Category: India

  • Tata Boeing Aerospace Limited (TBAL) has delivered the 250th fuselage for the AH-64 Apache attack helicopter from its state-of-the-art facility in Hyderabad. These fuselages are manufactured for customers around the world, including the U.S. Army, and most recently, the six on order with the Indian Army. This milestone reflects TBAL’s continuous dedication to bolstering India’s […]

    The post Tata Boeing Aerospace Delivers 250 AH-64 Apache Fuselages, Manufactured in India appeared first on Asian Military Review.

    This post was originally published on Asian Military Review.

  • India has repatriated 151 junta soldiers who entered the country last week to escape ethnic Rakhine fighters during clashes across the border in western Myanmar’s Chin state, according to residents and media reports.

    On Dec. 27, Arakan Army, or AA, troops attacked a military base in Chin state’s Paletwa township, prompting the junta soldiers to flee across the border into India’s Mizoram state.

    A resident of Mizoram told RFA Burmese that the 151 troops surrendered to a unit of India’s Assam Rifles in Lawngtlai district’s Tuisentlang village two days later.

    “From there, they were brought to [Mizoram’s capital] Aizawl via Lunglei [township],” said the resident, who spoke on condition of anonymity citing security concerns. “I saw a Myanmar plane fly by [on Jan. 2] that appears to have taken the soldiers back. I saw it twice and I believe it made two trips because there were over 150 [soldiers].”

    Indian media reported that local police sent the soldiers – nine of whom were injured – to Aizawl, where they would be interrogated by Indian officials before being handed over to Myanmar’s junta.

    Additional reports said that the troops would be sent back to Myanmar’s Rakhine state capital Sittwe after a Myanmar Airlines aircraft landed at Mizoram’s Lengpui Airport.

    Attempts by RFA to reach Aung Cho, the junta’s spokesman and secretary of Rakhine state, for comment on the status of the troops went unanswered Wednesday.

    ENG_BUR_JuntaMizoram_01032024.2.jpg
    Some of the Myanmar junta soldiers who fled to Mizoram state in India are seen Dec. 29, 2023. (Citizen journalist)

    The 151 junta soldiers are the latest group of military troops to flee clashes with the AA from Chin state into India.

    More than 40 soldiers who entered the country after the AA occupied Chin state’s Rihkhawdar township were returned to Myanmar on Nov. 14.

    Another group of more than 40 soldiers and their family members who fled to India during fighting with anti-junta forces in Sagaing region’s Tamu township were also recently repatriated to Myanmar, according to residents.

    Translated by Htin Aung Kyaw. Edited by Joshua Lipes and Malcolm Foster.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Voice of America on 28 December, 2023 reported that the founding editor of one of India’s largest news websites is among the journalists to be targeted by the Pegasus spyware. A joint investigation by the rights group Amnesty International and The Washington Post, published Thursday, found evidence that the invasive spyware is being used again to target media in India.

    Made and marketed by Israeli company the NSO Group, the spyware can be used to access a phone’s messages and emails, peruse photos, eavesdrop on calls, track locations and even film the owner with the camera. [see also: https://humanrightsdefenders.blog/tag/pegasus/]

    In the latest research, forensic investigations found evidence of the spyware on the iPhones of Siddharth Varadarajan of the news website The Wire, and Anand Mangnale of The Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project, or OCCRP.

    Increasingly, journalists in India face the threat of unlawful surveillance simply for doing their jobs, alongside other tools of repression, including imprisonment under draconian laws, smear campaigns, harassment, and intimidation,” Donncha Ó Cearbhaill, who heads Amnesty International’s Security Lab, said in a statement.

    Amnesty reported that it first suspected renewed Pegasus activity during regular monitoring by its researchers in June. It investigated further after Apple sent notifications to iPhone users in October warning they had been targeted by “state sponsored attackers.” Around 20 politicians and journalists in India received the notifications. Amnesty then carried out a forensic analysis for individuals who received the warnings.

    Around that time, the OCCRP had been investigating an Indian tycoon, Gautam Adani, who is an ally of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and founder of the multinational conglomerate known as the Adani Group.

    Mangnale told the French news agency AFP he was targeted “within hours” of sending questions to the Adani Group on behalf of the OCCRP.

    Varadarajan told the Post he believes the attempted hacking may be related to opposition to the detention of a prominent news publisher in New Delhi.

    In a statement, Amnesty’s Ó Cearbhaill highlighted the chilling effect spyware has on media freedom.

    “Targeting journalists solely for doing their work amounts to an unlawful attack on their privacy and violates their right to freedom of expression,” Ó Cearbhaill said.

    In 2021, New Delhi was accused of using Pegasus to surveil journalists, opposition politicians and activists, with leaked documents showing the spyware had been used against more than 1,000 Indian phone numbers. Prime Minister Modi’s main rival, Rahul Gandhi, was among those targeted.

    The government denied conducting “illegal surveillance” but refused to cooperate with a Supreme Court probe into the allegations, the findings of which have not been made public.

    Following the October notifications sent by Apple, Indian authorities were reported to be investigating whether opposition politicians were targeted.

    Ashwini Vaishnaw, the information and technology minister, said the government was “concerned” by the complaints.

    The Washington Post reported that one day after Apple sent the notifications, government officials in India announced they would investigate the security of Apple devices.

    ——

    The Washington Post (WP) reported Wednesday that following Apple’s October alert about alleged government hacking attempts on iPhones of independent Indian journalists and opposition politicians, Indian government officials swiftly retaliated against Apple.

    It is reported that officials of the Bharatiya Janta Party (BJP), the ruling party, hurried to contain the fallout after journalists and politicians shared Apple’s warnings. The government administration pressured Apple to retract warnings, leading to a heated discussion. Under government pressure, Apple India acknowledged potential mistakes in threat detection and sought to downplay warnings globally. However, during a November meeting, Apple defended its stance against Indian officials’ scrutiny.

    India’s opposition leaders and journalists received Apple alerts, warning of potential state-sponsored i

    https://www.voanews.com/a/journalists-government-critics-in-india-targeted-with-pegasus-spyware/7416268.html

    https://www.jurist.org/news/2023/12/wp-india-government-retaliated-against-apple-after-government-phone-hacking-claims/

    This post was originally published on Hans Thoolen on Human Rights Defenders and their awards.

  • The submarine club is growing in size; so cue the entry of a new maritime patrol platform. At the height of the Cold War, most of the world’s leading airborne anti-submarine warfare (ASW) exponents operated big turboprop-powered Maritime Patrol Aircraft (MPAs). Most of these were developed from trans-continental turboprop airliners – the P-3 Orion from […]

    The post Filling the MPA Ga appeared first on Asian Military Review.

    This post was originally published on Asian Military Review.

  • south asian brands us
    6 Mins Read

    An increasing number of diaspora startups in the US are championing their South Asian heritage with offerings that pay homage to their culture while catering to a broad audience.

    When I lived in the UK, my bedroom was always known as the spice market. I genuinely had more spices than clothes, stocked in big batches because they were never from my local supermarket. Instead, I’d always get them from India, filling an entire bag with all the spices every time I was travelling, alongside chips packets that I would find for five times the price in London, and Maggi. Because always, Maggi.

    It’s a reality many South Asians will know of and relate to. Moving out of home to a new country is always a challenge, so it’s really helpful to have food – also known as instant happiness for many – that you’re familiar with and reminds you of home. Whether that’s homemade paranthas destined for the freezer, family recipes and condiments passed down multiple generations, or spices that we grew up around.

    In the US, there’s now a plethora of brands catering to people like this, alongside citizens of South Asian heritage and the wider American population, sharing a taste of the subcontinent’s best offerings and entrepreneurial talent.

    Here are some of the trailblazing US brands championing South Asian culture (shoutout to culture magazine The Juggernaut, a media platform dedicated to stories and news about the South Asian diaspora that showcases many of these startups):

    Diaspora Co.

    diaspora co
    Courtesy: Diaspora Co.

    Since we’re talking about spices, Diaspora Co. is a company I would have loved to have in the UK. Founded in 2017 by then-23-year-old Indian expat Sana Javeri Kadri, it sources single-origin spices straight from India and Sri Lanka, paying farmers four times the commodity price on average. It’s an elevated experience for South Asian cuisine fanatics – almost what I’d call specialty spice – with everything from ground varieties and whole spices to dried chillies, jaggery and tea.

    Diaspora Co. also sells merch and accessories like chai caddies and masala dabbas (spice boxes found in every Indian kitchen), alongside gorgeously illustrated, bright tins of proprietary spice blends. Each individual spice has tasting notes and details about the harvest year and origin too. Plus, there’s a really neat Build Your Own Spice Shelf feature to personalise your rack.

    You can buy Diaspora Co.’s products online via its website for $10 per pack.

    Brooklyn Delhi

    brooklyn delhi
    Courtesy: Brooklyn Delhi

    Founded 10 years ago by first-generation Indian American Chitra Agrawal and her now-husband Ben Garthus, Brooklyn Delhi is a condiment company putting outstanding vegan twists on traditional Indian sauces like tikka masala, cashew butter masala and coconut cashew korma. On top of that, it offers two hot sauces based on Indian chillies, alongside chutneys and achaars (South Asian pickles).

    The company uses clean-label formulations for its preservative-free products, with all ingredients being carefully sourced to suit each recipe (down to the kind of coconut cream and variety of mangoes). It’s also been endorsed by Canadian Indian influencer Lilly Singh – need I say more?

    You can buy Brooklyn Delhi’s products online via its website for $10 per pack.

    Paro

    paro
    Courtesy: Paro

    One of the newer brands on this list, Paro was founded by Umaimah Sharwani earlier this year, named after her mother. The company makes Pakistani-inspired meal kits that can be prepared in under 30 minutes, with both of the dishes being vegan.

    Sharwani. who moved to New York from Pakistan for her education, always wanted a piece of her mother’s cooking, carrying ziplocked boxes of her lentil and spice mixes. Now, she’s spreading the love with meal kits for Kitchari and Masoor Dal. And if you’re not vegan, there’s a South Asian chilli crisp named after the South Asia tempering technique, Tarka, which uses ghee.

    You can buy Paro’s meal kits online via its website for $10 per pack.

    Bollygood

    bollygood
    Courtesy: Bollygood

    If you’ve ever had nimbu paani, you know that stuff hits different. To help you get a taste of the real thing, Bollygood makes a range of sparkling drinks inspired by the classic Indian lemonade, which is light on ingredients but heavy on flavour.

    It was founded in 2021 by Maxie Henderson, who grew up in Canada in a South Asian household, spending summers visiting her grandparents in India. She launched the brand after realising there was a lack of representation of Indian beverages in US supermarkets. Bollygood has two flavoured lemonades and limeades that pack more than a punch, with the bubbles taking the refreshment to the next level.

    You can buy Bollygood’s products online via its website or Amazon, or in select US retailers for $29.99 for a 12-pack.

    Peepal People

    peepal people
    Courtesy: Peepal People

    South Asians love – and are known for – their heat. With that in mind, Alyzeh Rizvi and her husband Ahmer Zaidi launched Peepal People, a fermented hot sauce company, in 2020. It’s an ode to their Pakistani roots with a nod to their American home. Hot sauces aren’t something you find in Pakistan as a traditional food. Americans, though, love a good hot sauce. So they decided to blend Pakistani flavours into an American condiment for a beautiful marriage of culinary cultures.

    Peepal People – named after the fig tree native to the subcontinent – offers three hot sauces, with a milder green chilli base, a fruity and versatility yellow chilli variant, and the extra-spicy red chilli version with bhut jholakia (ghost pepper).

    You can buy Peepal People’s products online via its website, or in select US retailers for $12 per sauce.

    Kanira

    kanira
    Courtesy: Kanira

    Snacking is ingrained in South Asian food culture, and bringing a piece of that to the US is Vishal Ramakrishnan with his biscuit brand Kanira. The company makes healthful vegan biscuits (cookies, if you’re American) with ingredient sourcing and quality a high priority. It champions millets as an environmentally friendly and farmer-supporting food group – these require two to three times less water than grains like oats, wheat and corn, and can withstand higher temperatures.

    The clean-label biscuits come in three flavours, all with a gluten-free base. They’re packed with prebiotic fibre and 4g of plant protein per serving, with half the sugar and carbs found in conventional biscuits.

    You can buy Kanira’s products online via its website for $19.99 for a three-pack.

    Bonus: Mango People

    mango people
    Courtesy: Mango People

    Okay, so this isn’t a food brand, but it’s a fantastic cosmetics company that we had to include. Growing up in Canada, Sravya Adusumilli struggled to find makeup that reflected her skin colour, and realised it’s a wider problem faced by the South Asian community in North America. So she launched Mango People in September 2020.

    The brand’s name is a direct translation of the Hindi term for ‘common man’, with vegan makeup products inspired by Ayurveda and powered by adaptogens. The company claims it’s carbon neutral and its products are “infinitely recyclable”, given the packaging is made from recycled aluminium.

    You can buy Mango People’s products online via its website or at Sephora.

    The post Beyond the Ethnic Aisle: 6 Vegan-Friendly US Brands Championing South Asian Culture appeared first on Green Queen.

    This post was originally published on Green Queen.

  • The global pandemic preparedness accord (‘pandemic treaty’) currently being put in place by the World Health Organization (WHO) will pave the way for “a fascist approach to societal management.” The beneficiaries will be unscrupulous corporations and investors whom the COVID‐19 response served well. This will result in the loss of human rights and individual freedom.

    So says Dr David Bell, a clinical and public health physician with a PhD in population health and former WHO scientific and medical officer. The treaty represents a terrifying power grab that, if successful, will give the WHO a central directing role and monopoly power in global health governance.

    As currently drafted, the treaty will hand the WHO the authority to order measures, including significant financial contributions by individual states, lockdowns, travel restrictions, forced medical examinations and mandatory vaccinations during a public health emergency of its own declaring.

    The WHO will have sole and extensive power to declare Public Health Emergencies of International Concern (PHEIC) for any potential or real threat for extended areas, whether these threats are biological, climate or environment related. And it will do so without proper proof and solely decide measures and medical substances to be imposed on the public without informed consent.

    Its powers will also include the official censorship of information, including free speech — views opposing the official narrative put out by the WHO ­— and it will be accountable to no national parliament or be limited by any constitutional safeguards.

    A group of prominent lawyers, doctors and concerned citizens have written to Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Minister of Health and Family Welfare Shri Mansukh L Mandaviya urging them to reject the WHO’s global pandemic treaty. The signatories are listed at the end of this article, and the 10-page letter can be accessed in full with all relevant links and references on the Awaken India website: WHO Pandemic Treaty Ultra Vires of the Constitution).

    The WHO released a Zero Draft of the WHO CA+ (this ‘pandemic treaty’ is now officially known as an ‘accord’) with 38 Articles on 1 February 2023 and, subsequently, another draft with 41 Articles on 2 June 2023. The accord marks a fundamental change in how the WHO will function. It seeks secretively, behind closed doors, sweeping powers under its director general.

    The signatories make clear that, under the proposed accord, the WHO can, at will, call a pandemic, declare a PHEIC and then take over the authority of national governments to detain citizens, restrict their travel, require them to have vaccine passports (forced testing and vaccination) and increase social media censorship. The accord would also operate as a ‘framework convention’ that’s on-going, year after year, indefinitely. It facilitates a dictatorship role for the WHO as it moves to acquire unfettered power.

    Two instruments, the accord itself and amendments to the International Health Regulations (IHR) 2005, are designed to operate in parallel to give draconian powers to the WHO. Both texts irremediably entail the transfer to the WHO of the power to threaten health freedom, thereby representing a fundamental threat to national, medical and bodily autonomy.

    In their letter, the authors state that the WHO is an external, unelected body, which may not and cannot be appointed to such a dictatorship position. During the COVID-19 event, the WHO’s role in facilitating medical tyranny was clear to see.

    It advocated enforced lockdowns, which destroyed the livelihoods of millions in India and across the world and created a surge in mental health problems. It shut down schools, putting back the education of a generation. It promoted incompletely tested and unapproved vaccines under EUA (Emergency Use Authorisation) that despite the claims of ‘safe and effective’ where nothing of the sort and caused a sharp rise in spike protein-induced heart and brain disease.

    If adopted at the 77th World Health Assembly in May 2024 by a simple majority vote, the ‘pandemic treaty’ will come into force within 12 months for all countries, unless a country proactively files rejections or reservations within a 10-month period.

    The letter to the prime minister and the health minister states that the accord and those pushing it are:

    Manifestly violative of Fundamental Rights of the citizens of India and, therefore, Ultra Vires of the Indian Constitution. In their very intent, they cancel the fundamental right to bodily autonomy and integrity, through mandating medical procedures, coercion and further grossly illegal acts.

    The letter adds:

    This is a breathtaking and terrifying onslaught on fundamental civil liberties. It must be understood as fundamental, that the negation of bodily integrity of any human being means the loss of all human rights.

    In making its point, the letter refers to the Nuremberg Code (1947) by stating:

    The consent of the human subject is absolutely essential. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights resumed this ban against unintentional experimentation in its 1966 text, which states: no one may be subjected without his consent to medical or scientific experiment.

    It also references the Geneva statement for doctors (1948):

    I will respect the autonomy and dignity of my patient. I will not use my medical knowledge to infringe human rights and civil liberties, even under force. I will keep absolute respect for human life, from conception. I will consider my patient’s health as my first concern.

    The signatories note that there is little alternative but to jettison the WHO from national life and implore the prime minister and the health minister to act to uphold the sovereignty of India and the rights of every citizen.

    They add that unelected, unaccountable and largely unknown delegates from 194 countries meet in Geneva during World Health Assembly meetings, as they did in 2022 when they adopted amendments to the IHR. The process is fraught with secrecy, autocracy and impending tyranny, blatantly devoid of any transparent, democratic process.

    These country delegates are unelected and do not represent the people of their country. The signatories ask:

    How can they negotiate on behalf of nations, let alone an international/global health regulation binding on 194 countries?

    If the ‘global pandemic treaty’ is forced through, we could see perpetual lockdowns. At the same time, corporate interests will dominate. Pandemics will become self-sustaining by creating a bureaucracy whose existence will depend on them.

    People will be at the mercy of the police and bureaucrats who will be immune to any penalty for any acts carried out in ‘good faith’. These acts could take the form of mandatory medical procedures, forced entry into premises, forced isolation and quarantine.

    It was bad enough in 2020 with the full force of the state lined up against the public, especially those who did not agree with COVID policies, but imagine the abuse of power that could occur if the WHO acquires the powers it seeks.

    The seeds of totalitarianism were clear to see with Anthony Fauci saying that he is ‘the science’, former New Zealand PM Jacinda Arden declaring the government as the ‘single source of truth’ and social media companies working hand in glove with the deep state to censor and deplatform prominent figures and world-renowned scientists who questioned the official narrative.

    We saw the suspension of fundamental civil liberties with the threat of state violence on hand, often resulting in citizens being abused by de facto paramilitary police forces for breaching ‘pandemic rules’ that had no scientific basis.

    Governments declared that they were ‘following the science’, but what we saw were inflated death numbers, manipulated data and the fraudulent use of RT-PCR tests to help create the perception of a deadly pandemic in the minds of the public. Readers can consult the online article Stay Home, Save Lives: Uncovering the COVID Deception, which provides insight into the various deceptions that helped instill fear into the global population in 2020.

    The WHO also provided a wrong projection of mortality. The exaggeration caused panic in the population ­— part of a carefully orchestrated ‘fear pandemic’ ­— and paved the way for lockdowns and the mass uptake of vaccines sold to the public based on false claims. The synthetic spike protein of the vaccines has resulted in clotting, bleeding, heart problems and brain blood clotting as well as neurodegenerative problems. And what we are seeing across so many countries since the vaccine rollout is significant excess mortality, which the media is silent about.

    Moreover, the WHO operates within a biopharmaceutical complex, a complicated syndicate that has formed over time, which instructs world health policies. This complex involves the health agencies of national governments, including India, the US and the UK, the World Economic Forum, the Gates Foundation, the Welcome Group and major pharmaceutical companies. Revolving door arrangements between these organisations have resulted in regulatory capture.

    Researcher and campaigner Yohan Tengra of the Awaken India Movement conducted a two-year investigation into how this works in India. Through his research, he exposed the billionaire cartel that controlled India’s COVID-19 Task Force. Tengra listed not just the names of those who sat on this task force, but he also detailed how they are financially connected to the pharmaceutical-vaccine industry.

    The task force was responsible for the aggressive push to lockdown, mandatory mask requirements, forced testing of asymptomatic people, dropping ivermectin from the national protocol, suppressing vaccine adverse events and much more.

    Tengra also exposed how India’s prominent public health personalities, who regularly appeared in the media and on TV, are connected to the Gates Foundation, Rockefeller Foundation, Welcome Trust, USAID, the World Bank and other aspects of the global deep state.

    We have every right to be concerned about a ‘pandemic treaty’ shaped by powerful interests with stakes in closing down economies (see the online article Systemic Collapse and Pandemic Simulation by Fabio Vighi), mandatory vaccination programmes and digital surveillance who are all too willing to strip away our fundamental rights for their own gain.

    The letter to India’s prime minister and the minister of health makes clear that the WHO’s massive conflict of interest should disqualify it from any role in world health. 

     Signatories:

    Dr. Jacob Puliyel, Delhi, MD, MRCP, MPhil, Paediatrician and Visiting Faculty International

    Prashant Bhushan, New Delhi, Senior Advocate, Supreme Court of India

    Colin Gonsalves, New Delhi, Senior Advocate, Supreme Court of India

    Nilesh Ojha, Mumbai, President – Indian Bar Association, Advocate Bombay High Court and Supreme Court of India, Human Rights Activist

    Author Dr. Amitav Banerjee, Pune, MD, Formerly Epidemiologist, Indian Armed Forces

    Dr Aseem Malhotra, London (Overseas Citizen of India), MBChB, MRCP. Consultant Cardiologist

    Aruna Rodrigues, Mhow, Lead Petitioner: GMO PIL in the Supreme Court and Member Iridescent Blue Fish (IBF)

    Dr. Donthi Narasimha Reddy, Hyderabad, Public Policy Expert and Campaigner

    Dr. Megha Consul, Gurugram, Paediatrics, Senior Consultant, Neonatologist

    Dr. Pravin Chordia, Pune, MD Surgeon

    Dr. Lalitkumar Anande, Mumbai, MBBS, PG Diploma in Clinical Research

    Dr. Vijay Raghava, Bangalore, MBBS Dr. Veena Raghava, Bangalore, MBBS, DA

    Dr. Kuldeep Kumar, Haridwar, MBBS MS (GENERAL SURGERY) Dr. Praveen Saxena, Hyderabad, Radiologist & Clinical metal toxicologist, MBBS, DMRD Osmania

    Dr. Biswaroop Roy Chowdhury, Faridabad, Ph.D (Diabetes)

    Dr. Gautam Das, Kolkata, MBBS, General Physician

    Saraswati Kavula, Hyderabad, Documentary Filmmaker & Freelance Journalist, Awaken India Movement

    Bhaskaran Raman, Mumbai, Professor, Dept. of Computer Science & Engineering. Indian Institute of Technology Bombay Advocate

    Ishwarlal S. Agarwal, Mumbai Advocate

    Tanveer Nizam, Mumbai

    Dr. Susan Raj, Chattisgrah, BSc Nurse, MSW(M&P), Doctorate Humanities, Behavior Specialist

    Jagannath Chaterjee, Bhubhaneshwar, Social Activist

    Dr. Abhay Chedda, Mumbai, BHMS, CCAH, FCAH

    Dr. Gayatri Panditrao, Pune, Homeopathic Physician, BHMS, PGDEMS

    Dr. Rashmi Menon, Mumbai, BHMS, ChT

    Rossamma Thomas, Pala, Kottayam, Kerala, Freelance Journalist

    Ambar Koiri, Mumbai, Awaken India Movement

    Dr. G Prema, Tamil Nadu, Classical Homeopath, Aasil Health Care

    Dr. S. G. Vombatkere, Mysuru, Human Rights Activist Advocate

    Anand Singh Bahrawat, Indore, High Court of Indore Advocate

    Vijay Kurle, Mumbai

    Advocate L Shunondo Chandiramani, Indore, High Court of Indore

    The post Letter from India: Stop World Health Organization’s “Pandemic Preparedness” Tyranny first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • Imagine waking up one morning to find out that the voice of your organization has been silenced. More uncanny is the fact that this suppression happened in the United States, a place we hold close to our hearts and where we believed, until recently, that free speech was valued. But that’s exactly what happened to us, Rasheed Ahmed of the Indian American Muslim Council (IAMC) and Sunita Viswanath…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • plant based milk india
    5 Mins Read

    In what is one of the largest acquisitions in the Indian plant-based sector, superfood player Nourish You has acquired vegan dairy brand One Good. Ahead of a planned Series A next year, co-founder and CFO Radhika Datt pulls the curtain on the why and how of the deal.

    Hyderabad-based superfood maker Nourish You has acquired 100% of Bangalore-based plant-based dairy startup One Good for an undisclosed sum, the largest M&A deal in India’s booming alt-dairy sector. The move strengthens Nourish You’s position as one of the leading businesses in the space, leveraging One Good’s strong online presence to complement its increasing retail footprint.

    The acquisition was conducted via a share swap and sees One Good’s co-founders Abhay Rangan and Radhika Datt obtain a minority stake in the parent company. Speaking to Green Queen, Datt confirms that while the brands will remain separate, operations will merge and there will be restructuring involved.

    It’s big news for India’s biggest plant-based market. According to the alt-protein think tank the Good Food Institute (GFI) India, nearly two-thirds (65.8%) of vegan companies are focused on dairy alternatives (with almond milk brands topping the list). And more Indians are familiar with plant-based dairy (49%) than meat (28.5%) or eggs (19%).

    “One Good’s journey is revolutionary. It was born with a vision of creating the next big dairy company, devoid of animals,” said Nourish You co-founder Krishna Reddy, who added that the deal helps Nourish You evolve “from being a superfood brand to a plant-based brand”.

    one good
    Courtesy: Nourish You

    New roles, no layoffs

    Founded in 2015, Nourish You has an extensive range of superfood grains and products, including millets, seeds, mueslis, snack bars, speciality flours and quinoa – it prides itself on mainstreaming the latter in India. The company, backed by investors like Zerodha’s Nikhil Kamath, actor Samantha Ruth Prabhu, Darwinbox’s Rohit Chennamaneni, and Triumph Group’s Y Janardhana Rao (among others), also ventured into the alt-dairy world with a range of millet milks earlier this year.

    So it makes sense that One Good was on its radar. Beginning as a door-to-door delivery service, the company (founded in 2016 as Goodmylk) has ridden the success of its flagship cashew-oat-millet milk, expanding into vegan alternatives to ghee, butter, mayo and peanut curd (it’s India’s leading dairy-free yoghurt brand). As it grew, it acquired other plant-based businesses to broaden its portfolio: nutrition brand Pro2Fit, and cheese makers Katharos and Angelo Vegan Cheese.

    Now, with the Nourish You acquisition, the two South Indian startups will hope to consolidate their foothold in India’s non-dairy sector. It’s something One Good has been exploring for a while, as Datt explains: “As a brand, we have been on the lookout for the right strategic partnership for some time now. I think it’s a conversation that is constantly being had. Nourish You has been aware of our work since our inception, and has also entered the vegan space through their millet milk. So when this conversation came about, it was a natural fit.”

    nourish you
    Courtesy: Nourish You

    Datt confirms that there were no redundancies as a result of the acquisition. “The teams complemented each other well and there was immediate synergy,” she notes. All of One Good’s senior management employees, meanwhile, have assumed titled roles in the new entity. She is now a co-founder and the chief financial officer, Rangan is a co-founder too, and (former COO) Dhivakar Sathyamurthy takes up the position of supply chain head.

    “We will continue to remain two separate brands,” adds Datt. “One Good’s mission of providing affordable, accessible Indian vegan products will endure. There is vertical and horizontal integration on product lines, which will increase economic efficiency. Overall, customers can expect to see both brands in more channels, and at competitive prices.”

    Path to price parity and upcoming Series A

    That last point is pertinent. Despite dairy’s dominance in the plant-based sector, cost remains a key hurdle for many Indians – a GFI India and Ipsos survey revealed that it’s the least influential reason for buying milk alternatives in India. Plant-based milks can be two to four times more expensive than cow’s milk, which is expected, given the country is home to the largest dairy industry in the world.

    But One Good has made massive strides here. Its cashew-oat-millet milk is already much cheaper than most oat and almond competitors, selling at half the price. And in its home city of Bangalore, it continues to offer door-to-door delivery of fresh milk – while obviously hard to scale, this is where it achieved price parity with conventional dairy a year ago, with a litre of its plant-based milk available for ₹59 (70 cents).

    Datt describes how a combination of Nourish You’s growing retail presence – its products are available in over 2,500 stores nationwide – and One Good’s strong D2C engagement positions can make them the “go-to destination for innovative plant-based alternatives in India”.

    “We have years of hard work coming up to really leverage the scale and operational excellence of Nourish You to our advantage,” she says. “We are excited about expanded operations, working with new talent and delivering a combined value to the consumers.”

    vegan milk india
    Courtesy: One Good

    Nourish You certainly does have the platform – it’s aiming to close the fiscal year with a revenue of ₹30 crores ($3.6M), and aims to reach the ₹100 crore ($12M) mark by 2025. And given the dominance of the ₹250 crore ($30M) Indian alt-dairy market – it’s valued 2.5 times higher than plant-based meat – it will be hoping to grow exponentially. Plus, there’s government support: the country’s Science and Engineering Research Board (part of the Ministry of Science and Technology) has announced a funding call centred on making millet-based meat, egg and dairy proteins.

    All this makes its case for its upcoming fundraiser stronger. Having raised $2M in seed funding earlier this year, Nourish You aims to secure ₹60 crores ($7.2M) in its Series A round, which is expected to close by mid-2024.

    Next year will also see One Good hoping to expand its presence in more stores and widen the reach of its cost-competitive fresh milk. Additionally, apart from household consumers, it wants to be available to more institutions. “The funds will be used to expand our distribution for sure,” says Datt. “Through One Good’s warehouses, we’re currently already present in all five major cities in India, but our footprint in these locations needs to increase. We’ll want to invest more in offline presence and customer awareness.”

    After capping off a big 2023, it seems Nourish You is embarking on One more Good year.

    The post Inside India’s Largest Plant-Based Dairy M&A: Why Nourish You Acquired One Good appeared first on Green Queen.

    This post was originally published on Green Queen.

  • The Shompen live in the rainforests of Great Nicobar. If their forest and rivers are destroyed, they will be too. © ASI

    Authorities in India have vowed to press ahead with a controversial mega-development project, despite experts’ warnings that it will destroy a unique uncontacted tribe.

    The $5bn mega-port planned for the Indian Ocean island of Great Nicobar, plus associated ‘development’ such as a new city, defense base, industrial zones, airport and power station, will utterly destroy the Shompen people. They are one of India’s two tribes who shun contact with outsiders, alongside their neighbors, the better-known Sentinelese.

    Numerous experts including 87 former high level Indian government officials and civil servants have called on the government to abandon the scheme. Since the Shompen cannot give their Free, Prior and Informed Consent to it, it is illegal under international law.

    The Shompen are one of India’s two tribes who shun contact with outsiders, alongside their neighbors, the better-known Sentinelese. © Survival

    The project does not yet have all the necessary approvals, but in a series of briefings the Indian authorities have made it clear that they will be pressing ahead with the project. They plan to transform the Shompen’s small island home into the “Hong Kong of India,” with a new city of 650,000 people just one of the project’s components.

    Caroline Pearce, Director of Survival International, said today: “This project will devastate the Great Nicobar rainforest, where the Shompen live, and with it the Shompen themselves. They survived the 2004 tsunami, but there is simply no way they can survive this catastrophic destruction of their entire world.

    “Not only will their livelihood be destroyed, but like all uncontacted peoples, they can be wiped out by diseases to which they have no immunity. It will be a genocide. We call on the Indian government to urgently scrap this scheme – it will destroy the Shompen if it goes ahead.”

    Note: The 100 – 400 Shompen live only on Great Nicobar Island, as nomadic hunter-gatherers. They have lived there since time immemorial, and survived the 2004 tsunami, whose epicenter was close by. Some Shompen have limited contact with Indian officials, but the majority live uncontacted in the forests.

    The post Indian Ministries Set to Approve Mega-project that Will Destroy Uncontacted Island People first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • 10 Mins Read

    At a major APAC food tech conference in Singapore last month, I spoke to four alt-meat founders from India, China, the Philippines and Australia to find out what Asian consumers want from plant-based meat products.

    Last month, as part of the Singapore International Agri-Food Week (SIAW), the Asia-Pacific Agri-Food Innovation Summit organized by Rethink Events welcomed over 1,000 global leaders to meet and learn about Asia’s agri-food system to “accelerate the transition to a climate-smart food system” as organizer Rethink Events states on the event website.

    As part of the week’s programming, I chaired a discussion about the ‘Healthier Proteins Shaping the Future for Plant-Based Innovation’ on stage. Joining me were four founders and leaders from plant-based meat startups in the APAC region, each representing some of the biggest markets in India, China, the Philippines and Australia, as well as the APAC Science and Technology Director from one of the world’s leading flavour companies.

    Our discussion spanned a range of topics, from how important are clean labels to whether Asian consumers are still actively purchasing these products. We talked about what factors influence decision-making, what new ingredients are being developed in the sector, and what brands can do to build confidence in the nutritional value and overall quality of plant-based products

    Most of all, the question we were trying to answer was: what does the Asian plant-based consumer want? The key takeaway from the discussion is that each Asian market is unique and its consumers have very specific and very different needs.

    The below transcriptions have been edited for clarity and concision.

    Anand Nagarajan, Co-Founder at Shaka Harry on Indian Consumers

    Shaka Harry
    Courtesy: Shaka Harry

    On the Indian plant-based meat consumer: India is not one market. We’ve got 1.4 billion people, so it’s important not to view the Indian market as one ubiquitous market. The relationship to meat is complicated. In terms of who our consumer is, we have a very simple definition: anyone who has an affinity for the taste of meat is the consumer we’re looking for. We are going after the two-thirds of Indians who eat meat. Culturally, a large percentage of the Indian population that still consumes meat would abstain from it for close to 150 days of the year for various reasons. Some people abstain from meat on certain days. Some people will not eat meat at home. Some people only eat meat when they travel. Some people won’t eat meat on festival days. But all these people may want something that’s a familiar taste. This is where we position Shaka Harry.

    On creating products for specific occasions: How do we create salience in a customer’s life, rather than trying to over-intellectualize the conversation? If something needs a lot of education…it won’t scale. We can’t educate a billion people individually. Even if I were to take the 100-200 million high-end consumer market, I can’t sit down and educate every single one of them. Instead, we focus on occasions. How do I win breakfast? How do I win school lunch prep? How do I win at a Saturday family gathering? We’re saying: here’s a very good product, it’s priced well and it is tasty. We’ll give you an occasion for when you need to have this at home. And we find that a far easier method to scale, rather than pursuing micro-markets.

    On whether Indians want healthier products: Do Indian consumers want healthier products? There’s a disconnect between what the consumer tells you they want versus what they’re ready to pay for. When they go into the store, and you give them two products, one being healthier but with a 20-30% price premium, they will choose the value product. That’s what we are seeing. 

    On We have an entire line of clean-label products coming out soon with easy-to-read, natural ingredients. Thanks to consumer insights, we’ve developed a millet range. Millets is something that traditionally Indians have consumed a lot and consumers have very positive connotations about it. But here the point is not to mimic a meat experience. Rather we’re saying: here’s a very good product. We’re going to ‘de-junk’ your regular roti and paratha. We’re taking the gluten out.  We’re adding natural fiber. The initial market response has been fantastic. So de-junking regular meals and giving consumers a superior version of everyday foods is working really well.

    Shaka Harry is a plant protein company based out of India with a range of ready-to-eat products designed for the Indian palate and for Indian cuisines. 

    Astrid Prajogo, Founder and CEO at Haofood on Chinese Consumers

    peanut meat
    Haofood co-founder Astrid Prajogo exhibited the new peanut-based pork dumplings in Berlin | Courtesy: Haofood/LinkedIn

    On the Chinese consumer base: Our consumer base is very interesting. They’re not flexitarian, but they’re gym-goers. So they choose our product because they are looking for specific protein with specific features- that’s one type of consumer that is pretty loyal to us. We also have the forein vegan community. Although not a large group, they have strong purchasing power. They also have a voice, which can be powerful. Finally, we have the local Chinese vegan community as well, they continue to support our products.

    On what Chinese consumers are looking for from meat: We have spent the last couple of years studying how Chinese consumers approach buying meat. Not just plant-based meat, just meat. That’s what we want to understand. And taste is absolutely key, especially umami. China is the land of tasty food, every single part of the country has great-tasting food. So first: taste – they demand great taste. Second is safety. McKinsey published research earlier this year that revealed that for Chinese consumers, health and safety are the most important. Part of safety is for a product not to contain ingredients that consumers deem less safe, like methylcellulose or added gums so our definition of clean-label is free from added artificial ingredients, be it binders or perseveratives. We combine different types of plant proteins and we work with fruit fibres, so we can make a clean-label product where the cost is actually reasonable- we’re down to under $3.5 per kilogram.

    Haofood is a Shanghai-based specialist in Asian plant-based meat designed for Asian applications.

    Stephen Michael, Co-Founder and CEO at WTH Foods on Filipino consumers 

    Courtesy WTH Foods

    The Philippines is a pretty sizable country- we have over 110 million Filipinos, and it’s a very meat heavy culture. As a predominantly Catholic country, we don’t have any dietary restrictions, so I’m jealous of my Thai and Malaysian friends whose vegetarian market exists already. In the Philippines, it’s almost non-existent and that’s what we are up against. Culturally and traditionally, a lot of dishes are meat-based, so putting out a plant-based meat product might not be the best idea. We’re continuously trying to figure out what the Filipino consumer wants. It seems they see something as healthy when it is local with added functional benefits in terms of beauty or physical aspects. So for example, if plant-based meat products are helpful for slimming, or if eating these products can help radiate beauty- that’s a driver. The entry point for the Filipino market is health, more than whether something is plant-based. Sustainability and animal welfare are very, very far down the list in terms of our consumers adopting plant-based meat.

    When Filipinos think about health, they go for descriptive words like ‘organic’ or ‘cholesterol-free’, ‘low sodium’, ‘low fat’, ‘low sugar. Adding to that, Filipino consumers want their food to be more fortified or to have a unique ingredient like a local oil. For example, we’re trying mungbeans as an additive to respond to that demand- it’s a local and natural ingredient. to add a more local and natural ingredient to that. Consumers want to avoid preservatives and flavor enhancers so they do look at the ingredient list and want a cleaner label as well. For more of our plant-based meats, we fortify with local proteins or local ingredients to give them a more local and healthier profile. 

    There’s actually been a bit of pushback with plant-based meats when we offer Filipino favourites like sisig and sausages and holiday hams, where Filipinos will go for the real thing instead of the plant-based version, which has been a difficult scenario. So we’re done pretending to be meat. Achieving something as close to meat as possible will require that long list of ingredients and our customers are looking at labels, and if they don’t understand certain ingredients, they deem it to be less healthy. So we are actually in the midst of a pivot in terms of products. We are decreasing the number of our ingredients for our second generation of products and we don’t try so hard to be the meat product. I believe in the alternative protein industry and I believe there will be increased demand and need for protein, so we’re looking into high-protein snacks in more shelf-stable formats. The Philippines is an archipelago shipping frozen meat across all the islands is a logistical nightmare. So it’s a triple challenge: how do you ship your products across an archipelago, while making them shelf-stable and reducing the number of ingredients so they can be clean-label?

    WTH Foods is a plant-based alternative protein startup based in Manila.

    Chris Coburn, General Manager APAC at v2food on Australian plant-based meat consumers

    Courtesy: v2food

    On why Australia is different from the rest of Asia: I would say Australia is a little bit different from the rest of Asia, where I think we’re still seeing animal protein as being aspirational. Consumers in the rest of the region are looking to purchase animal products now that there’s more wealth available and a growing middle class. In Australia, as in a number of the developed markets, we’re seeing this trend to be a reducetarian, where people who have reached peak meat consumption are probably looking to come back the other way. If you look at animal consumption per capita in Australia, obviously it’s at levels that are close to the UK and US, unlike the rest of Asia.

    On v2foods’ Australian consumer base: I would say v2food’s consumer base is the conscious consumers, those who are looking to reduce their meat intake, so we have a different challenge to the rest of Asia. Probably half of our retail sales are from this younger demographic -the millennials / the single-income-no-kids / the double-income-no-kids / those coming into families over the next 10 years- those conscious consumers looking to reduce meat consumption and consume alternatives.

    On clean labels: I think from a portfolio point of view, we’re looking at the clean-label issue in two different ways and trying to distinguish from those more indulgent occasions where consumers are looking for that great taste and probably a treat and those everyday occasions where people are looking for more healthy options. In the first group of our products, we have burgers and sausages, and we’re competing against animal protein products which are highly processed, and for those, we are really trying to drive taste as the priority for our target consumers. Our biggest fear is that sometimes our competitors’ products are not good, and consumers are having a bad experience. So we really feel like taste is important for the category of products like sausages, burgers, and nuggets. 

    v2food is Australia’s number-one plant-based meat company.

    Ai Mey Chuah, APAC Science & Technology Director at Givaudan Singapore on Asian Consumer Tastes 

    Courtesy: Givaudan

    Ultimately for our customers, the most important thing is taste. If their products don’t taste good, and don’t look appealing, they won’t get a repurchase by the consumers. So in our business, what we do is customize the solutions to meet the needs of their consumers from the regions that they are marketing their products to. 

    I would say that in APAC cost is still a very important factor. So while for our Europe and US business, clean-label and natural solutions are very important, for the APAC region cost is still the determining factor- we help our clients change their label to be more cost-effective, rather than clean-label, as our [clean-label] solutions tend to be more expensive. 

    Some markets like China have well-educated consumers who don’t like artificial ingredients or additives in their products, so when it comes to replacing ingredients like methylcellulose, Asia is slowly gaining traction and we have products in our portfolio like citrus fibre that can act synergistically with certain proteins to actually provide that texture that is meat-like, juicy and succulent. 

    Givaudan is a global leader in fragrance and flavour; the company develops tastes and scents for food companies all over the world.

    The post What Do Asian Consumers Want From Plant-Based Meat? 4 Startup Founders Spill All. appeared first on Green Queen.

    This post was originally published on Green Queen.

  • Such is the vampiric power of empire to return from the dead, that more than 75 years after European colonizers were largely kicked out of Asia and Africa, there is a new effort to delegitimize the terms “decolonization” and “anti-colonial.” Just 20 days into the genocide Israel unleashed on the people of Palestine, The Atlantic, now edited by a former Israeli prison guard, informed us “the…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • Submarines are undergoing a renaissance in the Asia-Pacific region. Excluding mini-submarines, approximately 230 are in service. With a growing naval superpower present in the Asia-Pacific region, demand for submarines is expected to increase, as a ThyssenKrupp Marine Systems (TKMS) spokesperson explained, they have “…the capability to occupy large numbers of opposing forces through their mere […]

    The post Submarines Resurgent appeared first on Asian Military Review.

    This post was originally published on Asian Military Review.

  • Airframers in the Asia Pacific region are transitioning away from building under license to developing their own platforms. The Asia Pacific region is the home to several airframers who cut their teeth in their early years with license manufacture of military platforms. Over the past three decades, there has been dramatic progress in the growth […]

    The post Vaulting Ambition appeared first on Asian Military Review.

    This post was originally published on Asian Military Review.

  • asia f list
    6 Mins Read

    A new report by marketing activism group Clean Creatives explores how Asia’s fossil fuel industry is failing communities in the region, using greenwashing techniques to shift the blame from its climate impacts. These include loyalty credit cards, lotteries, prize draws, social media campaigns, and PR initiatives.

    Clean Creatives, a global initiative to end the communication, marketing and PR sector’s links with the fossil fuel industry, has published its Asia F-List. It documents the companies that choose to keep working with fossil fuel firms despite the glaring evidence of their impact on ecological destruction.

    In 2021, for instance, fossil fuel companies were responsible for 90% of all carbon emissions globally. The impact of climate change is obviously being felt everywhere, but the Global South is much more adversely affected, with the Global North being responsible for a higher amount of fossil fuel emissions. In Asia, Singapore is heating up two times faster than the rest of the world, cities are facing alarmingly rising sea levels, and pollution contributes to nearly 2.4 million deaths in India and 2.2 million in China each year.

    However, Asia is the fastest-growing region for fossil fuel production and consumption, and its contribution to the planet’s GHG emissions has doubled from 22% in 1990 to 44% in 2019 – faster than the global average.

    The Asia F-List covers Hong Kong, India, Indonesia, Japan, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, South Korea, Thailand and Vietnam. China was excluded due to “the unique corporate ownership structures and state of media transparency” making it difficult to evaluate the role of fossil fuels there.

    It found that British agency WPP has the most contracts with fossil fuel firms than any other holding company (22), followed by New York-headquartered IPG (9). In terms of independent agencies, Indonesia’s Kiroyan Partners has the most contracts at nine.

    Indonesia is also the country with the highest number of fossil fuel contracts, with 15. It’s followed by India (11), Thailand (9), Japan (8), Singapore (6), Philippines (6), Malaysia (5), Korea (4), Vietnam (2) and Hong Kong (2).

    The report divided campaigns by major polluters into two categories: incentives to buy more, and ‘purpose-washing’.

    Credit cards and giveaways to incentivise buying more fuel

    fossil fuel greenwashing
    Courtesy: Shell/Denko/IndianOil

    Oil and gas companies in Asia use various techniques to reward customer loyalty. In India, for example, “almost every major fuel provider has multiple credit card schemes with different banks, vehicle manufacturers and non-banking financial companies”. When customers spend on fuel, they earn reward points that can be used on future fuel and other purchases – and many sign up for these cards based on their existing relationship with banks.

    These cards exist in multiple countries, including Thailand, the Philippines and Japan. In the latter, Cosmo Oil’s Eco Card claims to “convert brand loyalty to environmental action” by donating 0.1% of your fuel or car wash bill, plus ¥500 ($3.64), every year to an environmental conservation fund. “Promoting these cards as a sustainable solution could just be more greenwashing,” the report states.

    In addition, some companies use prize campaigns and TV events to incentivise loyalty, “an easy PR tactic for oil and gas companies to improve their reputation and distract from other issues”. In Thailand, for example, Shell organised a 130th Anniversary Mega Lucky Draw through which consumers could win a Porsche car, BMW motorbikes, gold bars, gold necklaces and fuel gift cards – provided they make a purchase at a Shell station.

    In Myanmar, to celebrate its 10th anniversary, Denzo’s Lucky Draw programme hosted a giveaway of BMW and Nissan cards, which was broadcast as a celebrity-hosted live TV event with an awards ceremony. To enter the competition, customers needed to spend money on fuel, with one entry for every 10,000 Kyat ($5) spent.

    And in the Philippines, Caltex (the APAC brand name for Chevron) organised a Liter Lottery campaign, offering people a free tank of gas if the last digit of the metre matched the last digit of their car’s license plate, leading to a 233% increase in full tank purchases and 198% sales rise. Another fuel company, Seaoil, launched a nationwide campaign – now in its sixth year – where one could win a free lifetime supply of gas.

    Purpose-washing customers to distract from fossil fuels’ climate damage

    Fossil fuel companies use marketing and PR campaigns to lead people into believing they’re doing good for the planet and society, which encourages customers to feel personally responsible for the climate crisis and take individual action to clean up the sector’s mess.

    In South Korea, GS Caltex and ad agency Ideot created an English-language workbook to promote consumer-focused solutions in line with the company’s ‘green supply chain’. They replaced normal text with case studies to show how people can help the environment, distributing the workbook in bookstores and study cafés.

    India’s Adani Group released a #ICan campaign in 2021 to urge people to lower their climate impact by asking questions like “Can you lower your carbon footprint?” and “Can you be a partner in fighting global warming?”, deflecting from answering those questions itself. “This type of greenwashing is so insidious and deceptive that it’s even won Adani multiple awards,” states the report.

    In Japan, ENEOS launched a broadcast radio show called For Our Earth: One By One to spread awareness about decarbonisation and recycling. Tapping actress Akane Hotta as the host, it sees celebrities learn how we can meet the UN Sustainable Development Goals. Clean Creatives writes: “This seems to be an example of virtue signalling — indicating ENEOS’ values without considering whether the company is behaving in service of them.”

    Indonesia’s Pertamina, meanwhile, runs an Eco RunFest every year, claiming that ticket purchases go towards an initiative helping rural areas use clean energy and improve welfare. But to enter, people need to make a fuel purchase. The company claims that by buying “higher-quality and environmentally friendly fuel”, people can use reward points to get a voucher code and register for the event.

    “Their claim that fossil fuels are environmentally friendly is greenwash, but the requirement for people to purchase fuel before participating in an event billed to be “Healthy for Earth” is misleading marketing at its finest,” the report says.

    Moreover, some companies organise purpose-washing field trips to show they’re going to local villages and giving back to the less fortunate. In 2018, Shell, Chevron and the international NGO Pact in Myanmar set up the Ahlin Yaung campaign to fund renewable energy and solar projects in 70 villages without electricity, despite Shell being expected to spend $1.2B in offshore exploration and making a profit of $20.7M before tax in 2021 (which is when it ceased operations in the country).

    Similarly, PTT and marketing agency CJ Worx planted mangroves in three Thai provinces to restore ecosystems damaged by climate change, “which is ironic since fossil fuel projects would have contributed to that situation”.

    Greenwashing the TikTok generation

    Fossil fuel corporations are also using social media to go viral among younger populations. In March last year, Caltex and ad firm VMLY&R announced the #CaltexUnstoppableStar rap challenge, featuring rappers from multiple Asian countries. It released a rap song and encouraged people to sing along and create their own videos using AR filters to win prizes like Caltex’s Starcash reward points, a fuel system cleaner and an iPad. Caltex says the campaign received 650 million views within the first 10 days.

    In the Philippines, Flying V released two social media challenges. The first, Mr. and Mrs. Flying V, was a TikTok dance challenge inviting people to share videos of them dancing at the gas station, while the Lipad Jump Shot photo challenge asked consumers to share images of them jumping next to a station. But to participate, they had to make a fuel purchase of over PHP 100 ($1.79), with one entry per purchase, encouraging people to spend more to up their chance of winning a PHP 10,000 ($179) cash prize.

    The report makes for grim reading, but despite that, its authors believe change is imminent. It cites two agencies that have signed its Clean Creatives pledge, Vero and On Purpose, which joined forces to build a sustainability-focused business pipeline between India and Southeast Asia.

    The authors conclude: “We believe we’re at the beginning of a significant cultural shift in the industry and world. People and companies across Asia are advocating for better sustainability regulations, disclosures and education and new alliances are making sustainability a requirement in the marketing and communications industry.”

    The post The Asia F-List: How Fossil Fuel Companies are Gaslighting Asians with Greenwashing Campaigns appeared first on Green Queen.

    This post was originally published on Green Queen.

  • gfi state of the industry
    7 Mins Read

    The Good Food Institute (GFI) APAC’s first State of the Industry report highlights the funding rollercoaster that is alt-protein, Singapore’s reputation as an innovation launchpad, barriers to the adoption of plant-based meat, and the receptiveness to blended meat products. Plus, a separate report by GFI showcases the potential of sidestream valorisation.

    GFI APAC launched its first State of the Industry report last week, showcasing alt-protein’s tremendous potential and heightened challenges in Asia-Pacific. The think tank explores the investment gap in the sector, describes the importance of scaling up and presents a consumer survey showcasing interesting results and opportunities for alt-protein producers, including those working with blended meat.

    Here are the key takeaways:

    APAC private alt-protein investment reached a high, then fell off a cliff

    gfi state of the industry report
    Courtesy: GFI APAC

    2022 was a record year for alt-protein financing in the region. Public funding increased by 207% from 2021, from $31M to $94M. This sum was actually 37% higher than the all-time total up to 2021 ($68M). The current total ($162M) accounts for 16% of all alt-protein investments globally.

    Similarly, at $551M, private financing was up by 45% year-on-year, surpassing $1B in all-time funding. But the sector was also affected by the global downturn in VC funding, which reached a 13-quarter low, with the first half of 2023 only witnessing $47M in investment.

    After surpassing Australia/New Zealand in funding last year, Singapore has now given way to the Antipodean nations when it comes to investments in the first half of 2023. Australia and New Zealand garnered $20M in funding, followed by South Korea ($13M), mainland China ($8M) and then Singapore ($3M).

    APAC’s business ecosystem is growing rapidly

    alt protein apac
    Courtesy: GFI APAC

    There are now at least 206 startups working with alternative proteins in APAC, with 20 launching just last year. Interestingly, most of these new startups from 2022 are focused on B2B rather than B2C, which is an inversion from earlier years.

    Of the 206, 130 companies belong to the plant-based pillar, 46 in the cultivated meat space, and 30 in fermentation. Australia (45%) leads the region in terms of precision fermentation startups – like Eden Brew, Cauldron and All G Foods – followed by Thailand (27%). Singapore, meanwhile, is home to the highest number of biomass fermentation (39%), cultivated (33%) and plant-based (21%) startups in APAC.

    Singapore is a testbed for R&D exports

    gfi apac
    Courtesy: GFI APAC

    Despite the decline in private funding, Singapore remains a “global testbed” for the region, helping producers incubate, innovate, partner, and export their alt-protein offerings internationally. At least 25 non-local companies have a presence in the island state for R&D and business development, while it’s home to almost a quarter (24%) of all alt-protein startups in APAC.

    Shared R&D facilities and progressive regulatory frameworks are enabling companies to scale up their products and conduct market tests. The country was the first in the world to approve the sale of cultivated meat, and these feats are why its trade minister Alvin Tan dubbed it “the best place in the world for food innovation”.

    Alt-protein needs $10B of investment – per year

    alt protein investment apac
    Courtesy: GFI APAC

    Despite the record public funding numbers, alt-protein’s share of funding is minuscule when looking at it more closely. GFI APAC cited data from the Climate Policy Initiative from 2022, which revealed that only about 3% of all climate finance goes to agrifood systems (that has minutely risen to 4.3% this year).

    According to GFI APAC, alt-protein only represents 0.5% of that share (with APAC making up 0.1%), despite these foods significantly reducing the impact of food on the environment, which accounts for a third of all emissions. For example, a study earlier this year found that veganism can cut emissions, land use and water pollution by 75% compared to meat-rich diets.

    The report estimates that if funding for alt-protein could capture just 8% of the global meat market by 2030, the reduction in GHG emissions would be equivalent to decarbonising 95% of the aviation sector, adding that “unlocking the full benefits” of alternative proteins will require about $10.1B in public funding annually.

    Overcoming scale-up challenges is key

    gfi state of the industry
    Courtesy: GFI APAC

    The report states that there’s an urgent need to address the alt-proteins scale-up barriers, which is key to achieving mass production and price parity with conventional proteins: “Building factories cheaply and proving demand in early markets will help to make scale-up more affordable, easier to finance, and lower risk.”

    Co-manufacturing organisations can further support efficient scaling-up, and Singapore has established the platform for derisking early scale-ups, with companies like Esco Aster and SGProtein leading the way. And while first-movers are exploring the scaling advantages of other APAC countries for later-stage co-manufacturing, there are significant gaps in the region’s scaling capacity. The report says that considerably more alt-protein tech facilities are needed across scales, especially demonstration, first-of-a-kind, and commercially proven plants.

    Consumers want to try more plant-based meat, but barriers keep them at bay

    plant based meat survey asia
    Courtesy: GFI APAC

    The report also published results of a six-country, 5,971-person survey about plant-based meat, dividing participants into sceptics, rejectors, novices, curious, expanders and enthusiasts based on their responses. Thailand seems to be the most receptive to plant-based meat, while Singapore surprisingly has the highest number of sceptics (unlikely to try) and rejectors (who want to lower their alt-meat intake).

    Like the US and Europe, health is the biggest driver of plant-based meat intake for Asian consumers too, followed by taste and affordability. But when it comes to barriers of consumption, this is flipped, as price takes top priority, followed by nutrition and flavour.

    plant based survey asia
    Courtesy: GFI APAC

    If they were more affordable, nutritious and better-tasting, it would increase the number of APAC consumers who eat meat alternatives from 5% to 63%. And 15% of these respondents say they would fully replace conventional meat with plant-based if their concerns are alleviated – highlighting a massive growth opportunity for brands in this space.

    Flexitarians are also key for these companies. Plant-based sceptics and novices are also the groups that consume meat the lowest, while meat intake is trending up for enthusiasts, who are the current buyers and represent higher-income consumers. This means that the people who eat the most plant-based meat also consume conventional meat more often than the rest.

    Blended meat is of high interest – especially to vegan sceptics

    blended meat
    Courtesy: GFI APAC

    Blended meat products – which combine plant-based ingredients and proteins with animal-derived meat – are on the up right now. A majority of consumers (93%) showed at least some interest in these foods, with over half saying they’re very interested.

    Notably, almost two-thirds of sceptics and rejectors showed some interest in blended meat, with nearly a fifth of the latter very interested. Enthusiasts were the most interested, reflecting their wishes for diverse protein options.

    When presented with an option to choose from tofu/tempeh, beans/legumes, plant-based meat and blended meat, the groups that eat vegan meat alternatives the least – sceptics, rejectors and novices – placed blended meat on top, while the former two put plant-based at the bottom. For the rest, plant-based meat leads the way, but blended meat comes second.

    This reflects the potential of blended meat to flip the perception of consumers apprehensive of plant-based meat, and help them move towards lower meat consumption.

    Sidestream valorisation could advance alt-protein

    sidestream valorisation
    Courtesy: GFI

    In a separate report by GFI’s US division, the think tank analysed eight high-volume crop sidestreams in the US, Canada and Mexico to determine which has the highest potential for plant-based, fermented and cultivated protein ingredients.

    Soy meal (commonly used as animal feed), tomato pomace and canola meal were ranked as the crops most ideal for sidestream valorisation to make protein concentrates for plant-based products. Soy meal also ranked as the top crop to upcycle for protein hydrolysates for fermentation and cultured meat media – developing this sidestream could help tackle the cost and scale-up challenges mentioned above.

    For fermentation-based proteins – specifically lignocellulosic-derived sugars – corn stover was earmarked as the most useful sidestream, followed by soy straw, rice hulls and sugarcane trash. All these crops were measured against criteria like production volume and cost, environmental credentials, and functional attributes.

    “We currently produce significant amounts of waste due to low-value utilisation and disposal of things like agricultural residues, processing side chains and food losses generated throughout the supply chain,” said Lucas Eastham, a senior fermentation scientist at GFI. “The valorisation or the upcycling of agricultural and processing side streams presents an opportunity for us to shape the circular bioeconomy, and this will help us reduce waste and increase food production.”

    TLDR: to reach its full potential in APAC, alt-protein needs significantly higher public and private investment, better taste, nutrition and prices, more facilities to derisk scaling up, and higher sidestream valorisation.

    The post ‘The Centre of Challenges & Solutions’: 7 Alt-Protein Takeaways from GFI APAC’s State of the Industry Report 2023 appeared first on Green Queen.

    This post was originally published on Green Queen.

  • Ten major trade unions in India have condemned the government’s “unethical” stance on Gaza and demanded an end to India’s agreement with Israel that would allow companies to hire tens of thousands of Indian workers to replace Palestinian construction workers whose work permits have been revoked since Israel began its genocide of Palestinians in Gaza. “Israel is shamelessly escalating its genocidal…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • Human Rights Watch’ submission discusses the risks climate activists have faced in Australia, India, and Uganda. It focuses on examples of activists under age 32, as requested by the UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights Defenders.

    Australia

    Following increased climate protest activity in New South Wales (NSW), the government in March 2022 established a new police unit known as the Strike Force Guard. The unit is designed to “prevent, investigate and disrupt unauthorized protests across the state.” On April 1, the state parliament introduced new laws and penalties specifically targeting protests that blocked roads and ports. Protesters can now be fined up to AU$22,000 (US$15,250) and be jailed for up to two years for protesting without permission on public roads, rail lines, tunnels, bridges, and industrial estates.

    In 2022, Human Rights Watch interviewed three climate protesters who had been arrested and charged under the new laws. These cases indicate that climate protesters are being targeted for disproportionate punishment.

    Violet (Deanna) Coco, a 31-year-old activist, took part in a climate protest on April 13, 2022, that stopped traffic in one lane on the Sydney Harbor Bridge. Coco climbed on the roof of a parked truck and stood holding a lit emergency flare. After approximately 25 minutes, NSW police forcibly removed her and the other protesters from the road. Coco was charged with disrupting vehicles, interfering with the safe operation of a bridge, possessing a bright light distress signal in a public place, failing to comply with police direction, and resisting or hindering a police officer. She was also charged under explosives regulations for holding the emergency flare; with an incitement offense for “encouraging the commission of a crime” by livestreaming the protest on Facebook; and for uploading a video of a climate protest she took the previous week, and with disrupting traffic during three previous protests.

    Coco pleaded guilty to two charges – blocking traffic and failing to comply with police direction – and not guilty to the other charges. She was released on AU$10,000 (US$6,940) bail, but the magistrate ordered her not to leave her apartment for any purpose except for emergency medical assistance or to attend court. She was also ordered not to associate with any other Fireproof Australia member. Coco spent 21 days under what amounted to house arrest. On May 5, 2022, a magistrate amended her bail and, while she was allowed to leave her property, the authorities imposed a curfew banning her from leaving her address before 10 a.m. and after 3 p.m.

    In March 2023, Coco was issued with a 12-month conditional release order after a district court judge heard she had been initially imprisoned on false information provided by the New South Wales police.

    In August 2022, the state of Victoria followed New South Wales with harsh new measures targeting environmental protesters at logging sites with up to 12 months in jail or $21,000 in fines. In Tasmania, environmental activists now face fines of $13,000 or two years in prison, while nongovernmental organizations that have been found to “support members of the community to protest” face fines of over $45,000.

    On May 18, 2023, the South Australia government introduced harsh new anti-protest measures in the South Australian lower house in the morning and then rushed them through after lunch with bipartisan support after just 20 minutes of debate and no public consultation. The bill would increase the punishment for “public obstruction” 60-fold, from $750 to $50,000 or three months in jail, with activists also potentially facing orders to pay for police and other emergency services responding to a protest or action. On May 30, the laws were passed after a 14-hour debate in the South Australian upper house.

    India

    In February 2021, Indian authorities arrested Ravi who was sent to police custody for five days. Indian authorities also issued arrest warrants against Nikita Jacob, a lawyer, and Shantanu Muluk, an activist, who were granted pre-arrest bail. The authorities alleged Ravi was the “key conspirator” in editing and sharing an online toolkit shared by the Swedish Fridays for Future founder Greta Thunberg on social media, including Twitter, aimed at providing information to those seeking to peacefully support ongoing farmers protests. In granting bail to Ravi, the Delhi court said the evidence on record was “scanty and sketchy,” and that citizens cannot be jailed simply because they disagreed with government policies. It added: “The offense of sedition cannot be invoked to minister to the wounded vanity of governments.”

    The Indian government has enforced Information Technology Rules that allow for greater governmental control over online content, threaten to weaken encryption, and seriously undermine media freedoms, rights to privacy, and freedom of expression online. These rules put youth and other human rights defenders and journalists at further risk of being targeted by the authorities for their online content.

    Uganda

    Young people from across Uganda have faced reprisals for fighting for climate justice. On September 25, 2020, Ugandan police arrested and detained for eight hours eight youth climate activists while participating in the global climate strike in Kampala. The police told them election campaigns were not allowed, although the activists repeatedly explained that they were an environmental—not a political—movement. The activists, only two of whom were above the age of 18, were detained in a room for eight hours, questioned, and then allowed to leave.

    Human Rights Watch published a report that documented a range of restrictions on freedom of expression, association, and assembly related to oil development, including the planned East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) by the government. Civil society organizations and environmental defenders regularly report being harassed and intimidated, unlawfully detained, or arbitrarily arrested. Human Rights Watch interviewed 31 people in Uganda between March and October 2023, including 21 environmental defenders, and several of whom were under 32 years old.

    Many student climate activists protesting EACOP have been arrested and charged with various offences in Kampala since 2021. These protests have been largely peaceful and usually small in scale. Since 2021, there have been at least 22 arrests, largely of students, at anti-EACOP protests in Kampala. Nine students were arrested in October 2022 after demonstrating support for the European Parliament resolution on EACOP and charged with “common nuisance.” Their case was finally dismissed on November 6, 2023, after more than 15 court appearances. Another four protesters were arrested on December 9, 2022, as they marched to the National Environmental Management Authority (NEMA) to demand a re-evaluation of the environmental damage caused by EACOP. One of the detainees was kept at an unknown location until the morning of December 12 when all four were released.

    Another protesting student was arrested in Kampala on June 27, 2023, after trying to deliver a petition to the Speaker of the House of Uganda’s parliament. He told Human Rights Watch he was taken to an unlawful place of detention known as a “safe house” with his hands tied behind his back, questioned by plain-clothed security officials about who was providing the funding for the protests, before he was knocked to the floor. He said he awoke two days later in the hospital with serious injuries. On July 11, 2023, five individuals were arrested after protesting EACOP in downtown Kampala.

    On September 15, 2023, four student protesters were arrested after a “Fridays for Future” and “StopEACOP” joint protest at the Ugandan parliament as part of the “Global Fight to End Fossil Fuels,” a global mobilization and day of action. They were released on bond five days later and have been charged with “common nuisance.” Their next hearing is scheduled for November 27, 2023. One of the students described to Human Rights Watch being held in a room inside parliament and beaten by uniformed parliamentary security officials and others in civilian clothes with “batons, gun butts, and using their boots to step on our heads” before being taken to Kampala’s Central Police Station (CPS). At the CPS he described plainclothes intelligence officers asking: “Who are your leaders? Among us, who is your leader? How many are you? Who are your leaders in different universities? Who is managing your social media accounts?” They then described being beaten further in CPS cells by other prisoners, one of whom said, “We have order from above to discipline you. You need to stop working on EACOP.”

    Human Rights Watch encourages the Special Rapporteur to call on governments to:

    • Promote and protect universally recognized human rights and fundamental freedoms, respect, and protect the work of climate activists, in line with their human rights obligations.
    • Publicly condemn assault, threats, harassment, intimidation, and arbitrary arrests of activists, and direct security and other government officials to stop arresting, harassing, or threatening activists for protesting or on false accusations.
    • End arbitrary arrests and prosecutions of human rights defenders, anti-EACOP activists, and peaceful protesters.
    • Respect and protect the rights of all human rights defenders and civil society organizations to exercise freedoms of association, assembly, and expression, in accordance with international human rights norms.
    • Where applicable, ratify and implement regional human rights agreements to ensure public participation in environmental decision-making and to protect environmental defenders.

    Submission to the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders

    This post was originally published on Hans Thoolen on Human Rights Defenders and their awards.

  • Dallas: The famed Indian Sufi singer Sagar Bhatia mesmerized the audience with the magic of his voice at the Dallas show.

    The South Asian community including India Pakistan Bangladesh called this show the best entertainment for the community and thanked Hiba Entertainment for the great show.

    Singer Sagar Bhatia also surprised the music fans by giving a non-stop performance for three hours

    Sagar gave a rich performance on Qawwalis and songs and the audience was enthralled at the concert. Some fans also showered dollars on artists.

    Sagar continued to awaken the magic of his voice. Men and women danced to his lyrics.

    In the concert, Sagar created a spiritual festival through Sufi and Western fusion and enthralled the audience with effective lyrics of qawwalis and ghazals.

    Nasir Siddiqui, the chief of Hiba Entertainment, thanked the singers and event participants for making the show a success and trusting Hiba.

    Dr. Ambar Jamal was the organizer of the Dallas concert. The attendees said that it was an everlasting evening and we will always be connected with the memories of that evening.

    Speaking at the end of the concert, singer Sagar said that the way he performed his art today was because of the love of the people of Dallas. This is the artistry that you can charm the hearts of your fans with your art and you can enjoy it to the fullest.

    Amish, the national promoter of singer Sagar, said that his shows across the United States were well received in every city and next year he will arrange his shows in more cities.

    The post The famed Indian Sufi singer Sagar Bhatia enthralls audience with his lovely voice at Qawwali night first appeared on VOSA.

  • Amnesty International, C&SN and HRW accuse Indian government of harassing human rights activists and NGOs; the organisations seek FATF’s intervention days before the India’s performance with respect to action taken against money laundering and terrorist funding is up for review

    On 6 November 2023, The Hindu newspaper (TH) reports that NGOs are accusing the Indian government of prosecuting, intimidating, and harassing human rights defenders, activists, and non-profit organisations on the pretext of countering terrorist financing, Thus Amnesty International, Charity & Security Network (C&SN), and Human Rights Watch (HRW) have sought the intervention of the Financial Action Task Force (FATF).

    FATF mutual evaluations are in-depth country reports analysing the implementation and effectiveness of measures to combat money laundering, terrorist and proliferation financing. The reports are peer reviews, where members from different countries assess another country. Mutual evaluations provide an in-depth description and analysis of a country’s anti-money laundering and counter-terrorist financing system, as well as focused recommendations to further strengthen its system. During a mutual evaluation, the assessed country must demonstrate that it has an effective framework to protect the financial system from abuse.

    The FATF conducts peer reviews of each member on an ongoing basis to assess levels of implementation of the FATF Recommendations, providing an in-depth description and analysis of each country’s system for preventing criminal abuse of the financial system.

    The joint statement of the 3 NGOs came on November 3, days before the start of FATF’s periodic review of India’s performance with respect to the action taken against money laundering and terrorist funding. They have accused the authorities of exploiting FATF’s recommendations “to restrict civic space and stifle the rights to freedom of expression, association, and peaceful assembly”. “Draconian laws introduced or adapted to this end include the Foreign Contribution (Regulation) Act (FCRA), the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA), and the Prevention of Money Laundering Act (PMLA)…,” the groups said. See also: https://wordpress.com/post/humanrightsdefenders.blog/22074

    “During its third FATF review, in 2010, the Indian government itself recognised the risk posed by the non-profit sector as ‘low’. However, since the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) came to power in 2014, the authorities have used overbroad provisions in domestic law to silence critics and shut down their operations, including by cancelling their foreign funding licences and prosecuting them using counterterrorism law and financial regulations,” the groups alleged.

    https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/amnesty-international-csn-and-hrw-accuse-indian-govt-of-harassing-human-rights-activists-and-ngos/article67504479.ece

    https://www.fatf-gafi.org/en/topics/mutual-evaluations.html

  • The M777 is the leading ultra-lightweight towed artillery gun, with more then 1,250+ currently in operation with the U.S. Army, U.S. Marine Corps, Canadian and Australian forces, as well as expanding its global footprint into the Indian Army and Armed Forces of Ukraine. The M777 155mm ultra-lightweight howitzer was developed to succeed the M198 howitzer […]

    The post M777: Tactical Mobility and Operational Flexibility in Challenging Terrains appeared first on Asian Military Review.

  • Diplomatic relations between India and Canada remain tense after the murder of a Sikh leader in Canada, which Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau has blamed on India. Hardeep Singh Nijjar was killed outside a Sikh temple in Surrey in June 2023. He was an outspoken advocate for a separate Sikh homeland called Khalistan. While a hero to Khalistani Sikhs, he was considered a terrorist in India…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • The People’s Republic of China (PRC) is building and acquiring interests in ports throughout the world with an eye toward using them for commercial and military purposes. The dual-use harbors increase the nation’s influence along vital sea routes and at maritime passages. The highest concentrations of these foreign ports are in the western Indian Ocean […]

    The post Dual-use ports give PRC proximity to vital shipping lanes appeared first on Asian Military Review.

    This post was originally published on Asian Military Review.

  • ISLAMABAD: Caretaker Federal Minister for Information and Broadcasting Murtaza Solangi said on Friday that no power on earth could crush the Kashmiris freedom movement, who were struggling for the right to self-determination promised by none other than the United Nations in its several resolutions, according to APP.

    Addressing the participants of a rally organized here marking October 27, the black day to protest against Indian illegal occupation of the then princely state in 1947.

    The minister said that the history of oppression of the Kashmiri people spanned over centuries.

    He said that on this day in 1947, India landed its troops in the valley in violation of international law.

    He lamented the champions of human rights and democracy, who raise their voice against any injustice across the world were silent over the Kashmiri genocide at the hands of Indian occupation forces.

    Murtaza Solangi opined despite the increasing repression, the desire for freedom has increased among Kashmiris manifold.

    With the increase in tyranny and repression, the spirit of freedom among Kashmiris has got more momentum, he maintained.

    The minister said that India had not only grossly violated UN Security Council resolutions but also it violated its own constitution by refusing to grant the right to self-determination to the Kashmiri masses.

    The minister said for durable peace in the world was imperative to ensure just solution of Kashmir disputes.

    The post No power on earth can crush Kashmiris struggle for freedom: Solangi first appeared on VOSA.

    This post was originally published on VOSA.

  • apac food tech funding
    5 Mins Read

    Agrifood tech startups in Asia-Pacific saw an investment of $6.5B in 2022, a 58% fall from the year before – but agtech funding for farmers and primary novel food production increased by 24% year-on-year, according to a new report by AgFunder.

    A new report by AgFunder – in collaboration with the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, venture capital fund Omnivore, and AgriFutures Australia – has revealed that downstream food tech funding in APAC has been hit by the global VC fallout from 2022. However, the financing of startups supporting farmers and primary production (upstream) has increased.

    ‘Upstream’ generally refers to agricultural biotech, farm management and robotics systems, as well as novel farming tech, while ‘downstream’ covers technologies removed from farms and primary production – i.e., food delivery, restaurant, meal kit startups, etc. The latter usually attracts much higher amounts of cash injections in the region, though that is no longer the case.

    Meanwhile, companies working with midstream technologies – which connect farmers and food producers to retailers, agro-processors and other clients – raised $620M million in 2022, with India’s Waycool and China’s Mojia Biotech receiving big checks.

    As for this year’s trends, the report found that total agrifood tech financing in the first half of 2023 ($2.6B) was down by nearly 50% from the same period last year, but the number of deals remains similar.

    Overall funding decline

    AgFunder’s analysis showed that agrifood tech startups received $6.5B in funding in 2022 – a 58% decline from the $15.2B they raised in 2021, which was a record-breaking year. A report published by AgFunder and Temasek earlier this year highlighted that the global agrifood tech sector saw record-breaking raises of $51.7B that year thanks to “cheap money” and “increasingly outlandish tech valuations”.

    In terms of upstream startups, year-on-year funding grew by 24% from 2021-22, marking the first time in years that upstream funding ($3.2B) overtook downstream investment ($2.7B). This is a win for the over 450 million smallholder farmers who are responsible for 80% of APAC’s food production.

    asia food tech funding
    Courtesy: AgFunder

    Within the downstream sector, e-groceries continue to be the largest category, attracting $1.6B in funding. Indian startup Blinkit – an app-based instant grocery delivery service – received an injection of $150M, before being acquired by restaurant aggregator and food delivery giant Zomato.

    The decline in downstream deals mirrors global trends analysis by Pitchbook last month, which found that in Q2 this year, food tech VC funding dropped by 75.1% year-on-year, while the number of deals (1,207) was down by 39.3% annually. But while quarterly funding also dropped by 13.9%, the deal count grew to 268 in Q2.

    Pitchbook suggested that this could indicate a “return of investment activity after a pause due to caution surrounding the closure of Silicon Valley Bank at the end of Q1”. However, the declining deal sizes “may reflect a new, more careful paradigm”.

    According to the AgFunder-Temasek report, the global decline between 2021 and 2022 could be short-lived as many of the world’s macro challenges – including inflation, food insecurity and labour shortages – are driving interest in agri-food tech investments. “With more discipline from founders (and investors too!), the industry can capitalise on the growing interest in using technology to transform our food and agriculture system to be better for people and our planet,” read the report. “[2023] could be a vintage year to invest in agrifoodtech.”

    Upstream on the up

    asia food tech
    Courtesy: AgFunder

    Within APAC, upstream agtech companies attracted 1.6% more investment in the first half of 2023 compared to the same period the year before as well, reaching $1.7B.

    In 2022, agricultural biotech startups received the largest share of upstream financing, commanding $813M of the total – that’s nearly half of the overall investment in this category globally. “While a couple of very large deals contributed to these totals, there was also greater deal activity in this segment, which includes on-farm inputs for crop and animal agriculture, confirming investors’ growing interest in this space,” AgFunder says. China’s Zhongxin Breeding – which provides breeding services for pigs – secured the year’s largest deal with its $327M seed round.

    Meanwhile, Innovative Food – the segment that includes alternative protein – “bucked the global decline in funding to the segment”, with year-on-year investment increasing to $527M, albeit with a smaller deal count. This aligns with industry think tank the Good Food Institute APAC’s recent report that revealed that sector funding in the region grew by 43% from $293M to $562M – though the two largest funding rounds took place in Q1 2021.

    Startups working with farm management software, sensing and IoT ($334m), farm robotics ($252m) and novel farming systems ($254m) – which include indoor farming, aquaculture and insect farming – brought in more investment across fewer deals as well.

    Country-wide figures

    agfunder
    Courtesy: AgFunder

    Across APAC, India ($2.3B) surpassed China ($1.3B) as the country with the highest cash injection in this sector last year, largely due to the loss of downstream mega-deals that propelled China’s agrifood tech industry in 2021. These nations were followed by Indonesia ($716M) and South Korea ($461M).

    But this looks to be short-lived, with China overtaking India to grab the top spot with $861M in investment in the first half of 2023. Indian startups have received $712M, followed by Hong Kong ($400M) and Australia ($146M).

    Overall, Southeast Asian startups commanded $1.7B in funding in 2022, while Australian companies saw total investment reach $316M – a rate that was maintained in the first half of 2023 with $146M in financing. Meanwhile, agrifood tech startups in Japan brought in $212M in 2022.

    Finally, while debt, early and growth-stage deals numbers have increased steadily since 2018, late-stage funding declined from 2021.

    “Few readers will be surprised that funding for Asia-Pacific’s food and agriculture startups has fallen significantly over the past year and a half, much like the rest of the world,” said AgFunder Managing Editor & Head of Media & Research Louisa Burwood-Taylor. But she added: “Seeing the rise of categories like Ag Biotech, which haven’t typically been a strength across the region, as well as growing early-stage deal activity, is promising.”

    Read AgTech’s full Asia-Pacific AgriFoodTech Investment Report 2023 here.

    The post APAC AgriFood Report: Funding Hits A Low, But Farm Tech & Novel Foods Are On the Rise appeared first on Green Queen.

    This post was originally published on Green Queen.

  • On June 7, 2023, the Gujarat High Court cited the casteist and gender-biased Hindu text Manusmriti during a case involving a minor rape victim who was seven months pregnant. The court argued that historically, it was considered normal for girls to marry early and have children by the age of 17, while also asserting that girls tend to mature earlier than boys. This reference was made while considering a plea from the victim’s father to medically terminate her pregnancy.

    What the above case demonstrates is the patriarchal logic of Hindutva, which uses the militarized vocabulary of religious nationalism to convert women into mere vessels for the reproduction of communitarian purity. The trope of the dutiful, self-sacrificing mother – encapsulated in the construct “Mother India” – objectifies the female body as a de-sexualized receptacle of “virtue” and “honor,” making it co-incident with the boundaries of family, community and the nation. The maternal figure symbolizes the distinctiveness of Indian culture from the West, evident in the Allahabad High Court’s observation that Indian youth, influenced by Western culture’s promotion of “free relationships with members of the opposite sex,” struggle to establish “genuine connections”.

    The Myth of Primary Relationality

    Given a political environment that is increasingly dominated by a maternal conception of nation, what adequate feminist responses can we conceive of? The global intellectual conjuncture is currently structured by the post-modernist rejection of rationality as Western metaphysics, giving rise to a search for alternative onto-epistemological coordinates for radical politics. Feminist strategies have been influenced by this theoretical turn, inflecting counter-hegemonic thinking with a gynocentric focus. Against the background of Hindutva fascism, cultural feminists’ valorization of motherhood as an oppositional node in the system of Western phallogocentrism needs to be evaluated for its political efficacy.

    Alison Stone’s book “Feminism, Psychoanalysis, and Maternal Subjectivity” provides a conceptually systematic and exhaustive defense of maternality as a valid mode of political subjectivity. Our early relations with our mothers are interpreted as the universal “relational and imaginative conditions” that make subjective capacities possible. Modernity develops these capacities in a distorted manner by repressing their relational background. Accordingly, the task consists in pitting the relationality of pre-subjective maternality against the narrowness of modern subjecthood.

    Drawing upon Julia Kristeva’s concept of chora, which refers to the affective, energetic, and bodily flows that the infant experiences in the earliest stages of its life, Stone posits the maternal body as both “the emerging other with whom the child is entwined…[and] the overall corporeal context of their entwinement”. The mother is divided between engaging in social life and providing intimate care to the child. This divide is bridged by the presence of “potential space,” a notion which Stone borrows from Donald Woods Winnicott to emphasize the transitional objects and creative fantasies that help the child to tolerate external constraints.

    The potential space is co-created by the mother and the child, denoting a higher stage of the chora. In the words of Stone: “Potential space is maternal… because its qualities for the child are those with which… the maternal body was formerly suffused: qualities of containment, affect and its initial expression and inscription, rhythmic regulation, flows between two.” In the chora, the relation between the mother and the child was characterized by a weak form of differentiation, being confined to the driving influence of the former. The potential space expands the relationship beyond the mother by creating an ambiguous zone of “face-to-face interactions and reciprocal, mimetic play between mother and infant, in which they match, mirror, and rhythmically respond to one another’s gestures and expressions”.

    The central thrust of Stone’s argumentations consists in portraying maternity as a de-totalizing totality, whose mobility lies in a wholly internal logic of differentiation and connection. As Stone puts it, “differentiation is only consolidated gradually through its successive cancellations and re-creations”. The maternal chora already contains the resources for a “continuous, unbroken evolution…towards two differentiated selves.” Since there are no gaps in the structure of maternity, the space of interaction between the mother and the child becomes “the ‘original third’, ‘nascent presymbolic thirdness’, ‘the energetic or primordial third”. The desire of the mother that relates to the socio-symbolic world is theoretically assimilated into the logic of the maternal space, whose primary relationality allows it to create “a space of its own which it reclaims from whatever larger space it is placed in”.

    Due to the emphasis on primary relationality, Stone advances an evolutionist paradigm: in an evolution, things change and move somewhere else within the same space of change. To counter this perspective, we must emphasize the transformative power of revolution. While its original meaning referred to the planets’ circular motion returning to their starting point, revolution has come to carry a political significance. In this context, when entities return to their initial position, that place has undergone a profound and radical transformation. Two philosophical matrices correspond to evolution and revolution: 1) the scheme of idealist circularity wherein a simple terms unfolds itself in its becoming-other, in order to return to itself as a developed concept; and 2) a dialectical scheme of scission wherein every term is exposed to dis-unifying dynamics at the both the beginning and the end.

    Stone remains stuck in idealist circularity because she counts the mother and the child as the sum, one plus one. The Two is counted as one by the Three, namely primordial relationality. If this form of relationality exists in a potential form in the pre-subjective capacities of the maternal space, what is it that forces its actual realization? If the child’s identification with the mother as subject of desire and member of social life is automatically incorporated into the internality of the maternal space, then we end up with the incomprehensible vitalism of the maternal body. Thus, we are presupposing the end goal of social relationality at the beginning.

    To overcome the dilemma of idealist circularity, we must, as Alain Badiou suggests, conceive of “the pure passage from one sequence to the other, in an irreconcilable, unsuturable lag, where the truth of the first stage gives itself to begin with only as the condition of the second as fact, without leading back to anything other than the unfolding of this fact.” This “unsuturable lag” derives from the fact that the stable relationality of a term is always disrupted by the antagonism of a constitutive lack. Our being is marked by an organic chaos, a pre-maturational helplessness and lack of self-sufficiency that immanently tips over into the collective networks of socio-symbolic interaction. Adrian Johnston labels this bio-material fact as the “anorganicity” of the body, its “impotent, not-one, rotten and incomplete” character.

    Hilflosigkeit [helplessness] as a biological state of development of human infants lends support to the theme of humans as preprogrammed to be reprogrammed (as in genetic indeterminism, namely, a coded absence of coding).” Insofar as the immature, needy body of the human being functions as a natural lack propelling it into the denaturalizing trajectories of socio-symbolic structures, reality is always haunted by the specter of non-relationality. The anorganic discordance of human beings is a state of indeterminacy that prevents our arrival at a point of ultimate satisfaction where harmony can be achieved.

    By focusing on primordial relationality, Stone freezes maternal space as an organic system, where, on the contrary, a lack of organic unity is present within the most intricate organic structures. This occurs because, once a certain level of complexity is reached a certain system, it tends to produce internal conflicts, flaws, errors, vulnerabilities, disruptions, and strains within its internal operations. That’s why the evolutionist harmony of the maternal space is a retroactive patriarchal fantasy. The initial bond with the mother, whether it be in the womb or during early infancy, does not supply an originary wholeness for the child. Even this supposedly complete bond is afflicted with the negativity of constitutive lack, which acts as the motor for further progress.

    The Radicality of Non-Relationship

    For Stone, “differentiation…arises within continuous connection”. The mother and the child differentiate themselves from each other within the chora, thus giving rise to the independent existence of the potential space in all its materiality. However, what is it that guarantees that the operation of mother-child differentiation is itself a unified term leading to the co-created harmony of the potential space? From which material point of articulation can we say that the dynamic of differentiation is always-already embedded in the connective space of maternity? In order to the make answer more convincing than an amorphous “primary relationality,” Stone concretizes negativity in “sexuate difference” – the “uterine history” of the infant means that its “primary orientation…[is] towards the maternal and female body”.

    The recourse to the maternal uterine environment as the ground of primary relationality avoids facing the consequences of modernity. With the advent of Enlightenment rationality, the determinative power of both natural and cultural materiality is split by the recognition of the ontological incompleteness and inconsistency that lies at the base of our being. This inconsistency is covered by portraying differentiation as yet another constructible term in the discursive universe of the originary maternal womb. Negativity is stabilized as a “movement of the passing-beyond that unfolds inside the one: as the one’s own realization. The one produces its ‘presence’ as or through the ‘interiority of the negative’.” The localization of negativity in the presence of a positivity is possible only if we understand negation “from the internal perspective of its own realization (the having of a determination as the cancellation of any determination).”

    Stone says that the “speaker is relationally autonomous, able to exercise speaking agency only out of ongoing dependence on the mother (and others to whom the speaker relates on the mother’s model)”. However, the relationality of the relation is undercut when it is tied to the stability of a “placental economy,” which ensures that all negations are reduced to the self-maintenance of a fixed multiplicity. One has to start with the inexistence of this fixed multiplicity to see the ontological unbinding, the pure multiplicity, at the root of all relations. All negations stumble upon the opacity of a non-relationship, whose externality functions as both the content and obstacle of the internal logic of totalities. When maternal subjectivity is situated in the physiognomy of the void, the conceptual schema of Stone can be accepted with a proviso. The chora, and the potential space do represent the “mutual attunement and responsiveness” of the mother-child relationship. But this reciprocity is a local result and not the totalizing movement of primary relationality. Maternal subjectivity can provide a foothold for universality. But this universality is the eruption of the open-ended dialectic of gaps in a singular discourse, and not the being-there of a seamless whole.

    As per Stone, “men and fathers are the second figures for their children psychically, insofar as children inherently have a primary orientation to their maternal figures.” Consequently, the father can only carry out a socio-psychic deepening and differentiation of the original uterine connection that the child enjoyed. However, this teleological continuum is broken when we consider that the maternal body and the child don’t have an immutable meaning. We don’t have two totalized entities coming together in the complementary union of a clearly definable maternal space. Instead of any conjunctive totalization, we have a field of tensions and overlaps, which precedes the constitution of the Two. Both the maternal body and the child are non-all, not fully constituted, but glued together by their point of impossible connection. As Badiou notes, “no totality results from the assumption of a pairing of the two positions, which can be written as: there is at least one non-total term, which escapes the distribution of positions”.

    The foregrounding of the negativity of the void enables us to practice a feminist politics that creates a space for a democratic discussion of maternal subjectivity. Instead of tethering the onto-epistemological structure of politics to the cultural substratum of motherhood, feminist modernity suspends all cultural discourses. Insofar as this suspension exposes the wholeness of every identity to the de-completing effects of abyssal negativity, it creates a non-hierarchical arena in which motherhood can be both optional and a legitimate modality of living the indeterminacy of existential projects.

    The contours of a politics of feminist suspension can be delineated through a reference to the thought of the Indian social activist Periyar. He distinguished the liberatory goal of birth control from its strictly pragmatic ones, such as “women’s health, well-being of the children, the economy of the nation, the partitioning of ancestral property and so on.” The latter is confined to the slavery of “livelihood,” wherein the responsibilities of maintaining a family prevent the attainment of independence. Family serves as the driving force behind our motivation to work, the necessity to work, and the enabling factor that allows us to work. In opposition to this dull necessity, Periyar says that childbearing should be abolished. When confronted with the worry that humanity will not expand due to such a supposedly anti-natural act, Periyar says that the multiplication of the human race has not brought any benefits to women. In fact, maternity is connected to the illusion that a woman is biologically incapable of living without a man, even though a man can live without a woman.

    Rather than seeing Periyar’s remarks as trans-historical statements about women, I suggest that we seem them as conjunctural remarks about a patriarchal-capitalist order based on the privatization of care. In this order, the capacity of women to bear child is naturalized as an inherent feature of their weak body, which consequently is seen as in need of male support. Against this fetishisation of patriarchal connection, Periyar posits feminist disconnection, wherein the possible extinction of humanity is accepted without hesitation. Humanity’s birth as a sexed being is coincident with the loss of eternal life, as only non-sexual reproduction carries the theoretical potential for indefinite existence, particularly in the case of single-celled organisms and clones. Patriarchal capitalism conceals the fragility of sexed life with the myth of non-sexual life, hegemonized by the harmonious relationality of the family and the commodity. Periyar drives a wedge in the reproductive eternity of status quoist fantasies by gesturing toward the absolute inconsistency of our being, by showing how the dominance of the social structure is ridden with the volatility of contradictions. This represents the transition of the subject from its passive alienation in the symbolic order to its active separation from it – an operation that installs the negativity of the void between the subject and the Other. Through a family abolitionist politics, Periyar is able to propagate an ethics of courage in which the subject is willing to lose its own self in the process of constructing something new.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • The BJP-led government in India is seeking to extract revenge for the humiliating defeat it suffered at the hands of farmers whose one-year agitation led to the repeal of three farm laws in late 2021.

    This claim was made during a recent press conference in Delhi held by the Samyukta Kisan Morcha (SKM) (United Farmers Front).

    The SKM was formed in November 2020 as a coalition of more than 40 Indian farmers’ unions to coordinate non-violent resistance against three farm acts initiated two months before.

    Asserting that the laws violated the constitution and were anti-farmer and pro big business, the SKM announced renewed agitation and expressed grave concern about a crackdown by the government against the online media platform NewsClick, which supported the farmers throughout their one-year struggle.

    Those present heard that there has been “baseless dishonest and false allegations in the Newsclick FIR against the historic farmers’ struggle” and that the “FIR accuses the farmers’ movement as anti-national, funded by foreign and terrorist forces”.

    An FIR is a ‘first information report’: a document prepared by police in India when they receive information about the commission of a “cognisable” (serious) offence.

    Delhi Police issued an FIR against NewsClick founder Prabir Purkayastha and the human resources head Amit Chakravarty, which infers that the farmers’ movement was aimed at stopping the supply of essential goods for citizens and creating law and order issues.

    An article on The Hindu newspaper’s Frontline portal describes the nature of the FIR, which goes far beyond the farmers’ issue, and concludes police actions along with the FIR marks a major low point for media freedom in India.

    According to Frontline, the police raids on the offices of NewsClick and the residences of virtually anyone associated with it; the indiscriminate seizure of the electronic devices of journalists and other employees; the sealing of the news portal’s main office; the arrest of its founder-editor and its administrative officer on terrorism-related charges; and the searches conducted at the premises of NewsClick and the home of its founder-editor mark the lowest point for media freedom in India since the Emergency of 1975-1977.

    The withdrawal of the FIR against Newsclick was called for during the press conference. There was also a demand for the immediate release of NewsClick journalists.

    The SKM said that farmers across the country will burn copies of the FIR on 6 November after a sustained campaign at village level against the government’s pro-corporate policies from 1-5 November.

    The farmers’ coalition also pledged to campaign in five poll-going states with the slogan “Oppose Corporate, Punish BJP, Save Country.”

    And a 72-hour sit-in will take place in front of the Raj Bhawans (official residences of state governors) in state capitals between 26 and 28 November.

    The SKM states that the farmers’ movement was committed and patriotic and saw through the “nefarious plan” of the three farm laws to withdraw government support from agriculture and hand over farming, mandis (state-run wholesale agricultural markets) and public food distribution to corporations led by Adani, Ambani, Tata, Cargill, Pepsi, Walmart, Bayer, Amazon and others.

    It added that the farmers exposed the corporate-backed plan of depriving the people of India of food security, pauperising farmers, changing cropping patterns to suit corporations and allowing the free penetration of foreign corporations into India’s food processing market.

    Those in attendance also heard about the hardships experienced by farmers during the one-year agitation:

    “In the process, the farmers braved water cannons, teargas shelling, roadblocks with huge containers, deep road cuts, lathi charge, cold and hot weather. Over 13 months, they sacrificed 732 martyrs … This was a patriotic movement of the highest quality in the face of repression by a fascist government serving interests of Imperialist exploiters.”

    State investment in agriculture infrastructure was called for, along with the promotion of profitable farming, the facilitation and securing of modern food processing, marketing and consumer networks under the collective ownership and control of peasant-worker cooperatives.

    Accusing the government of acting on behalf of corporate interests, one speaker said that it had targeted Newsclick because it only did what a genuine news media should have been doing — reporting on the truth, the problems of farmers and the nature of the struggle.

    It was claimed that: 

    The BJP Government is using the farcical FIR to spread a canard that the farmers’ movement was anti-people, anti-national and backed by terrorist funding routed through Newsclick. This is factually wrong and mischievously inserted to portray the movement in bad light and seeking to extract revenge for the humiliating defeat they suffered at the hands of the farmers of our country.

    The farmers’ coalition argued that the government is moving to falsely charge the farmers movement of being foreign funded and sponsored by terrorist forces, while it is “promoting FDI, Foreign MNCs, big corporations into agriculture”.

    The coalition says it remains committed to saving the rural economy, preventing foreign looting and rejuvenating the village economy in order to build a strong India.

    The author’s e-book, Food, Dispossession and Dependency: Resisting the New World Order, includes insight into the farm laws and farmers’ struggle mentioned above.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • Bayer, which profits from various environmentally harmful and disease-causing chemicals like glyphosate, has signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with the Indian Council of Agricultural Research (ICAR) “to develop resource-efficient, climate-resilient solutions for crops, varieties, crop protection, weed and mechanization”. 

    The ICAR, an apex public sector institution, is responsible for co-ordinating agricultural education and research in India. Predatory corporations like Bayer attempt to co-opt government agencies that can provide access to extensive networks in order to wield influence and market products. It’s a key business strategy. 

    And this is not lost on the Peoples’ Commission on Public Sector and Services (PCPSS), which includes eminent academics, jurists, erstwhile administrators, trade unionists and social activists. In a recently released statement, it expressed concern that Bayer will exploit the ICAR’s vast infrastructure to pursue its own commercial plans within India.  

    And those commercial plans are clear: to boost sales of toxic proprietary products by opening up new markets in India as sales stagnate or plummet elsewhere.  

    For example, it was reported in July that German-based Bayer expects to take a €2.5bn ($2.8bn) hit due to slower demand for its glyphosate-based products. Penetrating the huge Indian market represents a massive cash cow for foreign corporations, especially if their genetically engineered (GE), herbicide-tolerant food crops get the go ahead. Proprietary GE seeds are designed to be used with agrochemicals like the herbicide glyphosate.  

    An analysis of a database of 2018’s top-selling ‘crop protection products’ revealed that the world’s leading agrochemical companies made more than 35% of their sales from pesticides classed as highly hazardous to people, animals or ecosystems. The investigation identified billions of dollars of income for agrochemical giants Bayer, BASF, Corteva, FMC and Syngenta from chemicals found by regulatory authorities to pose health hazards like cancer or reproductive failure. 

    This investigation was based on an analysis of a huge dataset of pesticide sales from the agribusiness intelligence company Phillips McDougall. 

    Inadequate state funding is driving the ICAR to enter into agreements with companies like Bayer. However, the PCPSS says that such MoUs make a mockery of the stated government aim to boost self-reliance in India’s agricultural sector.  

    It argues that considering corporations like Bayer promote the use of toxic chemicals in agriculture, a partnership between the ICAR and Bayer of this kind is irreconcilable with the nationwide mission recently launched by Prime Minister Modi to propagate natural farming as a more sustainable alternative. In this respect, the ICAR’s MoU with Bayer is clearly counter-productive and out of place with the stated priority of the government. 

    The PCPSS notes that there are several ICAR-sponsored research institutions and state-level agricultural universities which are engaged in outstanding research relevant to Indian agriculture. A number of states have launched their own natural farming missions to free debt trapped farmers from the use of costly chemicals and other unsustainable practices. The PCPSS says it is therefore not clear as to why the ICAR should choose to promote Bayer in multiple areas of agricultural research.  

    Instead of Institutions promoting agrichemical products marketed by Bayer, the PCPSS asserts that the ICAR should shift its focus to agroecological approaches, biological inputs and integrated farming systems, which will help Indian agriculture in the long run. 

    Although the government revoked the three farm laws passed in 2021 that would have sounded a neoliberal death knell for Indian agriculture, it now seems to be accelerating the marketisation and corporatisation of the sector through other means. The year-long farmers’ agitation led to the government to revoke the farm laws, but these types of MoUs are one way of achieving what the farm laws failed to do.  

    The PCPSS wants the government to assure farmers a minimum support price for their produce on the lines recommended by the Swaminathan Committee so that farming may become a remunerative activity. It also urges the government to review the ICAR-Bayer MoU and similar agreements entered into by other official agencies with large corporates, not only in agriculture but also in other fields.  

    One such MoU was entered into by the Indian government in April 2021 with Microsoft, allowing its local partner, CropData, to leverage a master database of farmers. The MoU seems to be part of the AgriStack policy initiative, which involves the roll out of ‘disruptive’ technologies and digital databases in the agricultural sector. 

    Microsoft is supposed to help farmers with post-harvest management solutions by building a collaborative platform and capturing agriculture datasets such as crop yields, weather data, market demand and prices (data is the financially lucrative ‘new oil’ for those who own it). In turn, this would create a farmer interface for ‘smart’ agriculture, including post-harvest management and distribution. 

    CropData is to be granted access to a government database of 50 million farmers and their land records. As the database is developed, it will include farmers’ personal details, profiles of land held, production information and financial details. Microsoft will know more about farmers than farmers know about themselves.  

    The stated aim is to use digital technology to improve financing, inputs, cultivation and supply and distribution. The unstated aims are to impose a certain model of farming, promote profitable corporate technologies and products, encourage market (corporate) dependency among farmers and create a land market by establishing a system of ‘conclusive titling’ of all land in the country so that ownership can be identified and land can then be bought or taken away. 

    The plan is that, as farmers lose access to land or can be identified as legal owners, predatory institutional investors and large agribusinesses will buy up and amalgamate holdings, facilitating the further roll out of high-input, corporate-dependent industrial agriculture (and the massive health and environmental costs that it entails). 

    Indian agriculture has witnessed gross underinvestment over the years, whereby it is now wrongly depicted as a basket case and underperforming and ripe for a sell off to those very interests who had a stake in its underinvestment. 

    The PCPSS says it is not clear as to why the ICAR should choose to promote Bayer in multiple areas of agricultural research, especially given the government’s stated commitment to natural farming.  

    However, India has submitted itself to the regime of foreign finance, awaiting signals on how much it can spend, giving up any pretence of economic sovereignty and leaving the space open for private capital to move in and capture markets.  

    That much has been made clear by the Research Unit for Political Economy in the article ‘Modi’s Farm Produce Act Was Authored Thirty Years Ago, in Washington DC’. The piece states that current agricultural ‘reforms’ are part of a broader process of imperialism’s increasing capture of the Indian economy. 

    A 1991 World Bank memorandum set out the programme for India. At the time, India was still in its foreign exchange crisis of 1990-91 and had just been subjected to an IMF-monitored ‘structural adjustment’ programme that involved shifting 400 million people from rural India to the cities and corporatising agriculture.  

    The current administration is attempting to dramatically accelerate the implementation of the above programme. The aim is to drastically dilute the role of the public sector in agriculture, reducing it to a facilitator of private (foreign) capital.  

    There has been an ongoing strategy to make farming financially non-viable for many of India’s farmers. The number of cultivators in India declined from 166 million to 146 million between 2004 and 2011. Some 6,700 left farming each day. Between 2015 and 2022, the number of cultivators was likely to decrease to around 127 million. 

    We have seen the running down of the sector for decades, spiralling input costs, withdrawal of government assistance and the impacts of cheap, subsidised imports which depress farmers’ incomes.  

    The PCPSS is not the first to express concern about the deepening penetration of large, profit-hungry corporations. In late November 2018, a charter was released by the All India Kisan Sangharsh Coordination Committee (an umbrella group of around 250 farmers’ organisations) expressing similar sentiments. 

    The charter also expressed alarm about the economic, ecological, social and existential crisis of Indian agriculture as well as the persistent state neglect of the sector and discrimination against farming communities.  

    The repeal of the three farm laws in late 2021 was little more than a tactical manoeuvre. The powerful global interests behind these laws did not simply disappear. As big tech giants team up with traditional agribusiness companies like Bayer, the goal to capture and radically restructure the sector remains and is gaining momentum. The farmers’ struggle in India is far from over. 

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • ANALYSIS: By Kalinga Seneviratne in Singapore

    In the aftermath of Palestinian group Hamas’ terror attack inside Israel on October 7 and the Israeli state’s even more terrifying attacks on Palestinian urban neighbourhoods in Gaza, the media across many parts of Asia tend to take a more neutral stand in comparison with their Western counterparts.

    A lot of sympathy is expressed for the plight of the Palestinians who have been under frequent attacks by Israeli forces for decades and have faced ever trauma since the Nakba in 1948 when Zionist militia forced some 750,000 refugees to leave their homeland.

    Even India, which has been getting closer to Israel in recent years, and one of Israel’s closest Asian allies, Singapore, have taken a cautious attitude to the latest chapter in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.

    Soon after the Hamas attacks in Israel, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi tweeted that he was “deeply shocked by the news of terrorist attacks”.

    He added: “We stand in solidarity with Israel at this difficult hour.” But, soon after, his Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) sought to strike a balance.

    Addressing a media briefing on October 12, MEA spokesperson Arindam Bagchi reiterated New Delhi’s “long-standing and consistent” position on the issue, telling reporters that “India has always advocated the resumption of direct negotiations towards establishing a sovereign, independent and viable state of Palestine” living in peace with Israel.

    Singapore has also reiterated its support for a two-state solution, with Law and Home Affairs Minister K. Shanmugam telling Today Daily that it was possible to deplore how Palestinians had been treated over the years while still unequivocally condemning the terrorist attacks carried out in Israel by Hamas.

    “These atrocities cannot be justified by any rationale whatsoever, whether of fundamental problems or historical grievances,” he said.

    “I think it’s fair to say that any response has to be consistent with international law and international rules of war”.

    Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi has blamed the rapidly worsening conflict in the Middle East on a lack of justice for the Palestinian people.

    Lack of justice for Palestinians
    “The crux of the issue lies in the fact that justice has not been done to the Palestinian people,” Beijing’s top diplomat said in a phone call with Brazil’s Celso Amorim, a special adviser to Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, according to Japan’s Nikkei Asia.

    The call came just ahead of an emergency meeting of the UN Security Council on October 13 to discuss the Israel-Hamas war. Brazil, a non-permanent member, is chairing the council this month.

    Indonesian President Jokowi Widodo called for an end to the region’s bloodletting cycle and pro-Palestinian protests have been held in Jakarta.

    “Indonesia calls for the war and violence to be stopped immediately to avoid further human casualties and destruction of property because the escalation of the conflict can cause greater humanitarian impact,” he said.

    “The root cause of the conflict, which is the occupation of Palestinian land by Israel, must be resolved immediately in accordance with the parameters that have been agreed upon by the UN.”

    Indonesia, which is home to the world’s largest Muslim population, has supported Palestinian self-determination for a long time and does not have diplomatic relations with Israel.

    But, Indonesia’s foreign ministry said 275 Indonesians were working in Israel and were making plans to evacuate them.

    Many parts of Gaza lie in ruins following repeated Israeli airstrikes
    Many parts of Gaza lie in ruins following repeated Israeli airstrikes for the past week. Image: UN News/Ziad Taleb

    Sympathy for the Palestinians
    Meanwhile, Thailand said that 18 of their citizens have been killed by the terror attacks and 11 abducted.

    In the Philippines, Foreign Affairs Secretary Enrique Manalo said on October 10 that the safety of thousands of Filipinos living and working in Israel remained a priority for the government.

    There are approximately 40,000 Filipinos in Israel, but only 25,000 are legally documented, according to labour and migrant groups, says Benar News, a US-funded Asian news portal.

    According to India’s MEA spokesperson Bagchi, there are 18,000 Indians in Israel and about a dozen in the Palestinian territories. India is trying to bring them home, and a first flight evacuating 230 Indians was expected to take place at the weekend, according to the Hindu newspaper.

    It is unclear what such large numbers of Asians are doing in Israel. Yet, from media reports in the region, there is deep concern about the plight of civilians caught up in the clashes.

    Benar News reported that Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim has spoken with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan about resolving the Palestine-Israel conflict according to UN-agreed parameters.

    Also this week, the Malaysian government announced it would allocate 1 million ringgit (US$211,423) in humanitarian aid for Palestinians.

    Western view questioned
    Sympathy for the Palestinian cause is reflected widely in the Asian media, both in Muslim-majority and non-Muslim countries. The Western unequivocal support for Israel, particularly by Anglo-American media, has been questioned across Asia.

    Hong Kong-based South China Morning Post’s regular columnist Alex Lo challenged Hamas’ “unprovoked” terror attack in Israel, a narrative commonly used in Western media reporting of the latest flare-up.

    “It must be pointed out that what Hamas has done is terrorism pure and simple,” notes Lo.

    “But such horrors and atrocities are not being committed by Palestinian militants without a background and a context. They did not come out of nowhere as unadulterated and uncaused evil”.

    Thus Lo argues, that to claim that the latest terror attacks were “unprovoked” is to whitewash the background and context that constitute the very history of this unending conflict in Palestine.

    US media’s ‘morally reprehensible propaganda’
    “It’s morally reprehensible propaganda of the worst kind that the mainstream Anglo-American media culture has been guilty of for decades,” he says.

    “But the real problem with that is not only with morality but also with the very practical politics of searching for a viable peace settlement”.

    He is concerned that “with their unconditional and uncritical support of Israel, the West and the United States in particular have essentially made such a peace impossible”.

    Writing in India’s Hindu newspaper, Denmark-based Indian professor of literature Dr Tabish Khair points out that historically, Palestinians have had to indulge in drastic and violent acts to draw attention to their plight and the oppressive policies of Israel.

    “The Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO), under Yasser Arafat’s leadership, used such ‘terrorist’ acts to focus world attention on the Palestinian problem, and without such actions, the West would have looked the other way while the Palestinians were slowly airbrushed out of history,” he argues.

    While the PLO fought a secular Palestinian battle for nationhood, which was largely ignored by Western powers, this lead to political Islam’s development in the later part of the 1970s, and Hamas is a product of that.

    “Today, we live in a world where political Islam is associated almost entirely with Islam — and almost all Muslims,” he notes.

    Palestinian cause still resonates
    But, the Palestinian cause still resonates beyond the Muslim communities, as the reactions in Asia reflect.

    Indian historian and journalist Vijay Prashad, writing in Bangladesh’s Daily Star, notes the savagery of the impending war against the Palestinian people will be noted by the global community.

    He points out that Hamas was never allowed to function as a voice for the Palestinian people, even after they won a landslide democratic election in Gaza in January 2006.

    “The victory of Hamas was condemned by the Israelis and the West, who decided to use armed force to overthrow the election result,” he points out.

    “Gaza was never allowed a political process, in fact never allowed to shape any kind of political authority to speak for the people”.

    Prashad points out that when the Palestinians conducted a non-violent march in 2019 for their rights to nationhood, they were met with Israeli bombs that killed 200 people.

    “When non-violent protest is met with force, it becomes difficult to convince people to remain on that path and not take up arms,” he argues.

    Prashad disputes the Western media’s argument that Israel has a “right to defend itself” because the Palestinians are people under occupation. Under the Geneva Convention, Israel has an obligation to protect them.

    Under the Geneva Convention, Prashad argues that the Israeli government’s “collective punishment” strategy is a war crime.

    “The International Criminal Court opened an investigation into Israeli war crimes in 2021 but it was not able to move forward even to collect information”.

    Kalinga Seneviratne is a correspondent for IDN-InDepthNews, the flagship agency of the non-profit International Press Syndicate (IPS). Republished under a Creative Commons licence.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • On 3 October, the homes and offices of over one hundred journalists and researchers across India were raided by the Delhi Police, which is under the jurisdiction of the country’s Ministry of Home Affairs. During this ‘act of sheer harassment and intimidation’, as the Committee to Protect Journalists called it, the Delhi Police raided and interrogated the Tricontinental Research Services (TRS) team. Based in Delhi, TRS is contracted by Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research to produce materials on the great processes of our time as they play out in the world’s most populous country, including the struggles of workers and farmers, the women’s movement, and the movement for Dalit emancipation from caste oppression. It would be a dereliction of duty for TRS researchers to ignore these important developments that affect the lives of hundreds of millions of Indians, and yet it is this very focus on issues of national importance that has earned them the ire of the government led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Is it possible to live in the world as a person of conscience and ignore the daily struggles of the people?

    At the end of the day, the Delhi Police arrested Prabir Purkayastha and Amit Chakravarty, both of the media project NewsClick.

    During the raid of the TRS office, the Delhi Police seized computers, phones, and hard drives. I very much hope that the Delhi Police investigators will read all of the materials that the TRS team has produced with great care and interest. So that the Delhi Police does not miss any of the important texts that TRS has produced for Tricontinental, here is a reading list for them:

    1. The Story of Solapur, India, Where Housing Cooperatives Are Building a Workers’ City (dossier no. 6, July 2018). Balamani Ambaiah Mergu, a maker of beedis (cigarettes), told TRS researchers that she used to ‘stay in a small hut in a slum in Shastri Nagar, Solapur city. When it rained the hut used to leak, and there wouldn’t be a single dry patch inside’. Since 1992, the Centre of Indian Trade Unions (CITU) has campaigned to secure dignified housing for workers in this town in the state of Maharashtra. Since 2001, CITU has been able secure government funds for this purpose and build tens of thousands of houses, a process led by the workers themselves through cooperative housing societies. The workers built ‘a city of the working class alone’, CITU leader Narasayya Adam told TRS.

    2. How Kerala Fought the Heaviest Deluge in Nearly a Century (dossier no. 9, October 2018). In the summer of 2018, rain, and subsequent flooding, swept through the southern coastal state of Kerala, impacting 5.4 million of the state’s 35 million residents. TRS researchers documented the flood’s rage, the rescue and relief work of organised volunteers (largely from left formations), and the rehabilitation of both the Left Democratic Front government and various social organisations.

    3. India’s Communists and the Election of 2019: Only an Alternative Can Defeat the Right Wing (dossier no. 12, January 2019). To understand the political situation in India in the lead-up to the 2019 parliamentary elections, the TRS team spoke with Communist Party of India (Marxist) leader Brinda Karat. Rather than confine her analysis to the electoral or political sphere, Karat discussed the challenges facing the country at a sociological level: ‘Cultures promoted by capitalism and the market promote and glorify individualism and promote individualistic solutions. All these add to the depoliticisation of a whole generation of young people. This is certainly a challenge: how to find the most effective ways of taking our message to the youth’.

    4. The Only Answer Is to Mobilise the Workers (dossier no. 18, July 2019). In April–May 2019, the National Democratic Alliance, led by the right-wing Bharatiya Janata Party, prevailed in India’s parliamentary elections. In the aftermath of the elections, the TRS team met with CITU President K. Hemalata to talk about the periodic massive strikes that had been taking place in the country, including an annual general strike of nearly 300 million workers. Whereas working-class movements in other countries seemed to be weakened by the breakdown of formal employment and the increasingly precarious nature of work, unions in India displayed resilience. Hemalata explained that ‘the contract workers are very militant’ and that CITU does not distinguish between the demands of contract workers and permanent workers. One of the best examples of this, she said, is the anganwadi (childcare) workers, who – along with Accredited Social Health Activists (ASHA) workers – have been on the forefront of many of the major agitations. Both of these sectors – childcare and health care – are dominated by women. ‘Organising working-class women is part of organising the working class’, Hemalata told TRS.

    5. The Neoliberal Attack on Rural India (dossier no. 21, October 2019). P. Sainath, one of the most important journalists reporting on rural India and a senior fellow at Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research, traced the impact of the crises of neoliberal policies and climate catastrophe that are simultaneously imposed on India’s farmers. He documents the work of Kudumbashree, a cooperative made up of 4.5 million women farmers in Kerala, which he calls ‘the greatest gender justice and poverty reduction programme in the world’ (and about whom we will publish a longer study in the coming months compiled by TRS).

    6. People’s Polyclinics: The Initiative of the Telugu Communist Movement (dossier no. 25, February 2020). In the Telugu-speaking parts of India (which encompass over 84 million people), doctors affiliated with the communist movement have set up clinics and hospitals – notably the Nellore People’s Polyclinic – to provide medical care to the working class and peasantry. The polyclinics have not only provided care but have also trained medical workers to address public health concerns in rural hinterlands and small towns. This dossier offers a window into the work of left-wing medical personnel whose efforts take place outside the limelight and into the experiments in public health care that seek to undercut the privatisation agenda.

    7. One Hundred Years of the Communist Movement in India (dossier no. 32, September 2020). Not long after the October Revolution brought the Tsarist Empire to its knees in 1917, a liberal newspaper in Bombay noted, ‘The fact is Bolshevism is not the invention of Lenin or any man. It is the inexorable product of the economic system which dooms the millions to a life of ill-requited toil in order that a few thousand may revel in luxury’. In other words, the communist movement is the product of the limitations and failures of capitalism. On 17 October 1920, the Communist Party of India was formed alongside scattered communist groups that were emerging in different parts of India. In this brief text, the TRS team documents the role of the communist movement in India over the past century.

    8. The Farmers’ Revolt in India(dossier no. 41, June 2021). Between 1995 and 2014, almost 300,000 farmers committed suicide in India – roughly one farmer every 30 minutes. This is largely because of the high prices of inputs and the low prices of their crops, a reality that has been exacerbated by neoliberal agricultural policies since 1991 and their amplification of other crises (including the climate catastrophe). Over the past decade, however, farmers have fought back with major mobilisations across the country led by a range of organisations such as left-wing farmers’ and agricultural workers’ unions. When the government put forward three bills in 2020 to deepen the privatisation of rural India, farmers, agricultural workers, and their families began a massive protest. This dossier is one of the finest summaries of the issues that lie at the heart of these protests.

    9. Indian Women on an Arduous Road to Equality (dossier no. 45, October 2021). Patriarchy, with its deep roots in the economy and culture, cannot be defeated by decree. In the face of this reality, this dossier offers a glimpse of the Indian women’s movement for equality and maps the range of struggles pursued by working women across the country to defend democracy, maintain secularism, fight for women’s economic rights, and defeat violence. The dossier closes with the following assessment: ‘The ongoing Indian farmers’ movement, which started before the pandemic and continues to stay strong, offers the opportunity to steer the national discourse towards such an agenda. The tremendous participation of rural women, who travelled from different states to take turns sitting at the borders of the national capital for days, is a historic phenomenon. Their presence in the farmers’ movement provides hope for the women’s movement in a post-pandemic future’.

    10. The People’s Steel Plant and the Fight Against Privatisation in Visakhapatnam (dossier no. 55, August 2022). One of my favourite texts produced by the TRS team, this dossier tells the story of the workers of Rashtriya Ispat Nigam Limited, who have fought against the government’s attempts to privatise this public steel company. Not much is written about this struggle led by brave steel workers who are mostly forgotten or, if remembered, then maligned. They stand beside the furnaces, rolling the steel out and tempering it, driven by a desire to build better canals for the farmers, to build beams for schools and hospitals, and to build the infrastructure so that their communities can transcend the dilemmas of humanity. If you try to privatise the factory, they sing, ‘Visakha city will turn into a steel furnace, North Andhra into a battlefield… We will defend our steel with our lives’.

    11. Activist Research: How the All-India Democratic Women’s Association Builds Knowledge to Change the World (dossier no. 58, November 2022). The dossier on Visakha Steel was built in conversation with steel workers and reflected the evolving methodology of TRS. To sharpen this method, the team met with R. Chandra to discuss how the All-India Democratic Women’s Association (AIDWA) has used ‘activist research’ in the state of Tamil Nadu. Chandra shows how AIDWA designed surveys, trained local activists to conduct them among local populations, and taught the activists how to assess the results. ‘AIDWA’s members no longer need a professor to help them’, she told TRS. ‘They formulate their own questions and conduct their own field studies when they take up an issue. Since they know the value of the studies, these women have become a key part of AIDWA’s local work, bringing this research into the organisation’s campaigns, discussing the findings in our various committees, and presenting it at our different conferences’. This activist research not only produces knowledge of the particularities of hierarchies that operate in a given place; it also trains the activists to become ‘new intellectuals’ of their struggles and leaders in their communities.

    12. The Condition of the Indian Working Class (dossier no. 64, May 2023). In the early days of the pandemic, the Indian government told millions of workers to go back to their homes, mostly in rural areas. Many of them walked thousands of kilometres under the burning hot sun, terrible stories of death and despair following their caravan. This dossier emerged out of a long-term interest in cataloguing the situation of India’s workers, whose precariousness was revealed in the early days of the pandemic. The last section of the dossier reflects on their struggles: ‘Class struggle is not the invention of unions or of workers. It is a fact of life for labour in the capitalist system. … In August 1992, textile workers in Bombay took to the streets in their undergarments, declaring that the new order would leave them in abject poverty. Their symbolic gesture continues to reflect the current reality of Indian workers in the twenty-first century: they have not surrendered in the face of the rising power of capital. They remain alive to the class struggle’.

    The Delhi Police investigators who took the material from the TRS office have each of these twelve dossiers in hand. I recommend that they print them and share them with the rest of the force, including with Police Commissioner Sanjay Arora. If the Delhi Police is interested, I would be happy to develop a seminar on our materials for them.

    Study and struggle shaped the Indian freedom movement. Gandhi, for instance, read voraciously and even translated Plato’s The Apology into Gujarati, rooted in the belief that reading and study sharpened his sense not only of how to struggle but how to build a better world.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.