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  • Police break up protests in Jayapura over new Papuan provinces plan

    Asia Pacific Report newsdesk

    Hundreds of Cendrawasih University (Uncen) students took to the streets last week to hold actions opposing the creation of new provinces in Papua, says Papua Legal Aid Foundation (LBH) director Emanuel Gobay.

    He said that the actions were held at several places as well as a long march to the Papua Regional House of Representatives (DPRD) offices on Tuesday.

    However, when the students wanted to hold the action, a joint unit of police was already on alert at each location with 20-30 officers on guard.

    “During the action they planned to gather at several points, first at upper Uncen, lower Uncen, Expo and Abe. But since early morning police had already gathered at the places,” Gobay told CNN Indonesia.

    Gobay explained that before the action was held, the students had already sent a notification to the district police that the action would be held peacefully.

    But the police instead forcibly broke up the potests and sprayed the protesters with water cannon.

    “When they used water cannon, the students ran into a boarding house located at Abepura,” he said.

    “Then followed [the incident at] Uncen Abepura, where they were blocked by police. So the students couldn’t get out. In the end the Uncen Abepura [students] joined with those at Waena in Taruna Bakti. They gathered there, then those at Uncen also gathered at the Taruna Bakti senior high school,” he said.

    Police ‘brutal’ with students
    Gobay said the students tried to negotiate with police but were rebuffed. A joint unit of police kept forcing the protesters to disperse.

    “What was most disappointing was that the head of the Jayapura district police intelligence unit was there and even he ordered them to disperse the protesters brutally,” he said.

    “By brutal, I mean they didn’t heed one word from the students when they were invited to negotiate.”

    According to Gobay, the police attitude showed that the democratic space for negotiating was not being heeded. Yet the right to negotiations was guaranteed under Law Number 19/1998 on the freedom to express an opinion in public.

    Gobay said that the police should be “more human” and prioritise dialogue.

    “There methods are excessive, as if they are dealing with a riot. This needs special attention from the Indonesian police chief to the Papua regional police chief, especially the Jayapura district police chief and the head of the intelligence unit.

    “In particular, the use of firearms at peaceful actions.”

    Papua regional police public relations chief Senior Commissioner Ahmad Musthofa Kamal said that the protests “proceeded normally”. He did not say how many police officers were deployed although the number “was sufficient”.

    Papuan students protesting at Cendrawasih University (Uncen over the provincial splitting plan
    Papuan students protesting at Cendrawasih University (Uncen) last week over Indonesia’s unpopular plan to split Papua and West Papua provinces into six provinces. Image: Elfira-Cepos/IndoLeft News

    Papuans oppose provincial break-up plan
    Earlier, Home Affairs Minister Tito Karnavian had said Papua would be split up into six provinces, although the plan was not yet final and was still being debated.

    The six provinces proposed by the government are Southwest Papua, West Papua, Central Papua, the Central Highlands, South Papua and Papua Tabi Saireri.

    The plan however has been strongly opposed by Papuans.

    Papua People’s Council (MRP) member Minggus Madai said that the plan was being pushed through despite the Papua region not meeting the demographic and other criteria for being split up.

    Minggus said that if the plan went ahead, it would only add new problems in Papua.

    “The Papuan people refer to this as a ‘killing machine’ for the Papuan people. It’s not appropriate to force it through,” said Minggus.

    Translated by James Balowski for IndoLeft News. The original title of the article was BLBH Sebut Demo Tolak Pemekaran di Papua Dibubarkan Secara rutal.

  • Food availability, Indonesia’s commodity balance and the trap of Malthusian Optimism

    The world has enough food to feed every person on the planet, now and in the foreseeable future. This should not be a surprising fact. The Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) estimated that 2,950 kcal worth of food supplies were available per person per day from 2018 to 2020. This is projected to increase up to 3,025 kcal per person per day by 2030. For reference, the Recommended Dietary Allowance (RDA) from the Indonesian Ministry of Health is only 2100 kcal per person per day.

    Despite this ostensible abundance, hunger is still a real problem for about ten percent of the world’s population, or more than 800 million people. In Indonesia alone, 20 million people, or almost twice the population of Jakarta, struggle to meet the RDA. It seems that, after all, we are missing the point by focusing on having enough food in aggregate.

    Yet the latest innovation in Indonesian trade governance, the commodity balance or neraca komoditas, is designed specifically to ensure sufficiency. As regulated under the new Presidential Regulation 32/2022, the commodity balance is heralded as providing more certainty in import and export licensing and quota allocation by basing the decision directly on a national database of domestic supply and demand for the listed commodities.

    The data are sourced from firms and government statistics and used to regulate imports of five pilot commodities: sugar, salt, fisheries products, rice, and beef. The list of commodity would eventually be expanded to include both food and non-food commodities in the agriculture, fisheries, mining, and industrial sectors.

    As my colleagues at the Center for Indonesian Policy Studies (CIPS) write, the commodity balance is intended to help the government set import and export quotas in order to offset shortfalls and surpluses in the domestic market and achieve market clearing. The basic tenet is, of course, self-sufficiency, where import quota may not be granted at all should the balance show enough domestic production to cover domestic demand.

    While the idea of a government database to determine food availability may be new in Indonesian food trade, and may actually help streamline the process by cutting out one step (applying for import recommendation), it is an old one in the history of food crisis, hunger, and the conceptual development of food security.

    In his seminal work, Poverty and Famines (1981), Amartya Sen chronicles several case studies of famines, from the Bengal famine in 1943 to the Ethiopian famine in 1973-1975. In all these cases, famines occurred without a significant reduction in the amount of aggregate food available per head. Some famines even took place during the years with peak staple food production.

    In the 1943 Bengal famine (which claimed 2-3 million lives), the British administration in India maintained a record of food availability and regular estimates of food shortages, calculated by comparing required amount of food per head and total food available. Based on the data, which Sen considers “fairly accurate,” the government found no reason for concern, and so the impending disaster went undetected.

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    Lucentezza Napitupulu, Mulia Nurhasan, John F McCarthy, Yusuf Bahtimi Samsudin, Amy Ickowitz 08 December, 2021

    This misguided emphasis on food availability and sufficiency rests on a complacent view that Sen calls “Malthusian optimism.” Thomas Malthus’ pessimistic worldview of the inability of food production to catch up with population growth has not been well supported by history, as technological advancements have proven able to multiply food production. Yet the Malthusian preoccupation with the ratio of total food supply to population remains entrenched, though now coupled with the confidence in domestic production and the ability of statistics, like the shortage records of the British India or, indeed, the commodity balance, to provide accurate estimates.

    The CIPS paper on commodity balance casts doubt on the government’s ability to accurately determine available supplies, which is not unfounded given frequent disputes over stock figures among the ministries. Yet even if accurate reporting is somehow possible, as was the case in Bengal according to Sen, relying on it is detrimental to food security.

    Despite the increase in rice price and inflation a year before the Bengal famine, Malthusian optimism led to ill-informed policies and outcomes such as import prohibition and late availability of imported foods when the famine became apparent.

    Price is a better indicator for anticipating food shortages, but it is also missing from a non-automatic trade system like the neraca komoditas and its quotas. At the same time, prices of staple foods such as rice are higher in Indonesia than on the international market. Poor Indonesians, including rural populations and farmers who are mostly net consumers of rice, bear the heaviest burden of high food prices.

    According to Sen, a better measure for access to food is entitlement, i.e. one’s ability to secure food, such as through own production or purchases. This establishes the connection between one’s livelihood mode, for example paid employment, and food security. A complete food security analysis then should look at livelihood situations of different groups of people, from urban dwellers to rural farmers.

    Price is an important factor in one’s entitlement, but so are wages, lands, and other resources one has. To achieve welfare for its population, Indonesian food security policy should appreciate this diversity of factors and leave the decades-old pedestal of food sufficiency that it has been resting on.

    The post Food availability, Indonesia’s commodity balance and the trap of Malthusian Optimism appeared first on New Mandala.

    This post was originally published on New Mandala.

  • Papuan activists protest in Jakarta, demand Jokowi pull troops in Papua

    Asia Pacific Report newsdesk

    Scores of Papuan activists have held a protest in front of the Army Strategic Reserves Command (Green Berets) headquarters in Central Jakarta, demanding that President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo withdraw military troops from Papua, reports CNN Indonesia.

    The protesters, who came from the Pro-Democracy Alliance and the Greater Jakarta Papua Student Alliance (IMAPA), accused the military in Papua of assaulting a primary school child for allegedly stealing a firearm and causing the child’s death.

    “[We] demand that the president immediately withdraw the military from the land of Papua,” said one of the speakers in front of the Kostrad building on Monday.

    “The primary school kid’s didn’t know it was a firearm. They didn’t know it was theft,” he said.

    In an official release, the group also said that joint TNI (Indonesian military) and Polri (Indonesian police) operations following the fatal shooting of Papua regional National Intelligence Agency (BIN) chief Gusti Putu Danny in April last year have resulted in civilian casualties.

    They said that the security forces have set fire to residents’ homes and committed violence against local people.

    As a consequence, residents have chosen to flee their homes in order to save themselves.

    “To the president, immediately withdraw the military in the land of Papua,” called the speaker. “Jokowi is responsible for the oppression in Papua.”

    Earlier, on Sunday, February 20, a class 4 primary school student with the initials MT died after being allegedly assaulted by security personnel in the Sinak sub-district of Puncak regency, Papua.

    Based on information received from Amnesty International Indonesia, the incident began when MT and six other children were arrested for allegedly stealing a firearm belonging to a TNI member in Sinak.

    “Based on local media reports on February 26, two youths allegedly took a firearm belonging to a TNI member in the vicinity of the Tapulinik Sinak Airport, Puncak regency, Papua, on the evening of February 20,” read a tweet on the Twitter account @amnestyindo on Monday February 28.

    Translated by James Balowski for Indoleft News. The original title of the article was Aktivis Papua Demo di Depan Markas Kostrad, Desak Jokowi Tarik Militer.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Wenda backs urgent UN call for action over Papuan child killings, disappearances

    Asia Pacific Report newsdesk

    A West Papuan leader has praised the “bravery and spirit” of Ukrainians defending their country against the Russian invasion while condemning the hypocrisy of a self-styled “peaceful” Indonesia that attacks “innocent civilians” in Papua.

    Responding to the global condemnation of the brutal war on Ukraine, now into its second week, United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) interim president Benny Wenda highlighted a statement by United Nation experts that has condemned “shocking abuses” against Papuans, including “child killings, disappearances, torture and mass displacement of people”.

    Wenda also stressed that the same day that Indonesia’s permanent representative to the UN said that the military attack on Ukraine was unacceptable and called for peace, reports emerged of seven young schoolboys being arrested, beaten and tortured so “horrifically” by the Indonesian military that one had died from his injuries.

    “The eyes of the world are watching in horror [at] the invasion of Ukraine,” said Wenda in a statement.

    “We feel their terror, we feel their pain and our solidarity is with these men, women and children. We see their suffering and we weep at the loss of innocent lives, the killing of children, the bombing of their homes, and for the trauma of refugees who are forced to flee their communities.”

    Wenda said the world had spoken up to condemn the actions of President Vladimir Putin and his regime.

    “The world also applauds the bravery and spirit of Ukrainians in their resistance as they defend their families, their homes, their communities, and their national identity.”

    Russian attack unacceptable
    Wenda said Indonesia’s Permanent Representative to the UN, Arrmanatha Nasir, had stated that that Russian attack on Ukraine was unacceptable and called for peace. He had said innocent civilians “will ultimately bear the brunt of this ongoing situation”.

    “But what about innocent civilians in West Papua? asked Wenda.

    “At the UN, Indonesia speaks of itself as ‘a peaceful nation’ committed to a world ‘based on peace and social justice’.

    “This, on the very same day that reports came in of seven young boys, elementary school children, being arrested, beaten and tortured so horrifically by the Indonesian military that one of the boys, Makilon Tabuni, died from his injuries.

    “The other boys were taken to hospital, seriously wounded.”

    Wenda said the Indonesian military was deliberately targeting “the young, the next generation. This, to crush our spirit and extinguish hope.

    “These are our children that [Indonesian forces are] torturing and killing, with impunity. Are they not ‘innocent civilians’, or are their lives just worth less?”

    Urgent humanitarian access
    Wenda said that this was during the same week that UN special rapporteurs had called for urgent humanitarian access and spoken of “shocking abuses against our people”, including “child killings, disappearances, torture and mass displacement of people”.

    This was an acknowledgement from the UN that Papuan people had been “crying out for”.

    Wenda said 60-100,00 people were currently displaced, without any support or aid. This was a humanitarian crisis.

    “Women forced to give birth in the bush, without medical assistance. Children are malnourished and starving. And still, Indonesia does not allow international access,” he said.

    “Our people have been suffering this, without the eyes of the world watching, for nearly 60 years.”

    In response, the Indonesian Ambassador to the UN had continued with “total denial, with shameless lies and hypocrisy”.

    “If there’s nothing to hide, then where is the access?”

    International community ‘waking up’
    Wenda said the international community was “waking up” and Indonesia could not continue to “hide your shameful secret any longer”.

    “Like the Ukrainian people, you will not crush our spirit, you will not steal our hope and we will not give up our struggle for freedom,” Wenda said.

    The ULMWP demanded that Indonesia:

    • Allow access for the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, and for humanitarian aid to our displaced people and to international journalists;
    • Withdraw the military;
    • Release political prisoners, including Victor Yeimo and the “Abepura Eight”; and
    • Accept the Papuan right to self-determination and end the illegal occupation of Papua.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • ‘Double standards’ claims as world reacts to Ukraine crisis, ignores Papua

    By Prianka Srinivasan for ABC Pacific Beat

    International media has been facing scrutiny from indigenous groups in the Pacific for the way it has been covering the Russia-Ukraine war.

    Some have highlighted “double standards” among journalists who have brought attention to the plight of Ukrainians, while long-standing conflicts like those in Indonesia’s provinces of West Papua and Papua are often ignored.

    Vanuatu’s opposition leader and former Foreign Minister Ralph Regenvanu said a media clampdown in West Papua had made it difficult for media to report on the situation there.

    “The media blackout is a big contributing factor,” he said.

    “In Ukraine, at least, we have journalists from around the world, whereas in West Papua, they’re banned completely.”

    This week, the United Nations issued a statement sounding the alarm on human rights abuses in Papua, and called for urgent aid.

    It also urged the Indonesian government to conduct full and independent investigations into allegations of torture, extrajudicial killings and the displacement of thousands of West Papuans.

    Independent observers refused
    But Regenvanu said Indonesia had refused to allow independent observers into the territories.

    “Indonesia has just refused point blank to do it, and has actually stepped up escalated the occupation in the military, suppression of the people there,” he said.

    A senior US policy advisor to Congress, Paul Massaro, drew heat from indigenous activists online after he tweeted: “I’m racking my brain for a historical parallel to the courage and fighting spirit of the Ukrainians and coming up empty. How many peoples have ever stood their ground against an aggressor like this? It’s legendary.”

    Veronica Koman from Amnesty International said such commentaries about the situation in Ukraine ignored the many instances of indigenous resistance against colonisation.

    “West Papuans have been fighting since the 1950s. First Nations in Australia have been fighting since more than 240 years ago,” Koman said.

    “That’s how resilient the fights are … it’s just pointing out the the double standard.”

    Koman said the West Papua and Papua provinces of Indonesia are currently experiencing some of the worst humanitarian crises.

    “Sixty thousand to 100,000 people are being displaced right now in West Papua due to armed conflict, and these displaced people are mostly ignored,” she said.

    “They are not getting assisted and all because mostly they are in forests. And they are afraid to return to their homes so are just running away from Indonesian forces.

    “The situation is really bad and deserves our attention. And Ukraine war shows us that another world is possible, if only there’s no double standards and racism.”

    Republished with author’s and ABC Pacific Beat’s permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Australian group calls for action over UN Indonesian ‘Papuan abuses’ report

    Asia Pacific Report newsdesk

    A West Papuan advocacy group in Australia has appealed to Foreign Minister Marise Payne to take the cue from a new United Nations Rapporteurs statement this week condemning the “ongoing human rights abuses” in the Indonesian-ruled West Papuan region.

    Joe Collins of the Australia West Papua Association (AWPA) said there was an urgent need for Australia to speak out against the Indonesian military abuses in the two Melanesian provinces of Papua and West Papua.

    “We are urging the Australian government to join with the UN Rapporteurs in raising concerns about the situation in West Papua, publicly with Jakarta, condemning the ongoing human rights abuses in the territory,” Collins said in a statement.

    “We know the government has said it raises concerns about the human rights situation in West Papua with the Indonesian government, but have not seen any public statements of concern on the issue unlike the governments concerns about abuses in China and the situation in the Ukraine.

    “The issue of West Papua is not going away.”

    In a letter to minister Payne, Collins raised the UN rapporteurs’ concerns about the deteriorating human rights situation in Papua and West Papua, “citing shocking abuses against indigenous Papuans, including child killings, disappearances, torture and mass displacement of people.”

    The association said it would not go into “all the grave concerns” about human rights abuses in West Papua “as we have written many times on the issue”.

    But Collins quoted the rapporteurs’ statement: “Between April and November 2021, we have received allegations indicating several instances of extrajudicial killings, including of young children, enforced disappearance, torture and inhuman treatment and the forced displacement of at least 5,000 indigenous Papuans by security forces.”

    It is estimated that the overall number of displaced people in West Papua since the escalation of violence in December 2018 is more than 60,000.

    Collins said that “Urgent action is needed to end ongoing human rights violations against indigenous Papuans.”

    He also reminded the minister about AWPA’s letter on 12 August 2021 raising concerns about West Papuan activist Victor Yeimo, the international spokesperson for the West Papua National Committee (KNPB).

    “He is being charged with treason. We look forward to your reply on this matter.”

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • UN report calls for independent probe into ‘shocking’ rights abuses in Papua

    UN News

    Shocking abuses against indigenous Papuans have been taking place in Indonesia, say United Nations-appointed human rights experts who cite child killings, disappearances, torture and enforced mass displacement.

    “Between April and November 2021, we have received allegations indicating several instances of extrajudicial killings, including of young children, enforced disappearance, torture and inhuman treatment and the forced displacement of at least 5000 indigenous Papuans by security forces,” the three independent experts said in a statement.

    Special Rapporteurs Francisco Cali Tzay,  who protects rights of indigenous peoples,  Morris Tidball-Binz, who monitors extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, and Cecilia Jimenez-Damary,  covering human rights of Internally Displaced Persons, called for urgent humanitarian access to the region and urged the Indonesian government to conduct full and independent investigations into the abuses.

    They said that since the escalation of violence in December 2018, the overall number of displaced has grown by 60,000 to 100,000 people.

    “The majority of IDPs [internally displaced persons] in West Papua have not returned to their homes due to the heavy security force presence and ongoing armed clashes in the conflict areas,” the UN experts explained.

    Meanwhile, some IDPs have been living in temporary shelters or stay with relatives.

    “Thousands of displaced villagers have fled to the forests where they are exposed to the harsh climate in the highlands without access to food, healthcare, and education facilities,” the Special Rapporteurs said.

    Relief agencies have limited access
    Apart from ad hoc aid deliveries, humanitarian relief agencies have had limited or no access to the IDPs, they said.

    “We are particularly disturbed by reports that humanitarian aid to displaced Papuans is being obstructed by the authorities”.

    Moreover, severe malnutrition has been reported in some areas with lack of access to adequate and timely food and health services.

    “In several incidents, church workers have been prevented by security forces from visiting villages where IDPs are seeking shelter,” the UN experts said.

    They stressed that “unrestricted humanitarian access should be provided immediately to all areas where indigenous Papuans are currently located after being internally displaced.

    “Durable solutions must be sought.”

    ‘Tip of the iceberg’
    On a dozen occasions, the experts have written to the Indonesian government about numerous alleged incidents since late 2018.

    “These cases may represent the tip of the iceberg given that access to the region is severely restricted making it difficult to monitor events on the ground,” they warned.

    Meanwhile, the security situation in Highlands Papua had dramatically deteriorated since the 26 April 2021 killing of a high-ranking military officer by the West Papua National Liberation Army in West Papua.

    The experts pointed to the shooting of two children, aged two and six, on October 26, shot to death by stray bullets in their own homes, during a firefight. The two-year-old later died.

    End violations
    “Urgent action is needed to end ongoing human rights violations against indigenous Papuans,” the experts said, advocating for independent monitors and journalists to be allowed access to the region.

    They outlined steps that include ensuring all alleged violations receive thorough, “prompt and impartial investigations”.

    “Investigations must be aimed at ensuring those responsible, including superior officers where relevant, are brought to justice. Crucially lessons must be learned to prevent future violations,” the Rapporteurs concluded.

    Special Rapporteurs and independent experts are appointed by the Geneva-based UN Human Rights Council to examine and report back on a specific human rights theme or a country situation.

    The positions are honorary and the experts are not paid for their work.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • No way home and no way in! COVID-19 and Indonesian workers in Japan

    COVID-19 has greatly affected the Indonesian Technical Intern Trainee Program in Japan, for those currently in Japan and for prospective pre-departure participants in Indonesia, and diminishing the enthusiasm for the prospective new type of SSW/ Special Skill workers visa. My interviews show that many prospective interns, who have passed examinations and are ready to leave for Japan, must postpone or even cancel their travel due to Japan’s closed border policy. Many have spent tens of millions of Rupiah on pre-departure preparation and training, but it is not clear when they will be dispatched to Japan and the money cannot be returned. Some have extended their language training period at the sending institution in Indonesia while they wait for news of border opening, paying additional fees. In spite of this, the sending institutions have not stopped persuasively and optimistically promoting the internship and SSW programs.

    Due to the high demand for productive workers in Japan, in April 2019 the Japanese government revised its migration policy, opening up opportunities for foreign workers from developing countries like Indonesia to obtain a Special Skills Work (SSW) visa in Japan, called the “Tokutei Ginou” visa. To establish this cooperation, the Ministry of Labor of the Republic of Indonesia signed the agreement on Tuesday, June 25, 2019.

    In the same year the Ministry of Manpower of Indonesia, in cooperation with the International Manpower Development Organization (IM Japan), a Japanese public interest incorporated foundation, agreed to continue the deployment of workers under the Technical Intern Program (TITP), and to even increase the number of Indonesian technical intern trainees. The TITP itself officially started in 1993 with the original purpose of technology transfer and to reduce undocumented immigrants. The program’s participants come from across Asia, with Vietnam sending 196,001 people or 53.5% of the program participants, followed by China at 69,795, or 19.1%, and Indonesia with 32,508 people, or 8.9%. To strengthen this cooperation, the Indonesian Ministry of Manpower prepared new training facilities for prospective TITP migrant workers. Ida Fauziyah, the Indonesian Minister of Manpower, said the two parties had agreed that Indonesia would increase its deployment by 5,000 more technical intern trainees each year over the next two to three years.

    Based on the report of HRWG (human rights watch group) research, before the pandemic, the pre-departure fees had become a serious problem on the TITP program. There are many rogue private sending institutions that  have overcharged for pre-departure fees, retaining private documents, enforcing placement fees with unreasonable value, and practicing debt bondage through the facilitation of consumer credit in order to attract and finance prospective workers to join the program.  With the pandemic, fantastic advertisements promoting internship programs and SSW visas have mushroomed. One prospective SSW participant, stated in an interview:

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    “Many prospective workers feel cheated by the current conditions, but the sending institution instructs newcomers to apply for SSW, and takes advantage of the closed [Japanese] border, by directing these prospective participants to study Japanese language longer at their institution until they can pass Japanese N4, with simplified requirements, and the lure of a higher salary. But [they] do not provide any explanation regarding the consequences, laws, and rights that we must understand as workers.” (RP, Bekasi, 2022)

    Trainees already in Japan have also been affected many problems during the COVID-19 pandemic, including losing their jobs, inadequate housing facilities, being sent home when their employers went bankrupt, or being unable to go home due to uncertain conditions, etc. Hence the Japanese Immigration Agency promised to collaborate with ministries and agencies to re-employ trainees on new visas, especially for field struggling to fill vacancies due to closed borders

    In the end, COVID-19 had an impact on many trainees who then continued their stay in Japan by changing their visa to SSW visas. One interviewee stated that his decision to continue his stay with an SSW visa was because going home in a pandemic condition was not attractive either:

    “I don’t know what to do in Indonesia either, looking for work is also difficult everywhere, so I think it’s better to continue my stay in Japan. At first, I hope that I can get a different company because the current place has long working hours and I can’t take a day off. I feel tired. But unfortunately, I don’t know where to look for and find a new company, and the company that I’m working for now needs people. Instead of going home in the COVID situation, I think it’s better to take the offer, even though I don’t understand this new visa status, such as what my rights are, because the contract is written in Japanese and the contract letter was kept by the company and company doesn’t explain anything…we don’t have any intermediaries anymore, I feel so confused.” (IA, Osaka, 2021)

    Given these conditions, migrant workers, most of whom dream of crossing into greener pastures, are disproportionately vulnerable to the effects of the pandemic due to inadequate and overcrowded living conditions, limited access to health care, general services, poor working conditions, and an exploitative workforce. In addition, access to information is hampered by irresponsible parties for the sake of reaping economic benefit. However, at the moment, irresponsible sending agencies in Indonesia and stakeholders in Japan are still finding ways to manipulate and take advantage of a precarious cohort of migrant workers.

    The post No way home and no way in! COVID-19 and Indonesian workers in Japan appeared first on New Mandala.

    This post was originally published on New Mandala.

  • AJI slams hacking of group chief’s accounts as attack on press freedom

    By Vitorio Mantalean in Jakarta

    The Indonesian Independent Journalist Alliance (AJI) has condemned the hacking and disinformation attacks against the group’s general chairperson Sasmito Madrim as a serious threat to media freedom.

    In a written release, the AJI stated that the incident was a “serious threat to press freedom and the freedom of expression”.

    “This practice is a form of attack against activists and the AJI as an organisation which has struggled for freedom of expression and press freedom,” the group stated.

    “The hacking and disinformation attack against AJI chairperson Sasmito Madrim is an attempt to terrorise activists who struggle for freedom of expression and democracy”, the group said.

    The AJI stated that the hacking attack began on February 23 and targeted Madrim’s personal WhatsApp, Instagram and Facebook accounts as well as his personal mobile phone number.

    All of the posted content on his Instagram account was deleted then the hacker uploaded Madrim’s private mobile number.

    Madrim’s mobile number was subsequently unable to receive phone calls or SMS messages.

    Pornographic picture hack
    On his Facebook account, Madrim’s profile photograph was replaced with a pornographic picture.

    On February 24, the AJI monitored a disinformation attack which included Madrim’s name and photograph on social media.

    The narrative being disseminated was that Madrim supported the government’s 2020 banning of the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI), supports the government’s construction of the Bener Dam in Purworejo regency and has asked the police to arrest Haris Azhar and Fatia Maulidiyanti, two activists who were criminalised by Coordinating Minister for Maritime Affairs and Investment Luhut Binsar Pandjaitan.

    The AJI Indonesia asserts that these messages are false and such views have never been expressed by Madrim.

    “These three [pieces of] disinformation are clearly an attempt to play AJI Indonesia off against other civil society organisations, including to pit AJI against the residents of Wadas [Village] which is currently fighting against the exploitation of natural restores in its village,” wrote AJI.

    AJI Indonesia is asking the public not to believe the narrative of disinformation spreading on social media and to support them in fighting for press freedom, the right to freedom of expression, association, opinion and the right to information.

    Translated from the Kompas.com report by James Balowski for IndoLeft News. The original title of the article was “Kecam Peretasan Terhadap Ketumnya, AJI: Ancaman Serius Bagi Kebebasan Pers“.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Local advocacy groups call on NZ to press Indonesia to free accused activist

    Asia Pacific Report newsdesk

    A national network of groups supporting freedom and justice for West Papua has called on Foreign Minister Nanaia Mahuta to condemn Indonesian charges of treason against accused West Papuan Victor Yeimo.

    They have called for the release of Yeimo, who this week rejected charges against him in a court hearing in the Papuan provincial capital of Jayapura.

    Spokesperson Catherine Delahunty, a former Green Party MP, described the charges against West Papua National Committee (KNPB) international spokesperson as “trumped up” and said Yeimo had suffered a “serious health crisis”.

    “In addition to taking a strong position in support of Ukraine at this terrible moment we are asking Nanaia Mahuta to stand up for human rights in our neighbourhood,” she said in a statement.

    “Last week Victor Yeimo was charged with treason for participating in an antiracism peaceful protest on August 19, 2019.

    “He also spoke against the abuse of West Papuan students, which included hours of being harangued and called ‘monkeys’ before being beaten and arrested.

    “That is his only ‘crime’, but for that he has been detained for ten months, suffered a serious health crisis and is now in court facing trumped up charges of treason,” Delahunty said.

    Yeimo charged with makar
    In Jayapura, the preliminary court hearing against Yeimo was held at the Jayapura District Court in Abepura, Papua, on last Monday, reports Suara Papua.

    During the hearing, the public prosecutor read out the indictment in which he charged Yeimo under the makar (treason, subversion, rebellion) articles.

    The defence believes that the charges are excessive because what happened in August 2019 was a response to the racism which was “rooted in the nature of the Indonesian population against Papuans”.

    Victor Yeimo
    Papuan campaigner Victor Yeimo in handcuffs … he is international spokesperson for the West Papua National Committee (KNPB), a peaceful civil society disobedience organisation. Image: Tribunnews

    The prosecution said that during the protest actions which ended in riots on August 29, 2019, there was verbal as well as written involvement of the defendant along with his colleague the chairperson of the KNPB, Agus Kossay, in demonstrations which were facilitated by the chairpeople of the Student Executive Council (BEM) in Jayapura.

    “They [the chairpersons of the West Papua National Parliament (PNWP), the Federal Republic of West Papua (NRFPB), the West Papua National Coalition for Liberation (WPNCL) and the Free West Papua Campaign (FWPC), together with the defendant], called for, and took part in committing the act of makar with the maximum [aim] of all or part of the country’s territory [separating from Indonesia],” said prosecutor Andrianus Y. Tomana in reading out the charge sheet in the courtroom.

    According to the prosecutor, Yeimo was being indicted for crimes under Article 106 of the Criminal Code (KUHP) in conjunction with Article 55 Paragraph (1) on the crime of makar, Article 110 Paragraph 1 of the KUHP on criminal conspiracy to commit a crime, and Article 110 Paragraph 2 on endeavoring to mobilise people or call on people to commit a crime.

    In reply, Yeimo admitted that he had been involved as a participant in the anti-racist demonstration on August 19, 2019. However, the protest happened without problems and after it finished the protesters returned home.

    ‘I was arrested because of racism’
    “I was arrested only because of the racism case, indeed I was involved and it’s true there were speeches.

    “But it was not just me that gave speeches, the DPRP [Papua Regional House of Representatives] spoke, the governor spoke, all of the Papuan people spoke at the time. So if I’m being tried, why aren’t they being tried?” he asked.

    Yeimo explained that he attended along with other Papuan people in order to oppose and to fight against the racism and this opposition was conveyed peacefully at the Papua governor’s office.

    Delahunty said the Yeimo case had attracted a strong response from UN Special Rapporteurs, but in letters to the West Papua Action Network the New Zealand government only said it was “concerned” and that its officials “raise the case”.

    The European Union Commission has called for Indonesia to allow their high commissioners to visit West Papua, specifically naming the Victor Yeimo case as a human rights issue.

    “Our Foreign Minister needs to support the growing international calls for justice for Victor,” Delahunty said.

    “She needs to condemn this outrage and call for the treason charges to be dropped and Victor Yeimo to be immediately released.”

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • A new Indonesian capital city: conflict pending

    The Indonesian House of Representatives’ new capital city bill passed in mid-January 2022. It is one of fastest bills ever made in Indonesian legislative history, taking less than a month from when the house formed a special committee in mid-December last year to public hearings in early 2022. Normally that process takes at least 6 months, depending on the issues and political will. The new capital city bill has many pros and cons. While the government and house hope it will run smoothly, it appears the new capital draft bill did not include the aspirations or perspectives of current residents of the proposed site in Kalimantan. My research reveals that local voices, especially those of adat (customary law) communities have been excluded from discussions of the capital draft bill. Furthermore, another important issue arises in overlapping rules in the new capital location.  There are 162 existing natural resources concessions within the core location of new capital and its surroundings. Certainly, these two major omissions from the process contradict with the vision of new capital that is a smart, green, beautiful, and sustainable city.

    One important issue to be resolved is the acknowledgment of indigenous land rights. Although the new capital will be established on state land, which is made up of 56.180 hectare for the core area and 199.962 hectares for surrounding developments, this huge area overlaps with existing indigenous land parcels. The Sultanate of Kutai Kartanegara was not invited by national policymakers to discuss the land status of land in the new capital site, although the Sultanate still has traditional land rights on the site.  Before joining the Republic of Indonesia in 1959, the Sultanate was an independent polity whose land covered current territory of East Kalimantan Province. The Sultanate has resumed its activities in 1999 after a forty-year hiatus.   The site also includes some indigenous communities that use the land for fishing and farming.

    However, these traditional owners have been excluded from the discussion too. One local representative from Sultanate told me that, they never get any chance to discuss the new capital city process in formal or informal discussions from the national and local governments. In fact, they have been living in that area for decades. Most importantly, the central government’s bill only mentions Paser, Dayak, and Bugis as traditional owners of the area, and fails to  acknowledge the Sultanate and Kutai people. This could create land disputes, as the Sultanate still authorises customary law in managing lands.

    Related

    Lessons from Brasilia: on the empty modernity of Indonesia’s new capital

    Indonesian officials are raising Brasilia as a model for relocating the capital city to East Kalimantan. But Brazil’s experience with Brasilia is not a positive lesson from history, but a warning.

    David Henley and Giulia Frigo 14 April, 2020

    The marginalisation of indigenous people will be harmful for the new Indonesian capital city. Conflict between indigenous locals and migrants, particularly those from Java, will likely arise. The national state civil apparatus, an estimated 1,5 million people, will be the dominant group of migrants to East Kalimantan when the new city is established. This huge number of migrants has the potential to disturb local economies and markets, especially in terms of housing and food. If the government does not accommodate the need of locals, this will spark new vertical conflicts. Previously, notable vertical conflicts between the central government and communities in Aceh and Papua have resulted in insurgencies that have lasted for many years. Some of these have been focused one mining issues like oil and gas in Aceh and copper and silver mining in Papua.  In the second half of the 20th century, transmigration policy generated horizontal conflict between Javanese migrants and local populations in several provinces outside Java. Therefore, the lesson to be learned from previous conflicts triggered by this New Order developmentalism is that acknowledging traditional land rights and meeting economic needs through fair compensation may satisfy locals in the new Indonesian capital city development projects.

    The design for the new capital features concentric “rings” with parliament, ministries, government occupying the two central rings, business districts in the second ring and residential areas in the third. The location of new capital also overlaps with 162 current coal-mining concessions covering 203,720 hectares, three times the area of Jakarta. The owners of these concessions are large conglomerates who have close relationships with national elites. The mine owners are also attached to the inner political circle of Jokowi’s administration. Hashim Djojohadikusumo, younger brother of current Defence Minister Prabowo Subianto, has concessions that cover 173,395 hectares in the second ring, and business interests of the Coordinating Minister for Maritime & Investment Affairs Luhut Binsar Pandjaitan own land almost 17,000 hectares in the second and third rings. Significantly, most of these mining companies have huge mines on the site. This includes 94 coal mining holes that are supposed to be restored through environmental provisions.

    Photo: BPMI Setpres/Muchlis Jr (public domain). President Jokowi and his entourage at the new capital city site, including Minister of National Development Planning/Head National Development Planning Agency Suharso Monoarfa, Minister of State Owned Enterprises Erick Thohir, Minister of Public Works and Public Housing Basuki Hadimuljono, Minister for Environment and Forestry Siti Nurbaya, Minister for Agriculture and Spatial Planning Sofyan Djalil, Minister for Internal Affairs Tito Karnavian, dan Cabinate Secretary Pramono Anung.

    The Indonesian Mining Advocacy Network (JATAM) has underlined there is lack of transparency and poor public participation in the process of identifying land to be granted to concession holders in exchange for concessions that have been reclaimed. This risks disenfranchising or displacing locals whose land is caught up in these exchanges, which could potentially generate social conflict. These facts, however, lead the public to the belief that conglomerates will be relieved of responsibility for reparations of the disastrous environmental impacts of their mining if they agreed to financially support the new capital city.  This, again, contradicts with the vision of a capital that promotes a green and sustainable city development. The future Indonesian capital may be no better than Jakarta if it is built on vulnerable and fragile environments. The alignment of interests between business and politics should be refused in the making of a new capital city. These has leads one civil society organisation, the National Axis for State Sovereignty (PNKM) to file a lawsuit against the new capital city bill through the constitutional court. They argue that the new capital city is not part of the long-term national development project 2005 to 2025, and therefore  unconstitutional.

    In sum, the whole picture of new Indonesian capital city still leans to the elites rather than the people. Recently, more than 24.000 people have signed an online petition rejecting the capital moving from Jakarta to East Kalimantan because of concerns about the COVID-19 situation and state budget deficits.  Many groups are in opposition, especially those already living in the area.  Acknowledging their existence and accommodating their needs is the key to building an inclusive Indonesian capital city for all.

    The post A new Indonesian capital city: conflict pending appeared first on New Mandala.

    This post was originally published on New Mandala.

  • Understanding the dynamics of political contestation within Nahdlatul Ulama’s 34th Muktamar

    In December 2021 Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) was central to social and political discourse in Indonesia due to the debate surrounding its muktamar (congress). The debate ranged from whether to accelerate or postpone the muktamar following government restrictions on activities as part of tackling COVID-19, through to the government’s backing of President Joko Widodo’s favoured candidate. Jokowi’s intimacy with candidate Yahya Cholil Staquf (Gus Yahya), and Yahya’s sibling’s position as minister of religious affairs were seen as partisan. The differences in addressing the issues created sharp divides among political factions and reflected the dynamics of political contestation.

    As the muktamar attracted public attention and has wider implications on Indonesian politics, three main questions capture the dynamics of NU’s political contestation: How does history shapes NU’s organizational character and dynamic of its internal political contestation? What were the major factions in the contestation and how were they formed? How did each faction draw, conserve, and exercise their strength over others?

    NU’s leadership is deeply rooted in the cultural network of pesantren and kyais, mostly across Java. These social bases formed long before the establishment of its formal organisation.  The structure of the NU’s organization was simply a formalisation of that cultural network and hierarchy. However, as NU’s ulama, or charismatic leaders, are rooted in the pesantren and spend almost all their time there, the NU’s founding fathers established a body to extend the ulama’s reach and manage the NU’s organisational routine in Jakarta. Therefore, there are two main chambers in NU’s organisational structures: syuriyah (supreme council) and tanfidziah (executive council). The former consists of hierarchical charismatic kyais or leaders who make strategic and principle decisions while the later those assigned to execute the decisions made by syuriyah.

    The original structure changed significantly after the NU became an independent party, following its disassociation from Masyumi Party in 1952. Since then, as a political party the organisation required much greater role for the tanfidziah as executive body. Although the respective roles of these two chambers were restored as a result of NU’s return to their original mission (Kembali ke Khittah 1926) and its disassociation from PPP in 1984, the greater role for tandfiziyah has lasted for more than three decades. Since the role of syuriyah has been partially restored, both tandfiziyah and, to a lesser extent, syuriyah have become equally important and top positions in both chambers are highly contested in every muktamar. Therefore, it is important to consider how the contestation for the top position in syuriyah, Rais Aam (President General), became part of the political game, and how it affects the broader political dynamics of the muktamar.

    The 34th Muktamar of NU in Lampung reflected that pattern. A hard-fought contestation took place in the Syuriyah chamber as well. Miftachul Akhyar (Kyai Miftach) as acting Rais ‘Aam seemed to seek a permanent position, was deeply involved in the dispute over the date of the muktamar. In his close alliance with Gus Yahya, who sought the position of chair of the tanfidziyah, he made a tactical manoeuvre to control the political game. When the dispute between the political factions over whether to accelerate or postpone the schedule of the muktamar became heated,  acting Rais ‘Aam Kyai Miftach tried to use his exclusive privilege to veto determining the schedule. With Gus Yahya, he had an interest in bringing forward the schedule, while Said Aqil Siraj (Kyai Said) sought postponement until the end of January 2022, due to his ill-prepared situation for the contestation.

    In chamber of tanfidziah, before narrowing down to Kyai Said and Gus Yahya, several names were predicted to compete for the position of chair, including Marzuqi Mustamar (Kyai Mustamar), and As’ad Ali (Kyai As’ad).

    Kyai Said was the incumbent who had served two terms and sought a third term. In a fierce battle against Gus Yahya, Kyai Said only secured 210 votes while the remaining 337 favoured Gus Yahya in the final round. There were several possible factors for his defeat. One was that his decade-long leadership was not considered to align with the spirit of Khittah 1926. Kyai Said was considered to have made blatant political manoeuvres and returned the NU closer to practical politics. Another factor was a lack of breakthroughs during his leadership.

    Gus Yahya was the strongest challenger to the incumbent. His last position in NU’s central board was as Khatib Aam (General Secretary of Syuriyah), and he was formerly a politician in the National Awakening Party (Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa, PKB). He reached the peak of his political career as spokesperson for President Gus Dur. He decided to quit politics after his father died in 2004 and assumed a position as a deputy general secretary (Khatib of Syuriyah) of NU’s central board after the NU’s 32nd Muktamar in Makassar in 2010. He was then promoted to Khatib Aam. He follows Gus Dur’s path in promoting and strengthening the NU’s role in the international arena, particularly in Western World, including with a controversial visit to Israel in 2018.

    Gus Yahya’s victory was grounded in his symbiotic mutualism with Kyai Miftach. This alliance succeeded in securing their common interests. Gus Yahya’s position as Katib Aam and his alliance with Kyai Miftach provided an opportunity to seize the chamber of Syuriyah and use it for political bargaining on every decision made about the muktamar. Moreover, they come from Central Java and East Java respectively, two larges bases for Nahdlatul Ulama. This alliance succeeded in securing the support of these two bases for their respective candidacies.

    This alliance also had implications for the diminishment of Kyai Mustamar’s candidacy. Like Kyai Miftach, Kyai Mustamar comes from East Java. On East Java’s NU Provincial board, Kyai Miftach was mustasyar and Rais Aam while Kyai Mustamar is currently chair of the Administrative Council (Tandfiziyah). As a former local Rais Aam Kyai Miftach has greater support from East Java’s NU base, ruling out Kyai Mustamar’s strong candidacy. He is widely known as an outspoken advocate of NU’s traditional practices such as tahlilan and pilgrimage to graves, which is regarded as heresy by Salafists and Islamic modernists. His counters to these criticisms are strengthened by his education in a Wahhabist institution sponsored by Saudi Arabia and the Islamic and Arabic College (Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Islam dan Bahasa Arab, LIPIA) Jakarta

    Gus Yahya’s political strength also rested on his little brother, Yaqut Cholil Qoumas (Gus Yaqut), who has command of the Ansor Youth Movement (Gerakan Pemuda Ansor, GP Ansor) and the Ministry of Religious Affairs. GP Ansor is affiliated with the NU and in charge of the NU’s semi-military organization, the Multipurpose Ansor Front (Barisan Ansor Serbaguna, Banser). Most of GP Ansor’s functionaries are also functionaries on the NU’s multilevel board. Gus Yahya also received support from former GP Ansor’s chairs like Saifullah Yusuf and Nusron Wahid. The Ministry of Religious Affairs is widely thought to be dominated by the NU. Gus Yaqut controversially stated that the role of Minister of Religious Affairs should be given to the NU. The NU’s multilevel board is also dominated by high and low ranking officials of that ministry. As chairman of GP Ansor, Gus Yaqut appeared to exercise his power to mobilise these two institutional bases to support Gus Yahya’s candidacy. Gus Yaqut’s influence on the Ministry has concerned Gus Yahya’s rivals, who tried to mitigate this by publicly protesting Gus Yaqut’s favouring of Gus Yahya.

    After such a dramatic political battle, the face of NU, at least in next five years, will mostly rest on Gus Yahya’s leadership. He is committed to strengthening and expanding the role of the NU on a global scale to perpetuate a world order based on peace and freedom, as has he done before. Moreover, antithetical to his political rival Kyai Said, Gus Yahya’s leadership will reinstate the Khittah 1926, which will keep NU away from practical politics. The main challenge for Gus Yahya in meeting these commitments is NU’s lack of independent financial resources. NU’s dependence on political influence will make it difficult for the organisation to maintain its neutrality and critique social and political problems, particularly with respect to government policies and short-term political interests.

    The post Understanding the dynamics of political contestation within Nahdlatul Ulama’s 34th Muktamar appeared first on New Mandala.

    This post was originally published on New Mandala.

  • Erasing the untouchables: the Indonesian way

    Corporate tsars and the political powerful rarely back independent probes into official misconduct—unless limited to their rivals. Canberra has yet to debate such an authority, while next door Indonesia’s oligarchs are destroying their Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (Corruption Eradication Commission), not with a bang which might alarm, but many whimpers.

    In 1998 Indonesia’s second president Soeharto resigned during the Asian Financial Crisis when huge crowds demanded democracy and an end to avarice.  During the authoritarian kleptocrat’s 32 years in power, his family reportedly amassed US $30 billion by plundering the public purse and demanding bribes.  The former general was never prosecuted and died in 2008.  The money has not been recovered.

    The KPK was established in December 2003 during the presidency of Megawati Sukarnoputri, though the foundations had been laid earlier when the liberal cleric Abdurrahman Wahid (aka Gus Dur) ruled (1999 – 2001). The political atmosphere at the time was heady with the promise of starting afresh and washing away the filth from decades of palm-greasing staining the nation’s name and known as KKN – Korupsi, Kolusi, Nepotisme.

    The Commission set about its duties with energy and positive publicity.  Early hits were a who’s who of oligarchs, government ministers, corporate crooks and high-profile socialites. One of the most sickening cases involved former social affairs minister Juliari Peter Batubara, a Protestant member of the ruling Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan, (PDI-P Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle).  The spiv was jailed for 12 years for trousering $2.25 million from funds budgeted to buy COVID-19 relief packages for the poor.

    Related

    KPK v Polri: a proxy conflict?

    Is the battle between Indonesia’s corruption commission and national police a sign of the difficulties to come for President Jokowi, asks Jacqueline Hicks.

    Jacqueline Hicks, Guest Contributor 19 February, 2015

    Like many fellow malefactors, Batubara realised too late that the KPK was not like other authorities allegedly ready to drop investigations in return for cash-stuffed envelopes.  Its formidable powers included warrantless wiretaps, travel bans, freezing bank accounts and detaining suspects. During the golden years, the Untouchables were TV news regulars hustling famous names into cars after late-night raids on sky-level homes and offices.

    With a 100 per cent success rate, the KPK rapidly became the most trusted and supported agency in Indonesia, peaking in 2013 with the Ramon Magsaysay Award, named after the former Philippine President who had a reputation for integrity and idealism. The prize has been run since 1957 by the NY-based Rockefeller Brothers’ Trust Fund. It called the KPK “a fiercely independent government body that serves as a symbol of hope and reform.”  It wouldn’t say that now.

    When the current president Joko Widodo won his first five-year term in 2014 supporters were certain he’d support the overworked KPK facing a backlog of 16,200 cases. They expected an idealist but got a pragmatist who’d rather concentrate on his nation’s infrastructure than its integrity. Ironically he also wants overseas money, though ethical Western investors shun countries that tolerate dirty deals. (Some nations like the US, the UK and Australia, have laws where citizens can be prosecuted in their homeland for bribing bureaucrats abroad.)

    Presidential Chief of Staff Moeldoko seemed unaware his country had ratified the UN Convention against Corruption when he allegedly dubbed the KPK “a hindrance to investment”. Though he later added that he meant the KPK law, it seemed he’d revealed the administration’s real concerns.
    Because the Commission had widespread support the erosion has been subtle. The agency needed to focus more on graft prevention than law enforcement, according to new chair Firli Bahuri, appointed by Widodo in 2019 for a five-year term. This was despite the KPK Ethics Council having found him guilty of a “gross violation” by allegedly alerting a suspect.

    The former Commissioner General of Police had enjoyed a lacklustre career in uniform, though a shining contact list which includes Megawati.  The unchallenged queen of the ruling PDI-P is rumoured to be Widodo’s dalang (puppet master). Last October the daughter of first president Soekarno (1945-65) got the job of chairing the steering committee of the National Research and Innovation Agency, an amalgamation of five state institutions. The appointment startled the academic community hoping for leadership from an internationally acclaimed scientist.  There are a few like US-educated physicist Yohanes Surya, though  Indonesia has no Nobel laureates.

    Megawati, 75, failed to complete her studies at two unis (agriculture at one, psychology at another), but now holds nine honorary doctorates.  Despite her lack of qualifications she’s apparently “obsessed” with science, an interest she’s kept secret till now.

    But away from perceived nepotism and back to the KPK.  Bahuri’s changes included ordering long-term investigators who’d put many brigands behind bars, to take a civil service examination. They reportedly included personal queries:  “Why are you not married at this age? Do you still have a desire? Do you want to be my second wife? What do you do when you’re dating?” Fifty-one failed the test and were kicked out.  Widodo reportedly said he didn’t want the staff ousted and neither did the public.  Their concerns made no difference.

    Among the rejects was Indonesia’s Eliot Ness, Novel Baswedan who’d lost an eye when hydrochloric acid was thrown in his face after he left a mosque.  He’d been investigating allegations of police force wrongdoings and a case involving politicians collecting bribes through an ID electronic card project

    In a curious development, Baswedan and his sacked colleagues were then offered jobs with the police.

    The KPK rot continued within. In September 2020 the agency’s Supervisory Council found Bahuri guilty of indulging in a “hedonistic lifestyle” after he chartered a helicopter to fly home.  He was tickled with a written reprimand and kept his job. Last September KPK deputy Lili Pintauli Siregar tipped off a North Sumatra city mayor that he was a suspect. The law says KPK leaders could face up to five years in jail for alerting anyone under investigation. Her salary was docked Rp 1.85 million (AUD 181) a month.  No big deal. Her allowances are ten times that sum. If the KPK’s bosses don’t follow the rules, why should others bother?

    Zaenur Rohman of Gadjah Mada University’s Centre for Anticorruption Studies reportedly said: “The KPK had its worst record in handling corruption cases. In fact, the Attorney General’s Office performed better, handling corruption cases involving (state insurance companies) Jiwasraya and Asabri that involved trillions of rupiah in state losses.”

    An editorial in The Jakarta Post commented pithily: “Things are really dire if the AGO, an agency not known for its integrity or good performance, outdid the KPK.”

    Just before 2021 ended Widodo addressed KPK staff on International Anti-corruption Day.  He didn’t order hard-line persecution of crims as the public demands (some have called for the death penalty), but went soft:  “Corruption eradication should not only mean an arrest being made. Preventing corruption is more fundamental.” So the archipelago’s streetscapes are now befouled with big posters featuring men in uniform telling citizens to neither give nor receive bribes, though it is common knowledge this remains the best way to get bureaucrats to perform their duties and do so speedily. Government departments and uni campuses declare they are graft-free zones as though immoral behaviour is like a virus.

    The education-not-prosecution line has been followed by Bahuri who, unlike Yale psychologist Paul Bloom, doesn’t believe we have an innate sense of right and wrong.  Bahuri wants parents to instil moral behaviours in their kiddies “so that an anti-corruption mentality is built and formed in every individual in this Republic.”

    There has been change—downwards.  A decade ago Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index ranked Indonesia 96 among 179 nations.  Its position now is 102.

    The post Erasing the untouchables: the Indonesian way appeared first on New Mandala.

    This post was originally published on New Mandala.

  • Critics slam Indonesian green capital move – ‘heaven surrounded by hell’

    Asia Pacific Report newsdesk

    A number of national figures in Indonesia have criticised the project to move the state capital (IKN) from Jakarta to East Kalimantan as envisaged by President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo, reports CNN Indonesia.

    Among the figures who have loudly criticised the project are economist Dr Faisal Basri and former Vice-President Jusuf Kalla.

    Dr Basri has questioned Widodo’s dream of building a “green capital” city. In reality, said Dr Basri, the new capital city Nusantara would be surrounded by coal mines, oil refineries and palm oil plantations.

    “This is unique, they (the government) want to build a green city, a smart city, but what surrounds it is totally different,” the economist said.

    “So it will be a heaven surrounded by hell. In time this heaven could also become hot,” said Dr Basri during a virtual discussion at the Mulawarman University.

    Dr Basri said that it was not a matter of not being allowed to move the capital, but he warned that the current economic conditions were not supportive of such a mega-project.

    He also warned of the economic transformation which would stall and the issue of half of the population currently being categorised as extremely poor, poor, almost poor and vulnerable to falling into poverty.

    Many problems
    Speaking separately, former Vice-President Kalla predicted that moving the capital city would encounter many problems. He is pushing the government to fully resolve the problems which would emerge in the future.

    “It is these complex issues which must be addressed together because later there will be problems, there will definitely be problems, budgetary problems, location problems, and the like”, said Kalla during a Justice and Prosperity Party (PKS) national working meeting in Jakarta.

    Kalla said that moving the capital city would not be easy. He added, however, that this was no longer the time to debate the issue because the decision had already been taken by the government and the House of Representatives (DPR).

    Sharp criticism has also come from former Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) Chair Busyro Muqoddas who said that the process of deliberating and enacting the law on the state capital city by the DPR was “reckless”.

    “And this is an irony which has profoundly injured the dignity of the ordinary people. The people have been positioned like the oligarchy’s cash cows in an election cycle, an election of regional heads,” said Muqoddas during the virtual discussion.

    “This also in fact represents layers of disloyalty. In Arabic, durhaka murokab against the people,” he said.

    New law to move capital
    Earlier, the government and the DPR agreed to move the capital city from Jakarta to the new location in East Kalimantan.

    The two parties embodied this agreement in the Law on the State Capital City (UU IKN).

    The process of moving the state capital will not be done immediately following the enactment of the UU IKN.

    Jakarta will continue to carry the status of the capital city until the president issues a presidential decree on moving the capital.

    Translated by James Balowski for IndoLeft News. The original title of the article was “Tokoh Kritik Keras IKN: Dikelilingi Neraka, Rakyat Jadi Sapi Perah”.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Papuan students form umbrella body, reaffirm campaign for education rights

    Asia Pacific Report newsdesk

    An umbrella organisation representing Papuan students worldwide has been formed with a renewed commitment to strengthening their efforts to gain “quality education”.

    Five country groups affiliated to the International Alliance of Papuan Students Associations Overseas (IAPSAO) met virtually yesterday to make a united stance on Papuan education, affirming their appeal last month for Indonesian President Joko Widodo to hear their concerns.

    Opening the meeting, Dessy F. Itaar, president of the Papuan Student Association in Russia (IMAPA Russia), declared that the organisation was committed to achieving quality education for Papuans.

    “That’s our main goal. Whatever happens, we will keep fighting until we get our rights,” she said.

    The virtual meeting was a continuation of an earlier consultation on January 26 when the students expressed concern over policy changes that they believed would impact on education and Papuan students studying abroad.

    Other Papuan student associations affiliated to IAPSAO besides the Russian-based one include the Papuan Students Association in the United States and Canada (IMAPA USA-Canada), the Papuan Students Association in Japan (IMAPA Japan), the Papuan Students Association in Germany (PMP Germany) and the Papuan Students Association in Oceania (PSAO).

    Previously, student presidents united under the IAPSAO name were known as the Association of Papuan Students Abroad.

    Renaming witnessed
    Witnessed during the virtual conference by hundreds of Papuan students from countries such as Australia, Canada, Germany, Japan, New Zealand, Russia, Germany, Indonesia and the United States, PSAO president Yan Piterson Wenda declared the renaming of the international organisation IAPSAO on behalf of the five presidents who were signatories.

    Earlier, Itaar had stressed that although Papuan students were sent overseas to focus on their studies, it was important for the presidents to unite and speak out about the problems faced by fellow students.

    “As presidents who represent every organisation that we lead, there is one moral burden that we carry — which is not thinking about ourselves, we must think about all members in each organisation,” she said.

    Only Papuans know the struggle of Papuan inner souls, so Papuans should first help each other before other people help Papuans, Itaar said.

    “The only people who can wake us up are Papuans.

    When “our friends from the USA and New Zealand shared their struggles”, fellow Papuans from Japan, Russia and Germany agreed to support them.

    “We Papuan children must get a quality education, whatever it is,” she said.

    No political agenda
    “Meilani S. Ramandey, president of IMAPA Japan, said the working team demanding the rights of the current and future Papuan generations had no political agenda. It worked only for educational issues.

    “As Papuan students, we stick to this principle, it is not affiliated with any kind of political agenda.”

    The students want to know the status of their scholarship programme, which is run under the policies of Papua provincial Governor Lukas Enembe.

    “This is important so that all of us do not misunderstand,” said Ramandey.

    Reporting on a meeting last week between representatives of the Papuan Students Association in Oceania and the Indonesian Ambassador to New Zealand, Fientje Maritje Suebu, and the head of the Papua Province Human Resources Development Bureau (HRDB), Aryoko Rumaropen, and his staff, PSAO president Yan Piterson Wenda recalled that the bureau had no power to respond to demands by the students.

    “The Head of HRDB appreciates the steps taken by the students. The HRDB is disappointed with the policies taken by the central government, so the Indonesian Embassy must respond to this problem,” Wenda said.

    “Then, the HRDB said frankly that they had no money. That’s why now all of my friends can’t buy food and pay for accommodation and other needs.

    “In principle, HRDB is with us and will forward our aspirations to the Governor. We are waiting for the embassy to proceed with our demands.”

    Embassy responded well
    Dimison Kogoya, president of the Papuan Students Association in the United States and Canada, reported that the Indonesian Embassy in USA and Canada had responded well to the students’ letter.

    “We have held a meeting and at the time of the meeting, we emphasised that our demands should be forwarded to the President,” said a computer science student at Johnson and Wales University in North Carolina.

    President Reza Rumbiak of the Papuan Students Association in Germany said Papuan students who were studying in Germany remained in solidarity with students in the USA and New Zealand.

    He said a letter had been received from the Indonesian Embassy in Berlin in response to the request by students for a meeting with the President – but the reply contained 18 points of rebuttal.

    “The pressure on me as president is very intense. But we in Germany support our brothers and sisters in the USA and New Zealand, because our DNA as Papuans is communal,” said Rumbiak.

    IAPSAO issued a four-point declaration to:

    1. Make the International Alliance of Papuan Student Associations Overseas (IAPSAO) an umbrella organisation for all Papuan student organisations domiciled overseas;
    2. Improve and maximise coordination and communication in efforts to protect, prevent, anticipate, and defend the educational rights of Papuan students overseas;
    3. Affirm IASAO is an independent and academic forum; and
    4. Make decisions in this forum based on mutual consensus.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Human rights in the age of Southeast Asian extractivism

    At their 48th session, the UN Human Rights Council in 2021 recognised a standalone human right to a safe, clean, healthy and sustainable environment, representing a major development in international human rights law. Yet, for many countries in Southeast Asia, including Thailand, the Philippines and Indonesia, environmental human rights have long been enshrined in their Constitutions and laws. But these nations’ extractive industries have had significant impacts on how the norm is upheld. The differing human rights regimes in these countries highlight the importance of protecting the procedural elements of the right to a healthy environment, such as access to courts, to ensure the substantive right is achieved in practice not just on paper.

    According to the UN Food and Agriculture Organisation, in all three countries over 50% of people generate income from the agricultural sector. Communities are strongly connected to their local environments, they live and earn by the integrity of the ecosystems around them, and are strongly incentivised to fight for environmental conservation. Indigenous peoples in all three nations maintain deep connections to their lands, and manage vast swathes of biodiversity rich forests.

    Related

    Environmental degradation in Indonesia: lessons from Jambi

    Native oligarchs and unscrupulous security apparatuses from the police to the military continue to exploit natural resources with ease and impunity.

    Muhammad Beni Saputra 05 January, 2021

    Religion, culture and history also elevate ecological concerns. In Thai Buddhism, trees are sacred – some belong to local ancestral spirits (puta) whilst others are believed to contain divine entities like Mae Tani. Similarly in Indonesian Islam, some local Islamic institutions reject Western capitalism because it corrodes man’s fundamental responsibility to protect nature, as entrusted by God. Democratisation has also had an influence, with the Philippines protecting a suite of human rights (including the right to a balanced and healthful ecology) in their 1986 Freedom Constitution. This Constitution was drafted as a result of the People Power revolution in 1986, and—like many transitional democracies at the time—was incredibly ambitious in restructuring systems of political power to address economic inequalities and environmental degradation.

    The right to a healthy environment in law

    History, culture and religion have informed the constitutional and legislative reforms in all three countries, with each nation explicitly protecting the right to a healthy environment. Express and comprehensive recognition is critical because the human right to a healthy environment is multi-faceted, with both procedural and substantive dimensions. The procedural dimensions of the right, such as ensuring public access to environmental information and the courts, allows people to enforce their human rights. The substantive dimension of the right is what communities are seeking to protect, including freedom from toxic environments and a safe climate. Both components are essential. The substantive element serves as a vision for the healthy environment that we all need to flourish, whilst the procedural elements create a pathway for us to move towards that vision.

    In the Indonesian Constitution, article 28h(1) states that every person shall “have the right to life…and to enjoy a good and healthy environment”. This high-level statement is affirmed by Indonesian laws like the Law on Environmental Protection and Management (2009), which grants procedural rights for the public to make submissions about the activities that have the potential to harm the environment.

    Thailand’s 2017 Constitution recognises the right to a healthy environment in two sections. First, section 43(2) enshrines people’s rights to “manage, maintain and utilise natural resources, [the] environment and biodiversity”. Second, section 57(2) imposes obligations on the Thai state to “conserve…and use or arrange for utilisation of natural resources, [the] environment and biodiversity”. Thailand has implemented an environmental impact assessment framework for the achievement of these aspirations under its Enhancement and Conservation of the National Environmental Quality Act (2018).

    Finally, the Philippines protects the right to a healthy environment in its Constitution (outlined above) and has enacted legislation to protect environmental rights in the context of developments, pollution and climate change. The Philippines was also noted in a report of the UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights and the Environment for its best practice provision of environmental information to its people.

    But the vision of a safe and healthy environment for people in Southeast Asia is being degraded by rapidly expanding extractivist industries. In all three countries, liberalisation of the mining sector has led to an explosion of (often foreign-owned) mining ventures, and an escalation in human rights abuses. Indonesia is one of the deadliest countries in the Southeast Asian region for environmental defenders. Across the South China Sea, Indigenous peoples and local communities in the Philippines are too often displaced by mining-related environmental devastation. Thailand is no exception, with poor government regulation contributing to unsustainable deforestation (for the benefit of large open-cut mines). All three countries are also rated as vulnerable to climate change impacts, but the growing coal industry threatens progress towards each nation’s Paris Agreement targets.

    Black gold, fool’s gold and the fight for the treasures of a healthy environment

    The extractivist industry is closely tied to political leaders and business oligarchs, and they have certainly asserted influence over reforms to development processes in all three countries. For example, Thailand passed laws in 2014 to enable mining companies to access land without adequate environmental mitigation and Indonesia has revoked the protected environmental status of biodiverse-rich areas for the benefit of major developers.

    So, for many Indigenous peoples and environmental activists, the procedural components of the right to a healthy environment have become essential for the protection of substantive environmental rights. Of most importance is adequate access to the courts.

    In both Thailand and the Philippines, courts have been willing to interpret the right to a healthy environment expansively. Thai courts have repeatedly held mining companies to account for environmental degradation, for example awarding compensation to 22 villagers who experienced environmental harm from lead contamination. Similarly, the Supreme Court of the Philippines has developed world-leading jurisprudence on the right to a healthy environment, outlining that the Philippines government is obligated to conserve a healthy environment for Filipinos in the state’s capacity as parens patriae (Latin for “parent of the nation”).

    Unfortunately, Indonesia is an outlier in this regard. Despite sharing many of the legal dimensions of the right to a healthy environment, Indonesian courts have not followed the Thai or Filipino approach and have largely underutilised the right in jurisprudence. Indeed, Indonesia’s court system is not designed to facilitate environmental human rights cases, as the country’s Human Rights Court does not have jurisdiction to hear alleged environmental human rights abuses. The reluctance of Indonesian courts to engage with the right to a healthy environment is a product of a lack of judicial specialist knowledge and the black-letter approach to Constitutional law employed by Indonesian courts. But such barriers are not absolute, and can be addressed. For example, Thailand has established a specialist environmental division in the court system to facilitate environmental public interest cases.

    The differing experiences of Indonesia, Thailand and the Philippines offer valuable lessons in the era of globalised extractivism, accelerating climate change and the struggle for human rights. While all three countries aspire to protect the right to a healthy environment, experience on the ground highlights that it falls to local communities and activists to assert the right in practice. In jurisdictions where court access is encouraged, the right to a healthy environment flourishes in practice not just on paper. We are all striving for a vision of environmental justice, but the procedural elements of our rights are what allow us to chart a pathway to progress.

    The post Human rights in the age of Southeast Asian extractivism appeared first on New Mandala.

    This post was originally published on New Mandala.

  • The inequities in Indonesia’s vaccine rollout

    As of early December 2021, nearly 70.4% of Indonesians had received one dose of an approved COVID-19 vaccine. Particularly considering the arrival of the Omicron variant in Indonesia, this is certainly cause for celebration. But this figure obscures important sources of discrepancies: while nearly all eligible adults in Jakarta are reported to have received at least one dose, less than a quarter of those in Papua have done so, for instance.

    Geography is only one axis of inequality, however: other sources of vaccination inequity are less easy to measure. Part of the problem may stem from inequality in access, as some people may simply continue to have a better chance to get the jab than others, owing to connections or willingness to pay. Over the last year, governments across the world were embroiled in scandal as they offered differential access to vaccines to wealthy individuals. Looking at Indonesia, in particular, Lila Sari has documented how political parties in Indonesia have played a crucial role in vaccine delivery—doling out jabs to supporters as a means of shoring up votes. [related article]

    But inequities may also arise from certain groups being more susceptible to forms of misinformation that discourage people from getting vaccinated. As Najmah, Sharyn Davies, and Kusnan describe in the New Mandala last May, members of Indonesia’s marginalized populations are some of the most vulnerable to misinformation surrounding vaccines—such as the concern that the Chinese vaccine Sinovac may contain pork products and thus be forbidden (haram).

    Data availability is a major difficulty in adjudicating the extent of these problems: while publicly reported data indicates the overall uptake of vaccines according to region and occupation, we know very little about the sorts of individuals receiving these jabs. More concerningly, we know even less about those individuals who do not wish to receive a vaccination. Identifying and reaching these uninoculated populations is particularly crucial as the pandemic continues to drag on, and vaccination remains the best tool for combatting serious illness.

    To fill in these gaps, we analyzed data from two nationally representative surveys of Indonesian adults conducted in March (N = 1,064) and October 2021 (N = 981). These data offer a unique window into how Indonesia’s vaccination campaign is being received by the individuals it intends to reach. We seek to answer several related questions. Firstly, which groups are getting vaccinated? Secondly, which groups are expressing an interest in getting the vaccine, but not able to do so? And finally, why is it that some people do not want the vaccine? We take up these questions and consider the implications for the equitable roll-out of vaccines in Indonesia.

    We home in on one particularly concerning finding: as of October 2021, older Indonesians, the most vulnerable segment of society, are the least likely to be vaccinated and the least interested in seeking out the jab. The role of misinformation looms large in this finding, as it appears the tendency for older Indonesians to resist inoculation is a function of their lower levels of education than younger cohorts. Developing strategies to reach this population is particularly crucial for stemming the tide of the pandemic.

    Who is getting vaccinated in Indonesia?

    Our survey finds that in early October 2021, 42.1% of adult Indonesian had received at least one dose of a vaccination—slightly higher than officially reported statistics. In Figure 1, we show the percentage point increases for individuals in different subgroups—according to income, education level, age, and geography. In March 2021, no subgroup reported more than 5% vaccination rates. As the roll-out of vaccines took place of the past 6 months, however, stark differences in vaccination rates have emerged: richer and better educated Indonesians have outstripped their poorer and less educated counterparts in the rush to obtain vaccinations. By October 2021, for instance, 71.2% of college graduates had received at least one jab, compared to 15.4% of those with no formal education.

    In surprising contrast with other countries—where vaccine rollouts targeted older citizens first—Indonesians under 30 are significantly more likely to be vaccinated (51.6%) than their older counterparts. Given that COVID-19 is more likely to result in severe illness or death for the elderly, it is particularly concerning that only 33.6% of Indonesians older than 60 had received a dose of the vaccine by the fielding of the survey.

    To get a better grip on whether these differential rates of vaccination reflect access or interest, in Figure 2, we also look at the share of respondents in each subgroup who expressed interest in getting a vaccine if offered. Here, we see the same trends observed in which respondents are getting vaccinated. A full 88.8% of university graduates, for instance, expressed an interest in getting vaccinated in October 2021 if it was made available—approximately twice as high as the percentage of respondents with no formal schooling (44.5%). Worryingly, the largest upticks in vaccination interest between March and October 2021 were among those who were, from the outset, more interest in getting vaccinated. Among individuals who make more than 4m IDR/month, interest in getting vaccinated increase by 51% over the seven months, compared to an 19.2% uptick in interest among individuals who make less than 1m IDR a month.

    Why don’t some people want the vaccine in Indonesia?

    What explains the lack of interest in getting vaccinated on the part of those respondents who indicated no intention of seeking out the jab? Recent accounts have placed considerable weight on the role of misinformation that has been circulating on social media. Looking at ten countries across the Global South, a team of researchers found widespread evidence of vaccine hesitancy motivated in part by false information held by respondents about the vaccines.  Indonesia is no different: rumors have swirled on social media that the Chinese Sinovac vaccine is not halal, despite official statements to the contrary.

    We therefore quizzed respondents who indicated no interest in getting vaccinated about their reason for opting against the jab. Respondents were able to choose from one of several reasons. In Figure 3, we show the percentage of the population indicating any one of the reasons listed. First, we find little evidence that a concern over vaccines not being halal is driving vaccine hesitancy: only 0.5% of respondents in our sample indicated this reason. Instead, the most common reason cited for not having an interest in getting vaccinated is respondents stating that their underlying comorbidity’s make vaccination unsafe—a concern likely motivated by concerns over side effects of the jab. In one sense, this is a line of misinformation that should be easily targeted with educational campaigns—as compared with more malevolent forms of misinformation regarding the providence and intention of vaccines.

    Finally, we consider why it might be the case that older respondents indicate the lowest interest in vaccination in Indonesia. This is particularly puzzling: it is well documented that the older individuals are at greater risk of severe illness if infected with COVID-19. In theory, risk ought to be an important motivator to seek out vaccination. Indeed, it is precisely this tendency that has undermined the vaccine rollout in the United States, where many young people have opted to not get vaccinated, wagering that they are at lower risk to experience serious illness in the event they contract COVID-19.

    We examine the possibility that Indonesia’s geriatric bias in vaccination reflects the tendency for young people to be, on average, more educated than their seniors. It is well-documented that access to education has expanded over the past half century in Indonesia, and it may be that this expanded access has led to greater confidence and literacy in the recommendations of medical and scientific experts.

    Indeed, consistent with this expectation, we find that education is the strongest predictor of interest in vaccination—above and beyond the role of age. Individuals who obtained at least a university degree—including those older than 60—are significantly more likely to express a desire to receive the jab than their less educated peers.

    These findings provide important cues for policymakers looking to boost the overall rate of vaccination in Indonesia: for one, concerns over misinformation suggesting that vaccines are not halal appear to be overstated, and health authorities should instead focus their attention on remedying the notion that vaccine side effects are more dangerous than COVID-19 itself. Of course, this analysis is also subject to certain limitations. For one, the data are collected from a specific temporal point in the pandemic and vaccine rollout. Although we anticipate that many of the trends continue to hold, our research attests to the importance of conducting routine studies of the sources of vaccine inequity in Indonesia

    The post The inequities in Indonesia’s vaccine rollout appeared first on New Mandala.

    This post was originally published on New Mandala.

  • Indonesia denies claims by Papuan students over education setback

    Asia Pacific Report newsdesk

    The Indonesian government has denied claims by an umbrella group representing Papuan students on scholarships abroad that it is “assassinating” the provincial programme supporting studies in New Zealand and several other countries.

    An open letter last week signed by the presidents of the International Alliance of Papuan Student Associations Overseas (IAPSAO) and five affiliated associations headed “Do not disturb and hinder [us] — leave us [to] study in peace” declared that funding policy changes created under the controversial new autonomy statute would impact on their education.

    Student sources said that at least 125 Papuan students — 41 of them studying in New Zealand — had been ordered home under a new policy reallocating education funds.

    Some Papuan students studying in Australia, Canada, Germany, Japan, Russia, and the United Sates were also affected, the alliance said.

    The IAPSAO open letter was also signed by the presidents of five affiliated Papuan student associations around the world.

    But the recently appointed new Indonesian Ambassador to New Zealand and the Pacific, Fientje Maritje Suebu, said in a letter to Asia Pacific Report today that the repatriation of students was based on a “thorough assessment” begun in 2017 by the provincial government of Papua over their achievements at their respective educational institutions.

    “On 5 January 2022, the provincial government of Papua informed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the planned repatriation of 98 students – 51 students in the US, 5 students in the Philippines, 3 students in Canada and 39 students in New Zealand,” she said.

    593 students on Papua scholarship
    The recalled students were part of a total of 593 students receiving the “Papua Autonomy Scholarship”.

    The Indonesian Embassy letter 310122
    The Indonesian Embassy letter to Asia Pacific Report today. Image: APR screenshot

    The ambassador said the repatriation decision did not impact on students who remained “on-track” with their studies abroad.

    The assessment was also conducted to “ensure that other eligible students from Papua province” would have the same opportunity to study.

    Ambassador Suebu said there were no budget cuts for Papuan autonomy funds, including for education.

    She said the government was “committed to ensuring the fulfilment of the right to education and capacity building for all Indonesian citizens, including through the provision of scholarships to pursue academic degrees overseas”.

    She criticised “those elements who shamelessly manipulate the situation of Papuan students abroad for their own deceitful political agenda”.

    The ambassador also criticised Asia Pacific Report over publishing the “baseless account” by the students, a criticism rejected by the APR editors who said the news website was one of the very few news portals that consistently gave comprehensive and fair coverage on West Papuan and human rights affairs in the region.

    The editors also pointed out that the ambassador failed to acknowledge either the students’ open letter or their concerns.

    The IAPSAO open letter was signed by the presidents of the Papuan Students Association in Oceania, Papuan Students Association in the United States of America and Canada, Papuan Students Association in Russia, Papua Students Association in Germany and the Papua Students Association in Japan.

    Papuan students in New Zealand with Governor Lukas Enembe
    Papuan students in New Zealand with the Papuan provincial Governor Lukas Enembe in Palmerston North during his visit to New Zealand in 2019. Image: APR File

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Amnesty seeks tighter control of palm oil industry after ‘human cage’ finding

    Asia Pacific Report newsdesk

    Amnesty International Indonesia is urging the government — and the police in particular — to tighten supervision of the palm oil industry following the finding of a human cage with at least 27 people living there at the home of non-active Langkat Regent Terbit Rencana Perangin Angin, reports CNN Indonesia.

    Amnesty International executive director Usman Hamid said that greater supervision of the palm oil industry was needed because the business sector was prone to exploitation of workers, traditional communities and the environment.

    “Moreover this is not the first time that the exploitation of workers has occurred in Indonesia’s palm oil industry. In 2016, Amnesty International found serious human rights violations at several palm oil plantations in Indonesia,” he said in a media release.

    “The findings included forced labour, the use of child labour, gender discrimination and labour practices which were exploitative and endangered workers.”

    Amnesty said that the human cage found at the Langkat regent’s house was of great concern.

    Hamid said that he could not imagine how the practice of human slavery could have gone on for years.

    “Law enforcement officials must fully investigate this case and ensure that all of the people involved are brought before the courts in hearings which meet international standards on justice and not end with the application of the death penalty,” said Hamid.

    UN convention against torture
    Amnesty also reminded the state about the United Nations convention against torture, which Indonesia had ratified.

    “The UN Convention on Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman and Degrading Treatment or Punishments also prohibits all forms of torture and inhuman treatment,” Hamid said.

    In addition to this, he noted that Article 8 of the International Convention on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) — which has been ratified by Indonesia — stated that no person could be treated as a slave or enslaved.

    “All forms of torture are explicitly prohibited in a number of instruments on the protection of human rights, such as under Article 7 of the ICCPR for example,” Hamid said.

    The finding of the human cage came to the fore after Migrant Care reported it to the National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM) on January 24. In its report, Migrant Care reported that there were seven alleged cases of slavery.

    The human cage was found when a Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) team arrived at the Langkat regent’s house during a sting operation on January 18. At the time, the KPK team, which was backed by the police, found at least 27 people inhabiting a cage when it was conducting the raid.

    Based on the results of a preliminary examination, the North Sumatra regional police said that it was claimed that the cage was used for narcotics rehabilitation and had been there since 2012 or around 10 years.

    Dwelling had no licence
    The dwelling referred to as a rehabilitation facility had no licence even though it had been known about by the Langkat National Narcotics Agency (BNN) since 2017.

    National police spokesperson Brigadier General Ahmad Ramadhan said that the dozens of people occupying the cage at the regent’s house were also employed as palm oil factory workers, although they were not paid.

    He said that they had recorded at least 48 people occupying the cage on the pretext of narcotics rehabilitation.

    “Some were employed at the palm oil factory owned by the Langkat regent. [But] they were not paid a wage like [ordinary] workers,” Ramadhan told journalists.

    Translated by James Balowski of IndoLeft News. The original title of the article was “Kerangkeng Manusia, Amnesty Minta Polisi Ketat Awasi Industri Sawit”.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • KNPB calls on OPM, Jakarta to halt armed conflict in Papua

    Suara Papua

    The West Papua National Committee (KNPB) has declared that it rejects the violent approach which Indonesia continues to push in the land of Papua.

    “We have been consistent in the demand to resolve the political conflict in Papua peacefully. We reject a violent approach which has already claimed many victims since [Papua] was annexed [by Indonesia] in 1962,” said KNPB spokesperson Ones Suhuniap in a media release this week.

    “We are aware that weapons will not resolve the Papua problem.”

    The KNPB is asking the Free Papua Movement-West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB OPM) and the Indonesian government to halt the armed conflict.

    “Immediately open up peaceful democratic space for dialogue and to find a find a peaceful solution,” the group said.

    According to Suhuniap, the KNPB is asking Indonesia to stop sending troops to the land of Papua.

    “We are asking Jakarta to withdraw the troops which have been dropped [in Papua] in huge numbers because this has impacted on humanitarian crimes since 1962.

    ‘Don’t sacrifice people’
    “Immediately pursue a political solution. Don’t sacrifice people for the sake of the economic and political interests of the oligarchy in Jakarta.

    “Members of the TNI [Indonesian military] and Polri [Indonesian police] are also human beings. Likewise, the TPNPB are also human beings,” the group said.

    As an organisation, the KNPB rejects the use of arms as a solution.

    “All KNPB members adhere to the KNPB’s principles of struggling peacefully without violence. We need to remind all rogue individuals (oknum) and other parties to stop treating the KNPB as criminals.

    KNPB's Ones Suhuniap
    KNPB’s Ones Suhuniap … “All the Papuan people want is their political right to be respected as a nation.” Image: Suara Papua

    “If there are such rogue individuals they must be held accountable for their actions. We will not tolerate it anymore,” said Suhuniap.

    Suhuniap believes that the bloody conflict which is continuing in the land of Papua is a consequence of Jakarta’s reluctance to resolve the conflict peacefully.

    “All the Papuan people want is their political right to be respected as a nation. So, right from the start the KNPB has demanded a referendum as a peaceful solution for the Papuan people.

    intentionally cultivated crimes
    “So far this has not happened, because Jakarta has intentionally cultivated and maintained crimes against humanity in the land of Papua,” he explained.

    Suhuniap continued: “Papua’s problems are very clear. Indonesia and the world also understands this.

    “Our political history and the current reality proves that the Papuan people have, are and will continue to be the victims. All of the scientific research proves this. So as human beings we need a peaceful solution.”

    In heading towards the peaceful solution that is yearned for, said Suhuniap, both parties needed to speak at an respectable location.

    “And speak honestly and openly, then agree on a solution for the Papuan people.”

    Because of this, the KNPB as a media for the Papuan people was continuing to urge Jakarta and all other parties to pursue a peaceful solution.

    Papuan lives without hope
    Meanwhile, KNPB diplomatic secretary Omikson Balingga said that the lives of the Papuan people in Indonesia had been without hope because of the unfolding threat of violence over the past 60 years.

    “The Papuan nation does not have any hope living with a colonial country. Aside from its people, the natural resources of the land of Papua also continue to be exhausted by Indonesia. The only solution is independence as a sovereign country”, he said.

    Earlier, KNPB General Chairperson Warpo Sampari Wetipo declared that the KNPB as a media of the West Papuan people has been consistent in its civilian mission in the cities.

    “The KNPB will never retreat a single step. The KNPB has been constant in the agenda of self-determination which along with the Papuan people it has continued to struggle for”, said Wetipo.

    As long as the Papuan people are still not given the democratic space to determine their own future (self determination), he asserted that the KNPB will continue to exist throughout the land of Papua.

    “To this day the struggle of the Papuan nation has been to demand political independence. This is no longer a secret. All of the Papuan people already know and understand our political history and what is best for the future”.

    Wetipo stated that Indonesia must understand that it has to stop using colonialist policies and actions against the Papuan people.

    “The best solution is to immediately give the democratic right to the Papuan nation to determine their own future”, he asserted.

    Translated by James Balowski for IndoLeft News. The original title of the article was “Hentikan Konflik Bersenjata di Tanah Papua, KNPB: Tempuhlah Jalan Damai“.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Indonesia inches closer to potential Rafale acquisition, reiterates interest in F-15EX

    The Indonesian Ministry of Defense (MoD) has advanced plans to acquire up to 36 French-made Dassault Aviation Rafale multirole combat aircrafts, defence minister Prabowo Subianto told reporters at the MoD’s 2022 annual leadership meeting held on 20 January. “The Rafale is a bit advanced, our [plans for] F-15 (F-15EX) is still in the negotiation stage,” […]

    The post Indonesia inches closer to potential Rafale acquisition, reiterates interest in F-15EX appeared first on Asian Military Review.

    This post was originally published on Asian Military Review.

  • Virtual FAT: Indonesian Navy Approves New CMS From Terma Despite Covid-19 Challenges

    SURABAYA: Despite COVID-19 restrictions, the Indonesian Navy (TNI-AL) approves the factory acceptance tests of four new combat management systems (CMS) for four fast attack crafts, “KCR-60”, scheduled to join their fleet. The process has been far from conventional. Typically, readying a comprehensive CMS for any navy vessel involves several meetings where specifications and expectations are […]

    The post Virtual FAT: Indonesian Navy Approves New CMS From Terma Despite Covid-19 Challenges appeared first on Asian Military Review.

    This post was originally published on Asian Military Review.

  • Indonesia reports first omicron deaths as covid cases surge

    By Dio Suhenda in Jakarta

    More than a month after the omicron variant was first discovered in Indonesia, the highly transmissible but less fatal variant has claimed its first fatality amid a surge in covid-19 cases, prompting calls for the government to speed up vaccination of the elderly.

    Health Ministry spokesperson Siti Nadia Tarmizi told The Jakarta Post yesterday that the country’s first two omicron-related deaths were a 64-year-old man and a 54-year-old woman with “severe comorbidities”.

    The man, Tarmizi said, was a local transmission case and died in Sari Asih Hospital in Ciputat, on the outskirts of Jakarta, while the woman was an imported case.

    She recently traveled to the Netherlands and was believed to have contracted the virus there before testing positive upon returning to Indonesia.

    She died at the Sulianti Saroso Infectious Diseases Hospital in North Jakarta.

    Dio Suhenda is a reporter for The Jakarta Post.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • In Indonesia, Sumatra’s coal brings more harm than good

    At the United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP26) in Glasgow this November Indonesia pledged to completely phase out its coal use by 2056. Coal is a primary resource in Indonesia’s energy sector, generating for 65% of electricity in 2029. Amid recession driven by the coronavirus pandemic, by October this year Indonesia had reaped almost 50 trillion rupiah from the mining sector, 80% of which was contributed by coal. This amount was the biggest in a decade. The essential benefits, however, are not directly shared by Indonesia’s regional residents, particularly in Sumatra, due to their daily lives being adversely impacted by coal businesses.

    As Indonesia’s second coal-richest region after Kalimantan, Sumatra is both blessed and cursed by the black gold. On the one hand, coal generates a huge amount of money for some of its provinces. But on the other hand, residents suffer from the impact of rampant coal business operating throughout the island. In Jambi, where coal mines are scattered across the province, thousands of overloaded coal trucks using by the main road each day have infuriated locals. The trucks cause traffic congestions for kilometres, and those living along the main road have no option but to breathe dust and thick diesel fumes every single day. The plight caused by coal trucks does not end there. Coal trucks always swarm petrol stations, not only causing traffic jams, but also impeding residents’ access. This also leads to dark business, with some merchants hoarding diesel fuel just to be resold to coal truck drivers. Thus, it is common to see almost all of Jambi’s petrol stations run out of diesel fuel just a matter of hours after a refill.

    What makes residents more furious is that coal truck drivers, some of whom are reckless, inexperienced and unlicensed, regularly cause traffic accidents which claim dozens of lives. In the three years prior to 2020 there were over 30 residents killed, and in 2021 alone the number reached 34. In addition, some truck drivers often secretly use community roads, pushing locals to take unilateral, punitive measures, from blockading roads to setting coal trucks on fire.

    The catastrophes partly result from an ambiguous regulation concerning coal truck road access. Based on the revised Minerba Law No. 3 of 2020, coal mining companies are required to use special roads for transporting their commodity, yet the law also states that the companies are not restricted from public roads. This loophole is advantageous for mining companies, granting them freedom from the obligation to construct their own roads. When the companies do show their willingness to build new roads, the potential consequences are severe. A road construction granted by the Ministry of Environment and Forestry to Marga Bara Jaya Corporation in an area bordering Jambi and South Sumatra, for instance, allows the company to build a 88-kilometer road, 60 meters wide, through the protected Harapan forest. Not only that, the concession gives the company control of 424 hectares of the pristine forest.

    This road scheme will likely worsen the already intense conflicts between humans and wild animals, especially tigers, in both provinces. In 2019, there were 7 tiger attacks reported in south Sumatra, killing 5 residents and injuring 2 others. In Jambi, this year alone, tigers have killed several villagers, eaten livestock, and terrorized villages.

    With easier access illegal settlers, who have flocked to the Harapan forest area for years, will also follow further worsening deforestation. As a consequence Jambi’s forest people (the Suku Anak Dalam) will be pushed further out of the forest  for settlement and livelihoods. With the forest gone, the Suku Anak Dalam are no longer able to hunt wild boars or gather forest products to sell. Consequently they ransack village crops, which creates tensions and deadly conflicts with locals.

    Road-related problems caused by coal trucks also persist in other parts of Sumatra. Yet the biggest hurdles faced by residents of Aceh, West Sumatra, Bengkulu, and South Sumatra, to name a few, originate from coal power plants which result in multidimensional pollution as well as economic hardship. Respiratory and other diseases are also affecting residents as a direct impact of breathing coal ashes for a long time. For all these reasons, many residents have to flee their homes for good. Yet for others staying is the only option because moving away is just too costly.

    Related

    Environmental degradation in Indonesia: lessons from Jambi

    Native oligarchs and unscrupulous security apparatuses from the police to the military continue to exploit natural resources with ease and impunity.

    Muhammad Beni Saputra 05 January, 2021

    The coal curse affecting Sumatra’s residents is a matter of unhealthy politics. The coal sector is strongly linked to national and regional oligarchs, and coal businesses often play a role as financiers for political candidates. This clientelism has helped boost concession permits in the coal business, from just 750 in 2001 to 10.900 at present. The Ministry for Energy and Mineral Resources declared over 1000 of these  President Joko Widodo revoked 2,078 mineral and coal mining business permits. The clientelist nature is also weakening local governments’ bargaining power vis-à-vis coal mine bosses. Far from punishing companies for their misconduct, invitations to discuss pay rises for their underpaid truck drivers and road construction workers are repeatedly ignored. The same story applies to environmental crime perpetrated by coal mining companies, which occur with ease under a clientelist relationship between local leaders and coal oligarchs.

    The revised Minerba Law No. 3 of 2020 combined with the controversial, conditionally unconstitutional Omnibus Law will make matters worse for Sumatra’s residents and business more profitable with less accountability for coal mining oligarchs. The revised Minerba Law guarantees a contract extension to mining companies, even if they are proven not to exercise their responsibility to safeguard the environment. The law also recentralises mining industries, paving the way for national oligarchs to flex their muscles in the mining business as they did in the Suharto years. Locals opposing or even “bothering” mining activities in their regions they can be convicted or fined under the law. As for the Omnibus Law, it guarantees a 0% of production levy to companies that can increase the added value of coal.

    Despite the phase out and phase down debate over the use of coal at the COP26, the conference has at least set a fixed year for Indonesia to end its coal dependency. Yet, until 2056 coal will likely remain a curse rather than a blessing for many in Sumatra.

    The post In Indonesia, Sumatra’s coal brings more harm than good appeared first on New Mandala.

    This post was originally published on New Mandala.

  • Indonesia’s geopolitical future needs robust climate action

    Southeast Asia is especially exposed to the deluge of consequences that climate change brings. The region is already experiencing unnatural weather patterns, as devastating floods in Malaysia and the Philippines show. Yet, perhaps insufficiently recognised and analysed is how, beyond environmental and economic wreckage, climate change will create upheavals in the geopolitical order, producing new winners and losers. This emerging geopolitical constellation will throw up important questions for policymakers.

    Within Southeast Asia, the country that needs to consider the issue most deeply is fossil-fuel rich Indonesia. As scholars on the topic note, currently those that stand to lose are those who continue to bet on fossil-fuels and are slow to transition their economies, especially those who are fossil-fuel rich and dependent on resource mining. Despite some indications of progress, Indonesia’s most recent climate action flatters to deceive.

    The recently announced carbon tax of USD$2 per ton of CO2 over a set limit is around 40 times less than the amount recommended by established institutions like the IMF. Indonesia’s performance at COP26 was also underwhelming, with its support for the Global Coal to Clean Power Transition Statement conspicuously watered-down. Not only did it decline to support the clause to stop issuance of new permits for coal generation projects, it stopped short of committing to tackling coal, noting that it would merely “consider” going along with the coal phase out, with the additional condition of receiving international aid—a subject its leaders surely know is a major sticking point and is unlikely to be resolved anytime soon. Indonesia then walked back its pledge to end deforestation by 2030, much to the chagrin of both international and domestic actors.

    Indonesia’s long-term position in the global political economy will hinge on whether it decides to stubbornly hold on to fraying systems and merely make half-hearted attempts to address climate change, or if it boldly embarks on extensive reforms to its presently fossil fuel-dependent economy. In particular, much depends on whether it can rapidly phase out coal and take serious advantage of its potential in renewable energies, positioning itself as a provider of a resource with growing—instead of declining—strategic significance.

    Exporting renewable energy, securing geo-economic strength

    Thus far, the vast potential of renewables in Indonesia has been critically underutilised. If fully tapped, its renewable energy sources could generate more than six times its energy needs as measured in 2020 . This wastes a reservoir of potential geopolitical power; developing and exporting renewable energy will allow Indonesia maximum geopolitical gains. This entails eventually developing renewable energy beyond levels of domestic necessity, and channelling excess amounts for export to neighbouring countries that do not have the same capabilities for clean energy production. Developing excess energy is challenging but perhaps necessary to stave off discontent arising from economic nationalism—a long-standing sentiment in Indonesia rooted in its colonial experience. The geopolitical benefits of this would mostly come in the medium-term, but in the meantime, a lower target of credibly signalling intent would allow give neighbouring states a stake in Indonesia’s renewable energy development. This in turn should pave the way for friendlier relations, increased investments, and in some cases the transfer of expertise.

    Significantly, with ramped up renewable energy capabilities, Indonesia would hold the key to development of an ASEAN or Australian-Asian Power Grid. Energy sharing arrangements like these are significant not only for its increased gains in energy efficiency, but also build greater energy security for the region as a whole. Indonesia also plays a key role in the development of this grid because of its geographic position near Australia. Any link between Australia and Southeast Asia, for example recent arrangements by the private company Sun Cable to transport large amounts of solar energy from Australia’s Northern Territory to Singapore, will likely have to run through Indonesia. Indonesia therefore plays the de facto role as coordinator of energy relations with Australia, the latter of which has lofty aspirations to be a clean energy superpower, exporting green hydrogen and key materials necessary for green technologies.

    Further geopolitical significance is exhibited if we understand these dynamics in the context of a rising China. Instead of looking towards Australia, a possible other alternative for ASEAN is to lean on hydropower arrangements from its North, looking at the links between China and Indochinese states like Laos and Myanmar. China, moreover, presently holds the lead in the development of key technologies like solar panels.

    If groupings like the QUAD intend to check the rise of Chinese influence in ASEAN, one way of doing so is to establish clean energy supply chains to break Chinese monopoly. If the QUAD wants to include ASEAN in this supply chain, Indonesia will be the obvious contact point, not only because of its geographical location, but also because of the presence of critical minerals like nickel. Firmly establishing itself as a key node in global supply chains allows Indonesia to be in a stronger position to produce and install clean energy technologies domestically—an area in which it currently lags behind contemporaries like Vietnam. The geopolitical implication would be to ensure that the focal point of Southeast Asian renewable energy supplies is not only the Mekong Delta, but also the Indian Ocean.

    Coal not viable in long-term

    The flipside of cultivating renewable energy is reducing dependence on fossil fuels. Coal plays a dual role in Indonesia’s economy—it is domestically consumed, accounting for over 60 percent of its energy, and as of December 2021, Indonesia is currently the world’s biggest exporter of coal. Coal remains both a key source of revenue as well as a source of geopolitical relevance; major powers like China and India have much greater reason to develop friendly relations with Indonesia to ensure access to this strategic resource.

    Recent trends might give ammunition to sceptics who advocate for a more conservative approach, retaining the large subsidies that underpin coal’s place in Indonesian life. Global demand for coal has picked up in the global pandemic recovery phase, and has in fact soared after global price shocks to natural gas. Furthermore, Chinese demand for Indonesian coal has greatly increased after the souring of Sino-Australian relations disrupted its energy trade. This might seem to vindicate those who think that a coal phase-out is premature.

    The next decade or so will certainly see periodic episodes where fossil fuels will be sought, and producers will certainly benefit during these phases. As Bordoff and O’Sullivan noted in Foreign Affairs magazine, the green transition will not be a smooth process but instead one of heavy experimentation. Yet, observers should resist seduction and not mistake the short-termism of this trend for a strategy with long-term viability. Ultimately, further investment in coal will only increase the amount of stranded assets. An academic study in the journal Nature calculated that Indonesia stands to lose USD$293 billion if it continues on its current path. External demand for Indonesian coal will likely taper off, and the geopolitical relevance of the resource will accordingly recede.

    It is also important to clarify misunderstandings about China’s trajectory, especially given it remains the largest consumer of fossil fuels. As Hsu pointed out in the New York Times, the Chinese turn to coal after the recent natural gas price shock is, contrary to some analyses, not a signal of their long-term direction. In fact, the Chinese reaction has been to double down on their resolve take environmental leadership, and transition quickly to renewable energy in order to ensure energy security. The more important episode that accurately signals Chinese intentions is perhaps the announcement to end funding for new coal plants.

    Upsurge in demand for Indonesian coal, then, is a temporary and fleeting event, not a long-term strategy. This suggests that recent attempts to transition away from coal, like the energy ministry’s Regulation No.26/2021 (RUPTL) should be ramped up, not abandoned.

    Trends in climate politics scholarship

    Merely putting forward policy suggestions for Indonesia or the benefits that they will bring is potentially impotent exercise if one does not bring in a complementary analysis on how to work towards a political situation where these pursuits can be achieved. On this point, recent scholarship on the drivers of climate action could be instructive.

    Related

    Nationalist rhetoric is impeding climate action in Indonesia

    Indonesia’s environmental policies are at odds with the rhetoric around palm oil production and Indonesians are not equipped with enough information to understand the risks of a changing climate.

    Dianty Ningrum 10 February, 2020

    Past arguments have suggested that the reticence of countries like Indonesia to take strong climate action is due to a collective action problem, where countries will only pursue climate action when it is assured that others would do so robustly as well. Forging out on its own would mean being a “sucker”, sacrificing while others benefit. This ostensibly explains the status quo of slow climate action on a global level, and suggests that the solution lies in having greater global dialogue on the issue through international fora like COP. In these fora, states can attain mutual assurance of climate action and feel more secure that they are not pursuing action alone. This global dimension might also explain Indonesia’s reticence in accelerating its green transition as a response to the failure of developed nations to uphold their end of the bargain and providing the adequate climate finance for developing countries like Indonesia—a call that President Jokowi has repeatedly made.

    These arguments, while insightful in many ways, are in the process of being overturned. Scholars Aklin and Mildenberger, for example, have argued convincingly that collective action problem models are inadequate, and that the strength of a country’s climate action is ultimately determined by distributive conflict, or the balance of domestic coalitions. As the saying goes, foreign policy begins at home. This argument confounds the notion of an objective “national interest” implicitly built into prior arguments, where a right course of action or interest can be ascertained without reference to the power differentials within a given society. Their arguments have been echoed by other key scholars working in this field, and this line of inquiry is maybe presently the most dynamic within climate politics scholarship.

    Activists call for jobs and just transition to renewable energy in Indonesia. By 350.org on Flickr (CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)

    If their research is to be taken seriously, it dictates that to move the needle on climate action, greater support should be given to local groups actively calling for greater decarbonisation, including burgeoning grassroots and youth movements. Climate activism has often been dismissed as a nuisance or even counterproductive, but this is not borne out by rigorous research. A January 2021 study found that familiarity with key climate activists like Greta Thunberg increased the likelihood that others would be willing to take collective action on climate change. Empowering the numerous grassroots and youth movements that have popped up in Indonesia over the past few years would recalibrate calculations over the distribution of gains of stronger climate policy. Furthermore, equipping activism with a geopolitical angle might prove useful—grassroots activists could be seen to not just be fighting for the environment, but also to ensure the nation’s geopolitical future is on steady ground. This allows activists to find unlikely partners and build coalitions with those within the foreign policy or security establishment.

    Recent accounts suggesting that Indonesia is surging ahead with the development of renewable energy against and despite the interests of its powerful coal lobby are at best premature, and at worst misleading. Indonesia’s coal industry is politically highly influential and its interests deeply embedded in connected industries. It would be imprudent to discount its ability to wield its influence to disrupt any progress or read recent policies as admissions of its defeat. Much more has to be done on the climate front in Indonesia, not only to stem environmental damage, but also the relatively more Machiavellian reason of securing a strong position in the emerging geopolitical order.

    The post Indonesia’s geopolitical future needs robust climate action appeared first on New Mandala.

    This post was originally published on New Mandala.

  • Researching in Indonesia without fieldwork in the age of COVID

    This event was hosted by the ANU Indonesia Institute. It was designed for all researchers, but especially postgraduate students who are struggling with designing and implementing research options in Indonesia whilst travel to the country is limited (for researchers from beyond Indonesia) and conducting face-to-face interactions is greatly restricted (for researchers in Indonesia).

    How are researchers adapting to these challenges?

    What substitute methods are they using?

    How effective are online interviews, social media research and similar alternatives?

    What are the ethical implications of moving research online or trying to work with research assistants?

    Can ethnographic and qualitative research survive in an era of COVID-19?

    A panel of speakers from the ANU and beyond, including both senior researchers and PhD students, address these and similar issues.

    SPEAKERS – Dr. Amalinda Savirani, Universitas Gadjah Mada – Assoc. Prof. John McCarthy, ANU – Ms Lila Sari, ANU – Dr Eva Nisa ANU

    The post Researching in Indonesia without fieldwork in the age of COVID appeared first on New Mandala.

    This post was originally published on New Mandala.

  • West Papuans to open branch office in Port Moresby, Wenda confirms

    Asia Pacific Report newsdesk

    The United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) plans to open a government branch office in the neighbouring Papua New Guinean capital of Port Moresby along with diplomacy offices to be based in Europe and the United Kingdom.

    In a New Year message from interim president Benny Wenda, he has confirmed a strategic office reshuffle around the world.

    “The headquarters will be based inside West Papua, and the international office in Port Vila,” he said in the statement.

    “We are opening a government branch in Port Moresby, and our diplomatic coordination offices will be based in the UK and Europe.

    “This is another step in our long road to reclaiming the sovereignty stolen from us by Indonesia in 1963.

    “With the formation of our constitution, provisional government, cabinet and Green State Vision, all Indonesian laws in West Papua are over.”

    Wenda said the Indonesian presence was “totally illegal, and totally redundant”.

    “With our clandestine government departments operating within our borders, all West Papuans and Indonesian migrants working under our jurisdiction are now governed by the ULMWP,” said Wenda.

    Presidential demands
    The West Papua military wing and any organisation affiliated to the West Papua National Coalition for Liberation, the West Papua National Parliament, or the Federal Republic of West Papua — the three constituent organisations within the ULMWP — were automatically considered part of the provisional government.

    “Everyone must respect our constitution, whether you are inside West Papua or part of our international solidarity networks. The world must trust us and our constitution — we want peace for all in the region and internationally, and to democratically govern ourselves,” Wenda said.

    “I encourage all NGOs, churches and religious leaders, every West Papuan inside and in exile, to unite and pray for the provisional government. Support everyone within the government working to end our long suffering and complete our 60 year struggle.”

    Wenda said the demands to the Indonesian President in 2022 remained those that had been first issued during the West Papua Uprising in 2019:

    1. Hold a referendum on West Papuan independence;
    2. Allow international supervision of any referendum;
    3. Allow the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights into West Papua in accordance with the demand of 84 UN member states;
    4. Withdraw all troops from West Papua, including the 21,000 additional troops deployed since December 2018, and end the Indonesian military’s illegal war;
    5. Release all political prisoners, including Victor Yeimo and the “Abepura Eight”; and
    6. Allow all international journalists and human rights, humanitarian and monitoring groups into West Papua to visit internally-displaced people in Nduga, Puncak, Intan Jaya, Oksibil, Maybrat and elsewhere.

    “In 2022, we will redouble all efforts in our long struggle for the liberation of our nation,” Wenda said.

    “We will peacefully bring an end to this bloodshed.”

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Papuan People’s Petition calls for release of advocate Victor Yeimo

    Asia Pacific Report newsdesk

    The Papuan People’s Petition — “Petisi Rakyat Papua” — has called on the Indonesian government to release detained human rights advocate Victor Yeimo and to revoke the special autonomy law (version 2).

    Yeimo, international spokesperson of the National Committee of West Papua (KNPB), was arrested by the Indonesian police in Tanah Hitam, Abupura-Jayapura. He was serving as spokesperson of the Papuan People’s Petition.

    Yeimo is a prisoner of the Papua High Prosecutor’s Office and is currently being treated at the Jayapura Regional General Hospital Dok II.

    Previously, he was detained in the detention cell of the Mobile Brigade Headquarters in Kota Raja Jayapura, Papua.

    Yeimo has been receiving treatment at the hospital because of public pressure both nationally and internationally over serious concerns for his declining health.

    The Petisi Rakyak Papua (PRP) is aimed to call upon the central government of Indonesia in Jakarta to revoke the special autonomy law (Otsus) that was passed prematurely by Jakarta in November 2021 without public hearings and considering the voices and demands of the Papuan people brought by 113 organisations.

    The call of rejecting the extension of the special autonomy law which expired last year was echoed a few years ago.

    No benefit for Papuans
    The petition says that since the central government granted the special autonomy law, the indigenous people of West Papua have not benefited. The law itself has become controversial.

    The national spokesperson for the petition, Jefry Wenda, said that apart from the 113 organisations making submissions, 718,179 votes of grassroots people opposed support for extension of the special autonomy law. However, the central government of Indonesia has refused to listen.

    Before the widespread rejection of the law from the grassroots level, the provincial government of Papua had tried to negotiate with the central government many times, but Jakarta has been reluctant to consider the provincial government’s aspirations.

    This year, the Papuan People’s Petition reaffirms the call by stating:

    1. PRP is a manifestation of the political stance of the West Papuan people who reject the existence and sustainability of Otsus in West Papua;
    2. The PRP will oversee the attitude of the people of West Papua in fighting for the right to self-determination peacefully and democratically;
    3. PRP rejected Otsus and agreed to continue raising the Papuan People’s Petition (PRP) for the third stage;
    4. The PRP rejects all forms of compromise and political representation outside of the attitude of the West Papuan people;
    5. The PRP is committed to promoting democratic unity in the struggle for the national liberation of West Papua; and
    6. PRP urges the release of international spokesman Victor Yeimo and all West Papuan political prisoners without conditions!

    PRP conference Papua
    A Papuan People’s Petition conference. Image: PKP

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Asian Air Force Modernisation

    Regional tensions have forced the pace for regional air forces to buy new capability or update legacy platforms. The increasing prospects of a peer-on-peer conflict among Asia Pacific armed forces, particularly in East Asia, are steadily rising as China’s increasingly belligerent behaviour ramps-up concern within the immediate region as well as further afield. Amid heightened […]

    The post Asian Air Force Modernisation appeared first on Asian Military Review.

    This post was originally published on Asian Military Review.

  • Pertanyakan niat: pemerintah Indonesia tak berkomitmen hapuskan kekerasan seksual

    This article is available in English at the Georgetown Journal of International Affairs.

    Dengan dihilangkannya kata “penghapusan” dari RUU kekerasan seksual di Indonesia, terlihat bahwa bangsa ini tidak lagi berusaha untuk menghentikan kekerasan seksual melainkan hanya sekadar menghukumnya saja.

    Meskipun dalam beberapa dekade sudah ada sedikit kemajuan keragaman gender dan seksualitas di Indonesia, namun aksi nyata masih terbatas. Bersamaan dengan RUU Tindak Pidana Kekerasan Seksual (RUU PKS) yang tidak lagi berfokus pada pencegahan kekerasan seksual, komitmen bangsa terhadap warganya patut dipertanyakan.

    ****
    RUU Indonesia untuk menghapuskan kekerasan seksual masih terus terbengkalai. RUU Penghapusan Kekerasan Seksual (PKS) pertama kali diusulkan pada tahun 2016, dan meskipun telah mengalami banyak perubahan yang diperdebatkan-paling baru di tahun 2021- masih belum ada kepastian mengenai kapan RUU tersebut akan disahkan.

    Dalam naskah terbarunya, RUU yang telah mengalami pengurangan dari sembilan menjadi empat bentuk kekerasan seksual. Ini menandakan dengan jelas kegagalan pemerintah dan jajaran pengadilan Indonesia dalam mengambil sikap etis yang efektif tentang kekerasan seksual terhadap warga negaranya sendiri, khususnya terhadap perempuan dan anggota komunitas LGBTQI+. Lima bentuk kekerasan seksual yang dihapuskan di antaranya kawin paksa, aborsi paksa, pelacuran paksa, perbudakan seksual dan penyiksaan seksual.

    Selain itu, RUU yang berganti nama menjadi RUU Tindak Pidana Kekerasan Seksual dengan tegas menandakan bahwa kata ‘penghapusan’ tak lagi penting. Memasuki masa jabatan keduanya, Presiden Joko Widodo harus segera mengambil tindakan karena tingkat kekerasan seksual dan domestik kian meningkat di masa pandemi.

    Ketika Indonesia mulai menganut paham demokrasi pada tahun 1998 setelah peristiwa dilengserkannya pemimpin otoriter, Presiden Suharto, ada banyak harapan untuk mewujudkan kesetaraan gender dan seksualitas.

    Ada sejumlah perubahan yang sekarang sudah mulai berlaku seperti pembentukan Komnas Perempuan. Tahun-tahun awal demokrasi Indonesia merupakan masa di mana bangsa membangun fondasi yang kokoh bagi seluruh warganya. Bahkan, Indonesia membangun landasan ini di atas sejarah yang kerap kali secara mengejutkan mendukung pluralitas gender dan seksualitas.

    Sejarah yang kaya akan keragaman gender dan seksualitas

    Sama seperti negara lainnya, Indonesia memiliki masa lalu yang kompleks terkait gender dan keragaman seksual, namun ada bukti bahwa masyarakat terkadang mendukung hal ini. Salah satu contoh yang menarik perhatian dunia (adalah lewat sandiwara Robert Wilson berjudul La Galigo) yang berasal dari Sulawesi Selatan.

    Terdapat bukti tertulis dari misionaris yang melakukan perjalan ke Sulawesi Selatan pada tahun 1500-an yang menceritakan tentang bissu, pemimpin spiritual androgini yang memperoleh kekuatan dengan cara menggabungkan unsur-unsur perempuan/laki-laki/maskulin/feminin.

    Bissu adalah komunitas tokoh spiritual yang telah lama berperan di Sulawesi Selatan, termasuk dalam memfasilitasi pernikahan kerajaan. Jauh dari apa yang disebut sebagai pengadopsian budaya barat, dukungan, inklusivitas gender dan keragaman seksualitas seperti itu sudah ada sebelum Westernisasi skala besar terjadi. Bahkan, para misionaris Eropa lah yang mencaci maki pemegang kekuasaan di Sulawesi Selatan karena menghormati pemimpin spiritual bissu yang berbeda secara gender dan seksualitas.

    Salahkan budaya barat

    Terlepas dari sejarah ini, perdebatan kontemporer yang dominan di Indonesia memposisikan keragaman gender dan seksualitas sebagai hasil impor asing yang tidak diinginkan. Penempatan ekspresi gender atau seksualitas di luar standar cis-heteronormatif inilah yang menghambat pengesahan RUU Penghapusan Kekerasan Seksual. Orang-orang seperti tokoh agama konservatif dan beberapa politisi yang menentang RUU ini mengatakan bahwa jika RUU ini disahkan, akan sulit menghentikan orang Indonesia dari berhubungan seks dengan siapa pun yang mereka suka.

    Pemikiran sesat ini juga tercermin dalam pelaksanaan pendidikan seksualitas komprehensif yang mencakup unsur konsensual dan SOGIESC (Sexual Orientation, Gender Identity, Expression, Sex Characteristics).

    Misalnya, ada persepsi yang salah bahwa jika kita mengajarkan konsep konsensual seks kepada anak-anak kita, artinya kita mendorong kaum muda untuk berhubungan seks, sedangkan mengajarkan SOGIESC berarti mengubah orientasi seksual dan identitas gender seseorang. Pola pikir konservatif ini bertentangan dengan fakta bahwa pendidikan seksualitas komprehensif justru melindungi anak dari kekerasan seksual.

    Tingginya tingkat kekerasan berbasis gender

    Walaupun temuan utama dari survei Violence Against Women (Kekerasan Terhadap Perempuan) di Jakarta mengungkapkan bahwa sekitar satu dari tiga wanita dengan rentang usia 15 hingga 64 tahun tercatat pernah mengalami berbagai bentuk kekerasan dalam hidup mereka, namun tindak lanjut dari rancangan undang-undang ini tetap dihentikan.

    Meskipun data resmi seputar kekerasan terhadap populasi LGBTQI+ tidak mencukupi, laporan dari Human Right Watch mencatat adanya tingkat kekerasan yang mengkhawatirkan dalam lingkup orientasi seksual dan identitas gender, dimulai dari penggerebekan polisi yang sistematis hingga ditelanjangi, diperkosa dan dibakar hidup-hidup.

    Sementara situasinya suram, muncul beberapa cerita yang membawa harapan. Misalnya, baru-baru ini BBC memuat sebuah berita yang menampilkan Amara Alfikar, seorang trans pria yang juga merupakan tokoh agama asal Indonesia.

    Kisah Amar Alfikar menginspirasi banyak hal, terutama karena ia menunjukkan bagaimana Islam, yang sering kali disamarkan sebagai lawan dari keragaman gender dan seksualitas, mengakomodasikan keberagaman tersebut.

    Bahkan, ketika para misionaris Portugis datang ke Sulawesi Selatan pada abad ke-16 berniat untuk mengubah kepercayaan penduduk setempat menjadi Kristen, bissu menyarankan para bangsawan untuk menerima tawaran konversi agama dari utusan Muslim yang ada di sana pada waktu yang sama. Bissu mengatakan bahwa dalam Islam, mereka bisa melihat tempat bagi diri mereka sendiri yang tidak bisa mereka lihat dalam bentuk kekristenan yang dihadirkan. Tentu saja alasan-alasan lain ikut berperan dalam masyarakat di Sulawesi Utara yang menerima Islam sebagai keyakinan mereka, dan menolak Kristen. Namun, patut dicatat bahwa orang Portugis menyebut bissu sebagai penghalang utama misi mereka.

    Penguatan konservatisme agama dan politik, yang didasarkan pada ideologi seksis, homofobia, dan transfobia yang kuat membuat RUU Kriminalisasi Kekerasan Seksual di Indonesia sulit untuk  disahkan. Dalam berbagai hal, sungguh menggembirakan melihat keberagaman mampu bertahan dari tekanan pandemi. COVID-19 telah memberikan dampak yang merugikan dan mematikan bagi perempuan dan komunitas LGBTQI+ di Indonesia.

    Akses rutin layanan kesehatan seksual dan reproduksi, seperti kontrasepsi hormonal, pengobatan antiretroviral (ARV) kondom dan program untuk menjangkau populasi rentan, mengalami pengurangan yang signifikan karena sumber daya yang ada dialihkan untuk menangani COVID-19.

    Ketika orang-orang berkunjung ke fasilitas kesehatan untuk mendapatkan perawatan dan vaksinasi COVID 19, banyak yang mengalami dilema dalam mengungkapkan kondisi kesehatan yang mendasarinya, seperti misalnya HIV, yang disebabkan oleh ketakutan akan ditolak karena memiliki status kesehatan yang khusus. Target kekerasan yang paling rentan, yaitu perempuan transgender, memiliki akses terbatas ke perawatan kesehatan karena diskriminasi yang mencolok, dan kurangnya akses ke dokumentasi hukum dikarenakan beberapa dari mereka dipaksa untuk meninggalkan rumah pada usia muda.

    Kekurangan RUU

    Awalnya diusulkan pada 26 Januari 2016, RUU Penghapusan Kekerasan Seksual (RUU PKS) diusulkan untuk membantu melindungi warga negara Indonesia dari kekerasan seksual. RUU PKS juga awalnya bertujuan untuk mencegah kekerasan seksual dan memberikan lebih banyak hak kepada penyintas, termasuk penyintas perkosaan dalam perkawinan. Komnas Perempuan dan Forum Penyedia Layanan merupakan pengusul awal RUU PKS. Namun sejak tahun 2016, RUU ini hanya mendekam di pengadilan. Pada tahun 2020, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat (DPR) menghentikan pembahasannya dengan alasan “perkara sulit.”

    RUU versi Agustus 2021 memiliki beberapa perbedaan dari RUU aslinya. Misalnya, sekarang hanya terdapat lima bentuk kekerasan seksual yang diakui, bukan sembilan sebagaimana sebelumnya. Kelima bentuk tersebut adalah: Pelecehan Seksual (Pasal 2), Pemaksaan Kontrasepsi (Pasal 3), Pemaksaan Hubungan Seksual (Pasal 4), Eksploitasi Seksual (Pasal 5), dan tindak Pidana Kekerasan Seksual yang disertai dengan tindak pidana lainnya (Pasal 6). Sungguh tragis bahwa fokusnya kini murni pada penuntutan tindakan kriminal dan pada tingkat mana pun tidak difokuskan pada pemberantasan kekerasan seksual sejak awal.

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    Ada beberapa kekurangan dari RUU tersebut. Misalnya, RUU yang direvisi menawarkan sangat sedikit perlindungan bagi penyintas kekerasan seksual. Aparat penegak hukum hanya akan berbuat seadanya untuk mendukung para korban, dan ini hanya akan memperburuk keadaan dari para korban. RUU yang direvisi juga hanya memberikan sedikit dukungan kepada kementerian atau lembaga untuk melindungi para penyintas. Pemerintah tidak dimandatkan untuk mendukung korban dan tidak ada peraturan yang memaksa mereka untuk mendukung korban. Selain itu, RUU yang direvisi tidak mewajibkan layanan seperti Pusat Layanan Terpadu untuk mendukung para korban.

    Peran layanan perlindungan seperti paralegal untuk membantu korban telah dihapus. RUU yang direvisi tidak mendukung kepentingan dan kebutuhan khusus dari para korban penyandang disabilitas. Dengan demikian, tidak ada dukungan untuk merekrut juru bahasa isyarat atau bantuan psikologis. Terakhir, RUU yang direvisi tidak mengatur kekerasan gender berbasis online.

    Namun demikian, sangat penting diingat bahwa pemerintah Indonesia harus mengabaikan suara-suara yang berbeda dan menyadari urgensi untuk mengesahkan RUU ini, meskipun dalam versi yang lebih lunak dari RUU ini hanya menawarkan sedikit perlindungan dari kekerasan seksual. Pengesahannya akan menjadi langkah pertama untuk memastikan keselamatan warga di negara mereka sendiri.

    Terjemahan oleh:

    • Putri Nurul A’la – Magister Interpreting dan Translation di Monash University, Australia.
    • Ashanti Dayani Ajengpitaloka -Sarjana Pendidikan Bahasa Inggris di Universitas Negeri Semarang, Jawa Tengah, Indonesia.
    • Silvia Cristine Hasianta Manurung – Mahasiswa Pascasarjana di Universitas Gajah Mada, Yogyakarta, Indonesia.

    The post Pertanyakan niat: pemerintah Indonesia tak berkomitmen hapuskan kekerasan seksual appeared first on New Mandala.

    This post was originally published on New Mandala.