prison to protest the poor conditions, Osama fainted and fell to the ground.

    Osama continues to suffer from medical negligence for injuries sustained from fissionable bullets fired at him during his arrest, as well as from injuries and health problems resulting from the torture he endured. Moreover, reprisals against him continue intermittently, including repeated solitary confinement, isolation, humiliation, enforced disappearance, and denial of contact with his family. In addition, he still faces discrimination and humiliation based on religion, reprisals, harassment, assaults, and ill-treatment. Since his last arrest, Osama’s family has filed several complaints about the abuse their son endured with the Ombudsman, but to no avail.

    Osama’s arbitrary arrest for participating in a peaceful demonstration, enforced disappearance, torture, unfair trials, solitary confinement, sectarian-based insults, deprivation of practicing his religious rituals, reprisals, isolation, denial of contact with his family, medical negligence, harassment, assaults, and ill-treatment violate the Bahraini Constitution as well as Bahrain’s obligations under international law to which it is a party, including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CAT), the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), and the United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners, known as the Nelson Mandela Rules. Furthermore, Osama’s previous arbitrary detentions for participating in peaceful demonstrations when he was a minor and the torture he endured back then are clear violations of the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), to which Bahrain is a party. 

    As such, Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) calls on the Bahraini authorities to uphold their human rights obligations by immediately and unconditionally releasing Osama and investigating all allegations of arbitrary arrest, enforced disappearance, solitary confinement, torture, sectarian-based insults, denial of his right to perform his religious rituals, isolation, reprisals, denial of family contact, medical negligence and ill-treatment, and to hold perpetrators accountable. Furthermore, ADHRB calls on Bahrain to provide Osama with immediate treatment for all his health problems, including those resulting from the torture he suffered in prison and the injuries he sustained from fission bullet fragments during his arrest. ADHRB urges Bahrain to compensate him for those injuries that were worsened by medical negligence or, at the very least, to grant him a fair retrial, leading to his release. ADHRB also sounds the alarm about Osama’s numerous hunger strikes, which have exacerbated his health issues, and highlights the repeated attacks he has been subjected to by prison officers and fellow criminal prisoners, warning of any dangerous developments that may occur as a result. Finally, ADHRB calls on the Bahraini authorities to conduct transparent investigations into these allegations of ill-treatment and abuse, to identify and hold perpetrators accountable, and end the policy of impunity.

    The post Profile in Persecution: Osama Nezar AlSagheer appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

    This post was originally published on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

  • According to CCTV’s latest investigative report, the US troops in Syria have been smuggling local wheat crops out of Syria, using more than 10 trucks every day. To cover the smuggling activity, local checkpoints would stop all passers-by and check their phones to delete any related photos. What’s your comment? 

    Mao Ning: Once a wheat exporter, Syria now finds around 55 percent of its population facing food insecurity. The US is undeniably responsible for this. The US says it’s there to fight terrorism, but the reality says it’s there to plunder. The US keeps emphasizing human rights, but the reality abounds with US violations of people’s rights to subsistence and life in other countries. The US brands itself as a guardian of democracy, freedom and prosperity, but the reality shows its true identity as a manufacturer of humanitarian crises.

    The US needs to earnestly respect Syria’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, immediately end its illegal military occupation in Syria, stop plundering Syria’s resources, and take concrete actions to make up for the damages done to the Syrian people.

    The post China: Wheat-smuggling US is “Undeniably Responsible” for Syria’s Food Insecurity first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • The Canadian government repeatedly tells the world that Canada upholds an international rules-based order that is the basis of democracy.

    What the Canadian government says is not true. The evidence that it is not true is indisputable.

    There is widespread concern that social media is putting out disinformation, that this practice is dangerous and harmful and should be challenged. What about when our government puts out serious disinformation that is dangerous and harmful? Should that not be challenged? What do you think?

    I’m not talking about trivial matters. I’m talking about extremely serious issues where the health and survival of people and the planet are threatened. And I’m not talking about pretty words. The Canadian government excels at that. I’m talking about our actions. When words and actions contradict one another, it is the actions that speak the truth. In fact, it makes Canada’s role more destructive because it is dishonest. What do you think?

    If the Canadian government told the truth, it would say that Canada does not uphold binding international laws that protect human rights and the environment. What the Canadian government means is that it upholds international trade Agreements that enforce the interests of powerful private corporations, override democracy and harm human rights and the environment.

    Does that make sense to you? Does that reflect your values? Is that the world you want for your and everyone’s kids and grand-kids?

    Or does that trouble you like it troubles me?

    Another question. If we are a democracy as we claim to be, do you think this should be talked about? It isn’t. Why not? I thought democracy meant accountable government. Do you think we should require our political leaders to state where they stand on this issue and hold an open discussion with Canadians as to whether this is what we, who they supposedly represent, want – i.e. a discussion that is not held behind closed doors and under the influence of powerful vested interests and their paid lobbyists, as is the way that Canada’s policy on human rights, the environment and corporate power is typically decided?

    Canada, right now, is blatantly violating binding international human rights law

    Binding international human rights laws require that, no matter how much economic, military, political power you (and your allies) have, you are legally bound to obey that law. There can be no double standards. All lives are valuable, even the most powerless, especially the most powerless. Human rights are for all. Otherwise, it is not human rights law at all. It is a sham.

    The most serious binding international laws address horrific crimes of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. The International Court of Justice investigates and makes legally binding rulings against countries that have violated these laws and the International Criminal Court makes rulings against individuals who have violated these laws.

    Canada has ratified these international laws. Canada is legally bound to obey them and obey the rulings of these two top world courts. But Canada does not. Canada has sabotaged and continues to violate these laws.

    For example, Canada lobbied the International Criminal Court to refuse to investigate documented allegations of war crimes committed by Israel against Palestinians. This effort by Canada to prevent the rule of law failed and the International Criminal Court (ICC) proceeded with its investigation. On the basis of overwhelming evidence, the Court ruled that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Defence Minister Yoav Gallant, as well as three Hamas leaders, had committed war crimes and that the ICC would be seeking arrest warrants for them.

    After failing in its attempt to prevent the rule of law, the Canadian government now refuses to say whether it will, as it is legally required to do, obey the court’s ruling. Its pretended commitment to international law is non-existent.

    Amnesty International and other human rights organizations, including Jewish organizations, have challenged the Canadian government to obey international law. The government has ignored their appeal.

    Former Liberal Foreign Minister Lloyd Axworthy and former Liberal Attorney General Allan Rock and a group of 375 prominent former politicians and current academics have sent a letter challenging Prime Minister Trudeau to express clear support for the ICC ruling. The government has ignored their appeal.

    Prof. Heidi Matthews of Osgoode Hall Law School notes that along with a panel of experts in international law who independently reviewed the evidence, the ICC Prosecutor concluded there are reasonable grounds to believe Netanyahu and Gallant are criminally responsible for starvation, murder, intentional attacks against civilians, extermination and persecution, among other crimes.

    As Prof. Matthews points out: “This dramatic development marks the first time leaders of a western allied state have been accused of war crimes and crimes against humanity at the ICC.” Apparently, Canada believes that binding international law does not apply to western allied states.

    The US government, whether under President Biden or President Trump, believes that binding international human rights law does not apply to the US. In the past and currently, Republican and Democrat politicians in the US have threatened to punish and to arrest the ICC prosecutor and ICC officials, if they come to the United States. Human Rights Watch has written to Canada’s Foreign Minister Mélanie Joly on May 21, 2024, saying, “We urge Canada, as an ICC member committed to a rules-based international order, to protect the court’s independence and publicly condemn efforts to intimidate or interfere with the court’s work, its officials, and those cooperating with the institution. Canada should also robustly support the ICC’s efforts to advance justice for grave international crimes.”

    The Canadian government stays silent and does nothing. Its proclaimed commitment to the rule of international law is nowhere to be seen.

    The International Court of Justice has ruled that the evidence shows that Israel has committed plausible genocide. The Court has ordered a number of provisional measures. Under the Genocide Convention, Canada is legally required to implement these measures and take all action possible to prevent genocide. Instead, Canada is aiding and abetting genocide by not immediately stopping the shipment of any weapons to Israel.

    Canadian Lawyers for International Human Rights, along with others, have filed a lawsuit against the Canadian government to stop arms export to Israel.

    War has devastating environmental impacts

    Please note that, in addition to the horrific human costs, war has a devastatingly destructive environmental impact. See, for example: Revealed: repairing Israel’s destruction of Gaza will come at huge climate cost.

    Canada supports international “free” trade rules that enforce the interests of corporations

    When the Canadian government says it supports the rule of international law, it is referring to its support for international “free” trade rules that override democracy, increase corporate power and harm the environment. These “free” trade rules are colonialism in a new disguise, giving “freedom” to exploit and dehumanize indigenous peoples and populations in the Global South.

    The government is providing misleading, deceptive information.

    Please note that binding international laws that protect human rights and the environment have no enforcement mechanisms. International trade agreements have enforcement mechanisms, such as secretive World Trade Organization tribunals and Free Trade panels, which can force governments to pay billions of dollars to corporations and get rid of laws the corporations don’t like, such as laws that protect the environment and the rights of indigenous communities.

    Think about that. Trade Agreements that protect the huge global power and profits of corporations, such as fossil fuel corporations, mining corporations, agro-chemical corporations, are enforceable.

    Legally binding International Conventions that protect the health and survival of people and the planet are not enforceable.

    Does that make sense to you? Do you think that we should, if we are a democracy, at least have an open discussion about this?

    Right now, for example, the Canadian government together with the U.S. government and powerful agro-chemical corporations (Revealed: Monsanto owner and US officials pressured Mexico to drop glyphosate ban) has threatened to take legal action against Mexico under the Canada-United States-Mexico Agreement (formerly the North America Free Trade Agreement), if the Mexican government does not abandon its decision to place restrictions on the import of GMO corn and glyphosate.

    In January 2023, the Council of Canadians and other organizations wrote to the PM Trudeau and government Ministers, stating: “We call on the Canadian Government to back Mexico’s plan to phase out GMO corn and the use of glyphosate by 2024.”

    “We oppose the use of trade agreements to undermine democratic rights and prioritize
    corporate profit-making ahead of the needs of our communities.”

    Farmer associations, environmental and social justice organizations sent a petition to the Canadian government, stating: “We oppose Canada’s role in the trade dispute that challenges Mexico’s restrictions on the use of GM corn. We oppose the use of trade agreements to undermine democratic rights and prioritize corporate profit-ma::king ahead of the needs of our communities.” They asked Canada to withdraw from this dispute. Canada continues to act for the interests of the agro-chemical lobby.

    The powerful pesticide lobby organization CropLife Canada stated: “CropLife is pleased that Canada is defending rules-based trade and holding Mexico accountable to the free trade agreement.”

    Contrary to what the Canadian government states, Canada is serving the vested interests of the chemical lobby, not democracy. Environmental organizations have expressed concern that Health Canada, which is supposed to regulate pesticides to protect human and environmental health, has been captured by the industry it is supposed to regulate and ignores inconvenient scientific evidence. In the same way, Health Canada was captured by the asbestos industry and supported the corrupt information of the asbestos lobby that asbestos can be safely used.

    Another example of how Canada is undermining democracy, the environment and human rights and is instead serving the interests of Canadian mining and resource extraction corporations is Canada’s support for an “investor-State dispute settlement” regime (yes, this is indeed a pretty phrase intended to put you to sleep, but what it means is giving enforceable power for corporations to override democracy) in the free trade Agreement Canada is currently negotiating with Ecuador.

    As University of British Columbia professor of law, policy, and sustainability and former U.N. Special Rapporteur on human rights and the environment, David R. Boyd, stated in a Report to the UN General Assembly in October 2023, Investor-State dispute settlements have catastrophic consequences for the environment and human rights.

    Boyd’s report provides:

    compelling evidence that a secretive international arbitration process called investor-State dispute settlement has become a major obstacle to urgent actions needed to address the planetary environmental and human rights crises. Foreign investors use the dispute settlement process to seek exorbitant compensation from States that strengthen environmental protection, with the fossil fuel and mining industries already winning over $100 billion in awards.

    Amnesty International and environmental groups have called on the Canadian government to exclude this investor-State dispute settlement provision, but, as is its practice, the government is serving the financial interests of powerful corporate lobby groups and is violating binding international laws that protect the environment and human rights.

    Do you support this? Do you think we should, at least, talk about whether this is the world we want? Does it bother you that the CBC and the establishment media pretend not to see this issue and choose not to challenge the government on it? Supposedly, their role is to hold power accountable, but they do not.

    It is up to us to challenge the government’s dangerous misinformation and demand that the government support binding international laws that protect the well-being of people and the planet.

    We need to care about one another and the planet. We will be happier and safer if we do so.

    The post Does Canada Uphold Binding International Law? first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • PMN Pacific Mornings

    A major conference on the state and future of Pacific media is taking place this week in Fiji.

    Dr David Robie, editor of Asia Pacific Report and deputy chair of Asia Pacific Media Network, joins #PacificMornings to discuss the event and reflect on his work covering Asia-Pacific current affairs and research for more than four decades.

    Pacific Journalism Review, which Dr Robie founded at the University of Papua New Guinea in 1994, celebrated 30 years of publishing at the conference tonight.

    Other Pacific Mornings items on 4 July 2024:
    The health sector is reporting frustration at unchanging mortality rates for babies and mothers in New Zealand. PMMRC chairperson John Tait joined #PacificMornings to discuss further.

    Labour Deputy Leader Carmel Sepuloni joined #PacificMornings to discuss the political news of the week.

    We are one week into a month of military training exercises held in Hawai’i, known as RIMPAC.

    Twenty-nine countries and 25,000 personnel are taking part, including New Zealand. Hawai’ian academic and Pacific studies lecturer Emalani Case joined #PacificMornings to discuss further.

    Republished with from Pacific Media Network’s Radio 531pi.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • One of the most important parts of being human is feeling empathy and practising respect. We deny ourselves that if we deny the rights of others

    When I began my term as president of the Australian Human Rights Commission seven years ago, the marriage equality plebiscite was engulfing our nation, in much the same way as the recent voice referendum did.

    Although the outcomes were different, the focus on human rights which framed the respective debates serves to remind us that the application and experience of human rights are elemental to the way we function as a society.

    Sign up for Guardian Australia’s free morning and afternoon email newsletters for your daily news roundup

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • One of the most important parts of being human is feeling empathy and practising respect. We deny ourselves that if we deny the rights of others

    When I began my term as president of the Australian Human Rights Commission seven years ago, the marriage equality plebiscite was engulfing our nation, in much the same way as the recent voice referendum did.

    Although the outcomes were different, the focus on human rights which framed the respective debates serves to remind us that the application and experience of human rights are elemental to the way we function as a society.

    Sign up for Guardian Australia’s free morning and afternoon email newsletters for your daily news roundup

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Economic growth allows the few to grow ever-wealthier. Ending poverty and environmental catastrophe demands fresh thinking

    Economic growth will bring prosperity to all. This is the mantra that guides the decision-making of the vast majority of politicians, economists and even human rights bodies.

    Yet the reality – as detailed in a report to the United Nations Human Rights Council this month – shows that while poverty eradication has historically been promised through the “trickling down” or “redistribution” of wealth, economic growth largely “gushes up” to a privileged few.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • The director of Gaza’s main hospital said at a press conference on Monday that he was tortured while being held without charges for the last seven months at an Israeli detention center. Muhammad Abu Salmiya, director of the Al-Shifa hospital, once Gaza’s main medical center, made the claims after he and 54 other Palestinian detainees were released and arrived back to the Gaza Strip.

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • Athletes who are ‘human rights defenders’ need protection, says UN

    (REUTERS)

    On 1 July 2024 Arab News reported that Volker Turk, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights stated rhat “when athletes use their voice to promote equality in sport, they are human rights defenders”.
    They often speak out at great risk to themselves and to their careers, in a context that has not always been open to criticism from the inside. Because — as in other areas — power dynamics are still very much at play in the sporting world, and more is needed to dismantle them.”
    Turk, who did not name any athletes, said those who use their voice to address issues in their sport or in society should be protected and given “avenues to speak out and seek redress, safely and without fear of reprisals.”
    Turk was speaking at the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva on a panel alongside Thomas Bach, the president of the International Olympic Committee (IOC), on human rights and the Olympics ahead of the Paris Summer Games.

    https://www.arabnews.com/node/2541151/world

    This post was originally published on Hans Thoolen on Human Rights Defenders and their awards.

  • On 8 April 2024, a royal decree was issued pardoning 1,584 prisoners, including several political prisoners. At first glance, the decree was considered a progressive reform in response to human rights demands aimed at improving the country’s dire rights situation. However, the step was incomplete, revealing that it was merely a means for the regime to polish its image before the international community.

    The Bahraini Government launched organized arrests targeting opposition leaders, human rights defenders, opposition figures, and every citizen demanding reform and democracy following the popular protests of 2011. Prisons were filled with political prisoners, and repression became prevalent in the country, restricting and criminalizing freedom of expression. The restriction of freedoms extended even beyond the release, turning the country into a large prison that stifles voices calling for reform. As a result, self-censorship prevailed to avoid the guillotine of the judiciary.

    The recent releases have shown that they come within a systematic context that the ruling authorities seek to consolidate through limited reforms that grant restricted freedom to individuals. These reforms ensure the individuals’ continued deprivation of freedom and the practice of revenge against them even after their release.

    The Bahraini Government recently resorted to mass releases as a means of promoting reforms. These releases took advantage of Islamic religious occasions, claiming to create an atmosphere of “tolerance” from the government toward its citizens.

    However, the releases of Eid Al-Fitr and Eid Al-Adha did not include any prominent opposition prisoners or leaders. The majority of those released under the royal pardon decrees were foreigners due to be deported. A common aspect of these steps is that they maintained the policy of impunity, leaving those responsible for torture free and protected.

    Accordingly, just as those released over the past years were deprived of many of their civil and political rights under laws formulated by the government according to its standards, the recently released individuals have faced obstacles preventing them from regaining their full freedom. This has hindered the possibility of their reintegration into society.

    In this report, we highlight the most important basic human rights that those released from prisons are deprived of after years of persecution and arbitrary detention.

    Restricted freedom

    The United Nations (UN) defines transitional justice as the obligation of states to provide effective redress to victims of human rights violations and to fulfill their rights to truth, justice, and reparation. Transitional justice aims to recognize victims, strengthen individuals’ confidence in state institutions, strengthen respect for human rights, and uphold the rule of law as a step toward reconciliation and preventing new violations. Its operations include fact-finding, prosecution initiatives, various types of compensations, and a wide range of measures to prevent the recurrence of violations, including constitutional, legal, and institutional reform, as well as the strengthening of civil society.

    Under the political and civil isolation laws adopted in 2018, the government legitimized its violations, including depriving released individuals of many internationally guaranteed rights such as secure housing, education, medical care, work, and freedom of movement. it imposed restrictions and requirements, including security checks and a “certificate of good conduct” as a condition for obtaining any of these rights.

    As a result, instead of the royal pardon being a reform step and a review of previous policies by restoring the freedom of those released, guaranteeing their stolen rights, and providing them with compensation and reparation, they are granted conditional freedom. Their hope of continuing their lives and receiving compensation for the pain and injustice they endured in prison is taken away. Consequently, they are deprived of their right, like other citizens, to obtain all services guaranteed in the Bahraini Constitution.

    Therefore, the step to release political prisoners in Bahrain must be followed by additional steps, starting with ensuring all their rights as equal citizens in society, compensating them for the violations they endured, and ultimately investigating these violations and holding those responsible accountable.

    However, the practices of the Bahraini Government make the freedom of the released individuals restricted and limit the possibility of achieving transitional justice. Transitional justice, as guaranteed by the UN, provides for the recognition of victims and their needs, as well as enhancing individuals’ confidence in state institutions, strengthening respect for human rights among members of society, and upholding the rule of law, to ensure accountability and justice. This aims for reconciliation and preventing new violations. Hence, achieving transitional justice is a first step toward ensuring social justice for all members of society and ending the discrimination practiced against a specific group.

    The right to housing

    On 25 June 2024, the Bahraini authorities summoned tthree of those released for investigation: Mohamed AlMahasna, Sayed Alawi, and Hamed Jaafar Mahfooz. This followed their participation in a sit-in a day earlier in front of the Al-Qudaibiya Palace Square, the headquarters of the Council of Ministers, to demand their housing rights. This protest followed the Ministry of Housing’s decision to freeze prisoners’ applications and halt the housing service, a flagrant violation of the right to housing guaranteed by the UN and an arbitrary form of collective punishment. Although those released did not commit any crime and only raised two banners demanding their right to housing in accordance with Bahraini laws and international conventions, they were treated as violators of the law.

    Although this sit-in addressed the Crown Prince regarding the impossible conditions set by the Ministry of Housing for those released, which contradict his recommendations, the Ministry of Interior prosecuted the protesters, took their ID cards and phone numbers, and threatened them with legal accountability. This happened within less than 24 hours, as the protesters standing in front of the government headquarters received summonses. According to one of the participants in the peaceful sit-in, the head of the police station was informed that this move came after they had exhausted all possible means, including previous letters sent to the Crown Prince and to a number of MPs, but to no avail.

    This is the second sit-in after a number of those released had staged another sit-in in front of the Ministry of Housing on 26 May 2024 to demand the retroactive return of the housing allowance. The protesters raised banners demanding their rights as citizens and calling for an end to the injustice targeting their families by punishing the head of the household. Instead of engaging peacefully with the protesters, the authorities responded by arresting them and taking them to the Hoora Center simply because they were calling for their rights. Although the royal decree and the cabinet’s decisions stipulate the collection of these rights retroactively, the authorities responded to the sit-in of those released who were calling for their legitimate and inherent rights by summoning them as a form of threat to re-arrest them.

    Among those who were released and deprived of housing services, whether a housing application or a housing allowance, is Mohamed Yusuf Mohamed, whose housing application and allowance have been suspended and frozen since 2016, despite his wife’s repeated visits to the ministry. This measure also affected the family of former detainee Hamed Jaafar Mahfouz by suspending his monthly housing allowance and its retroactive effect. Former detainee Sayed Alawi AbdulAziz Salman was also deprived of his housing application since 2016 and it is still suspended to this day; he is now living in his parents’ house.

    Subsequently, the cost-of-living allowance for former detainee Hasan Ahmed Husain Kadhem AlAali has been suspended since 2016, as well as his request for the allowance, without any valid reason, even though this right is granted to married couples. As a result, the family is the direct victim of this measure. Hasan AlAali tried to visit the undersecretary, Fatima AlMannai and tried to communicate with her regularly, but to no avail. He then resorted to civil associations that are striving to communicate with the ministry and those concerned with this matter.

    The released individuals speak of the Ministry of Housing’s procrastination in implementing official pledges and government recommendations to facilitate the affairs of those released in a way that contributes to their social reintegration. The obstacles the ministry places in the way of applicants for the right to be included in housing applications and allowances go beyond administrative procedures to arbitrary measures that prevent them from resuming their previous lives. Consequently, burdens are placed on their shoulders, directly affecting their families and causing them to face many challenges and increasing psychological, social, and economic burdens. By imposing impossible requirements, such as providing a work contract for housing or allowance applicants, the ministry pre-judges the released individuals and deprives them of these services, which should be an acquired right for all citizens.

    The right to education

    Although the right to education is one of the guaranteed basic human rights, the Bahraini Government denies this right to political prisoners inside prisons and restricts it even after their release. Instead of granting those released the right to education and overcoming difficulties to facilitate the process of completing their studies, it imposes severe restrictions on this right. For example:

    One of the political prisoners released under the recent royal amnesty, Husain Kadhem AlFatlawi, still has his right to complete his studies restricted. Husain, who was arrested when he was a university student, was deprived of completing his education and graduating, even though he was only three courses away from graduation. When he consulted the relevant authorities, he was informed that he could not continue his studies, disregarding the fact that he was a political prisoner, and, therefore, the suspension of his studies was not of his own free will.

    Jawad AbdulHadi Ali, another political prisoner released under the recent amnesty, was a student at the University of Bahrain majoring in accurate instrumentation and control. He still has 44 out of 138 credit hours left to graduate. Jawad recently went to university to complete his studies, but the university administration required him to write a letter and submit a certificate of good conduct, in an unjustified measure. Despite consulting the university and the Ministry of Education, the relevant authorities are procrastinating in granting him this right. There is no legal reference to rely on in this arbitrary measure, which is nothing more than a means of revenge against those released, preventing them from resuming their previous lives.

    The right to medical treatment

    The right to medical treatment is one of the basic rights guaranteed by conventions and laws, but this right is violated for political prisoners and is one of the methods of revenge used against them, which has led to the death of some. This right is violated even after release, as many of them are denied access to medical treatment and health services, leaving them vulnerable to continued pain and suffering.

    The issue of medical negligence reveals the cases of dozens of detainees who were injured during detention and imprisonment after they were healthy and did not suffer from any diseases, as well as others whose health conditions worsened due to the lack of health care. Even going to the prison clinic was part of the psychological torture that increased the prisoner’s suffering, as evident in many cases. One of the most common injuries is toothache. During imprisonment, many prisoners suffer from tooth loss. This is a common problem among political prisoners, who are not provided with proper treatment and only have their teeth extracted rather than treated. What’s more, the patient himself may have to pull his own tooth to alleviate his excruciating pain while being denied the right to medical treatment. The role of the prison clinic does not go beyond prescribing medicines, often Panadol, and even then, the patient does not get the medicine.

    Among these cases is the prominent Bahraini opposition figure and political prisoner, Mr. Hasan Mushaima, who suffered for ten months from dental pain and fractures because he was prevented from visiting a doctor. Another case is Haider Ebrahim Mulla Hasan, a child arrested at the age of 16, who suffered from a dental issue, but had eight of his teeth extracted without the promised replacements by the Jau Prison administration, hindering his ability to chew his food. As for Mohamed AbdulJabbar Sarhan, two of his teeth were broken as a result of torture, causing him severe dental pain. Ebrahim Yusuf Ali AlSamahiji and Ammar Ebrahim Ahmed also suffered from dental damage and were denied treatment like other detainees.

    Some prisoners are denied diagnoses, some are not given the necessary examinations, some are procrastinated in providing proper treatment, and some are even denied medication! One of the most prominent cases is Mr. Hasan Mushaima, who has been denied medication and regular check-ups for a long time. He does not receive his diabetes and blood pressure medications consistently, and his painkillers and medications have not been adjusted according to his health needs. Sayed Adnan Majed Hashem continues to suffer from deliberate medical neglect, as he has not received treatment for a knee injury he sustained when security forces fired shotgun bullets at participants in a peaceful demonstration in 2014. He was denied treatment and was not prescribed proper medication, and despite severe pain, the prison administration refused to give him painkillers. Mohamed Hasan Abdulla (AlRamel) is forced to engage in repeated hunger strikes to demand his right to treatment. Since his arrest in 2015, he has been repeatedly denied medical appointments and medication.

    This violation, suffered by all political prisoners, raises the question of the government’s responsibility post-release and the role it should play in redressing the harm and alleviating the pain of those released. This issue needs to be addressed quickly by securing the right to medical care and ensuring full treatment for the sick.

    Among the many examples is the case of released detainee Fadhel Abbas Yahya Isa, who developed lupus erythematosus, a chronic inflammatory disease, while in prison. His health condition deteriorated due to torture and unsanitary conditions in Jau Prison. Although his condition required special care, King Hamad University Hospital did not have any specialists in hereditary hematology, and his treatment was delayed. During his imprisonment, Fadhel was not given his medication on time and his medical appointments were repeatedly canceled. Another case is Hamed AlMahfooz, who is asking the Ministry of Health for his right to treatment as guaranteed by the Royal Pardon Decree, which guarantees the rights of the pardoned and facilitates the procedures for them to receive treatment.

    The right to work

    If the social effects affect the reintegration of those released, the most serious obstacle they face is the denial of the right to work through the requirement of a “good conduct” certificate, which means a life sentence denies them the right to obtain jobs in the public sector and imposes similar conditions in many private sector companies, including security restrictions. This denial deprives citizens of the right to support their families simply for exercising their right to freedom of expression.

    Among them are a number of prisoners of conscience who were released years ago but are still denied the right to work. This includes activists like Ali Al Hajee, Najah Yusuf, Hajj Ali Muhana, and many others who lost their jobs, were deprived of compensation, and are still unable to reintegrate into the normal economic cycle.

    One of those released under the royal decree in April 2024, who preferred to remain anonymous due to fear of further reprisals, speaks of being deprived of the right to work, despite the Crown Prince’s orders to provide unemployment allowances to those covered by the amnesty. Before his arrest, he worked in the private sector for less than a year before being arrested, leading to his job loss and denial of the right to unemployment insurance. Although he registered as unemployed with the Ministry of Labor, followed all necessary procedures and deadlines, and applied for available job opportunities, he was excluded as a beneficiary of the reconsideration petition. The response cited that”he is not eligible according to Article 17 of the Unemployment Insurance Law but can access e-services for training and employment through the Ministry of Labor’s platform.”

    It is worth noting that according to the information we received, about 30 released citizens were denied unemployment insurance for the same reasons.

    The right to freedom of movement

    A travel ban is one of the consequences imposed on political prisoners, which can persist for many years after their release, constituting a clear violation and restriction of their right to freedom of movement. Although no legal impediments are preventing those released from exercising this right, these bans are arbitrarily imposed on them, as well as on many activists and human rights defenders, as a measure to limit their activities. This right continues to be denied for individuals who have completed their sentences or have been released for years, such as activist Ali Muhana, who has been repeatedly banned from traveling without being informed of the decision or its reasons. This measure also targets former political prisoners who are still active in documenting and monitoring violations, such as activists Najah Yusuf and Ebtisam AlSaegh, who also experience restricted freedom of movement and find their names on travel ban lists and are banned from entering certain Gulf countries. Activist and former political prisoner Ali AlHaee was prosecuted solely for advocating the lifting of his travel ban. Though his case was dropped, he is still denied his right to travel as a retaliatory measure for his human rights activism.

    The release is an earned right for all political prisoners and must remain free from attempts of deception and political exploitation. Transitional justice requires governing authorities to promptly resolve cases without administrative bureaucracy and political revenge. This entails lifting the punishments inflicted on political prisoners by restoring all their rights, including compensation and reparations, initiating new investigations, and holding those responsible for all the violations they suffered accountable. This requires serious steps rather than the Interior Ministry’s efforts to whitewash its programs, including the Alternative Punishments Program, to obscure the fact that it criminalizes political activism and imprisons opponents and human rights defenders.

    The above are only a few of the social, economic, and other difficulties facing those released, hindering their ability to turn a new page in their lives and integrate back into society. It is first and foremost the responsibility of the state to facilitate all their needs, starting with granting them the rights to medical care, housing, treatment, education, and other rights guaranteed to all citizens.

    Conclusion

    Achieving transitional justice is a necessary step toward improving the human rights situation and ending impunity, and requires the government to reform its security system, initiate criminal prosecutions, and provide reparations for victims.

    While Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) calls for the implementation of the binding decisions to restore services to those released, it also calls for an end to the injustice done to them through the requirement to obtain a certificate of good conduct. This measure restricts their freedom, which ADHRB condemns and calls for its immediate abolition.

    ADHRB calls for the unconditional release of all prisoners of conscience and political prisoners, advocating for the clearance of prisons. It demands that all those released, whether through the expiration of their sentence, pardoned by royal decree, or released under the Alternative Sanctions Law, have their civil rights fully restored and arbitrary security restrictions lifted. ADHRB also calls for the implementation of the Transitional Justice Law as a necessary step to restore the stolen rights of the victims, as well as the provision of compensation and reparations.

    The post Restricted Freedom … The Bahraini Government’s failure to Implement Transitional Justice for Released Individuals appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

    This post was originally published on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

  • On 8 April 2024, a royal decree was issued pardoning 1,584 prisoners, including several political prisoners. At first glance, the decree was considered a progressive reform in response to human rights demands aimed at improving the country’s dire rights situation. However, the step was incomplete, revealing that it was merely a means for the regime to polish its image before the international community.

    The Bahraini Government launched organized arrests targeting opposition leaders, human rights defenders, opposition figures, and every citizen demanding reform and democracy following the popular protests of 2011. Prisons were filled with political prisoners, and repression became prevalent in the country, restricting and criminalizing freedom of expression. The restriction of freedoms extended even beyond the release, turning the country into a large prison that stifles voices calling for reform. As a result, self-censorship prevailed to avoid the guillotine of the judiciary.

    The recent releases have shown that they come within a systematic context that the ruling authorities seek to consolidate through limited reforms that grant restricted freedom to individuals. These reforms ensure the individuals’ continued deprivation of freedom and the practice of revenge against them even after their release.

    The Bahraini Government recently resorted to mass releases as a means of promoting reforms. These releases took advantage of Islamic religious occasions, claiming to create an atmosphere of “tolerance” from the government toward its citizens.

    However, the releases of Eid Al-Fitr and Eid Al-Adha did not include any prominent opposition prisoners or leaders. The majority of those released under the royal pardon decrees were foreigners due to be deported. A common aspect of these steps is that they maintained the policy of impunity, leaving those responsible for torture free and protected.

    Accordingly, just as those released over the past years were deprived of many of their civil and political rights under laws formulated by the government according to its standards, the recently released individuals have faced obstacles preventing them from regaining their full freedom. This has hindered the possibility of their reintegration into society.

    In this report, we highlight the most important basic human rights that those released from prisons are deprived of after years of persecution and arbitrary detention.

    Restricted freedom

    The United Nations (UN) defines transitional justice as the obligation of states to provide effective redress to victims of human rights violations and to fulfill their rights to truth, justice, and reparation. Transitional justice aims to recognize victims, strengthen individuals’ confidence in state institutions, strengthen respect for human rights, and uphold the rule of law as a step toward reconciliation and preventing new violations. Its operations include fact-finding, prosecution initiatives, various types of compensations, and a wide range of measures to prevent the recurrence of violations, including constitutional, legal, and institutional reform, as well as the strengthening of civil society.

    Under the political and civil isolation laws adopted in 2018, the government legitimized its violations, including depriving released individuals of many internationally guaranteed rights such as secure housing, education, medical care, work, and freedom of movement. it imposed restrictions and requirements, including security checks and a “certificate of good conduct” as a condition for obtaining any of these rights.

    As a result, instead of the royal pardon being a reform step and a review of previous policies by restoring the freedom of those released, guaranteeing their stolen rights, and providing them with compensation and reparation, they are granted conditional freedom. Their hope of continuing their lives and receiving compensation for the pain and injustice they endured in prison is taken away. Consequently, they are deprived of their right, like other citizens, to obtain all services guaranteed in the Bahraini Constitution.

    Therefore, the step to release political prisoners in Bahrain must be followed by additional steps, starting with ensuring all their rights as equal citizens in society, compensating them for the violations they endured, and ultimately investigating these violations and holding those responsible accountable.

    However, the practices of the Bahraini Government make the freedom of the released individuals restricted and limit the possibility of achieving transitional justice. Transitional justice, as guaranteed by the UN, provides for the recognition of victims and their needs, as well as enhancing individuals’ confidence in state institutions, strengthening respect for human rights among members of society, and upholding the rule of law, to ensure accountability and justice. This aims for reconciliation and preventing new violations. Hence, achieving transitional justice is a first step toward ensuring social justice for all members of society and ending the discrimination practiced against a specific group.

    The right to housing

    On 25 June 2024, the Bahraini authorities summoned tthree of those released for investigation: Mohamed AlMahasna, Sayed Alawi, and Hamed Jaafar Mahfooz. This followed their participation in a sit-in a day earlier in front of the Al-Qudaibiya Palace Square, the headquarters of the Council of Ministers, to demand their housing rights. This protest followed the Ministry of Housing’s decision to freeze prisoners’ applications and halt the housing service, a flagrant violation of the right to housing guaranteed by the UN and an arbitrary form of collective punishment. Although those released did not commit any crime and only raised two banners demanding their right to housing in accordance with Bahraini laws and international conventions, they were treated as violators of the law.

    Although this sit-in addressed the Crown Prince regarding the impossible conditions set by the Ministry of Housing for those released, which contradict his recommendations, the Ministry of Interior prosecuted the protesters, took their ID cards and phone numbers, and threatened them with legal accountability. This happened within less than 24 hours, as the protesters standing in front of the government headquarters received summonses. According to one of the participants in the peaceful sit-in, the head of the police station was informed that this move came after they had exhausted all possible means, including previous letters sent to the Crown Prince and to a number of MPs, but to no avail.

    This is the second sit-in after a number of those released had staged another sit-in in front of the Ministry of Housing on 26 May 2024 to demand the retroactive return of the housing allowance. The protesters raised banners demanding their rights as citizens and calling for an end to the injustice targeting their families by punishing the head of the household. Instead of engaging peacefully with the protesters, the authorities responded by arresting them and taking them to the Hoora Center simply because they were calling for their rights. Although the royal decree and the cabinet’s decisions stipulate the collection of these rights retroactively, the authorities responded to the sit-in of those released who were calling for their legitimate and inherent rights by summoning them as a form of threat to re-arrest them.

    Among those who were released and deprived of housing services, whether a housing application or a housing allowance, is Mohamed Yusuf Mohamed, whose housing application and allowance have been suspended and frozen since 2016, despite his wife’s repeated visits to the ministry. This measure also affected the family of former detainee Hamed Jaafar Mahfouz by suspending his monthly housing allowance and its retroactive effect. Former detainee Sayed Alawi AbdulAziz Salman was also deprived of his housing application since 2016 and it is still suspended to this day; he is now living in his parents’ house.

    Subsequently, the cost-of-living allowance for former detainee Hasan Ahmed Husain Kadhem AlAali has been suspended since 2016, as well as his request for the allowance, without any valid reason, even though this right is granted to married couples. As a result, the family is the direct victim of this measure. Hasan AlAali tried to visit the undersecretary, Fatima AlMannai and tried to communicate with her regularly, but to no avail. He then resorted to civil associations that are striving to communicate with the ministry and those concerned with this matter.

    The released individuals speak of the Ministry of Housing’s procrastination in implementing official pledges and government recommendations to facilitate the affairs of those released in a way that contributes to their social reintegration. The obstacles the ministry places in the way of applicants for the right to be included in housing applications and allowances go beyond administrative procedures to arbitrary measures that prevent them from resuming their previous lives. Consequently, burdens are placed on their shoulders, directly affecting their families and causing them to face many challenges and increasing psychological, social, and economic burdens. By imposing impossible requirements, such as providing a work contract for housing or allowance applicants, the ministry pre-judges the released individuals and deprives them of these services, which should be an acquired right for all citizens.

    The right to education

    Although the right to education is one of the guaranteed basic human rights, the Bahraini Government denies this right to political prisoners inside prisons and restricts it even after their release. Instead of granting those released the right to education and overcoming difficulties to facilitate the process of completing their studies, it imposes severe restrictions on this right. For example:

    One of the political prisoners released under the recent royal amnesty, Husain Kadhem AlFatlawi, still has his right to complete his studies restricted. Husain, who was arrested when he was a university student, was deprived of completing his education and graduating, even though he was only three courses away from graduation. When he consulted the relevant authorities, he was informed that he could not continue his studies, disregarding the fact that he was a political prisoner, and, therefore, the suspension of his studies was not of his own free will.

    Jawad AbdulHadi Ali, another political prisoner released under the recent amnesty, was a student at the University of Bahrain majoring in accurate instrumentation and control. He still has 44 out of 138 credit hours left to graduate. Jawad recently went to university to complete his studies, but the university administration required him to write a letter and submit a certificate of good conduct, in an unjustified measure. Despite consulting the university and the Ministry of Education, the relevant authorities are procrastinating in granting him this right. There is no legal reference to rely on in this arbitrary measure, which is nothing more than a means of revenge against those released, preventing them from resuming their previous lives.

    The right to medical treatment

    The right to medical treatment is one of the basic rights guaranteed by conventions and laws, but this right is violated for political prisoners and is one of the methods of revenge used against them, which has led to the death of some. This right is violated even after release, as many of them are denied access to medical treatment and health services, leaving them vulnerable to continued pain and suffering.

    The issue of medical negligence reveals the cases of dozens of detainees who were injured during detention and imprisonment after they were healthy and did not suffer from any diseases, as well as others whose health conditions worsened due to the lack of health care. Even going to the prison clinic was part of the psychological torture that increased the prisoner’s suffering, as evident in many cases. One of the most common injuries is toothache. During imprisonment, many prisoners suffer from tooth loss. This is a common problem among political prisoners, who are not provided with proper treatment and only have their teeth extracted rather than treated. What’s more, the patient himself may have to pull his own tooth to alleviate his excruciating pain while being denied the right to medical treatment. The role of the prison clinic does not go beyond prescribing medicines, often Panadol, and even then, the patient does not get the medicine.

    Among these cases is the prominent Bahraini opposition figure and political prisoner, Mr. Hasan Mushaima, who suffered for ten months from dental pain and fractures because he was prevented from visiting a doctor. Another case is Haider Ebrahim Mulla Hasan, a child arrested at the age of 16, who suffered from a dental issue, but had eight of his teeth extracted without the promised replacements by the Jau Prison administration, hindering his ability to chew his food. As for Mohamed AbdulJabbar Sarhan, two of his teeth were broken as a result of torture, causing him severe dental pain. Ebrahim Yusuf Ali AlSamahiji and Ammar Ebrahim Ahmed also suffered from dental damage and were denied treatment like other detainees.

    Some prisoners are denied diagnoses, some are not given the necessary examinations, some are procrastinated in providing proper treatment, and some are even denied medication! One of the most prominent cases is Mr. Hasan Mushaima, who has been denied medication and regular check-ups for a long time. He does not receive his diabetes and blood pressure medications consistently, and his painkillers and medications have not been adjusted according to his health needs. Sayed Adnan Majed Hashem continues to suffer from deliberate medical neglect, as he has not received treatment for a knee injury he sustained when security forces fired shotgun bullets at participants in a peaceful demonstration in 2014. He was denied treatment and was not prescribed proper medication, and despite severe pain, the prison administration refused to give him painkillers. Mohamed Hasan Abdulla (AlRamel) is forced to engage in repeated hunger strikes to demand his right to treatment. Since his arrest in 2015, he has been repeatedly denied medical appointments and medication.

    This violation, suffered by all political prisoners, raises the question of the government’s responsibility post-release and the role it should play in redressing the harm and alleviating the pain of those released. This issue needs to be addressed quickly by securing the right to medical care and ensuring full treatment for the sick.

    Among the many examples is the case of released detainee Fadhel Abbas Yahya Isa, who developed lupus erythematosus, a chronic inflammatory disease, while in prison. His health condition deteriorated due to torture and unsanitary conditions in Jau Prison. Although his condition required special care, King Hamad University Hospital did not have any specialists in hereditary hematology, and his treatment was delayed. During his imprisonment, Fadhel was not given his medication on time and his medical appointments were repeatedly canceled. Another case is Hamed AlMahfooz, who is asking the Ministry of Health for his right to treatment as guaranteed by the Royal Pardon Decree, which guarantees the rights of the pardoned and facilitates the procedures for them to receive treatment.

    The right to work

    If the social effects affect the reintegration of those released, the most serious obstacle they face is the denial of the right to work through the requirement of a “good conduct” certificate, which means a life sentence denies them the right to obtain jobs in the public sector and imposes similar conditions in many private sector companies, including security restrictions. This denial deprives citizens of the right to support their families simply for exercising their right to freedom of expression.

    Among them are a number of prisoners of conscience who were released years ago but are still denied the right to work. This includes activists like Ali Al Hajee, Najah Yusuf, Hajj Ali Muhana, and many others who lost their jobs, were deprived of compensation, and are still unable to reintegrate into the normal economic cycle.

    One of those released under the royal decree in April 2024, who preferred to remain anonymous due to fear of further reprisals, speaks of being deprived of the right to work, despite the Crown Prince’s orders to provide unemployment allowances to those covered by the amnesty. Before his arrest, he worked in the private sector for less than a year before being arrested, leading to his job loss and denial of the right to unemployment insurance. Although he registered as unemployed with the Ministry of Labor, followed all necessary procedures and deadlines, and applied for available job opportunities, he was excluded as a beneficiary of the reconsideration petition. The response cited that”he is not eligible according to Article 17 of the Unemployment Insurance Law but can access e-services for training and employment through the Ministry of Labor’s platform.”

    It is worth noting that according to the information we received, about 30 released citizens were denied unemployment insurance for the same reasons.

    The right to freedom of movement

    A travel ban is one of the consequences imposed on political prisoners, which can persist for many years after their release, constituting a clear violation and restriction of their right to freedom of movement. Although no legal impediments are preventing those released from exercising this right, these bans are arbitrarily imposed on them, as well as on many activists and human rights defenders, as a measure to limit their activities. This right continues to be denied for individuals who have completed their sentences or have been released for years, such as activist Ali Muhana, who has been repeatedly banned from traveling without being informed of the decision or its reasons. This measure also targets former political prisoners who are still active in documenting and monitoring violations, such as activists Najah Yusuf and Ebtisam AlSaegh, who also experience restricted freedom of movement and find their names on travel ban lists and are banned from entering certain Gulf countries. Activist and former political prisoner Ali AlHaee was prosecuted solely for advocating the lifting of his travel ban. Though his case was dropped, he is still denied his right to travel as a retaliatory measure for his human rights activism.

    The release is an earned right for all political prisoners and must remain free from attempts of deception and political exploitation. Transitional justice requires governing authorities to promptly resolve cases without administrative bureaucracy and political revenge. This entails lifting the punishments inflicted on political prisoners by restoring all their rights, including compensation and reparations, initiating new investigations, and holding those responsible for all the violations they suffered accountable. This requires serious steps rather than the Interior Ministry’s efforts to whitewash its programs, including the Alternative Punishments Program, to obscure the fact that it criminalizes political activism and imprisons opponents and human rights defenders.

    The above are only a few of the social, economic, and other difficulties facing those released, hindering their ability to turn a new page in their lives and integrate back into society. It is first and foremost the responsibility of the state to facilitate all their needs, starting with granting them the rights to medical care, housing, treatment, education, and other rights guaranteed to all citizens.

    Conclusion

    Achieving transitional justice is a necessary step toward improving the human rights situation and ending impunity, and requires the government to reform its security system, initiate criminal prosecutions, and provide reparations for victims.

    While Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) calls for the implementation of the binding decisions to restore services to those released, it also calls for an end to the injustice done to them through the requirement to obtain a certificate of good conduct. This measure restricts their freedom, which ADHRB condemns and calls for its immediate abolition.

    ADHRB calls for the unconditional release of all prisoners of conscience and political prisoners, advocating for the clearance of prisons. It demands that all those released, whether through the expiration of their sentence, pardoned by royal decree, or released under the Alternative Sanctions Law, have their civil rights fully restored and arbitrary security restrictions lifted. ADHRB also calls for the implementation of the Transitional Justice Law as a necessary step to restore the stolen rights of the victims, as well as the provision of compensation and reparations.

    The post Restricted Freedom … The Bahraini Government’s failure to Implement Transitional Justice for Released Individuals appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

    This post was originally published on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

  • On 8 April 2024, a royal decree was issued pardoning 1,584 prisoners, including several political prisoners. At first glance, the decree was considered a progressive reform in response to human rights demands aimed at improving the country’s dire rights situation. However, the step was incomplete, revealing that it was merely a means for the regime to polish its image before the international community.

    The Bahraini Government launched organized arrests targeting opposition leaders, human rights defenders, opposition figures, and every citizen demanding reform and democracy following the popular protests of 2011. Prisons were filled with political prisoners, and repression became prevalent in the country, restricting and criminalizing freedom of expression. The restriction of freedoms extended even beyond the release, turning the country into a large prison that stifles voices calling for reform. As a result, self-censorship prevailed to avoid the guillotine of the judiciary.

    The recent releases have shown that they come within a systematic context that the ruling authorities seek to consolidate through limited reforms that grant restricted freedom to individuals. These reforms ensure the individuals’ continued deprivation of freedom and the practice of revenge against them even after their release.

    The Bahraini Government recently resorted to mass releases as a means of promoting reforms. These releases took advantage of Islamic religious occasions, claiming to create an atmosphere of “tolerance” from the government toward its citizens.

    However, the releases of Eid Al-Fitr and Eid Al-Adha did not include any prominent opposition prisoners or leaders. The majority of those released under the royal pardon decrees were foreigners due to be deported. A common aspect of these steps is that they maintained the policy of impunity, leaving those responsible for torture free and protected.

    Accordingly, just as those released over the past years were deprived of many of their civil and political rights under laws formulated by the government according to its standards, the recently released individuals have faced obstacles preventing them from regaining their full freedom. This has hindered the possibility of their reintegration into society.

    In this report, we highlight the most important basic human rights that those released from prisons are deprived of after years of persecution and arbitrary detention.

    Restricted freedom

    The United Nations (UN) defines transitional justice as the obligation of states to provide effective redress to victims of human rights violations and to fulfill their rights to truth, justice, and reparation. Transitional justice aims to recognize victims, strengthen individuals’ confidence in state institutions, strengthen respect for human rights, and uphold the rule of law as a step toward reconciliation and preventing new violations. Its operations include fact-finding, prosecution initiatives, various types of compensations, and a wide range of measures to prevent the recurrence of violations, including constitutional, legal, and institutional reform, as well as the strengthening of civil society.

    Under the political and civil isolation laws adopted in 2018, the government legitimized its violations, including depriving released individuals of many internationally guaranteed rights such as secure housing, education, medical care, work, and freedom of movement. it imposed restrictions and requirements, including security checks and a “certificate of good conduct” as a condition for obtaining any of these rights.

    As a result, instead of the royal pardon being a reform step and a review of previous policies by restoring the freedom of those released, guaranteeing their stolen rights, and providing them with compensation and reparation, they are granted conditional freedom. Their hope of continuing their lives and receiving compensation for the pain and injustice they endured in prison is taken away. Consequently, they are deprived of their right, like other citizens, to obtain all services guaranteed in the Bahraini Constitution.

    Therefore, the step to release political prisoners in Bahrain must be followed by additional steps, starting with ensuring all their rights as equal citizens in society, compensating them for the violations they endured, and ultimately investigating these violations and holding those responsible accountable.

    However, the practices of the Bahraini Government make the freedom of the released individuals restricted and limit the possibility of achieving transitional justice. Transitional justice, as guaranteed by the UN, provides for the recognition of victims and their needs, as well as enhancing individuals’ confidence in state institutions, strengthening respect for human rights among members of society, and upholding the rule of law, to ensure accountability and justice. This aims for reconciliation and preventing new violations. Hence, achieving transitional justice is a first step toward ensuring social justice for all members of society and ending the discrimination practiced against a specific group.

    The right to housing

    On 25 June 2024, the Bahraini authorities summoned tthree of those released for investigation: Mohamed AlMahasna, Sayed Alawi, and Hamed Jaafar Mahfooz. This followed their participation in a sit-in a day earlier in front of the Al-Qudaibiya Palace Square, the headquarters of the Council of Ministers, to demand their housing rights. This protest followed the Ministry of Housing’s decision to freeze prisoners’ applications and halt the housing service, a flagrant violation of the right to housing guaranteed by the UN and an arbitrary form of collective punishment. Although those released did not commit any crime and only raised two banners demanding their right to housing in accordance with Bahraini laws and international conventions, they were treated as violators of the law.

    Although this sit-in addressed the Crown Prince regarding the impossible conditions set by the Ministry of Housing for those released, which contradict his recommendations, the Ministry of Interior prosecuted the protesters, took their ID cards and phone numbers, and threatened them with legal accountability. This happened within less than 24 hours, as the protesters standing in front of the government headquarters received summonses. According to one of the participants in the peaceful sit-in, the head of the police station was informed that this move came after they had exhausted all possible means, including previous letters sent to the Crown Prince and to a number of MPs, but to no avail.

    This is the second sit-in after a number of those released had staged another sit-in in front of the Ministry of Housing on 26 May 2024 to demand the retroactive return of the housing allowance. The protesters raised banners demanding their rights as citizens and calling for an end to the injustice targeting their families by punishing the head of the household. Instead of engaging peacefully with the protesters, the authorities responded by arresting them and taking them to the Hoora Center simply because they were calling for their rights. Although the royal decree and the cabinet’s decisions stipulate the collection of these rights retroactively, the authorities responded to the sit-in of those released who were calling for their legitimate and inherent rights by summoning them as a form of threat to re-arrest them.

    Among those who were released and deprived of housing services, whether a housing application or a housing allowance, is Mohamed Yusuf Mohamed, whose housing application and allowance have been suspended and frozen since 2016, despite his wife’s repeated visits to the ministry. This measure also affected the family of former detainee Hamed Jaafar Mahfouz by suspending his monthly housing allowance and its retroactive effect. Former detainee Sayed Alawi AbdulAziz Salman was also deprived of his housing application since 2016 and it is still suspended to this day; he is now living in his parents’ house.

    Subsequently, the cost-of-living allowance for former detainee Hasan Ahmed Husain Kadhem AlAali has been suspended since 2016, as well as his request for the allowance, without any valid reason, even though this right is granted to married couples. As a result, the family is the direct victim of this measure. Hasan AlAali tried to visit the undersecretary, Fatima AlMannai and tried to communicate with her regularly, but to no avail. He then resorted to civil associations that are striving to communicate with the ministry and those concerned with this matter.

    The released individuals speak of the Ministry of Housing’s procrastination in implementing official pledges and government recommendations to facilitate the affairs of those released in a way that contributes to their social reintegration. The obstacles the ministry places in the way of applicants for the right to be included in housing applications and allowances go beyond administrative procedures to arbitrary measures that prevent them from resuming their previous lives. Consequently, burdens are placed on their shoulders, directly affecting their families and causing them to face many challenges and increasing psychological, social, and economic burdens. By imposing impossible requirements, such as providing a work contract for housing or allowance applicants, the ministry pre-judges the released individuals and deprives them of these services, which should be an acquired right for all citizens.

    The right to education

    Although the right to education is one of the guaranteed basic human rights, the Bahraini Government denies this right to political prisoners inside prisons and restricts it even after their release. Instead of granting those released the right to education and overcoming difficulties to facilitate the process of completing their studies, it imposes severe restrictions on this right. For example:

    One of the political prisoners released under the recent royal amnesty, Husain Kadhem AlFatlawi, still has his right to complete his studies restricted. Husain, who was arrested when he was a university student, was deprived of completing his education and graduating, even though he was only three courses away from graduation. When he consulted the relevant authorities, he was informed that he could not continue his studies, disregarding the fact that he was a political prisoner, and, therefore, the suspension of his studies was not of his own free will.

    Jawad AbdulHadi Ali, another political prisoner released under the recent amnesty, was a student at the University of Bahrain majoring in accurate instrumentation and control. He still has 44 out of 138 credit hours left to graduate. Jawad recently went to university to complete his studies, but the university administration required him to write a letter and submit a certificate of good conduct, in an unjustified measure. Despite consulting the university and the Ministry of Education, the relevant authorities are procrastinating in granting him this right. There is no legal reference to rely on in this arbitrary measure, which is nothing more than a means of revenge against those released, preventing them from resuming their previous lives.

    The right to medical treatment

    The right to medical treatment is one of the basic rights guaranteed by conventions and laws, but this right is violated for political prisoners and is one of the methods of revenge used against them, which has led to the death of some. This right is violated even after release, as many of them are denied access to medical treatment and health services, leaving them vulnerable to continued pain and suffering.

    The issue of medical negligence reveals the cases of dozens of detainees who were injured during detention and imprisonment after they were healthy and did not suffer from any diseases, as well as others whose health conditions worsened due to the lack of health care. Even going to the prison clinic was part of the psychological torture that increased the prisoner’s suffering, as evident in many cases. One of the most common injuries is toothache. During imprisonment, many prisoners suffer from tooth loss. This is a common problem among political prisoners, who are not provided with proper treatment and only have their teeth extracted rather than treated. What’s more, the patient himself may have to pull his own tooth to alleviate his excruciating pain while being denied the right to medical treatment. The role of the prison clinic does not go beyond prescribing medicines, often Panadol, and even then, the patient does not get the medicine.

    Among these cases is the prominent Bahraini opposition figure and political prisoner, Mr. Hasan Mushaima, who suffered for ten months from dental pain and fractures because he was prevented from visiting a doctor. Another case is Haider Ebrahim Mulla Hasan, a child arrested at the age of 16, who suffered from a dental issue, but had eight of his teeth extracted without the promised replacements by the Jau Prison administration, hindering his ability to chew his food. As for Mohamed AbdulJabbar Sarhan, two of his teeth were broken as a result of torture, causing him severe dental pain. Ebrahim Yusuf Ali AlSamahiji and Ammar Ebrahim Ahmed also suffered from dental damage and were denied treatment like other detainees.

    Some prisoners are denied diagnoses, some are not given the necessary examinations, some are procrastinated in providing proper treatment, and some are even denied medication! One of the most prominent cases is Mr. Hasan Mushaima, who has been denied medication and regular check-ups for a long time. He does not receive his diabetes and blood pressure medications consistently, and his painkillers and medications have not been adjusted according to his health needs. Sayed Adnan Majed Hashem continues to suffer from deliberate medical neglect, as he has not received treatment for a knee injury he sustained when security forces fired shotgun bullets at participants in a peaceful demonstration in 2014. He was denied treatment and was not prescribed proper medication, and despite severe pain, the prison administration refused to give him painkillers. Mohamed Hasan Abdulla (AlRamel) is forced to engage in repeated hunger strikes to demand his right to treatment. Since his arrest in 2015, he has been repeatedly denied medical appointments and medication.

    This violation, suffered by all political prisoners, raises the question of the government’s responsibility post-release and the role it should play in redressing the harm and alleviating the pain of those released. This issue needs to be addressed quickly by securing the right to medical care and ensuring full treatment for the sick.

    Among the many examples is the case of released detainee Fadhel Abbas Yahya Isa, who developed lupus erythematosus, a chronic inflammatory disease, while in prison. His health condition deteriorated due to torture and unsanitary conditions in Jau Prison. Although his condition required special care, King Hamad University Hospital did not have any specialists in hereditary hematology, and his treatment was delayed. During his imprisonment, Fadhel was not given his medication on time and his medical appointments were repeatedly canceled. Another case is Hamed AlMahfooz, who is asking the Ministry of Health for his right to treatment as guaranteed by the Royal Pardon Decree, which guarantees the rights of the pardoned and facilitates the procedures for them to receive treatment.

    The right to work

    If the social effects affect the reintegration of those released, the most serious obstacle they face is the denial of the right to work through the requirement of a “good conduct” certificate, which means a life sentence denies them the right to obtain jobs in the public sector and imposes similar conditions in many private sector companies, including security restrictions. This denial deprives citizens of the right to support their families simply for exercising their right to freedom of expression.

    Among them are a number of prisoners of conscience who were released years ago but are still denied the right to work. This includes activists like Ali Al Hajee, Najah Yusuf, Hajj Ali Muhana, and many others who lost their jobs, were deprived of compensation, and are still unable to reintegrate into the normal economic cycle.

    One of those released under the royal decree in April 2024, who preferred to remain anonymous due to fear of further reprisals, speaks of being deprived of the right to work, despite the Crown Prince’s orders to provide unemployment allowances to those covered by the amnesty. Before his arrest, he worked in the private sector for less than a year before being arrested, leading to his job loss and denial of the right to unemployment insurance. Although he registered as unemployed with the Ministry of Labor, followed all necessary procedures and deadlines, and applied for available job opportunities, he was excluded as a beneficiary of the reconsideration petition. The response cited that”he is not eligible according to Article 17 of the Unemployment Insurance Law but can access e-services for training and employment through the Ministry of Labor’s platform.”

    It is worth noting that according to the information we received, about 30 released citizens were denied unemployment insurance for the same reasons.

    The right to freedom of movement

    A travel ban is one of the consequences imposed on political prisoners, which can persist for many years after their release, constituting a clear violation and restriction of their right to freedom of movement. Although no legal impediments are preventing those released from exercising this right, these bans are arbitrarily imposed on them, as well as on many activists and human rights defenders, as a measure to limit their activities. This right continues to be denied for individuals who have completed their sentences or have been released for years, such as activist Ali Muhana, who has been repeatedly banned from traveling without being informed of the decision or its reasons. This measure also targets former political prisoners who are still active in documenting and monitoring violations, such as activists Najah Yusuf and Ebtisam AlSaegh, who also experience restricted freedom of movement and find their names on travel ban lists and are banned from entering certain Gulf countries. Activist and former political prisoner Ali AlHaee was prosecuted solely for advocating the lifting of his travel ban. Though his case was dropped, he is still denied his right to travel as a retaliatory measure for his human rights activism.

    The release is an earned right for all political prisoners and must remain free from attempts of deception and political exploitation. Transitional justice requires governing authorities to promptly resolve cases without administrative bureaucracy and political revenge. This entails lifting the punishments inflicted on political prisoners by restoring all their rights, including compensation and reparations, initiating new investigations, and holding those responsible for all the violations they suffered accountable. This requires serious steps rather than the Interior Ministry’s efforts to whitewash its programs, including the Alternative Punishments Program, to obscure the fact that it criminalizes political activism and imprisons opponents and human rights defenders.

    The above are only a few of the social, economic, and other difficulties facing those released, hindering their ability to turn a new page in their lives and integrate back into society. It is first and foremost the responsibility of the state to facilitate all their needs, starting with granting them the rights to medical care, housing, treatment, education, and other rights guaranteed to all citizens.

    Conclusion

    Achieving transitional justice is a necessary step toward improving the human rights situation and ending impunity, and requires the government to reform its security system, initiate criminal prosecutions, and provide reparations for victims.

    While Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain (ADHRB) calls for the implementation of the binding decisions to restore services to those released, it also calls for an end to the injustice done to them through the requirement to obtain a certificate of good conduct. This measure restricts their freedom, which ADHRB condemns and calls for its immediate abolition.

    ADHRB calls for the unconditional release of all prisoners of conscience and political prisoners, advocating for the clearance of prisons. It demands that all those released, whether through the expiration of their sentence, pardoned by royal decree, or released under the Alternative Sanctions Law, have their civil rights fully restored and arbitrary security restrictions lifted. ADHRB also calls for the implementation of the Transitional Justice Law as a necessary step to restore the stolen rights of the victims, as well as the provision of compensation and reparations.

    The post Restricted Freedom … The Bahraini Government’s failure to Implement Transitional Justice for Released Individuals appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

    This post was originally published on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

  • On 20 June 2024 Swissinfo spoke with human rights defenders from Ukraine and Israel about how they operate in tough contexts. The main tasks of human rights defenders include investigating, collecting information about, and reporting rights violations. They raise public awareness to ensure that human rights are respected. But how do they work in a war zone or in an environment where a large part of public opinion is against them? SWI swissinfo met activists from Ukraine and Israel in Geneva’s Palais des Nations, where they had come to meet delegations and attend side-events during a session of the Human Rights CouncilExternal link .

    We are documenting testimonies from victims of the war in Ukraine,” says Lyubov Smachylo, an analyst with the Ukrainian organisation Media Initiative for Human Rights (MIHR).

    MIHR’s main office is in Kyiv. It has direct access to victims and witnesses of rights violations, such as Ukrainians living in the north of the country – formerly under Russian occupation and now back under Ukrainian rule – or former prisoners in Russian jails. Smachylo, who lives between Kyiv and Paris, analyses documented testimonies of human rights violations committed by Russia. These include Russian armed forces acting with generalised impunity, the arbitrary detention of civilians – often accompanied by torture and ill-treatment – and in some cases enforced disappearances.
    Lyubov Smachylo from the Ukrainian Media Initiative for Human Rights. Courtesy of Lyubov Smachlyo

    MIHR is one of the few NGOs able to gather information on the ground. Virtually no international organisation can go into the occupied Ukrainian regions, not even the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR). The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), for example, has only limited access to Ukrainian prisoners of war. This absence of accountability and the underreporting of abuses mean there is an increased risk of mistreatment and of perpetrators going unpunished.

    Among other things, the MIHR deals with prisoners of war and civilians who have been arrested in the Russian-occupied regions of Ukraine or who are being detained in unknown places. Beatings and torture are rife, and some have died because of the poor detention conditions, says Smachylo.

    “We know of 55 places of detention in the occupied regions of Ukraine and 40 in Russia, where a total of at least 1,550 Ukrainian civilians are being held,” says Smachylo. Contacted by SWI, the ICRC did not comment on whether it has access to the occupied regions. More More Human Rights Council: Fundamental or fundamentally flawed?

    This content was published on Jun 30, 2021 The Human Rights Council, convening in Geneva, is mired in US-China rivalry, while the Council also faces criticism from developing countries. Read more: Human Rights Council: Fundamental or fundamentally flawed Increasingly hostile environment

    Tal Steiner is meanwhile a human rights lawyer and director of the Public Committee Against Torture in Israel (PCATI). The NGO holds Israel accountable on its use of torture, which is not illegal in the country, although there is an absolute prohibition on torture enshrined in international human rights instruments such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Steiner says her NGO’s work has become particularly difficult since the Hamas attacks of October 7 and the Israeli-Palestinian war. Israel has restricted access to political prisoners, while rights defenders find themselves in an increasingly hostile environment where they are regularly branded as“defending terrorists”.

    The political prisoners to which Steiner has access include Palestinians living in Israel and in the West Bank as well as Jewish Israeli citizens.

    “Working on the issue of torture – or on any issue in Israel that affects human rights in terms of security – has never been easy,” she says.
    Tal Steiner, right, pictured with Miriam Azem, advocacy associate at the Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel (ADALAH). Keystone/AFP/Coffrini

    Compassion for Palestinian prisoners and the view that human rights apply to everyone have been greatly diminished since the war, Steiner explains.“This means that the circle that supports our work has become smaller.”

    According to her, many Israelis have opted for security above human rights. Many also harbour feelings of vengeance towards Palestinians.“We saw this, for example, at the Israeli Prison Service (IPS),” Steiner says. There, extreme overcrowding since October 7 has led to a severe deterioration in conditions, including limited access to basic needs like water, electricity, food, and medical care. Human rights groups have also noted cases of severe beating of detainees and prisoners, sexual harassment and intimidation.

    Miriam Azem also took part in the SWI interview with Steiner. The international advocacy expert works for Palestinian organisation Adalah, which defends Palestinians living in Israel and the occupied territories in Israeli courts. “Since October 7, the attitude towards our lawyers has changed a lot,” she says. This has become apparent in disciplinary committees, which handle disputes in universities.“Since the beginning of the war, over 120 disciplinary proceedings have been initiated against Palestinian students – citizens of Israel – for statements made on their private social media accounts” she says.

    She cites the example of Palestinian students with Israeli citizenship who have been accused of inciting terrorism on the basis of unfounded arguments. Adalah attorneys, who have represented 95 Palestinian students facing this charge,“were questioned regarding their loyalty to Israel”, Azem says.

    According to Azem, there has been an increase in arrests and interrogations due to posts on social media. “The vast majority of these posts do not meet any criminal threshold. Nevertheless, the accusations against activists were grounded in Israel’s Counter-Terror Law, which carries severe imprisonment penalties,” she says. More More Is Geneva still the capital of peace?

    In February, PCATI and Adalah, together with two other Israeli organisations, sent an urgent appeal to the UN Special Rapporteur on Torture, Alice Jill Edwards. They called on Edwards to intervene immediately to stop torture and the systematic mistreatment of Palestinian prisoners in Israeli detention facilities. Apart from private lawyers, these are the only four organisations that can currently visit Israeli prisons – Israel has denied the ICRC access.

    “We are therefore the only ones who can report what we have seen there,” says Steiner. Around 10,000 Palestinian prisoners are currently in Israeli custody, many of them detained without trial. However, no one is allowed to visit the Israeli military camps for prisoners from the Gaza Strip. PCATI fears a“new Guantanamo” is being established there, in reference to the US facility in Cuba where prisoners were held indefinitely without trial in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001.

    In their appeal to the UN rapporteur, the four organisations also expressed concern about the dehumanising rhetoric being used by some members of the Israeli government. The Minister of National Security, Itamar Ben-Gvir, in charge of the IPS, has repeatedly spoken out in favour of subjecting Palestinians to degrading and inhumane treatment.

    In the meantime, UN rapporteur Edwards has called on Israel to investigate the numerous allegations of torture against detained Palestinians. Since the attacks of October 7, it is estimated that thousands of Palestinians including children have been detained, she has written. Edwards says she received allegations of individuals being beaten, kept blindfolded in cells, handcuffed for excessive periods, deprived of sleep, and threatened with physical and sexual violence. Burnouts and death threats

    Burnout and death threats are also part of the job. Smachylo says the war which stretches through the whole of Ukraine is an added strain on a very stressful job. Activists and staff members of her organisation spend hours writing reports detailing torture and mistreatment of Ukrainian citizens by the Russian authorities. She particularly highlights the risk of burnout for those who regularly carry out missions in the field.

    The Geneva-based World Organization against Torture (OMCT), which cooperates with the NGO, provides financial support for their psychological and therapeutic retreats.

    Steiner, for her part, draws particular attention to the huge amount of work involved.“In view of the grief over the tragedies of October 7 and the war in the Gaza Strip, cooperation between Israelis and Palestinians is proving to be a challenge right now,” she says. For her, it is fundamental that every detainee has the right to defense.

    Smear campaigns have also targeted her work. For example, the Israeli TV station Channel14, the equivalent of the rightwing US station Fox News, made a derogatory programme about PCATI and other organisations campaigning for Palestinian rights. The title:“Disgrace: the Israeli activists who take care of the treatment of Hamas terrorists”. The program led to harassment and threatening phone calls. Some of the emails Steiner received were about rape and death threats, others targeted her family.

    “We are aware that we are operating in an environment that is very hostile to our work,” says Azem.“As an NGO registered in Israel, we are extremely cautious.” Steiner adds that the persecution of NGOs in Israel and Palestine has a long history. Six Palestinian human rights organisations have been classified as terrorist by Israel. And several bills currently envisage a higher taxation rate for Israeli NGOs in order to block their work.

    https://menafn.com/1108388272/Silence-Threats-Burnout-Challenges-For-Human-Rights-Defenders-In-Times-Of-War

    This post was originally published on Hans Thoolen on Human Rights Defenders and their awards.

  • By Patrick Decloitre, RNZ Pacific correspondent French Pacific desk

    French Pacific results for the first round of French national snap elections yesterday showed a firm radicalisation, especially in the case of New Caledonia.

    In both of New Caledonia’s constituencies, the second round will look like a showdown between pro-independence and pro-France contestants.

    The French Pacific entity has been gripped by ongoing riots, arson and destruction since mid-May 2024.

    Local outcomes of the national polls have confirmed a block-to-block, confrontational logic, between the most radical components of the opposing camps, the pro-independence and the pro-France (loyalists).

    Pro-France leader Nicolas Metzdorf, who is a staunch advocate of the still-unimplemented controversial constitutional reform that is perceived to marginalise indigenous Kanaks’ vote and therefore sparked the current unrest in the French Pacific territory, obtained 39.81 percent of the votes in New Caledonia’s 1st constituency.

    In the capital Nouméa, which has been suffering massive damage from the riots, he even received the support of 53.64 percent of the voters.

    Also vying for the seat in the French National Assembly, the other candidate qualifying for the second round of vote (on Sunday 7 July) is pro-independence Omayra Naisseline, who belongs to Union Calédonienne, perceived as a hard-line component of the pro-independence platform FLNKS.

    She obtained 36.34 percent of the votes.

    Outgoing MP Philippe Dunoyer, a moderate pro-France politician, is now out of the race after collecting only 10.33 percent of the votes.

    For New Caledonia’s second constituency, pro-independence Emmanuel Tjibaou topped the poll with an impressive 44.06 percent of the votes.

    Île-des-Pins voting on pollng day yesterday
    Île-des-Pins voting on pollng day yesterday in the first round of the French snap elections. Image: NC la 1ère TV screenshot/RNZ

    Tjibaou is the son of emblematic Kanak pro-independence leader Jean-Marie Tjibaou, a dominant figure who signed the Matignon-Oudinot Accord in 1988 with pro-France leader Jacques Lafleur, ending half a decade of civil war over the Kanak pro-independence cause.

    In 1989, Tjibaou was assassinated by a hard-line member of his own movement.

    Second to Tjibaou is Alcide Ponga, also an indigenous Kanak who was recently elected president of the pro-France Rassemblement-Les républicains party (36.18 percent).

    Another candidate from the Eveil Océanien (mostly supported by the Wallisian community in New Caledonia), Milakulo Tukumuli, came third with 11.92 percent but does not qualify to contest in the second round.

    In New Caledonia, polling on Sunday took place under heavy security and at least one incident was reported in Houaïlou, where car wrecks were placed in front of the polling stations, barring access to voters.

    However, participation was very high on Sunday: 60.02 percent of the registered voters turned out, which is almost twice as much as the recorded rate at the previous general elections in 2022 (32.51 percent).

    New Caledonia's four remaning contestants for the second round of French snap elections on 7 July are Nicolas Metzdorf, Emmanuel Tjibaou, Omayra Naisseline and Alcide Ponga.
    New Caledonia’s four remaining contestants for the run-off round of French snap elections next Sunday, July 7 are Nicolas Metzdorf (clockwise from top left), Emmanuel Tjibaou, Omayra Naisseline and Alcide Ponga. Image: NC la 1ère TV

    New Caledonia’s four remaining contestants for the run-off round of French snap elections next Sunday, July 7 are Nicolas Metzdorf (clockwise from top left), Emmanuel Tjibaou, Omayra Naisseline and Alcide Ponga. Image: NC la 1ère TV

    French Polynesia
    In French Polynesia (three constituencies), the stakes were quite different — all three sitting MPs were pro-independence after the previous French general elections in 2022.

    Candidates for the ruling Tavini Huiraatira, for this first round of polls, managed to make it to the second round, like Steve Chailloux (second constituency, 41.61 percent) or Mereana Reid-Arbelot (third constituency, 42.71 percent) who will still have to fight in the second round to retain her seat in the French National Assembly against pro-autonomy Pascale Haiti (41.08 percent), who is the wife of long-time pro-France former president Gaston Flosse).

    Chailloux, however, did not fare so well as his direct opponent, pro-autonomy platform and A Here ia Porinetia leader Nicole Sanquer, who collected 49.62 percent of the votes.

    But those parties opposing independence, locally known as the “pro-autonomy”, had fielded their candidates under a common platform.

    This is the case for Moerani Frébault, from the Marquesas Islands, who managed to secure 53.90 percent of the votes and is therefore declared winner without having to contest the second round.

    His victory ejected the pro-independence outgoing MP Tematai Le Gayic (Tavini party, 1st constituency), even though he had collected 36.3 percent of the votes.

    Wallis and Futuna
    Incumbent MP Mikaele Seo (Renaissance, French President Macron’s party) breezes through against the other three contestants and obtained 61 percent of the votes and therefore is directly elected as a result of the first round for the seat at the Paris National Assembly.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • By Patrick Decloitre, RNZ Pacific correspondent French Pacific desk

    French Pacific results for the first round of French national snap elections yesterday showed a firm radicalisation, especially in the case of New Caledonia.

    In both of New Caledonia’s constituencies, the second round will look like a showdown between pro-independence and pro-France contestants.

    The French Pacific entity has been gripped by ongoing riots, arson and destruction since mid-May 2024.

    Local outcomes of the national polls have confirmed a block-to-block, confrontational logic, between the most radical components of the opposing camps, the pro-independence and the pro-France (loyalists).

    Pro-France leader Nicolas Metzdorf, who is a staunch advocate of the still-unimplemented controversial constitutional reform that is perceived to marginalise indigenous Kanaks’ vote and therefore sparked the current unrest in the French Pacific territory, obtained 39.81 percent of the votes in New Caledonia’s 1st constituency.

    In the capital Nouméa, which has been suffering massive damage from the riots, he even received the support of 53.64 percent of the voters.

    Also vying for the seat in the French National Assembly, the other candidate qualifying for the second round of vote (on Sunday 7 July) is pro-independence Omayra Naisseline, who belongs to Union Calédonienne, perceived as a hard-line component of the pro-independence platform FLNKS.

    She obtained 36.34 percent of the votes.

    Outgoing MP Philippe Dunoyer, a moderate pro-France politician, is now out of the race after collecting only 10.33 percent of the votes.

    For New Caledonia’s second constituency, pro-independence Emmanuel Tjibaou topped the poll with an impressive 44.06 percent of the votes.

    Île-des-Pins voting on pollng day yesterday
    Île-des-Pins voting on pollng day yesterday in the first round of the French snap elections. Image: NC la 1ère TV screenshot/RNZ

    Tjibaou is the son of emblematic Kanak pro-independence leader Jean-Marie Tjibaou, a dominant figure who signed the Matignon-Oudinot Accord in 1988 with pro-France leader Jacques Lafleur, ending half a decade of civil war over the Kanak pro-independence cause.

    In 1989, Tjibaou was assassinated by a hard-line member of his own movement.

    Second to Tjibaou is Alcide Ponga, also an indigenous Kanak who was recently elected president of the pro-France Rassemblement-Les républicains party (36.18 percent).

    Another candidate from the Eveil Océanien (mostly supported by the Wallisian community in New Caledonia), Milakulo Tukumuli, came third with 11.92 percent but does not qualify to contest in the second round.

    In New Caledonia, polling on Sunday took place under heavy security and at least one incident was reported in Houaïlou, where car wrecks were placed in front of the polling stations, barring access to voters.

    However, participation was very high on Sunday: 60.02 percent of the registered voters turned out, which is almost twice as much as the recorded rate at the previous general elections in 2022 (32.51 percent).

    New Caledonia's four remaning contestants for the second round of French snap elections on 7 July are Nicolas Metzdorf, Emmanuel Tjibaou, Omayra Naisseline and Alcide Ponga.
    New Caledonia’s four remaining contestants for the run-off round of French snap elections next Sunday, July 7 are Nicolas Metzdorf (clockwise from top left), Emmanuel Tjibaou, Omayra Naisseline and Alcide Ponga. Image: NC la 1ère TV

    New Caledonia’s four remaining contestants for the run-off round of French snap elections next Sunday, July 7 are Nicolas Metzdorf (clockwise from top left), Emmanuel Tjibaou, Omayra Naisseline and Alcide Ponga. Image: NC la 1ère TV

    French Polynesia
    In French Polynesia (three constituencies), the stakes were quite different — all three sitting MPs were pro-independence after the previous French general elections in 2022.

    Candidates for the ruling Tavini Huiraatira, for this first round of polls, managed to make it to the second round, like Steve Chailloux (second constituency, 41.61 percent) or Mereana Reid-Arbelot (third constituency, 42.71 percent) who will still have to fight in the second round to retain her seat in the French National Assembly against pro-autonomy Pascale Haiti (41.08 percent), who is the wife of long-time pro-France former president Gaston Flosse).

    Chailloux, however, did not fare so well as his direct opponent, pro-autonomy platform and A Here ia Porinetia leader Nicole Sanquer, who collected 49.62 percent of the votes.

    But those parties opposing independence, locally known as the “pro-autonomy”, had fielded their candidates under a common platform.

    This is the case for Moerani Frébault, from the Marquesas Islands, who managed to secure 53.90 percent of the votes and is therefore declared winner without having to contest the second round.

    His victory ejected the pro-independence outgoing MP Tematai Le Gayic (Tavini party, 1st constituency), even though he had collected 36.3 percent of the votes.

    Wallis and Futuna
    Incumbent MP Mikaele Seo (Renaissance, French President Macron’s party) breezes through against the other three contestants and obtained 61 percent of the votes and therefore is directly elected as a result of the first round for the seat at the Paris National Assembly.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Instead of inquiries and apologies, a bill of rights could give people access to justice and ensure governments are held to account

    I was first taught about human rights at primary school, in the public education system of New South Wales. I had a very good fifth year teacher, Mr Gorringe. He gave his students something valuable that had come from the United Nations in New York. It was printed on lightweight aerogram paper, which I had never seen before.

    The year was 1949, and the world was reeling from the horrors of the second world war. An Australian, Dr HV Evatt, was president of the United Nations general assembly. He had just helped create an important document, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. It was a copy of this document that my teacher gave me.

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    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • By Patrick Decloitre, RNZ Pacific correspondent French Pacific desk

    Voters in New Caledonia will go to the polls this weekend under tight security, almost eight weeks after destructive and violent unrest broke out in the French Pacific archipelago.

    They will vote for their two representatives in the 577-seat French National Assembly, which was dissolved by President Emmanuel Macron just before he — in a surprise move — called snap elections earlier this month.

    The previous French general elections took place two years ago.

    The first round of voting takes place tomorrow and the second one next Sunday, July 7.

    Since early May, the unrest has caused nine direct fatalities and the closure, looting and vandalism of several hundred companies and homes. More than 3500 security forces have been dispatched, with the damage now estimated at 1.5 billion euros (NZ$2.64 billion).

    Earlier this month, 86.5 percent of New Caledonian voters abstained during the European Parliament elections.

    It is anticipated that for these elections, the participation rate could be high.

    Both incumbents are on the pro-France (loyalist) side.

    On the pro-independence side, internal divisions have resulted in only the hard-line party (part of the FLNKS umbrella, which also includes other moderate parties) managing to field their candidates.

    French High Commissioner Louis Le Franc speaks at a press conference on Sunday.
    French High Commissioner Louis Le Franc . . . not taking chances. Image: FB screenshot/RNZ

    Public meetings and gatherings banned
    French High Commissioner Louis Le Franc told media he did not want to take chances, even though no party or municipality had openly called for a boycott or any action hostile to the vote.

    He said all public meetings would be banned, on top of a dusk-to-dawn curfew and a ban on the sale and transport of firearms, ammunition and alcohol.

    “There are 222,900 registered voters for the legislative elections; the voting habits in New Caledonia are that it happens mostly in the morning. So, the peak hours are between 9 am and noon,” Le Franc said.

    He said during those peak hours, queues could be expected outside the polling stations, especially in the Greater Nouméa area (including the neighbouring towns of Païta, Dumbéa and Mont-Dore).

    “Provision has been made to ensure that voters who go there are not bothered by collective or individual elements who would like to disrupt the exercise of this democratic right.”

    Lennon’s ‘Give Peace a Chance’ in class
    This week, more public buildings, including schools and fire stations, have been burnt to the ground, and several schools have closed in the wake of the violence.

    However, in Dumbéa, Apogoti High School and 13 other schools partly reopened on Friday, with teachers focusing on workshops.

    “We met with all the teachers and we decided to mix several subjects,” music teacher Nicolas Le Yannou told public broadcaster NC la 1ère TV.

    “We chose a song from John Lennon (‘Give Peace a Chance’) which calls for peace and then we translated the lyrics into Spanish, French and the local Drehu language.

    “That allowed everyone to express themselves without having to brood over the difficult situation we have gone through. For us, music was our way to escape,” Le Yannou said.

    Psychological assistance and counselling were also provided to students and teachers when required.

    Païta emergency intervention centre burnt down before its official opening
    Païta emergency intervention centre was burnt down before its official opening. Image: Union des Pompiers de Calédonie/RNZ

    On Thursday, a new fire station under construction near Nouméa-La Tontouta Airport, which was scheduled to be opened later this year, was burnt down.

    Pro-independence leader’s house destroyed
    The home of one moderate pro-independence leader, Victor Tutugoro (president of the Union Progressiste en Mélanésie, PALIKA), was burnt down by rioters on Wednesday morning.

    This prompted condemnation from Le France and New Caledonia’s local government, as well as from the president of New Caledonia’s Northern Province, Paul Néaoutyine.

    Néaoutyine, who belongs to the Kanak Liberation Party, said several other politicians from the moderate fringe of FLNKS had also been targeted and threatened over the past few weeks.

    Victor Tutugoro at the 22nd Melanesian Spearhead Group Leaders' Summit in Port Vila.
    Moderate pro-independence leader Victor Tutugoro . . . . house burnt down, other moderate leaders threatened. Image: RNZ Pacific/Kelvin Anthony

    PALIKA’s political bureau also condemned the attacks and destruction of Tutugoro’s residence.

    PALIKA spokesman Charles Washetine called for calm and for all remaining roadblocks to be lifted.

    “The right to vote is the fruit of a painful common history which commands us to fight for independence through the ballots and through the belief in intelligence which we have all inherited,” the party said.

    The elections coincide with the 36th anniversary of the signing of the Matignon-Oudinot Accord between Jean-Marie Tjibaou and Jacques Lafleur, who were the leaders, respectively, of the pro-independence FLNKS and pro-France RPCR parties.

    This year, there was no official commemoration ceremony.

    After intense talks with then French Socialist Prime Minister Michel Rocard, they both shook hands on 26 June 1988 to mark the end of half a decade of quasi-civil war in New Caledonia.

    One year later, Tjibaou and his deputy, Yéwéné Yéwéné, were gunned down by a member of the radical fringe of the pro-independence movement.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Global Voices interviews veteran author, journalist and educator David Robie who discussed the state of Pacific media, journalism education, and the role of the press in addressing decolonisation and the climate crisis.

    Professor David Robie is among this year’s New Zealand Order of Merit awardees and was on the King’s Birthday Honours list earlier this month for his “services to journalism and Asia-Pacific media education.”

    His career in journalism has spanned five decades. He was the founding editor of the Pacific Journalism Review journal in 1994 and in 1996 he established the Pacific Media Watch, a media rights watchdog group.

    He was head of the journalism department at the University of Papua New Guinea from 1993–1997 and at the University of the South Pacific from 1998–2002. While teaching at Auckland University of Technology, he founded the Pacific Media Centre in 2007.

    He has authored 10 books on Asia-Pacific media and politics. He received the 1985 Media Peace Prize for his coverage of the Rainbow Warrior bombing — which he sailed on and wrote the book Eyes of Fire: The Last Voyage of the Rainbow Warrior — and the French and American nuclear testing.

    In 2015, he was given the Asian Media Information and Communication Centre (AMIC) Asian Communication Award in Dubai. Global Voices interviewed him about the challenges faced by journalists in the Pacific and his career. This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

    MONG PALATINO (MP): What are the main challenges faced by the media in the region?

    DAVID ROBIE (DR): Corruption, viability, and credibility — the corruption among politicians and influence on journalists, the viability of weak business models and small media enterprises, and weakening credibility. After many years of developing a reasonably independent Pacific media in many countries in the region with courageous and independent journalists in leadership roles, many media groups are becoming susceptible to growing geopolitical rivalry between powerful players in the region, particularly China, which is steadily increasing its influence on the region’s media — especially in Solomon Islands — not just in development aid.

    However, the United States, Australia and France are also stepping up their Pacific media and journalism training influences in the region as part of “Indo-Pacific” strategies that are really all about countering Chinese influence.

    Indonesia is also becoming an influence in the media in the region, for other reasons. Jakarta is in the middle of a massive “hearts and minds” strategy in the Pacific, mainly through the media and diplomacy, in an attempt to blunt the widespread “people’s” sentiment in support of West Papuan aspirations for self-determination and eventual independence.

    MP: What should be prioritised in improving journalism education in the region?

    DR: The university-based journalism schools, such as at the University of the South Pacific in Fiji, are best placed to improve foundation journalism skills and education, and also to encourage life-long learning for journalists. More funding would be more beneficial channelled through the universities for more advanced courses, and not just through short-course industry training. I can say that because I have been through the mill both ways — 50 years as a journalist starting off in the “school of hard knocks” in many countries, including almost 30 years running journalism courses and pioneering several award-winning student journalist publications. However, it is important to retain media independence and not allow funding NGOs to dictate policies.

    MP: How can Pacific journalists best fulfill their role in highlighting Pacific stories, especially the impact of the climate crisis?

    DR: The best strategy is collaboration with international partners that have resources and expertise in climate crisis, such as the Earth Journalism Network to give a global stage for their issues and concerns. When I was still running the Pacific Media Centre, we had a high profile Pacific climate journalism Bearing Witness project where students made many successful multimedia reports and award-winning commentaries. An example is this one on YouTube: Banabans of Rabi: A Story of Survival

    MP: What should the international community focus on when reporting about the Pacific?

    DR: It is important for media to monitor the Indo-Pacific rivalries, but to also keep them in perspective — so-called ”security” is nowhere as important to Pacific countries as it is to its Western neighbours and China. It is important for the international community to keep an eye on the ball about what is important to the Pacific, which is ‘development’ and ‘climate crisis’ and why China has an edge in some countries at the moment.

    Australia and, to a lesser extent, New Zealand have dropped the ball in recent years, and are tying to regain lost ground, but concentrating too much on “security”. Listen to the Pacific voices.

    There should be more international reporting about the “hidden stories” of the Pacific such as the unresolved decolonisation issues — Kanaky New Caledonia, “French” Polynesia (Mā’ohi Nui), both from France; and West Papua from Indonesia. West Papua, in particular, is virtually ignored by Western media in spite of the ongoing serious human rights violations. This is unconscionable.

    Mong Palatino is regional editor of Global Voices for Southeast Asia. An activist and former two-term member of the Philippine House of Representatives, he has been blogging since 2004 at mongster’s nest. @mongster Republished with permission.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • On 25 june 2024, when adopting a resolution today based on the report by Petra Bayr (Austria, SOC), PACE strongly condemned the frequent attacks perpetrated against women human rights defenders, and called for an end to impunity for perpetrators of violence.

    The resolution emphasises that women human rights defenders – which include activists, NGO members, health workers, private sector actors, researchers, lawyers, students, teachers, artists, trade unionists, bloggers and journalists – act “in a peaceful and legal way to promote and protect human rights”. The Assembly deplores that they face attacks and specific threats, both on and offline, and are often victims of intersecting forms of discrimination

    In this context, PACE called on member States to “repeal laws, policies and practices that affect women human rights defenders, in all their diversity, and unduly restrict their activities”. It also recommended guaranteeing their protection, by ensuring a secure and enabling environment in which to carry out their activities, and prosecuting the perpetrators of attacks and threats, including members of police forces.

    Finally, PACE called on national parliaments to support women human rights defenders through practical actions and the introduction of new policies.

    https://pace.coe.int/en/news/9529/ensuring-protection-of-women-human-rights-defenders

    This post was originally published on Hans Thoolen on Human Rights Defenders and their awards.

  • This event, organized on the occasion of the 56th session of the Human Rights Council and of the 28th Working Group of the Parties to the Aarhus Convention, as part of the Geneva Roadmap 40/11 series, provides a platform for experience sharing around with different protection mechanisms.

    About this Session

    Today, some specific instruments, such as the Aarhus Convention, regional processes and mechanisms are playing a growing and rapidly transforming role for environmental defenders in terms of new standards, collaborative efforts and plans. Yet, how effective are these instruments, processes and mechanisms in supporting and protecting environmental defenders in different parts of the world? What are the lessons in terms of the relevance and effectiveness of regional human rights and environmental protection mechanisms? How can ongoing experiences by civil society organizations and defenders help shape new and strengthened regional approaches? There is wide recognition of the different situations across regions as well as relevant lessons from ongoing initiatives.

    On the occasion of both the 56th Session of the UN Human Rights Council and of the 28th Working Group of the Parties to the Aarhus Convention, on access to information, public participation and access to justice in environmental matters, this event will aim to gather views from various stakeholders on the question: “How are environmental defenders protected in the regions?”

    Geneva Roadmap 40/11 Series

    Five years ago, on 21 March 2019, the Human Rights Council adopted Resolution 40/11 – Recognizing the contribution of environmental human rights defenders to the enjoyment of human rights, environmental protection and sustainable development – without a vote.

    Following the adoption of the resolution, platforms, coalitions and networks of defenders met in February 2020 to launch the Geneva Roadmap 40/11 to foster the implementation of this Resolution.

    Building on previous Geneva Roadmap 40/11 efforts in relation to global human rights mechanisms, this year’s events organized by the University of Geneva, Earthjustice, the International Service for Human Rights, with the support of the Geneva Environment Network, will focus on the protection mechanisms provided at the regional level for environmental defenders.

    To attend on-line, register with: https://ungeneva.webex.com/webappng/sites/ungeneva/meeting/register/3e557712421b4e8ead22641b4d3bab74?ticket=4832534b000000078514d3e000931fd016c9cc18835becb6ccd518f1a5e9a6bf63a5563f32a1a932&timestamp=1719521373667&RGID=r18b54211d7fc07219656ed6fdab82df1

    https://www.genevaenvironmentnetwork.org/events/how-are-environmental-defenders-protected-in-the-regions-geneva-roadmap-40-11/#scroll-nav__3

    This post was originally published on Hans Thoolen on Human Rights Defenders and their awards.

  • Decision could result in retailers being prosecuted if they import goods made through forced labour, campaigners say

    The UK National Crime Agency’s decision not to launch an investigation into the importation of cotton products manufactured by forced labour in China’s Xinjiang province was unlawful, the court of appeal has found.

    Global Legal Action Network (GLAN) and the World Uyghur Congress (WUC), which brought the action, said Thursday’s decision was a landmark win that could lead to high street retailers being prosecuted under the Proceeds of Crime Act (Poca) if they import goods made through forced labour.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Decision could result in retailers being prosecuted if they import goods made through forced labour, campaigners say

    The UK National Crime Agency’s decision not to launch an investigation into the importation of cotton products manufactured by forced labour in China’s Xinjiang province was unlawful, the court of appeal has found.

    Global Legal Action Network (GLAN) and the World Uyghur Congress (WUC), which brought the action, said Thursday’s decision was a landmark win that could lead to high street retailers being prosecuted under the Proceeds of Crime Act (Poca) if they import goods made through forced labour.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • SPECIAL REPORT: By Te Aniwaniwa Paterson

    Hawai’ian academic Dr Emalani Case has condemned the 2024 Rimpac military exercise that began off the coast of Hawai’i today, saying the military personnel from 29 countries taking part are “practising to invade”.

    “They call it practising defence but they’re really learning how to defend an empire while putting indigenous people at risk,” she said.

    Hawai’i has been heavily impacted on by militarisation.

    Dr Case, a senior lecturer at Auckland University, said her people had had to deal with military harm and damage to their people and environment for more than 100 years.

    The kingdom of Hawai’i was invaded by the US in 1893. The monarchy was overthrown, and the islands have stayed under US control since, with several large military bases.

    Dr Case said the military made it a hard place to live when the land and people were routinely dismissed and disregarded.

    The US Navy had publicly said it was committed to the environment and reducing harm.

    Nonetheless, it had had a highly destructive track record when it came to pollution and environmental harm, she said.

    For example, SINKEX was an activity during Rimpac where various navies shoot ammunition at decommissioned ships off the coast of Kauai island.

    Dr Case told Te Ao Māori News, “The ships just sink and they leave them there. So there are toxins leaking out into our ocean.”


    Anti-war groups demand end to war games as Rimpac begins.  Video: Hawai’i News Now

    Tourism paradise?
    Te Ao Maōri News asked Dr Case why Hawai’i was known as a “paradise” tourist destination but many people did not know about the violent history.

    Dr Case referenced the works of the late Dr Teresia Teaiwa, an I-Kiribati and African-American scholar, who had said tourism and military worked together to dispossess and displace Hawai’ians.

    “‘Militourism’ is a phenomenon by which a military or paramilitary force ensures the smooth running of a tourist industry, and that same tourist industry masks the military force behind it.”

    — Teresia Teaiwa

    Tourism masked the military violence by placing a flower over it, or a swinging hula girl, Dr Case said.

    “[Hawai’i] is beautiful but the US military is one of the biggest abusers of that beauty.”

    The people of Hawai’i were often left behind and focus placed on tourists, yet residents were without enough water or resources to house and care for the people. Dr Case said this explained the “enormous diaspora of Kānaka Maoli” living outside Hawai’i.

    “We cannot be thinking about relying on the 25,000 personnel who are going to be coming, bringing their dollars, but also bringing their violence, bringing the increase in sex trafficking, bringing in an increase in violence against women.”

    The only year there was not an increase in sex trafficking and violence during Rimpac was in 2020 because of the covid-19 pandemic, which downscaled Rimpac and meant military personnel were not able to go ashore, she said.

    “That’s what they’re bringing to our islands.”

    Violent attack on akua
    Kānaka Maoli say they have a spiritual and genealogical connection to the oceans and lands. This includes Kanaloa and Papahānaumoku, the gods of ocean and earth, which is similar to Tangaroa and Papatūānuku in Aotearoa.

    Papahānaumoku is the akua in Hawai’i that births their moku, islands.

    “Any assaults against our akua, our gods, is an assault against us, it’s an assault against our whakapapa, it’s an assault against everything that we stand for,” Dr Case said.

    Dr Case grew up and her whānau still live in Waimea, 45 minutes from Pōhakuloa, one of the largest military training facilities. She grew up feeling and hearing bombs all the time.

    “I grew up hearing and feeling bombs all the time and it’s a kind of pain you don’t ever want to experience because you know what’s happening to Papa, what’s happening to your family. We view land, mountains, rivers, ocean as family.”

    — Emalani Case

    Rimpac and Palestine, West Papua and Kanaky
    Rimpac was an international issue, Dr Case said, and a gateway event.

    “We’ve got to think about these colonial nations coming together to train and provide so-called security and safety to the world while really putting all of us at risk, who have never been deemed human enough to be worthy of that same safety and security,” she said.

    The nations participating in Rimpac include Israel and Indonesia.

    Dr Case said her homeland was being turned into a training ground for “imperial genocidal regimes” which learned, practised and honed their skills to then commit genocide in Palestine and West Papua.

    She also cited the participation of France, which had no proximity to the Pacific but had “oppressed Pacific brothers and sisters in the French-occupied Kanaky”.

    “Militarism is upheld by and supports settler colonialism. It supports white supremacy.”

    Dr Case said calling for an end to Rimpac and demanding that New Zealand withdraw was not just about saving Hawai’i.

    She said boycotting Rimpac was about peace, demilitarisation, decolonisation and climate justice.

    “The US military is one of the largest contributors of pollutants into the environment.”

    Rimpac and FestPAC
    Dr Case was in Hawai’i for Protecting Oceania, part of FestPAC — the festival of Pacific arts and culture hosted by Hawai’i this year.

    She said there was a lot of discussion about Rimpac during Protecting Oceania.

    “Rimpac and FestPAC didn’t happen at the exact same time but it’s interesting to think about the convergence of these cultural celebrations and violent military detonations around the same time, in the same waters, and on the same land.”

    She was pleased to see people holding banners saying “STOP RIMPAC” in the closing ceremony at FestPAC. She said culture and politics went hand in hand.

    Te Aniwaniwa Paterson is a digital producer for Te Ao Māori News. This article is republished with permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • By Stefan Armbruster, Victor Mambor and BenarNews staff

    An unheralded visit to Indonesia’s Papuan provinces by a leading Pacific diplomat has drawn criticism for undermining a push for a United Nations human rights mission to the region where pro-independence fighters have fought Indonesian rule for decades.

    The Melanesian Spearhead Group’s Director-General, Leonard Louma, has not responded to BenarNews’ questions about the brief visit. It occurred just days after the most recent clash between Indonesian forces and the Papuan resistance, which resulted in four deaths and hundreds of civilians fleeing their homes in Paniai regency in Central Papua province.

    Indonesia has capitalised on the visit earlier this month to portray its governance of the contested Melanesian territory, generally referred to as West Papua in the Pacific, in a positive light.

    State news agency Antara said Louma had declared Papua to be in a “stable and conducive” condition.

    A highly critical UN Human Right Committee report on Indonesia released in May highlighted “systematic reports about the use of torture” and “extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances of Indigenous Papuan people.”

    The Indonesian government’s sponsorship of the visit is “another attempt to downplay a global call, including from the MSG, to allow the UN Human Rights Commission to visit and assess human rights conditions in Papua,” said Hipo Wangge, an Indonesian foreign policy researcher at Australian National University.

    “It’s also another attempt to neutralise regional concern over deep-seated discrimination against Papuans,” he told BenarNews.

    UN human rights rebuff
    For several years, Indonesia has rebuffed a request from the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to carry out an independent fact-finding mission in Papua.

    The Pacific Islands Forum, a regional organisation of 18 nations, has called on Indonesia since 2019 to allow the mission to go ahead.

    20230821 MSG DG Louma.png
    MSG Director-General Leonard Louma at the opening of the 22nd MSG Leaders’ Summit foreign ministers’ meeting in Port Vila on 21 August 2023. Image: Kelvin Anthony/RNZ Pacific

    The Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) — whose members are Fiji, Vanuatu, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands and New Caledonia’s Kanak independence movement FLNKS — has made similar appeals.

    It is unclear whether the comments attributed to Louma by Antara and an Indonesian government statement are his own words. The Antara article, published last week on June 19, in English and Indonesian, is more or less identical to a statement released by Indonesia’s Ministry of Information and Communications.

    An insurgency has simmered in Papua since the early 1960s when Indonesian forces invaded the region, which had remained under a separate Dutch administration following Indonesia’s 1945 declaration of independence from the Netherlands.

    Indonesia argues its incorporation of the mineral rich territory was rightful under international law because it was part of the Dutch East Indies empire that is the basis for Indonesia’s modern borders.

    Papuans, culturally and ethnically distinct from the rest of Indonesia, say they were denied the right to decide their own future and are now marginalised in their own land. Indonesian control was formalised in 1969 with a UN-supervised referendum restricted to little more than 1000 Papuan voters.

    Arrived from PNG
    The Indonesian statement said Louma, his executive adviser Christopher Nisbert and members of their entourage arrived on June 17 at the Skouw-Wutung border crossing after traveling overland from Port Moresby in Papua New Guinea.

    They were met by an Indonesian diplomat and then traveled to Jayapura accompanied by Indonesian officials.

    On June 19 they took part in a conference organised by Indonesia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs that was purportedly to address security concerns in Melanesia.

    Yones Douw, a Papuan human rights activist based in Paniai, said a properly conducted visit by the Melanesian Spearhead Group should have had wide public notice and involved meetings with churches, customary leaders, journalists and civil society organisations, including the independence movement.

    “This visit is just like a thief — in secret. I suspect that the comments submitted to the mass media were the language of the Indonesian government, not on behalf of the MSG,” he told BenarNews.

    000_34YV43T.jpg
    Soldiers from the Indonesian Army’s 112th Raider Infantry Battalion sing during a ceremony at a military base in Japakeh, Aceh province, on 25 June 2024 before their deployment to Papua province. Image: BenarNews/Chaideer Mahyuddin/AFP

    “This way can damage the togetherness or unity of the Melanesian people,” he said.

    The United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP), an independence movement umbrella organisation, said it should have been notified of the visit because it has observer status at the MSG. Indonesia is an associate member.

    ‘A surreptitious visit’
    “We were not notified by the MSG Secretariat. This is a surreptitious visit initiated by the Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs,” said Markus Haluk, the ULMWP’s executive secretary.

    “We will file a protest,” he told the MSG’s chair, Vanuatu Prime Minister Charlot Salwai.

    Indonesia, over several years, has stepped up its efforts to neutralise Pacific support for the West Papuan independence movement, particularly among Melanesian nations that have ethnic and cultural links to Papuans living under Indonesian rule.

    It has had success in ending direct criticism from Pacific island governments — many of which had used the UN General Assembly as a forum to air their concerns about human rights abuses — but grassroots support for Papuan self-determination remains strong.

    Wangge, the ANU researcher, said the Indonesian government had been particularly active with Melanesian nations since Louma became director-general of the MSG’s secretariat in 2022.

    At the same time it had avoided addressing ongoing reports of abuses in the Papuan provinces, he said, and militarisation of the region.

    Indonesia’s military offered a rare apology to Papuans in March after video emerged of soldiers repeatedly slashing an indigenous man with a bayonet while he was forced to stand in a water-filled drum.

    Regional security meetings
    Among the initiatives, Indonesian police have facilitated regional security meetings, the Indonesian foreign ministry established an Indonesia-Pacific Development Forum, fisheries training has been provided, and the foreign ministry is providing diplomacy training for young diplomats from Melanesian countries and the MSG’s secretariat.

    There was nothing to show, Wangge said, from the MSG’s appointment last year of Fiji Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka and Papua New Guinea Prime Minister James Marape as special envoys to Indonesia on West Papua.

    The two leaders met Indonesian President Joko Widodo, whose second five-year term finishes in October, at a global summit in San Francisco in November.

    Following the meeting, there was no agenda to facilitate a dialogue over West Papua, he said.

    Marape is due in Indonesia mid-July for an official state visit.

    “One thing is clear: the Indonesian government will buy more time by initiating more made-up efforts to cover pressing problems in West Papua,” Wangge said.

    Copyright ©2015-2024, BenarNews. Republished with the permission of BenarNews.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • OBITUARY: By Philip Cass of Kaniva Tonga

    A New Zealand politician and human rights activist with a strong connection to Tonga’s Democracy movement and other Pacific activism has been farewelled after dying last week aged 80.

    Keith Locke served as a former Green MP from 1999 to 2011.

    While in Parliament, he was a notable critic of New Zealand’s involvement in the war in Afghanistan and the Terrorism Suppression Act 2002, and advocated for refugee rights.

    He was appointed a Member of the NZ Order of Merit for services to human rights advocacy in 2021, received NZ Amnesty International’s Human Rights Defender award in 2012, and the Federation of Islamic Associations of New Zealand’s Harmony Award in 2013.

    Locke was often a voice for the Pacific in the New Zealand Parliament.

    In 2000, he spoke out on the plight of overstayers who were facing deportation under the National Party government.

    As the Green Party’s then immigration spokesperson, he supported calls for a review of the overstayer legislation.

    Links to Pohiva
    “We are a Polynesian nation, and we increasingly celebrate the Samoan and Tongan part of our national identity,” Locke said at the time.

    “How can we claim as our own the Jonah Lomus and Beatrice Faumuinas while we are prepared to toss their relations out of the country at a moment’s notice?”

    Locke had links to Tonga through his relationship with Democracy campaigner and later Prime Minister ‘Akilisi Pohiva, who died in 2019.

    Tongan Prime Minister 'Akilisi Pōhiva
    The late Tongan Prime Minister ‘Akilisi Pōhiva … defended by Keith Locke in 1996 when Pohiva and two colleagues had been jailed for comments in their pro-democracy newspaper Kele’a. Image: Kalino Lātū/Kaniva News

    Locke defended Pohiva in 1996 when he was a spokesperson for the Alliance Party. He said he was horrified that Pohiva and two colleagues had been jailed for comments in their pro-democracy newspaper Kele’a.

    He criticised the New Zealand government for keeping silent about what he described as a “gross abuse of human rights.”

    In 2004, Locke called on the New Zealand government to speak out about what he called the suppression of the press in Tonga.

    Locke, who was then the Greens foreign affairs spokesman, said several publications had been denied licences, including an offshoot of the New Zealand-produced Taimi ‘o Tonga newspaper.


    Tribute by Asia Pacific Report editor David Robie.

    ‘Speak out as Pacific neighbour’
    “We owe it to the Tongan people to support them in their hour of need.  We should speak out as a Pacific neighbour,” he said.

    In 2007, ‘Akilisi was again charged with sedition, along with four other pro-democracy MPs, for allegedly being responsible for the rioting that took place following a mass pro-democracy march in Nuku’alofa.

    Flags of the countries of some of the many causes Keith Locke supported
    Flags of the countries of some of the many causes Keith Locke supported at the memorial service in Mount Eden this week. Image: David Robie/APR

    “As the Greens’ foreign affairs spokesperson I went up to Tonga to support ‘Akilisi and his colleagues fight these trumped-up charges. I was shocked to find that the New Zealand government was going along with these sedition charges against five sitting MPs,” Locke said in an interview.

    “I was in Tonga not long before the 2010 elections with a cross-party group of New Zealand MPs. We were helping Tongan candidates understand the intricacies of a parliamentary system.

    “At the time I remember ‘Akilisi being worried that the block of nine ‘noble’ MPs could frustrate the desires of what were to be 17 directly-elected MPs. And so it turned out.

    “Despite winning 12 of the popularly-elected 17 seats in 2010, the pro-democracy MPs were outvoted 14 to 12 when the votes of the nine nobles MPs were put into the equation.

    “However, in the two subsequent elections (2014 and 2017) the Democrats predominated and ‘Akilisi took over as Prime Minister. I am not qualified to judge his record on domestic issues, except to say it couldn’t have been an easy job because of the fractious nature of Tongan politics.

    “And ‘Akilisi has been in poor health.

    Political tee-shirts and mementoes from Keith Locke's campaign issues
    Political tee-shirts and mementoes from Keith Locke’s campaign issues at the memorial service in Mount Eden this week. Image: Del Abcede/APR

    ‘Admirable stand’
    “As Prime Minister he took an admirable stand on some important international issues, such as climate change. At the Pacific Island Forum he criticised those countries which stayed silent on the plight of the West Papuans.”

    Locke said that Tonga may not yet be fully democratic, but that great progress had been made under Pohiva’s “humble and self-sacrificing leadership.”

    Keith Locke was also an outspoken advocate for democracy and independence causes in Fiji, Kanaky New Caledonia, Palestine, Philippines, Tahiti, Tibet, Timor-Leste and West Papua and in many other countries.

    His remembrance service was held with whānau and supporters at a packed Mount Eden War memorial Hall on Tuesday.

    Philip Cass is an editorial adviser for Kaniva Tonga. Republished as a collaboration between KT and Asia Pacific Report.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • After bleak beginnings, our campaign united a formidable group of parliamentarians from across the political spectrum

    In late 2012 I had a call from John Shipton, Julian Assange’s father. I had done some advocacy on the Assange case for the Australian Lawyers Alliance. John wanted to know if I would run Julian’s bid to be elected to the Senate in the 2013 federal election. From that time on I have worked with John, Julian’s brother, Gabriel Shipton, the lawyer Steve Kenny and others to help bring an end to the US pursuit of Assange for publishing material which clearly implicated that nation in war crimes in Iraq and Afghanistan. Our work morphed into an Australian Assange campaign.

    The Australian political environment has changed enormously since I began campaigning for Assange 11 years ago. Then, the Labor government of Julia Gillard not only showed no sympathy for Assange but ordered an investigation into whether he had broken any Australian laws in publishing the material. It was an absurd proposition and one that was quickly dismissed by commonwealth law officers. There seemed to be little interest on the part of the Coalition parties, and many in the Australian media saw Assange as a dangerous impostor.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Special rapporteurs working for UN warn famine is imminent and over 25 million people need urgent help

    Human rights experts working for the United Nations have accused Sudan’s warring parties of using starvation as a war weapon, amid mounting warnings of imminent famine in the African country.

    Sudan plunged into chaos in April last year when simmering tensions between the country’s military and a notorious paramilitary group, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), exploded into open fighting in the capital, Khartoum, and elsewhere in the country.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • On 25 June 2024, Isabel de Brigard and Christy Crouse described this fellowship programme taking place in Bogota:

    Dejusticia’s work as part of the human rights movement has always been carried out alongside individuals and partner organizations with whom we have collaborated to advance various agendas. The value of these encounters drives us to constantly seek ways to better articulate our work with leaders, activists, and professionals from different areas of the human rights movement in Colombia and different countries of the Global South. As part of this effort, the Fellowship Program for activists and human rights defenders from the Global South was born. With this program, we seek to generate South-South collaboration ties that are sustained over time and contribute both to building a more coordinated and organized civil society, as well as supporting the individual efforts of those who work for global justice on a daily basis.

    What does the program entail? Dejusticia provides fellowships for cohorts of 5 to 8 human rights defenders who come to Bogota, Colombia, to live and work here for periods of 3 to 6 months. They are integrated into one of Dejusticia’s teams to work with its researchers on collaborative projects. The program offers fellows a collaborative and creative space to reflect on various relevant issues, strengthen their work in the struggle for social and environmental justice, and get inspired by new strategies, approaches and possibilities of transformative actions. 

    For those who in their places of origin often face risks derived from the work they do, Dejusticia offers a quiet and safe space for research, advocacy, and fellowship with those who share their struggles. The program is a useful opportunity for exchange, in which those who come to Dejusticia can explore our tools and action-research strategies to enrich the work they do in their home countries, while Dejusticia learns from their experience and that of their organizations.  

    A new kind of profile for fellows 

    The program we designed at Dejusticia takes a slightly different approach. We look for human rights defenders and activists with three key characteristics: (1) people who are at risk due to threats, armed conflict, an authoritarian government, or obstruction of their work; (2) people who may be at risk of burnout from their job; and (3) people linked to a human rights organization in the global south that is interested in working with Dejusticia. 

    This approach has allowed us to receive people from Brazil, India, Mexico, Nigeria, Turkey, Venezuela, among other countries. Our fellows are professionals and activists in political science, law, sociology, communications, and more, many with extensive experience, as well as people who are just beginning their careers. Welcoming each of the people who have participated in the program has been an opportunity to add hospitality to the strategies with which we seek to strengthen the human rights movement in the Global South. And in the same vein, programs like this one are a fundamental part of our efforts to strengthen the voice and presence of actors from the Global South in debates, academic production, and the setting of human rights agendas.

    Cohort 2023

    In the second semester of 2023 we had a cohort of fellows whose time with Dejusticia was enormously enriching. 

    Jorge Lule, for example, is a political scientist and public administrator from Mexico, specializing in public security issues and conflict analysis. He has worked on issues of militarization, drug policy, serious human rights violations and international crimes. During his fellowship at Dejusticia, he collaboratively wrote an article, with a researcher of the Transitional Justice line, regarding the serious crisis of disappearances and the search for missing persons faced by both countries. This text was published in Dejusticia’s Global Blog and in the Mexican news portal Animal Político. 

    Another fellow, Danielly Rodriguez, comes from Venezuela and is an activist and social documentarian. She has a long history of telling the stories of  Venezuelans, their struggle against authoritarianism and in favor of human rights. She has been working in the field of human rights for more than 11 years, especially through documentary photography. According to her, the fellowship at Dejusticia helped her understand other contexts of human rights situations, both in the countries of the other fellows and in Colombia. It also confirmed her belief that although we are separated by borders, there are situations that affect us in very similar ways.

    Miracle Joseph comes from Nigeria and joined the tax justice team. With a background in geography, he specializes in economic, social and behavioral geography, focusing on the connections between government policies and social patterns. His main project at Dejusticia was an investigation that aimed to understand how corruption affects the advancement of human rights and sustainable development in Nigeria, focusing on health, education and climate change.

    Finally, Fabian Hernandez is a young activist from the Colombian Caribbean region with campesino roots, linked to the peasant resistance movement in the department of Cesar. He is active in social movements, especially in the struggle for the recovery of land, water and ecosystems. Fabián strengthened his research skills and exchanged tools with Dejusticia’s Land and Peasant Rights team, which he joined during his stay. During this time he wrote a text on autonomy and peasant resistance in the Sumapaz region and organized a discussion with peasant leaders from different parts of Colombia to discuss the challenges and stakes in agroalimentary farming territories.

    Having these four talented and committed people be part of our team in 2023 was a great privilege and an opportunity to learn and build valuable partnerships. By the middle of 2024 we will have a new cohort, which will continue to enable us to strengthen the knowledge, experiences, and collaborative networks essential to the work of those of us who fight for global justice.

    https://www.dejusticia.org/en/fellowships-program/

    https://www.dejusticia.org/en/human-rights-in-the-global-south/

    This post was originally published on Hans Thoolen on Human Rights Defenders and their awards.

  • The Middle East is home to a diverse and dynamic population, with a rich cultural heritage and a rapidly evolving socio-economic landscape. However, amid these changes, the rights of older people often receive insufficient attention. In Bahrain, the plight of older citizens presents a pressing issue that demands urgent action.

    Older people in Bahrain often have to deal with several issues, from access to healthcare systems and maintenance of their economic security and independence to fighting social isolation.

    Starting with the difficulties in accessing healthcare infrastructures, regardless of the significant investments made by Bahrain in its healthcare systems, equal and specialised care is not always ensured for older people. Despite chronic diseases, mobility challenges, and the demand for long-term care being more common among the elderly, there is a noted shortage of geriatric specialists and comprehensive geriatric care programs.

    Secondly, as reported in a 2018 study conducted by the Bahrain Center for Studies and Research, around 40% of elderly people expressed concerns about their financial security and the adequacy of their pensions. As for the latter matter, pensions are indeed provided by the General Organisation for Social Insurance (GOSI). However, they are often deemed insufficient to cover the recently rising living costs, leading to an increase in the number of older people being financially dependent on their families in Bahrain.

    Social isolation is another critical issue faced by older people in Bahrain. According to a 2020 study of the Bahrain Human Rights Society, 27% of the elderly admitted feeling isolated or lacked adequate social support, negatively influencing their mental and emotional health.

    It is important to highlight that certain steps have already been taken by Bahrain to guarantee the full enjoyment of human rights by older people. Among other initiatives, the majority mainly led by the Ministry of Labour and Social Development, the establishment of the National Committee for the Elderly is representative of the country’s commitment. The main role of the committee is to develop policies and programs addressing the needs of the elderly population ensuring a comprehensive strategy.

    The implementation of Law No. 58 of 2009 on the rights of the elderly aiming at ensuring them access to social, health, and recreational services, further represents an attempt of the country to protect the rights of older people. While, more recently, further initiatives focusing on enhancing geriatric care have been included in the strategic plan for 2016-2025 elaborated by the Ministry of Health.

    At the same time, the need to fill the gap between policies and practice remains: further enhancement to guarantee comprehensive support and inclusion in several areas is still needed. More comprehensive laws addressing specifically elder abuse, discrimination, and the right to accessible services are needed to strengthen legal protections for older individuals. Expanding geriatric care, including specialised training for healthcare professionals and better home-based care infrastructure, is essential for ensuring adequate medical attention and long-term care.

    Revising and enhancing the pension system is crucial for the financial security of the growing elderly population. Implementing accessible programs that promote social engagement can mitigate the risks of social isolation and improve overall well-being.

    By addressing these challenges and building on existing frameworks, Bahrain can further ensure that its older population is protected, valued, and supported in their later years.

    The post Safeguarding the rights of older people in Bahrain appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

    This post was originally published on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

  • The Middle East is home to a diverse and dynamic population, with a rich cultural heritage and a rapidly evolving socio-economic landscape. However, amid these changes, the rights of older people often receive insufficient attention. In Bahrain, the plight of older citizens presents a pressing issue that demands urgent action.

    Older people in Bahrain often have to deal with several issues, from access to healthcare systems and maintenance of their economic security and independence to fighting social isolation.

    Starting with the difficulties in accessing healthcare infrastructures, regardless of the significant investments made by Bahrain in its healthcare systems, equal and specialised care is not always ensured for older people. Despite chronic diseases, mobility challenges, and the demand for long-term care being more common among the elderly, there is a noted shortage of geriatric specialists and comprehensive geriatric care programs.

    Secondly, as reported in a 2018 study conducted by the Bahrain Center for Studies and Research, around 40% of elderly people expressed concerns about their financial security and the adequacy of their pensions. As for the latter matter, pensions are indeed provided by the General Organisation for Social Insurance (GOSI). However, they are often deemed insufficient to cover the recently rising living costs, leading to an increase in the number of older people being financially dependent on their families in Bahrain.

    Social isolation is another critical issue faced by older people in Bahrain. According to a 2020 study of the Bahrain Human Rights Society, 27% of the elderly admitted feeling isolated or lacked adequate social support, negatively influencing their mental and emotional health.

    It is important to highlight that certain steps have already been taken by Bahrain to guarantee the full enjoyment of human rights by older people. Among other initiatives, the majority mainly led by the Ministry of Labour and Social Development, the establishment of the National Committee for the Elderly is representative of the country’s commitment. The main role of the committee is to develop policies and programs addressing the needs of the elderly population ensuring a comprehensive strategy.

    The implementation of Law No. 58 of 2009 on the rights of the elderly aiming at ensuring them access to social, health, and recreational services, further represents an attempt of the country to protect the rights of older people. While, more recently, further initiatives focusing on enhancing geriatric care have been included in the strategic plan for 2016-2025 elaborated by the Ministry of Health.

    At the same time, the need to fill the gap between policies and practice remains: further enhancement to guarantee comprehensive support and inclusion in several areas is still needed. More comprehensive laws addressing specifically elder abuse, discrimination, and the right to accessible services are needed to strengthen legal protections for older individuals. Expanding geriatric care, including specialised training for healthcare professionals and better home-based care infrastructure, is essential for ensuring adequate medical attention and long-term care.

    Revising and enhancing the pension system is crucial for the financial security of the growing elderly population. Implementing accessible programs that promote social engagement can mitigate the risks of social isolation and improve overall well-being.

    By addressing these challenges and building on existing frameworks, Bahrain can further ensure that its older population is protected, valued, and supported in their later years.

    The post Safeguarding the rights of older people in Bahrain appeared first on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.

    This post was originally published on Americans for Democracy & Human Rights in Bahrain.