The West Papua National Liberation Army-Free Papua Organisation (TPNPB-OPM) has rejected peace talks with the Indonesian government if it is only mediated by the National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM).
It is also asking President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo to be prepared to sit down with them at the negotiating table.
TPNPB-OPM spokesperson Sebby Sambom said that the OPM wants the peaceful dialogue or negotiations to be mediated by the United Nations because the armed conflict in Papua was already on an international scale.
“In principle we agree [that] if the negotiations are in accordance with UN mechanisms, but we are not interested in Indonesia’s methods,” said Sambom in a written statement.
Sambom said that they also do not want to hold the dialogue in Indonesia but want it to be held in a neutral country in accordance with UN mechanisms.
“The negotiations must be held in a neutral country, in accordance with UN mechanisms”, he said.
Sambom said President Widodo must be aware and must have the courage to sit down at the negotiating table with the TPNPB-OPM’s negotiating team.
He also reminded Widodo that the UN was an international institution which can act as a mediator in resolving armed conflicts.
Peaceful dialogue
“In the statement to Jakarta we are asking that Indonesian President Jokowi be aware and have the courage to sit at the negotiating table with the TPNPB-OPM’s negotiating team together with all the delegates from the organisations which are struggling [for independence],” he said.
Earlier, the Komnas HAM claimed it would initiate peace talks between the government and the OPM.
Komnas HAM had also claimed that the proposal for talks had been agreed to by the government, ranging from President Widodo, Coordinating Minister for Security, Politics and Legal Affairs Mahfud MD to the TNI (Indonesian military) and Polri (Indonesian police).
Komnas HAM, along with the Komnas HAM Papua representative office, began sounding out peaceful dialogue by meeting with a series of groups in Papua on March 16-23.
In the initial stage, Komnas HAM was endeavoring to hear and ask for the views of key parties on the issue, especially the OPM, both those within the country as well as those overseas. The other key people were religious, traditional community and intellectual figures.
In July 2018, an earthquake struck Lombok island, leaving North Lombok heavily damaged. During that time, I was in touch with a local art collective called Komunitas Pasir Putih, which operated in a badly affected neighbourhood, and they told me that they had initiated a project called Art Quake in response. It included many artistic activities: mini-concerts, movie screenings, and video and drawing workshops.
I was intrigued to explore how Pasir Putih as a community is transforming itself in response to the disaster situation. According to Oka one of Pasir Putih artists, Pasir Putih had not experienced major earthquakes nor about humanitarian reliefs before the 2018 earthquake struck. A year after the earthquake, Pasir Putih’s activities were all in response to the problems in North Lombok in a post-disaster context. I spent four weeks observing the Pasir Putih camp, in the Pemenang district in June 2019. In this article, I will focus on Pasir Putih’s use of art as a medium to raise women’s empowerment in a post-disaster situation, and the personal experience of Martini Supiana, or Ana.
Ana is a performer from West Pemenang village. Before marrying Gazali (director of Pasir Putih), Ana lived with her parents in the Bayan district, a one-hour drive from Pemenang. I mentioned her as “a performer” in this story, but it is a simplification. Ana does many other things in Pasir Putih other than just artistic work. “I am a theatre performer, rudat instructor, farmer, crafter, and play-group teacher.” She spends the first half of the day in school and teaches rudat, a traditional dance that is well known in many different parts of Indonesia, including Bali, West Nusa Tenggara, West Java, and Lampung, in different places afterward. Ana was involved in a lot of rudat rehearsals, preparing several teams to attend a competition when I was in Pasir Putih. Once a week, she also organized a routine class for rudat. Through Ana’s story, we can see rudat as a collective art performance can be moulded into different functions: from trauma healing activities post-earthquake to raising women’s participation in performing arts.
Rudat is adapted from a komidi-rudat theatrical performance, “featuring Arabian and Persian soldiers,” and a male group martial arts from Muslim tradition. In Lombok, rudat transformed into a more secular form, while the Muslim theatrical aspect disappeared from the performance.
Some of Pasir Putih’s artists, including Ana, told me that rudat is strongly related to Dutch and Japanese colonial history in Indonesia. However, Pasir Putih, as an art community in Lombok, has adapted rudat into a more contemporary form, called senam rudat (rudat aerobics). As Ana put it, Pasir Putih tried to “make rudat viral again,” after the earthquake a year before. Gazali, as the director of Pasir Putih, was invited to join a trauma healing project meeting by the Ministry of Education and he suggested rudat to be a collective performance activity for earthquake victims. “My husband suggested it to the forum, and he asked someone from a dance community here to help us in modifying the movements.” Senam rudat became a regular activity in Pemenang from February 2019, and the activity became a part of the Artquake program August 2019 and a month after.
To get to know Ana’s perspectives and experiences of senam rudat as a woman artist, I joined her in some senam rudat exercises and one competition. I found out that senam rudat as a contemporary performance contributes to the reproduction of gendered social relations. The first time I tried to get involved with senam rudat was on my second day in the Pasir Putih community, and I learned that most of the participants are women from Pemenang district. Some male Pasir Putih artists encouraged me to join the senam rudat exercise in the evening, but they did not get involved themselves—they just sat around and chatted with each other. Ana was the instructor, standing in front of the group and giving instructions on how the movements should be done.
Later I discovered that senam rudat, or senam in general, is associated with ibu-ibu (middle-aged women). Most of the women are part of Perempuan Pemenang group, a small community for women in West Pemenang village that is also part of Pasir Putih community. Ana is also a leader of Perempuan Pemenang. Jaka, a leader of the dance community in the Pemenang sub-district, is usually acknowledged as the person who shaped rudat into a more contemporary form.
Rudat as a traditional performance is usually performed by male artists. Ana told me that the first time (February 2019) the Pasir Putih community performed rudat at the Bangsal Menggawe festival, held annually by the Pasir Putih Community, the participants were male. Ana invited ibu-ibu in Pemenang to join the performance. “They were shy and hesitant to join the performance at that time in the harbour. I joined the performance and invited them. Knowing that more women were joining the performance, other women in the village also wanted to join.” Ana teaches rudat almost every day of the week because, as she told me when we had lunch together at her house, she taught different groups of women, not only in Pemenang village but also in other parts of North Lombok.
Ana also noticed that women in Pemenang like to do aerobics in their leisure time, and some of them were involved in common aerobic activities from other countries such as zumba. She used this as a chance to introduce an alternative performance from their local culture. For Ana, the most important thing is that rudat becomes popular and women are proud to be in the performance. As she said, “I want that people here can also be proud that they have senam rudat, not only senam dari luar (aerobics from other countries) and teach it to their children. Because who else can do it?”. The adaptation of rudat into its contemporary version, senam rudat, from Ana’s perspective, opens opportunities for women in the village to participate.
This year, Ana and the Pasir Putih community have sought support from the local government to make senam rudat a part of commodified local culture in North Lombok. In one informal conversation with Gazali, he said that the local government always said that they wanted to support senam rudat, but never followed through with concrete actions. When a group of Pemenang villagers performed senam rudat in an aerobics competition at the district level, people, including the local government, started to pay attention.
The local government initiated a senam rudat competition as part of North Lombok dies natalis and Indonesia Independence Day celebrations, in the first and second week of August. Ana is involved in teaching three different groups: a group from the Pemenang village, a local women’s organization on a sub-district level, and a group of local women at the district level. Ana herself was also a part of a group of performers from the Pemenang village. She is happy with this achievement, and she is even tempted to insert senam rudat movements into the march parade for Independence Day.
Ana is not just focused on developing rudat to become more popular, but also advocates on behalf of participating women to Pasir Putih members. For example, when Ana and other artists, including Jaka, tried some experiments for rudat music, some women found it made them unable to focus on the choreography. Ana took this on board and negotiated with Gazali and Jaka to change the music back.
As a female artist who also has many responsibilities in the household as well as her job in the kindergarten, Ana related to women in Pemenang whenever she invited them to join rudat and was faced with challenges or objections. Ana usually said, “Biasalah, ibu-ibusibuk (I understand the situation, they are busy)”, whenever the groups cancelled the exercise schedule or came late. On one hand, senam rudat appears as a very gendered activity since none of the male artists of Pasir Putih participate. On the other, developing rudat into an aerobics form gained the attention of women groups in Pemenang village and encouraged them to participate.
During my four week stay, I noticed that apart from senam rudat, women are invisible in some Pasir Putih activities. Ana is the only female artist and is never included in artists’ meetings unless the meeting is about senam rudat. As the person who carries the responsibility of senam rudat, Ana was to some extent unable to join other activities in Pasir Putih, as she was too busy teaching rudat to different women’s groups. For instance, after I held an informal class (part of the Kelas Wah program) about alternative development, Ana told to me that she had wanted to join. “I wanted to join your discussion, but I had to teach senam rudat at the same time.”
Even though Pasir Putih artists often mentioned that Jaka played a big role in inventing senam rudat, in practice, it was Ana who mobilised women to perform. Not content with doing senam rudat for leisure, Ana and a group of women in the Pemenang sub-district also prepared themselves to join the district-level competition.
Through senam rudat, Ana played a significant role in transforming rudat performance into a more contemporary form. Although it’s form initially functioned as trauma healing after the earthquake, Ana successfully invited more women to participate in senam rudat. From Ana’s perspective, inviting more women to participate in senam rudat is an achievement because rudat in its traditional form was only performed by men. Secondly, she believes that women and mothers have an essential role in preserving culture, because women, she says, “can teach their children how to dance rudat in the future.”
Carving up the Papuan provincial cake. Graphic: Image: Lugas/tirto.id
On Thursday, 10 March 2022, thousands of Papuan people in the Lapago Wamena Cultural Area took to the streets to paralyse Wamena city. They occupied Wamena City. They rejected the Indonesian colonial plan to expand Papua province.
Remember: The voice of the people is the voice of God. The Papuan people, people and leaders of Indonesia, Melanesia, Pacific, Africa, European Union. USA, Australia, listen to the voices of the two million Melanesian people in West Papua who are currently on their way to being annihilated due to Indonesia’s systemic racist politics.
The expansion of Papua provinces, Special Autonomy Volume 2 and military operations in six regencies in Papua is not a solution for West Papua. Only one order — give us the right of self-determination for the political rights of the Papuan nation in West Papua. Our greetings and prayers from Wamena, the heart of Papua.
Waaa … waaa … waaa.
SPECIAL REPORT:By Yamin Kogoya
The above text was written by Markus Haluk, director of the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) on Thursday, March 10. The text encapsulates the sentiments of Papuans protesting across West Papua and Indonesia, calling for Jakarta to stop the creation of new provinces.
Haluk’s words were written amid escalating protests in various parts of West Papua’s customary lands and across Indonesia over Jakarta’s plans to create six new provinces under the unilaterally renewed — and unpopular — Special Autonomy Law 21/2001.
15/3/22 Yahukimo, West Papua
Indonesian forces shot dead Yakub Meklok (39) and Herson Wisapla (21) during forced dispersal of thousands of people protesting against Jakarta’s plan to create new provinces.
Jayapura – Mamta customary land
Tuesday, March 8: Hundreds of students and communities clashed with Indonesian security forces at university campuses in Waena and Abepura cities, protesting against the expansion. The protest coordinator, Alfa Hisage, stated that this demonstration was to reject the creation of a new province altogether.
Wamena – La Pago customary land
Thursday, March 10: Doni Tabuni, the coordinator of the demonstration in the highlands of Wamena (the location that Markus Haluk refers to in his text) warned on March 10 that the expansion would wipe out Papuans. Protesters declared: “We will stop all government office activities in the Lapago region if the central government does not stop the expansion,” reported CNN Indonesia (10 March 2022).
“The expansion will not bring prosperity to Papuans; it will only serve to benefit the elites, bring more migrants, and create more opportunities for military and human rights violations,” said Doni Tabuni.
14/3/22 Paniai, West Papua
Hundreds of West Papuans protested against Jakarta’s plan to create new provinces – which will lead to further dispossession and militarisation.
Paniai – Meepago customary land
Monday, March 14: thousands of residents of Paniai took to the streets to demonstrate against the expansion of the “New Autonomous Region”, also known as “Daerah Otonomy Baru” (DOB). The demonstrators repeatedly shouted against the new proposal and do not want to join the province of Central Papua, which would become a new autonomous region.
Petrus Yeimo, a member of the Paniai Regency Legislative Council (DPRD), said that communities are not involved in the formation of this new region.
“That’s why we Paniai people firmly reject the expansion,” said Petrus, when he was met by the mass in front of the DPRD office (innews.id).
West Papuan women against the creation of new provinces by Jakarta that will cause further dispossession and militarisation.
Manokwari – Domberai customary land
Tuesday, March 8: The same message also echoed in Manokwari city — a coastal town popularly known as a “city of the gospel” for its historical significance of the landing of the first two German missionaries (C.W. Ottow and J.G. Geissler) for the “Christianisation” project in the mid-1800s.
17/3/22 Sorong, West Papua
Another big protest against Jakarta’s plan to create new provinces.
Sorong – Domberai customary land Monday, March 21: A series of protests has also taken place in Sorong city, at the Western tip of West Papua, involving sections of Papuan society, including students and communities.
Protesters in Sorong carry a banner saying, “The expansion of the new autonomous region is oppression against the Papuan people.” Image: APR
“The expansion of new autonomous region depletes our forests, depriving us of our land rights. The goal of our meeting is to convince the mayor, who is also the head of the creation of the new Southwest Papua province that we Papuans all over Sorong Raya oppose the expansion,” said action coordinator Sepnat Yewen on Monday. But they were disappointed that they were unable to see the mayor twice (Compass.com, 21 March 2022).
11/3/22 Jakarta
102 West Papuan students were forcibly dispersed and arrested during a protest. They reject Jakarta’s plan to create new provinces in West Papua that would lead to further dispossession.
Jakarta – the heartland of the colonial powerhouse
Tuesday, March 11: Papuan students held protests in central Jakarta, calling on Jakarta to stop the colonial expansion of their homeland, during which one police officer, Ferikson Tampubolon, was injured on the head (Detiknews, 12 March 2022).
Indonesian security forces line up against Papuan protesters in Jakarta. Image: APR
South Sulawesi – an Indonesian island
In Kendari city of South Sulawesi, the Papuan Student Association declared that the newly created provinces would not benefit Papuans. Kiminma Gwijangge, the group coordinator, said that this was a game of the political elites and rulers who control the public service in Papua and ignoring the rights and wishes of Papuans. These Papuan students demanded that the Papuan elites, who eat money and expand on behalf of Papua, be stopped immediately.
15/3/22 Yahukimo, West Papua
Earlier today, speaker: “people reject expansion, people want independence”.
Yahukimo – La Pago customary land
Tuesday, March 15: Tragically, a peaceful demonstration for the same cause in the Yahukimo region did not go well. Two young men, Yakop Deal, 30, and Erson Weipsa, 22, have been martyred for this cause by the Indonesian police — the cause for which Papuan men and women courageously risked their lives to fight against fully armed, western-backed, modern security forces with advanced mechanical weapons.
Two young Papuans gunned down and a dozen wounded
Witness accounts of the Yahukimo tragedy stated that the protest initially went ahead safely and peacefully. However, provocation by police intelligence officers posing as journalists in the midst of the protest led to the shooting.
It is alleged that an unidentified Indonesian person flew a drone camera during the demonstration. Seeing that action, protesters warned the Indonesian man not to use drones to record the protest, creating fear.
The protestors also asked for his identity and whether or not he was a journalist, but he failed to respond. The crowd protested against his action. He then ran for cover towards hidden police officers who had been on standby with weapons. Immediately, members of the police fired tear gas at the crowd without asking for the person responsible for the peaceful demonstration. Soon after, police opened fire on the crowd.
Papuan Police public relations chief Kombes Pol Ahmad Musthofa Kamal confirmed that two protesters had died, and others suffered gunshot wounds (Suara.com).
Gathering evidence of the Yahukimu atrocity – alleged shootings by the Indonesian military. This Papuan man was shot in the back. Image: APR
OPM and civil society groups
The Free Papua Movement, also known as Organisasi Papua Merdeka (OPM), and their military wing, The West Papua National Liberation Army, which was launched in the 1960s to protest against the Indonesian invasion, are opposed to the new expansion of provinces.
Sebby Sambon, the group spokesperson released a statement that threatened to shoot Papuan elites who imposed Jakarta’s agenda onto Papuans (tribunnews.com, 12 February 2022)
More than 700,000 people have also signed the Papuan People’s Petition which represents 111 organisations opposing Special Autonomy.
These protests are not the first and they will not be the last. Papuans will continue to resist any policy introduced by Jakarta that threatens their lives, cultural identities, and lands.
This is an existential war, not a political one — it is a war of survival and resisting extinction.
The genesis of these recent protests
Those protests are not simply a reaction against the new expansion, but a part of a movement against the Indonesian invasion that began when Papuans’ independent state was seized by the Western governments and given to Indonesia by the United Nations in 1963.
This is a conflict between two states — the state of Papua and the state of Indonesia.
Having the big picture is vital to prevent misrepresentation of these protesters as just another angry mob on the street demanding equal pay in Indonesia.
However, the protests that cost those two men their lives in Yahukimo had a specific genesis. It began in 1999 when 100 Papuan delegates went to then-President Habibie and demanded independence after the collapse of Suharto’s 31-year New Order regime.
Habibie and his cabinet were shocked by this demand, as people whom they thought were members of his family suddenly told him they no longer wanted to be part of the great Indonesian family.
Having been shocked by this unexpected news, Habibie and his cabinet told the Papuan delegation to go home and think it over in case it had been a mistake. But this was not a mistake. It was the deepest desire of Papuans being communicated directly in a dignified manner to the country’s highest presidential palace.
This occurred during a time of great turmoil in Indonesia’s history. Strongman national father figure Suharto, once considered immortal, no longer was. His empire had crumbled.
Suddenly, across the archipelago, a cacophony of demonstrators unleashed more than 30 years of dormant human desires for freedom, frustrations, and fear, combined with the ravages of the Asian economic collapse.
If there was a time when the Papuans could escape the tormented house, this was it. One hundred Papuan delegates marching to Habibie indeed made their mark in that respect.
At this momentous time, the man who understood this deepest desire and would help Papuans escape was President Abdurrahman Wahid, better known as Gus Dur. He lives on in the memories of Papuans because of his valiant acts.
President Gus Dur – a political messianic figure
On 30 December 1999, or exactly two months and 10 days after being inaugurated as the 4th President, Gus Dur visited Irian Jaya (as it was known back then) with two purposes — to listen to Papuan people during the congress, which he funded, and to see the first millennium sunrise on January 1, 2000. On this day, a significant moment in human history, he chose to stand with Papuans and for Papuans.
During his stay, he changed the region’s name from Irian Jaya to Papua and allowed the banned Papuan Morning Star flag to be flown alongside Indonesia’s red and white flag.
Changing the name was significant for Papuans because these changes marked a significant shift in how the region would be governed. The former name symbolised Indonesia’s victory and the latter symbolized Papuan victory.
Prior to these historical occurrences, the region was known as Netherlands New Guinea during Dutch rule, then as West Papua during a short-lived, Dutch-supported Papuan rule in 1961, then from Irian Barat to Irian Jaya when Indonesia annexed it in May 1963.
Just as their island has been dissected and tortured by European and Asian colonial powers, so too have Papuans, being tortured with all manner of racism and violence in the name of the civilisation project.
The messianic Gus Dur’s spark of hope instilled in the hearts of Papuans was short-lived. In July 2001, he was forced out of office after being accused of encouraging Indonesia’s disintegration. Gus Dur’s window of opportunity for Papuans to escape the tortured house was closed. The new chapter that Gus Dur wrote in Indonesia-Papua’s tale of horror was ripped out of his hands during the most pivotal year of human history — the new millennium 2000.
The demand for independence conveyed to President Habibie a year earlier by one hundred Papuan delegates was discarded. Instead, Jakarta offered a special gift for Papuans — gift the Special Autonomy Law 21/2001.
There was a belief among foreign observers, and Papua and Jakarta elites that this would lead to something special. It reflects Jakarta’s ability in terms of its semantic structure and highly curated selection used in law.
Rod McGibbon, an analyst and writer on Southeast Asian politics in Jakarta, noted in a Wall Street Journal article on 14 August 2001 that despite the challenges Jakarta faces in its dealings with Irian Jaya (Papua), the Special Autonomy approach represents the best opportunity for Jakarta to begin meaningful dialogue with provincial leaders. He also predicted that if Jakarta fails special autonomy, the province will suffer further ethnic and regional conflicts in the future.
He was right, 20 years later Special Autonomy turned out to be a big mess.
The law consisted of 79 articles, most of which were designed to give Papuans greater control over their fate — to safeguard their land and culture.
Furthermore, under this law, one important institution, the Papuan People’s Assembly (Majelis Rakyat Papua-MRP), together with provincial governments and the Papuan People’s Representative Council (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Papua-DPRP), was given the authority to deal with matters that are most important to them, such as land, population control, cultural identity, and symbols.
Section B in the introduction part of the Special Autonomy law reads as follows: “That the Papua community as God’s creation and is a part of a civilised people, who hold high human rights, religious values, democracy, law and cultural values in the adat (customary) law community and who have the right to fairly enjoy the results of development”
Assassination of prominent Papuan leader and Papuan chief
Three weeks after the law was passed, popular independence leader Theys H. Eluay was killed by Indonesian special forces (Kopassus). Ryamizard Ryacudu, then-army chief of staff, who in 2014 became Jokowi’s first Defence Minister, later called the killers “heroes” (Tempo.co, August 19, 2003).
In 2003, the Megawati Soekarnoputri government divided the province into two. She was violating a provision of the Special Autonomy Law, which was based on the idea that Papua remains a single territory. As prescribed by law, any division would need to be approved by the Papuan provincial legislature and MRP.
Governor Lukas Enembe – Melanesian chief
On August 22, 2019, Narasi (central Jakarta’s TV programme) invited Papua provincial Governor Lukas Enembe and others (both Papuans and Indonesians) to discuss mass demonstrations that erupted across West Papua and Indonesia after Papuan students were racially attacked in Surabaya.
The programme host, Najwa Shihab, was shocked to hear the governor’s response. When asked about his opinion about the situation, the governor said that Papuans already had their own concept to address problems in West Papua, but they needed an agreement/treaty under international auspices — or something of the sort — because no Jakarta-made law would work in Papua.
The host then asked, “you are a governor, but why don’t you believe the authority of Special Autonomy Law?” Governor Enembe replied, “The Special Autonomy Law 21/2001 has not worked until now.”
The governor stressed that Papuans do not have political power or free will to make any meaningful decision.
“We are supposed to make our own law under this Special Autonomy, but Jakarta refuses to allow it. Jakarta only gives money under this law, that’s all.”
The statements come from Papua’s number one man and not from someone on the street. The ruling elites in Jakarta are not fazed about breaking their own laws, showing their disrespect of the Papuan people and their integrity as a nation.
The governor is not the only official in the country’s highest office who lacks faith in the central government. Otopianus Tebai, a young Papuan senator who represents Papua in the central government said in a response to this new expansion plan that most Papuans reject the divisions (Suara.com, March 18, 2022). Divisions of which Papuans are being coerced into by the old special autonomy law renewal, which Governor Enembe declared as a total failure.
The MRP, Papua’s highest institution established under the special autonomy law to safeguard cultural identities, no longer has the power to act as intended. This institution has been stripped of its power, as well as other things, as a result of the 2021 amendment to the law which was passed two decades ago.
Timotius Murib, the chairman of this institution, said that the plan to create an autonomous region did not reflect the wishes of the people of Papua and would probably create more problems if Papuans were divided over it.
The chairman emphasised the law was designed for Papuans to have specific authority to implement local laws pertaining to our affairs, but the central government removed that authority by destroying any legal or government mechanism that materialised this authority.
Adding to these statements from the highest offices, more than 700,000 people have signed the Papuan People’s Petition, which represents 111 organisations opposing Special Autonomy.
Indonesian Brimob forces ready to move against Papuan protesters in Jakarta. Image: APR
Deep psychological war against Papuans – ‘divide and rule’ tactic
Despite overwhelming opposition from many segments of Papuan society, the Indonesian government persists in imposing its will upon Papuans. It is precisely this action that is causing protests and havoc in recent weeks.
But not all Papuans are against it. Several regents (mostly Papuans) are supporting this expansion with their cronies and supporters, in conjunction with the Indonesian government, a few Papuan elites in Jakarta, and other misfits and opportunists.
The issue has caused division among indigenous Papuans. Among the Papuans, it plays directly into identity politics, as many tribes speak different languages, live in different ancestral and customary lands, and even practise different religions.
A protracted horizontal conflict between these languages, cultural, and geographical lines was already being created by the creation of more regencies and districts in the past. Adding three new provinces would lead to more regencies, which means more districts, which means more security forces and settlers and more problems.
In the midst of this drama, Jakarta is setting traps for Papuans by forcing them to face each other and preventing them from collectively confronting the system that is tearing them apart. The creation of more provinces and regions is leading to such traps since this will divide the people — which is clearly Indonesia’s ultimate goal.
If Papuans are too busy fighting one another, then the atrocities of the elites will fly under the radar, unopposed. What West Papua needs is unity, which has been demonstrated in recent protests. Together, Papuans will always be stronger than apart in their cause, and Jakarta will stop it with all its tricks.
If you are an imperial strategist or scammer in an empirical office somewhere in London, Canberra, Washington DC, or Jakarta, you might think that this is the best way to control and destroy a nation.
But history shows that, all dead ancient empires and the current dying Anglo-American led Western empires use this little magical trick “divide and rule” over others until it collapses from its wicked pathological and hypocritical weights from within.
Imperial planners in Jakarta should be focusing on overcoming their own internal weaknesses that would eventually bring them down rather than chasing after the monster they created out of West Papua.
In this frame of mind, any vestige of hope for Papua’s restoration and unity, whether contained within or outside the law, is a threat that will be undermined at any cost.
The term autonomy is also defined differently in Papua’s affairs because Jakarta does not intend to empower Papuans to stand on their own two feet.
There is no real intention for Jakarta to give Papuans a chance to have some level of self-rule, which is exactly what being autonomous means in essence.
Papua’s autonomous status seems to be all part of the settler-colonial regime: occupation, expansion, and extermination. Papuans have been told that West Papua is special, but Jakarta is undermining and paralysing any mechanism it agrees upon to convince them that that is truly not the case.
In other words, Jakarta introduces a law, but it is Jakarta that violates it. The situation is analogous to students having a teacher who is not just negligent but hypocritical; everything the teacher believes in, they teach, not taking time to critically analyse their actions and how it all contradicts itself.
Under the whole scheme, Indonesia is presented as a self-appointed head of the class that they are holding hostage. They believe they are the only ones capable of teaching the stupid Papuans, of civilising the naked cave men, of saving the wild beasts, and developing the underdeveloped people.
But under the guise of the pathological civilisational myths, Jakarta poisons and destroy Papuans with food, alcohol, drugs, pornography, gambling, diseases and the ammunition which is used against them.
Rulers in Jakarta act as narcissistic sociopaths — they promise development, happiness, or even heaven while committing genocidal and homicidal acts against Papuans.
They portray themselves as the “civilised” and the Papuans as the “uncivilised” – a psychological manipulation that allows them to avoid accountability for their crimes. Jakarta makes Papuans sick, then prescribes medication to cure the very same illness it caused.
A deep psychological game is being played to convince themselves (colonisers), and the Papuans (colonised) that Indonesia exists so that West Papua can be saved, improved, and developed. This pathological game is then embedded into the psyche of Papuans through all the colonial development products Jakarta sells to Papuans through education and indoctrination.
This programming is evident in the way that a few Papuans (with Jakarta acting as the puppeteer) fool their own people by telling them that Indonesian rule will bring salvation and prosperity.
Even the mental work of most Indonesians is being reprogrammed to view West Papua with that lens – they believe that Indonesia is saving and improving West Papua. Unbeknownst to them, this entity called “Indonesia” annihilates Papuans.
Local Papuan elites legitimize their power by saying that their own people also have serious problems (backwardness, stupidity, poverty) and that they have solutions to solve these problems. However, the solution is Jakarta-made, not Papuan-made, and that is the problem.
When governor Enembe said we need an international solution rather than a national one, he was conscious of these games being played against his people in his homeland.
The Indonesian government exterminates Papuans by controlling both poison and antidote, but there is no antidote to begin with. It is all poison; the only difference is the label.
Markus Haluk’s words
Markus Haluk’s words make a desperate plea for help as they face what he terms “annihilation” due to Indonesia’s racism, responding to mass demonstration in his own homeland.
His words highlight that the only viable solution is to grant the people the right to self-determination to establish their nation-state and declare that the people’s voice is the voice of God.
As tragic and ironic as it is, it is highly unlikely that Haluk’s words “the voice of the people is the voice of God” will mean anything to the ruling class in Jakarta since in the past 20 years all the attacks, betrayals, torture, racism, and killings have been committed after these words were written on the Special Autonomy Law No 21/2001.
Section B in the Introduction part of the law reads: “That the Papua community as God’s creation and is part of a civilized people, who hold high Human Rights, religious values, democracy, law and cultural values in the adat (customary) law community and who have the right to fairly enjoy the results of development.”
It seems that these words are merely part of the theatrics — the drama of cruelty, torture and death.
Settler-colony – the logic of ‘destroy to replace’
Indonesia’s occupation in West Papua is not temporary — they are not simply taking resources and going home. The Indonesians want to make West Papua their permanent home.
This is a permanent population resettlement colonial project based on the logic of destroy to replace. Papuans are being destroyed — and even worse, they are being replaced by Indonesian settlers. They are powerless to stop the annihilation and perversion of their ancestral homelands.
To occupy and own the land is the ultimate goal of settlers. Settler states aim to eradicate Indigenous societies through what an Australian historian and scholar, Patrick Wolfe, refers to as a the “logic of elimination” in his paper, Settler colonialism and the elimination of the native (2006).
Colonialism through population resettlement is the most destructive form of colonial project underpinned by self-righteous, pathological rationality which exterminates the original inhabitants as a moral requirement to justify the process of replacing itself.
In this pathological project, genocide is not considered evil but a necessity to achieve its exterminating objective. That is why the assassination of Theys H. Eluay just three weeks after the passing of the Special Autonomy Law was perhaps seen as a necessary evil to satisfy this colonial project.
West Papua: not just another one of Indonesia’s provinces
Over the past 60 years, virtually all literature ever produced on West Papua failed to refer to it as a settler colony. The region is still treated as if it were just another province of Indonesia, and Jakarta insist on creating more provinces as if they have legal and moral rights. This is misleading and illegal considering Indonesia’s genocidal actions and the circumstances in which the region was incorporated into Indonesia in the 1960s.
Indonesia did not merely incorporate West Papua; it invaded an independent state by military force supported by Western governments by manipulating the UN’s system.
Our continued use of West Papua as a part of Indonesia has distorted our understanding of the nature of the Indonesianisation programme being carried out there.
We need to scrutinise Jakarta’s activities on West Papua’s soil with a settler-colonial lens. This will help us frame our questions and structure our languages differently regarding Indonesian activities in West Papua.
It will also help us to see how West Papua is being destroyed under settler colony, similar to how European colonisation destroyed Indigenous people in Australia, New Zealand, the United States, and Canada.
We need to frame any administration centres of any type, whether religious, political, cultural, educational, legal, social or security forces established on West Papuan soil with a settler-colonial lens.
This will allow us to see how Jakarta created these parasitic colonial spaces camouflaged as province and regency to occupy, expand, and eventually exterminate its original inhabitants.
The settler-colonial system is a structure that facilitates this whole extermination project. Replacing one landscape for another, one people for another, one language for another, one system for another.
In light of this, it would appear that any law, policy, decree, regulation, or project enacted and enforced by Jakarta serves the purpose of eradicating the Papuan population from the land and replacing them with Indonesian settlers.
This has been done in Australia, America, Canada, and New Zealand, and now these Western powers are aiding Indonesia to do the same in West Papua.
Physically and psychologically, these new provinces (whether materialised or not) have become new battlefields in the war on Papuans. Indeed, Papuans are being forced onto these battle grounds, as in Rome’s Colosseums, to fight for their lives.
The most tragic outcome for Papuans is going to be Jakarta pitting brother against brother and sister against sister in Indonesian’s controlled colosseum of vile games. The blood of these young Papuans that was shed in Yahukimo during the recent demonstration, shows how Papuans are paying the ultimate price in this theatre of killing.
A way forward
Let the same mechanism of the UN that was used to betray West Papua 60 years ago be used to deliver overdue justice for the Papuan people.
United States of America, the Netherlands, Indonesia and their allies of all kinds — thieves, criminals, thugs, militias and multinational bandits who betrayed the Papuan people and continue to drain them of their natural resources must take responsibility for their crimes against Papuans.
Countless of Resolutions on West Papuan human rights issues that have been written on paper in the offices of the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG), Pacific Islands Forum (PIF), African, Caribbean, and Pacific States (ACP), UN Human Rights Council (UNHC), and European Union (EU) must be materialised to end this tragic and unjust war Papuans are forced to face on their own.
These institutions need to unite and put their words into actions if they place any value on human life.
If no action is taken in these resolutions, their words only serve the imperial purposes, such as these meaningless words used in the Law 21/2001 on Special Autonomy, providing false hope to deceive people whose lives and lands are already at stake.
Remember what Markus Haluk wrote on March 10 — reproduced in the introduction to this article — calling on the world’s humanity to listen to the voices of two million Papuans and to intervene.
Yamin Kogoya is a West Papuan academic who has a Master of Applied Anthropology and Participatory Development from the Australian National University and who contributes to Asia Pacific Report. From the Lani tribe in the Papuan Highlands, he is currently living in Brisbane, Queensland, Australia.
Timor-Leste’s citizens voted for a new president at the weekend, hoping the most competitive election in the history of the Asia-Pacific’s youngest country will end a protracted political impasse, reports France 24.
Voters lined up outside polling stations at the crack of dawn on Saturday to choose between a record 16 candidates led by two revolutionary heroes in incumbent Francisco “Lu-Olo” Guterres and former president and Nobel Peace Prize laureate Jose Ramos-Horta.
Three days on, the official result is yet to be announced, but appears to be headed for a run-off vote next month with president Ramos-Horta well in the lead, ahead of Guterres, the candidate of the party that led Timor-Leste to independence, Fretilin.
Although Ramos has more than double (46.58 percent) the vote of Guterres, the lead is still short of the needed 50 percent and a second round of voting is expected to be declared for April 19 with the other 14 candidates dropping out.
The winner will take office on May 20, Timor-Leste’s 20th anniversary of the restoration of independence from Indonesia, which invaded and occupied the former Portuguese colony for 24 years.
Following temperature checks and hand sanitisation on election day, voters were ushered to the polling booths where they dabbed their fingers in ink to show they had voted.
Several mothers carrying babies were among those eager to elect a new president.
“I hope the leader that I have voted for can pay more attention to the education, infrastructure and farming sectors. I am very happy that I’ve voted for a candidate based on my consciousness,” 35-year-old Filomena Tavares Maria told AFP news agency outside the polls that opened at 7 am and shut at 3 pm.
Struck by Cyclone Seroja
First hammered by the covid-19 pandemic, Timor-Leste’s economy took another hit last year when Cyclone Seroja struck, killing at least 40 people on its half of the island and transforming communities into wastelands of mud and uprooted trees.
Former Timor-Leste President José Ramos-Horta … “The most important thing for me is to strengthen the stability and build a better economy”.” Image: Lusa
Political tensions between the two largest parties — Guterres’ Revolutionary Front for an Independent East Timor (Fretilin) and the National Congress of the Reconstruction of Timor-Leste (CNRT) — have also risen in the past four years, leading to a political deadlock that has seen the government fail to pass a budget.
Sidalia dos Santos said she hoped the new president could lead an economic recovery.
“I hope the candidate that I voted for can improve our lives, especially in the health and education sector,” the 22-year-old student said.
Outside the polling station, Ramos-Horta said the financial situation would be his main priority: “The most important thing for me is to strengthen the stability and build a better economy”.
President Francisco “Lu Olo” Guterres … “If I am re-elected, I will keep defending the democratic rights of our country.” Image: Presidential Power
Earlier in the week, he said he felt compelled to return to politics because Guterres had “breached the constitution” and overstepped his presidential role.
But Guterres, a 67-year-old former guerilla fighter, said he was confident the elections would bring him a second term.
“I believe I will win this election and people will reconfirm their rights through the election. If I am re-elected, I will keep defending the democratic rights of our country and create sustainable development.”
Since the attacks, arson, and demolition of several churches in Aceh Singkil Regency, Aceh Province, Indonesia (2015), religious freedoms in churches in Aceh Singkil Regency has been disrupted. The settlement’s direction has remained unclear for the past six years, as evidenced by the ambiguous responses of central and regional governments to reconciliation and religious freedom. According to information from field interviews, this problem is further complicated as the role of civil society and ecumenical institutions in advocacy in Aceh Singkil Regency has weakened, including the growing cracks and suspicions among struggling churches at local level. The local government has exploited these problems to weaken the struggle for the right to worship in Aceh Singkil Regency.
According to the records of the Aceh Singkil Peace Forum (Forcidas), there are currently 20 churches whose permits have been denied by the local government, with no resolution in sight. Furthermore, 7 churches continue to worship under tents in unsuitable conditions, particularly for coaching activities for children, who are exposed to hot weather, mosquitoes, and a lack of supporting facilities. This is evident in the field data related to the struggles of churches in Aceh Singkil in advocating for freedom of religion or belief (FORB) in the public sphere. Data is gathered through in-depth interviews with several churches in Aceh Singkil that have been affected by disturbances such as fire-raising, demolition, and obstruction of church buildings, and includes information from the Forcidas and some officials from synods whose congregations are disrupted.
Issues arose after 13 October 2015, when an intolerant crowd set fire to the Church of Huria Kristen Indonesia (HKI) in Gunung Meriah District and attacked the Church of Pak-Pak Dairi (GKPPD) in Simpang Kanan District. This was followed by the demolition of 9 churches by the local government, through the Civil Service Police Unit (Satpol PP), from 19-24 October 2024. Police also supervised the demolition process. The approval for the demolition of the 9 churches was given under pressure, as happened at the Church of GKPPD Sanggaberu (located in the Gunung Meriah sub-district) where the Satpol PP and security forces sought out church administrators to compel them to sign a demolishment agreement. As a result, according to in-depth interview in GKPPD Sanggaberu, some church officials were forced to seek refuge in the forest to escape the pressure.
Looking further back, the events of 13 October 2015 were preceded by the Aceh Singkil Regional Government’s sealing of 20 churches in 2012. Unfortunately, the central and local governments lack the political will to address the various socio-political, cultural, and legal issues surrounding the sealing.
This issue is further complicated by the Aceh Regional Government’s step to issue local regulations (Aceh Qanun No. 4/2016) concerning Guidelines for Maintaining Religious Harmony and Establishment of Places of Worship. This regulation further narrows the space for reconciliation and human rights-based pluralism in Aceh Province, particularly in Aceh Singkil. This is because the Aceh Qanun No. 4/2016 is, according to the 2020 position paper made by joint working team of 3 human right-related organizations (Kontras Aceh, Philosufi institute and LBH Aceh), in violation of the Indonesian government’s ratification of human rights principles, namely the Universal Declaration of Human Rights document, which has been ratified in Law no. 39 of 1999 on Human Rights, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), ratified in Law no. 12 of 2005, and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) which was ratified in Law Number 11 of 2005.
Aceh Qanun No. 4/2016 also violates the Helsinki agreement (2005) which emphasises that human rights principles must be the basis for the formulation of the written law (legal code) in Aceh. In addition, the Helsinki agreement also places matters of freedom of religion (justice and freedom of religion) within the authority of the central government, not local governments. These two points are also reflected in Law No. 11 of 2006 concerning the Government of Aceh (Law No. 11/2006).
Furthermore, Aceh Qanun No. 4/2016 includes inseparable link between territorial claims and political system in Aceh. This is then followed by a process of exclusion of those categorised as outsiders, carried out by both state actors (local governments) and non-state actors (Islamic organizations). This direction can be seen from the pressure applied through Aceh Qanun No. 4/2016 which places the management of religious life within the framework of Islamic law (aqidah or religious creed), stressing ethnic identity and Aceh region as an area claimed exclusively by Acehnese Muslims. Consequently, in practice Aceh Qanun No. 4/2016 does not allow space for the establishment of non-Islamic houses of worship.
Complicating matters further, this implicit prohibition is framed by Islamic law. As a result, questioning the regulation may be interpreted as a violation of Islamic doctrine. In some cases, according to in-depth interview with the Forcidas and officials from the Church of HKI in Gunung Meriah District and the Church of GKPPD Sanggaberu, local community support for church construction was eventually withdrawn due to doctrinal pressure from local Islamic elites, who deemed such support contrary to Islamic law.
Aceh Qanun No. 4/2016 raises the requirement for the number worshippers from 90 people (according to PBM 2006) to 140 people, and as the number of community supporters from 60 people (according to PBM 2006) to 110 people.
The term “house of worship” was replaced with “places of worship”. This is consistent with the argument used by the Aceh Singkil local government and intolerant groups to obstruct church construction, particularly by referring to the 2001 agreement that only permitted one church building (house of worship) and four undung-undung (small place of worship) in Aceh Singkil. In other words, churches do not have permission at all to construct new church buildings to accommodate the growing number of Christians in Aceh Singkil. The agreement, according to in-depth interviews with the Forcidas and the 2016 legal opinion document on Aceh Singkil, is problematic because it was carried out in an opaque and coercive manner for Christian groups.
Aceh Qanun No. 4/2016 also specifies five recommendations that must be met to construct a house of worship, three more than the earlier PBM 2006. One complication in this regard is the requirement to obtain a recommendation from the Imeum Mukim, a traditional and religious leader (imeum) who leads a mukim (residential area). An imeum is in charge of ensuring the implementation of Islamic law and traditional life in the area and may use their social and religious power to complicate, if not obstruct, the legally enshrined right of other religions to worship, particularly the right to own a house of worship.
The actions of local community members who support the establishment of houses of worship for other religions are read by local elites as contrary to Islamic law. Strong social regulation resulting from the overlapping of territorial claims (the entire Aceh region) with ethnoreligious identities in Aceh further disincentives supporters.
Aceh Qanun No. 4/2016 also substitutes the term “local community support” in the PBM 2006 with the term “non-users of places of worship support”, implicitly specifying Muslim support. As a result, even in villages where the majority, or the entire, population is Christian, the construction of churches continues to be difficult, considering support for church construction is considered contrary to Islamic Shari’a (aqidah). Thus, exclusion of church construction also gains doctrinal justification.
Finally, Aceh Qanun No. 4/2016 alters the conditions that require local governments to provide places of worship. In PBM 2006, if 90 people or more require a place of worship, the local government must provide places of worship even without sufficient local community support. Aceh Qanun No. 4/2016 eliminates local governments’ responsibility to provide houses of worship for Christians, raising the level and specificity of support required and exploiting doctrinal justifications which discourage non-user support. Aside from all these issues, the local political landscape in Aceh has harmed Christians’ right to worship. According to the Forcidas, as regional and national elections take place, pressure on Christians in Aceh will increase as local political contestants exploit ethnoreligious sentiments that align with territorial claims. This is one of the concerns of Christians in Aceh as they prepare for the 2024 national election, where the “warming up” has begun.
Another barrier to worship in Aceh Singkil is the poor performance of civil society and the ecumenical network in freedom of religion advocacy at the local level. Forcidas has coordinated various civil society groups to bring the Aceh Singkil issue to the national level, including hearings with representatives from several European countries. Various advocacy documents have also been submitted by the Forcidas to churches via the Indonesian Communion of Churches (CCI/PGI). However, advocacy remains poor and has no clear direction at the local and national levels.
The CCI/PGI has asked the government of Indonesia to carry out its responsibility to protect the community and guarantee religious freedom in Aceh Singkil, including publishing a legal opinion regarding the sealing of houses of worship in Aceh Singkil. Meetings have been held, between the leaders of GKPPD Church with the government and Islamic religious leaders in Aceh Singkil, with the Coordinating Minister for Political, Legal, and Security Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia (Kemenko Polhukam RI), and in December 2020, the National Human Rights Commission facilitated a meeting between church representatives and local government officials in Aceh.
Unfortunately, the fate of churches in Aceh Singkil is still uncertain, and local government and religious elites continue to exert pressure. Central and local governments are unwilling to build reconciliation and ensure religious freedom in Aceh. Civil society organizations and the CCI/PGI-related ecumenical networks have failed to effectively advocate on behalf of churches. Consequently, there is no mitigation of regulatory, social, cultural, and economic barriers to religious freedom, and the pillars necessary to support pluralism and reduce bottlenecks at the local level are almost non-existent. In conflict areas like Aceh Singkil, we can see how interfaith and the CCI/PGI-related ecumenical networks fail to generate effective ongoing interfaith action or discussion at the grassroots level.
When we examine the CCI/PGI advocacy work over the last five years as detailed in the 2014-2019 PGI report, it appears that there has been no effective advocacy. CCI/PGI advocacy activities only included a PGI letter protesting the caning of non-Muslims and a request to review related regulations that infringe on religious freedom, media training conducted by The Yakoma-PGI and the Union of Journalists for Diversity in Indonesia. What emerges is the PGI perspective that challenges to religious freedom in Aceh Singkil are solely the government’s responsibility, because the CCI/PGI sees itself as an institution without power. This perspective is fallacious because advocacy work is by definition not an exercise of government power. Moreover, even though the Aceh Singkil problem has numerous variables the CCI/PGI does not take a dynamical view and thus fails to empower itself to act, particularly at local level.
As a result, the people of Aceh Singkil appear fragmented and suspicious, and thus become embers with the potential to explode.
Following the enactment of the National Capital Bill on 18 January 2022, Indonesia will legally begin the process of moving the capital from Jakarta to Kalimantan. Located between the two East Kalimantan cities of Balikpapan and Samarinda, the new city will be called “Nusantara”—the ancient name of the Indonesian archipelago. The move will begin by gradually relocating all ministerial personnel and civil servants, with a target of full relocation by 2045.
While the decision to relocate the capital is based on domestic considerations, it carries regional security implications, and will generate economic and environmental harm. Additionally, it requires considerable resources, constraining Indonesia’s capability to deal with regional tensions and possible security threats. With increasing tensions in the Indo-Pacific region, the government must address these implications to mitigate any future security risk associated with the relocation.
Rationales behind the relocation
There are at least two obvious reasons for the move: Jakarta’s overpopulation and its environmental vulnerability. Around 10.56 million people live in the current capital, which makes it overcrowded with traffic and complex urban development issues. The city has also been dealing with floods and vulnerability due to sea-level rise, especially in the last two decades. President Jokowi himself has preferred to stay in the presidential palace in Bogor, rather than Jakarta’s Presidential Palace.
But relocating the capital is not just about Jakarta’s urban condition. In terms of defence and military strategy, Indonesia’s security elites see the new capital as more easily defendable than Jakarta due to its geographic features. Nusantara is surrounded by forests, rivers, and mountains, which will benefit Indonesia’s military in case of any future armed attacks. In contrast, Jakarta is more vulnerable to conventional attacks by an enemy’s military given its location on the northern coast of Java.
The military has not specified who such a potential enemy might be, but in his reflections on moving the capital, Indonesia’s intelligence chief has mentioned several regional alliances and activities that might affect the country’s security including the Five Power Defence Arrangements (FPDA), AUKUS, and Chinese geopolitical influence in the region. Indonesia has been critical of AUKUS and objects to the arms race and power projection in the region. In addition, while it participates in China’s Belt and Road Initiative, the military has repeatedly detected Chinese coast guard vessels in its maritime domains, which constitutes a major threat to Indonesia’s territorial integrity.
Regional security implications
The capital relocation has some implications that might affect the regional security in the Indo-Pacific, concerning not only military and defence issues, but also economic and environmental security.
The first regional security implication is Indonesia’s shifting strategic focus during the process of moving. Located on the island of Kalimantan, Nusantara is 1,300 km away from Jakarta. The relocation will require the government to move all civil servants and military personnel by air or sea. For this, analysts have noted that a high number of military troops and significant resources must be deployed. According to Indonesia’s Military Chief, the military will deploy at least 30,000-50,000 personnel in the new capital’s regional commands, which will require significant resources. The budget for establishing a new regional military command is estimated to be USD 8.2 billion; for context, the country’s Defence Ministry’s had a budget of USD 9.3 billion in 2022.
This massive resource allocated for the relocation will considerably affect Indonesia’s ongoing defence and military modernisation plans. Indonesia will likely shift its focus from developing defence capabilities to meeting ongoing security demands caused by the capital relocation. In times of increasing geopolitical tensions in the Indo-Pacific region, redeploying forces and resources to secure the relocation process could impede the mitigation of potential crises that Indonesia may face at its borders. For example, it must secure its maritime domain from any intrusion of foreign military forces, such as in the South China Sea.
The relocation also raises questions as to who will be financially involved in the development of Nusantara and its related infrastructure. The government has estimated around USD 33 billion as the budget for the move, which is around 17 per cent of the national budget for 2022. The funding is expected to be raised from the government’s national budget, a Public-Private Partnership scheme with the private sector, and international development cooperation.
While Indonesia has committed to seek funding from various sources—including from Middle Eastern and European partners—there are some concerns related to the number of China-funded investment projects around the new capital. Chinese corporations have expressed interest in funding or providing loans to finance several projects in Kalimantan, including tolled highways between Balikpapan and Samarinda. China has also financed a hydropower project in the Kayan River since 2018, which is located in the northern part of the new capital.
These new investment partnerships could have long-term geopolitical implications as the new capital will be surrounded by China-funded investment projects. The Indonesian government must review the long-term geopolitical impacts of all investment projects around the new capital to avoid influence from any foreign party.
Finally, there are environmental security implications, which primarily relate to the global need to thwart climate change and end deforestation as agreed at the Glasgow Climate Change Conference. Kalimantan has been considered the ‘world’s lung’ due to its massive rainforests and biodiversity. It is feared that the capital relocation will lead to further deforestation and biodiversity loss and affect ongoing global efforts to tackle climate change and deforestation.
A recent study has shown that three provinces in Kalimantan are highly vulnerable to forest fires, while East Kalimantan has been affected by devastating forest fires in the past. The forest fires not only had a disastrous environmental impact on the country but also repeatedly caused transboundary haze pollution to neighbouring countries. Therefore, the risks of haze, forest fires, and potential impacts on climate change must be properly mitigated before the relocation process begins.
Indonesian lawmakers have tried to anticipate these concerns by mentioning the principle of ‘sustainability’ in the National Capital Bill’s Academic Paper. However, environmentalists have criticised the White Paper as being vague on mitigating the environmental implications of the relocation. With the need to build new housing complexes and government offices, it is unclear to what extent the government will clear the land and how biodiversity could be preserved.
Addressing security implications in the long-term development plan
While Indonesia’s capital relocation is mostly related to the country’s domestic development priorities, it carries regional security implications that must be addressed as tensions in the Indo-Pacific region increase.
To address potential security issues, the government needs to pursue several possible policy options. To address security concerns in the South China Sea, Indonesia should strengthen its Maritime Security Agency (Bakamla) as the front-line of its security response to South China Sea disputes, as one analyst has suggested. In addition, Indonesia needs to stay on track to modernise its military and defence equipment by 2024 (according to the original plans).
Indonesia also needs to carefully assess the economic, social, and sustainability impact of the capital relocation. In particular, it is important to consider its long-term financial capacity in relocating the capital, as well as reviewing any foreign infrastructure or investment projects around the new capital.
These security concerns must be incorporated into the new national long-term development plan, which will become the guideline for Indonesia’s planning between 2025-2045. Given the ambitions of the capital relocation, the Indonesian government needs a comprehensive security assessment—considering capabilities and geopolitical tensions in the region—in the long-term plan, which will provide a framework for future governments. Only in this way can Indonesia mitigate potential risks from the capital relocation.
Indigenous students from West Papua studying at universities across Aotearoa are defying an order from the Indonesian government to return home.
In January, more than 40 students were told that Indonesia would no longer be funding autonomous West Papuan scholarships so they had to pack up and leave.
Laurens Ikinia of the Hubula tribe and fellow student Esniel Mirin of the Kimyal tribe, both from the central highlands of West Papua, say they have been stripped of their dream for a brighter future.
“The government has terminated about 42 students here in Aotearoa New Zealand who are the recipients of Papua provincial government scholarships and I am one of the students who was terminated and this is really worrying me,” Ikinia said.
Ikinia and Mirin have both been struggling to support themselves since the scholarship decision was made. Living costs are rising and tuition fees are high for overseas students here.
“What we are trying to do just to survive is do some part-time jobs as long as we can but, unfortunately, some students cannot work because of their visa conditions. I don’t know how long it’s going to take us but that’s what we are doing just to survive,” Ikinia said.
Mirin said he found it hard to talk about the issue as he was not able to support himself and not able to work.
“I’m trying to communicate with my close friends from the campus or the churches I attend and they help me a lot,” he said.
“We are calling the Indonesian President, Joko Widodo, to respond to our request so in the future we can continue our programmes and success because this is kind of Indonesians trying to manipulate our education rights.”
The Indonesian embassy gave a written response to Māori Television’s request for comment, stating that the scholarships were wholly managed by Papua’s democratically elected provincial government. The embassy also said:
“These students are part of a total of 593 students from Papua province receiving the ‘Papua Special Autonomy Scholarship’… only those who have exceeded the allocated time of the scholarship and those who cannot meet the academic requirements are being recalled.
“The decision to repatriate certain students does not impact on those students who remain on track with regards to their studies abroad.
“The assessment is also conducted to ensure other eligible students from Papua province also obtain the same opportunity in pursuing their studies.”
The Māori Television story on the plight of West Papuan students in Aotearoa. Image: MTS screenshot APR
The embassy also said it had tried to resolve various aspects of the issue including possible outstanding tuition and living fees.
But for students such as Ikinia the suggestion he is being sent home because he has been failing, has no foundation.
“I came to New Zealand in 2016, I did my New Zealand language programme for five months and then I studied my international contemporary studies, bachelor programme, I studied in 2017 and then I finished in 2019 in three years and then I studied for my master’s programme in 2020,” he says.
“I’m just about to finish and then they put my name on the list and then they claim that I’m not making any progress, which is baseless. This is something that we have written a letter to the government to clarify — the evidence that the government used to categorise all these 42 students not making progress.”
Ikinia is reaching out to institutions, organisations and communities for their support on behalf of the Papuan Students Association of Oceania.
“We humbly request the people of Aotearoa, New Zealand to open your arms to welcome us as a Pacific family.
“It’s been a long, long time where West Papuans, indigenous peoples have not spoken about our education rights and we are calling for the sake of humanity.”
For more information, readers can visit the Papuan Students Association Oceania social media pages to learn how to offer support:
Indonesian police have arrested a total of 90 Papuan students during a protest action near the Presidential Palace complex in Central Jakarta which ended in chaos with allegations of assaults on six protesters.
The demonstration by the Papuan students last Friday was to oppose the creation of new provinces in Papua.
“A total of 90 people”, said Metro Jaya regional police public relations division head Senior Commissioner E Zulpan when sought for confirmation on the arrests.
After being arrested, the students were taken to the Metro Jaya regional police headquarters.
Zulpan said that they would be returned home after being questioned.
“They will be returned home after being identified and questioned,” said Zulpan.
The protest, which ended in chaos, resulted in Central Jakarta district police intelligence unit head Assistant Superintendent Ferikson Tampubolon suffering head injuries after being allegedly assaulted by the protesters.
In addition to this, a number of other police officers were injured.
The demonstrators claimed that five protesters suffered injuries during the clash with police. One of them, a women, was knocked unconscious.
Zulpan however denied that police assaulted any of the demonstrators.
“There were no police officers who assaulted the demonstrators,” said Zulpan.
Advocacy Team slams police violence The Papua Advocacy Team has called on the Metro Jaya police chief to punish the police officers who allegedly committed violence against six Papuans during the rally near the Presidential Palace.
One of the Advocacy Team members, Teo Reffelsen, said that if the acts of violence by police were based on an order from a superior officer, then they must also be held responsible.
“Police must legally process police officers who committed the violence against the six Papuans,” said Reffelsen in a written release sent to CNN Indonesia.
“If it was based on an order, then their senior officer must also be held criminally responsible,” he said.
Reffelsen also said that based on information obtained from the participants in the action, one of the six students, Ince, was kicked in the chest by a police officer and fell unconscious.
Another, Bob, suffered scratches to his leg and chest after being kicked. Samuel Purwaro was kicked and dragged into a detention vehicle and suffered injuries to his right eye, and Deris Murib was kicked in the forehead and back of his body.
Daten meanwhile was struck in the head using a motorcycle helmet and a member of Solidarity Indonesia was kicked by police.
Suffered injuries, cracked teeth
“He suffered injuries to his body and cracked teeth. His genitals were grabbed, then his mobile phone. [But] his mobile phone has been returned,” said Reffelsen.
The Papuan students clashed with police near the Presidential Palace when they wanted to move off to the Home Affairs Ministry to protest against the creation of six new provinces in Papua.
Around 30 people claiming to be Papuan students tried to head off to the nearby Home Affairs Ministry on Jalan Medan Merdeka Utara via Jalan Veteran near the State Secretariat building in the presidential complex.
There, scores of police officers had already prepared a blockade and the demonstrators were prohibited from going any further. Tough negotiations between the two parties proceeded for up to 30 minutes.
The police continued to refuse to let the demonstrators pass and the two sides began pushing and shoving each other. A short time later the demonstrators broke through the blockade.
Police then chased the students and succeeded in breaking up the demonstration. Several were involved in fist fights.
IndoLeft News notes: A second article by CNN Indonesia later on the same day reported that 89 of those arrested had been returned home. “Yes, they’ve been sent home”, said Zulpan when sought for confirmation. Zulpan said however that one person named Alfius Wenda was still being questioned in relation to the alleged assault on Assistant Superintendent Ferikson Tampubolon.
Hundreds of Cendrawasih University (Uncen) students took to the streets last week to hold actions opposing the creation of new provinces in Papua, says Papua Legal Aid Foundation (LBH) director Emanuel Gobay.
He said that the actions were held at several places as well as a long march to the Papua Regional House of Representatives (DPRD) offices on Tuesday.
However, when the students wanted to hold the action, a joint unit of police was already on alert at each location with 20-30 officers on guard.
“During the action they planned to gather at several points, first at upper Uncen, lower Uncen, Expo and Abe. But since early morning police had already gathered at the places,” Gobay told CNN Indonesia.
Gobay explained that before the action was held, the students had already sent a notification to the district police that the action would be held peacefully.
But the police instead forcibly broke up the potests and sprayed the protesters with water cannon.
“When they used water cannon, the students ran into a boarding house located at Abepura,” he said.
“Then followed [the incident at] Uncen Abepura, where they were blocked by police. So the students couldn’t get out. In the end the Uncen Abepura [students] joined with those at Waena in Taruna Bakti. They gathered there, then those at Uncen also gathered at the Taruna Bakti senior high school,” he said.
Police ‘brutal’ with students
Gobay said the students tried to negotiate with police but were rebuffed. A joint unit of police kept forcing the protesters to disperse.
“What was most disappointing was that the head of the Jayapura district police intelligence unit was there and even he ordered them to disperse the protesters brutally,” he said.
“By brutal, I mean they didn’t heed one word from the students when they were invited to negotiate.”
According to Gobay, the police attitude showed that the democratic space for negotiating was not being heeded. Yet the right to negotiations was guaranteed under Law Number 19/1998 on the freedom to express an opinion in public.
Gobay said that the police should be “more human” and prioritise dialogue.
“There methods are excessive, as if they are dealing with a riot. This needs special attention from the Indonesian police chief to the Papua regional police chief, especially the Jayapura district police chief and the head of the intelligence unit.
“In particular, the use of firearms at peaceful actions.”
Papua regional police public relations chief Senior Commissioner Ahmad Musthofa Kamal said that the protests “proceeded normally”. He did not say how many police officers were deployed although the number “was sufficient”.
Papuan students protesting at Cendrawasih University (Uncen) last week over Indonesia’s unpopular plan to split Papua and West Papua provinces into six provinces. Image: Elfira-Cepos/IndoLeft News
Papuans oppose provincial break-up plan
Earlier, Home Affairs Minister Tito Karnavian had said Papua would be split up into six provinces, although the plan was not yet final and was still being debated.
The six provinces proposed by the government are Southwest Papua, West Papua, Central Papua, the Central Highlands, South Papua and Papua Tabi Saireri.
The plan however has been strongly opposed by Papuans.
Papua People’s Council (MRP) member Minggus Madai said that the plan was being pushed through despite the Papua region not meeting the demographic and other criteria for being split up.
Minggus said that if the plan went ahead, it would only add new problems in Papua.
“The Papuan people refer to this as a ‘killing machine’ for the Papuan people. It’s not appropriate to force it through,” said Minggus.
The world has enough food to feed every person on the planet, now and in the foreseeable future. This should not be a surprising fact. The Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) estimated that 2,950 kcal worth of food supplies were available per person per day from 2018 to 2020. This is projected to increase up to 3,025 kcal per person per day by 2030. For reference, the Recommended Dietary Allowance (RDA) from the Indonesian Ministry of Health is only 2100 kcal per person per day.
Despite this ostensible abundance, hunger is still a real problem for about ten percent of the world’s population, or more than 800 million people. In Indonesia alone, 20 million people, or almost twice the population of Jakarta, struggle to meet the RDA. It seems that, after all, we are missing the point by focusing on having enough food in aggregate.
Yet the latest innovation in Indonesian trade governance, the commodity balance or neraca komoditas, is designed specifically to ensure sufficiency. As regulated under the new Presidential Regulation 32/2022, the commodity balance is heralded as providing more certainty in import and export licensing and quota allocation by basing the decision directly on a national database of domestic supply and demand for the listed commodities.
The data are sourced from firms and government statistics and used to regulate imports of five pilot commodities: sugar, salt, fisheries products, rice, and beef. The list of commodity would eventually be expanded to include both food and non-food commodities in the agriculture, fisheries, mining, and industrial sectors.
As my colleagues at the Center for Indonesian Policy Studies (CIPS) write, the commodity balance is intended to help the government set import and export quotas in order to offset shortfalls and surpluses in the domestic market and achieve market clearing. The basic tenet is, of course, self-sufficiency, where import quota may not be granted at all should the balance show enough domestic production to cover domestic demand.
While the idea of a government database to determine food availability may be new in Indonesian food trade, and may actually help streamline the process by cutting out one step (applying for import recommendation), it is an old one in the history of food crisis, hunger, and the conceptual development of food security.
In his seminal work, Poverty and Famines (1981), Amartya Sen chronicles several case studies of famines, from the Bengal famine in 1943 to the Ethiopian famine in 1973-1975. In all these cases, famines occurred without a significant reduction in the amount of aggregate food available per head. Some famines even took place during the years with peak staple food production.
In the 1943 Bengal famine (which claimed 2-3 million lives), the British administration in India maintained a record of food availability and regular estimates of food shortages, calculated by comparing required amount of food per head and total food available. Based on the data, which Sen considers “fairly accurate,” the government found no reason for concern, and so the impending disaster went undetected.
Food estates are costly and fail to value the application of ecological principles, especially local agroecological practices rooted in local communities.
This misguided emphasis on food availability and sufficiency rests on a complacent view that Sen calls “Malthusian optimism.” Thomas Malthus’ pessimistic worldview of the inability of food production to catch up with population growth has not been well supported by history, as technological advancements have proven able to multiply food production. Yet the Malthusian preoccupation with the ratio of total food supply to population remains entrenched, though now coupled with the confidence in domestic production and the ability of statistics, like the shortage records of the British India or, indeed, the commodity balance, to provide accurate estimates.
The CIPS paper on commodity balance casts doubt on the government’s ability to accurately determine available supplies, which is not unfounded given frequentdisputes over stock figures among the ministries. Yet even if accurate reporting is somehow possible, as was the case in Bengal according to Sen, relying on it is detrimental to food security.
Despite the increase in rice price and inflation a year before the Bengal famine, Malthusian optimism led to ill-informed policies and outcomes such as import prohibition and late availability of imported foods when the famine became apparent.
Price is a better indicator for anticipating food shortages, but it is also missing from a non-automatic trade system like the neraca komoditas and its quotas. At the same time, prices of staple foods such as rice are higher in Indonesia than on the international market. Poor Indonesians, including rural populations and farmers who are mostly net consumers of rice, bear the heaviest burden of high food prices.
According to Sen, a better measure for access to food is entitlement, i.e. one’s ability to secure food, such as through own production or purchases. This establishes the connection between one’s livelihood mode, for example paid employment, and food security. A complete food security analysis then should look at livelihood situations of different groups of people, from urban dwellers to rural farmers.
Price is an important factor in one’s entitlement, but so are wages, lands, and other resources one has. To achieve welfare for its population, Indonesian food security policy should appreciate this diversity of factors and leave the decades-old pedestal of food sufficiency that it has been resting on.
Scores of Papuan activists have held a protest in front of the Army Strategic Reserves Command (Green Berets) headquarters in Central Jakarta, demanding that President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo withdraw military troops from Papua, reports CNN Indonesia.
The protesters, who came from the Pro-Democracy Alliance and the Greater Jakarta Papua Student Alliance (IMAPA), accused the military in Papua of assaulting a primary school child for allegedly stealing a firearm and causing the child’s death.
“[We] demand that the president immediately withdraw the military from the land of Papua,” said one of the speakers in front of the Kostrad building on Monday.
“The primary school kid’s didn’t know it was a firearm. They didn’t know it was theft,” he said.
In an official release, the group also said that joint TNI (Indonesian military) and Polri (Indonesian police) operations following the fatal shooting of Papua regional National Intelligence Agency (BIN) chief Gusti Putu Danny in April last year have resulted in civilian casualties.
They said that the security forces have set fire to residents’ homes and committed violence against local people.
As a consequence, residents have chosen to flee their homes in order to save themselves.
“To the president, immediately withdraw the military in the land of Papua,” called the speaker. “Jokowi is responsible for the oppression in Papua.”
Earlier, on Sunday, February 20, a class 4 primary school student with the initials MT died after being allegedly assaulted by security personnel in the Sinak sub-district of Puncak regency, Papua.
Based on information received from Amnesty International Indonesia, the incident began when MT and six other children were arrested for allegedly stealing a firearm belonging to a TNI member in Sinak.
“Based on local media reports on February 26, two youths allegedly took a firearm belonging to a TNI member in the vicinity of the Tapulinik Sinak Airport, Puncak regency, Papua, on the evening of February 20,” read a tweet on the Twitter account @amnestyindo on Monday February 28.
[BREAKING] Kami juga kembali mendesak pemerintah untuk mempertimbangkan kembali pendekatan keamanan yang digunakan untuk merespon masalah di Papua.
A West Papuan leader has praised the “bravery and spirit” of Ukrainians defending their country against the Russian invasion while condemning the hypocrisy of a self-styled “peaceful” Indonesia that attacks “innocent civilians” in Papua.
Responding to the global condemnation of the brutal war on Ukraine, now into its second week, United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) interim president Benny Wenda highlighted a statement by United Nation experts that has condemned “shocking abuses” against Papuans, including “child killings, disappearances, torture and mass displacement of people”.
Wenda also stressed that the same day that Indonesia’s permanent representative to the UN said that the military attack on Ukraine was unacceptable and called for peace, reports emerged of seven young schoolboys being arrested, beaten and tortured so “horrifically” by the Indonesian military that one had died from his injuries.
“The eyes of the world are watching in horror [at] the invasion of Ukraine,” said Wenda in a statement.
“We feel their terror, we feel their pain and our solidarity is with these men, women and children. We see their suffering and we weep at the loss of innocent lives, the killing of children, the bombing of their homes, and for the trauma of refugees who are forced to flee their communities.”
Wenda said the world had spoken up to condemn the actions of President Vladimir Putin and his regime.
“The world also applauds the bravery and spirit of Ukrainians in their resistance as they defend their families, their homes, their communities, and their national identity.”
Russian attack unacceptable
Wenda said Indonesia’s Permanent Representative to the UN, Arrmanatha Nasir, had stated that that Russian attack on Ukraine was unacceptable and called for peace. He had said innocent civilians “will ultimately bear the brunt of this ongoing situation”.
“But what about innocent civilians in West Papua? asked Wenda.
“At the UN, Indonesia speaks of itself as ‘a peaceful nation’ committed to a world ‘based on peace and social justice’.
“This, on the very same day that reports came in of seven young boys, elementary school children, being arrested, beaten and tortured so horrifically by the Indonesian military that one of the boys, Makilon Tabuni, died from his injuries.
“The other boys were taken to hospital, seriously wounded.”
“These are our children that [Indonesian forces are] torturing and killing, with impunity. Are they not ‘innocent civilians’, or are their lives just worth less?”
A leading West Papuan activist is comparing the plight of his region to that of the crisis in Ukraine. https://t.co/K3qsMtXXWI
Urgent humanitarian access
Wenda said that this was during the same week that UN special rapporteurs had called for urgent humanitarian access and spoken of “shocking abuses against our people”, including “child killings, disappearances, torture and mass displacement of people”.
This was an acknowledgement from the UN that Papuan people had been “crying out for”.
Wenda said 60-100,00 people were currently displaced, without any support or aid. This was a humanitarian crisis.
“Women forced to give birth in the bush, without medical assistance. Children are malnourished and starving. And still, Indonesia does not allow international access,” he said.
“Our people have been suffering this, without the eyes of the world watching, for nearly 60 years.”
In response, the Indonesian Ambassador to the UN had continued with “total denial, with shameless lies and hypocrisy”.
“If there’s nothing to hide, then where is the access?”
International community ‘waking up’
Wenda said the international community was “waking up” and Indonesia could not continue to “hide your shameful secret any longer”.
“Like the Ukrainian people, you will not crush our spirit, you will not steal our hope and we will not give up our struggle for freedom,” Wenda said.
The ULMWP demanded that Indonesia:
Allow access for the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, and for humanitarian aid to our displaced people and to international journalists;
International media has been facing scrutiny from indigenous groups in the Pacific for the way it has been covering the Russia-Ukraine war.
Some have highlighted “double standards” among journalists who have brought attention to the plight of Ukrainians, while long-standing conflicts like those in Indonesia’s provinces of West Papua and Papua are often ignored.
Vanuatu’s opposition leader and former Foreign Minister Ralph Regenvanu said a media clampdown in West Papua had made it difficult for media to report on the situation there.
It also urged the Indonesian government to conduct full and independent investigations into allegations of torture, extrajudicial killings and the displacement of thousands of West Papuans.
Independent observers refused
But Regenvanu said Indonesia had refused to allow independent observers into the territories.
“Indonesia has just refused point blank to do it, and has actually stepped up escalated the occupation in the military, suppression of the people there,” he said.
A senior US policy advisor to Congress, Paul Massaro, drew heat from indigenous activists online after he tweeted: “I’m racking my brain for a historical parallel to the courage and fighting spirit of the Ukrainians and coming up empty. How many peoples have ever stood their ground against an aggressor like this? It’s legendary.”
I’m racking my brain for a historical parallel to the courage and fighting spirit of the Ukrainians and coming up empty. How many peoples have ever stood their ground against an aggressor like this? It’s legendary
Veronica Koman from Amnesty International said such commentaries about the situation in Ukraine ignored the many instances of indigenous resistance against colonisation.
“West Papuans have been fighting since the 1950s. First Nations in Australia have been fighting since more than 240 years ago,” Koman said.
“That’s how resilient the fights are … it’s just pointing out the the double standard.”
Koman said the West Papua and Papua provinces of Indonesia are currently experiencing some of the worst humanitarian crises.
“Sixty thousand to 100,000 people are being displaced right now in West Papua due to armed conflict, and these displaced people are mostly ignored,” she said.
“They are not getting assisted and all because mostly they are in forests. And they are afraid to return to their homes so are just running away from Indonesian forces.
“The situation is really bad and deserves our attention. And Ukraine war shows us that another world is possible, if only there’s no double standards and racism.”
Republished with author’s and ABC Pacific Beat’s permission.
A West Papuan advocacy group in Australia has appealed to Foreign Minister Marise Payne to take the cue from a new United Nations Rapporteurs statement this week condemning the “ongoing human rights abuses” in the Indonesian-ruled West Papuan region.
Joe Collins of the Australia West Papua Association (AWPA) said there was an urgent need for Australia to speak out against the Indonesian military abuses in the two Melanesian provinces of Papua and West Papua.
“We are urging the Australian government to join with the UN Rapporteurs in raising concerns about the situation in West Papua, publicly with Jakarta, condemning the ongoing human rights abuses in the territory,” Collins said in a statement.
“We know the government has said it raises concerns about the human rights situation in West Papua with the Indonesian government, but have not seen any public statements of concern on the issue unlike the governments concerns about abuses in China and the situation in the Ukraine.
“The issue of West Papua is not going away.”
In a letter to minister Payne, Collins raised the UN rapporteurs’ concerns about the deteriorating human rights situation in Papua and West Papua, “citing shocking abuses against indigenous Papuans, including child killings, disappearances, torture and mass displacement of people.”
The association said it would not go into “all the grave concerns” about human rights abuses in West Papua “as we have written many times on the issue”.
But Collins quoted the rapporteurs’ statement: “Between April and November 2021, we have received allegations indicating several instances of extrajudicial killings, including of young children, enforced disappearance, torture and inhuman treatment and the forced displacement of at least 5,000 indigenous Papuans by security forces.”
It is estimated that the overall number of displaced people in West Papua since the escalation of violence in December 2018 is more than 60,000.
Collins said that “Urgent action is needed to end ongoing human rights violations against indigenous Papuans.”
He also reminded the minister about AWPA’s letter on 12 August 2021 raising concerns about West Papuan activist Victor Yeimo, the international spokesperson for the West Papua National Committee (KNPB).
“He is being charged with treason. We look forward to your reply on this matter.”
Shocking abuses against indigenous Papuans have been taking place in Indonesia, say United Nations-appointed human rights experts who cite child killings, disappearances, torture and enforced mass displacement.
“Between April and November 2021, we have received allegations indicating several instances of extrajudicial killings, including of young children, enforced disappearance, torture and inhuman treatment and the forced displacement of at least 5000 indigenous Papuans by security forces,” the three independent experts said in a statement.
Special Rapporteurs Francisco Cali Tzay, who protects rights of indigenous peoples, Morris Tidball-Binz, who monitors extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions, and Cecilia Jimenez-Damary, covering human rights of Internally Displaced Persons, called for urgent humanitarian access to the region and urged the Indonesian government to conduct full and independent investigations into the abuses.
They said that since the escalation of violence in December 2018, the overall number of displaced has grown by 60,000 to 100,000 people.
“The majority of IDPs [internally displaced persons] in West Papua have not returned to their homes due to the heavy security force presence and ongoing armed clashes in the conflict areas,” the UN experts explained.
Meanwhile, some IDPs have been living in temporary shelters or stay with relatives.
“Thousands of displaced villagers have fled to the forests where they are exposed to the harsh climate in the highlands without access to food, healthcare, and education facilities,” the Special Rapporteurs said.
Relief agencies have limited access Apart from ad hoc aid deliveries, humanitarian relief agencies have had limited or no access to the IDPs, they said.
“We are particularly disturbed by reports that humanitarian aid to displaced Papuans is being obstructed by the authorities”.
Moreover, severe malnutrition has been reported in some areas with lack of access to adequate and timely food and health services.
“In several incidents, church workers have been prevented by security forces from visiting villages where IDPs are seeking shelter,” the UN experts said.
They stressed that “unrestricted humanitarian access should be provided immediately to all areas where indigenous Papuans are currently located after being internally displaced.
“Durable solutions must be sought.”
#Indonesia: UN experts concerned by deteriorating human rights situation & abuses against #indigenous Papuans, incl. child killings, disappearances, torture & mass displacement, in Papua & West Papua. They call for humanitarian access & investigations: https://t.co/idEsWJDBvMpic.twitter.com/mwFQyxgkCc
— UN Special Procedures (@UN_SPExperts) March 1, 2022
‘Tip of the iceberg’ On a dozen occasions, the experts have written to the Indonesian government about numerous alleged incidents since late 2018.
“These cases may represent the tip of the iceberg given that access to the region is severely restricted making it difficult to monitor events on the ground,” they warned.
Meanwhile, the security situation in Highlands Papua had dramatically deteriorated since the 26 April 2021 killing of a high-ranking military officer by the West Papua National Liberation Army in West Papua.
The experts pointed to the shooting of two children, aged two and six, on October 26, shot to death by stray bullets in their own homes, during a firefight. The two-year-old later died.
End violations
“Urgent action is needed to end ongoing human rights violations against indigenous Papuans,” the experts said, advocating for independent monitors and journalists to be allowed access to the region.
They outlined steps that include ensuring all alleged violations receive thorough, “prompt and impartial investigations”.
“Investigations must be aimed at ensuring those responsible, including superior officers where relevant, are brought to justice. Crucially lessons must be learned to prevent future violations,” the Rapporteurs concluded.
Special Rapporteurs and independent experts are appointed by the Geneva-based UN Human Rights Council to examine and report back on a specific human rights theme or a country situation.
The positions are honorary and the experts are not paid for their work.
COVID-19 has greatly affected the Indonesian Technical Intern Trainee Program in Japan, for those currently in Japan and for prospective pre-departure participants in Indonesia, and diminishing the enthusiasm for the prospective new type of SSW/ Special Skill workers visa. My interviews show that many prospective interns, who have passed examinations and are ready to leave for Japan, must postpone or even cancel their travel due to Japan’s closed border policy. Many have spent tens of millions of Rupiah on pre-departure preparation and training, but it is not clear when they will be dispatched to Japan and the money cannot be returned. Some have extended their language training period at the sending institution in Indonesia while they wait for news of border opening, paying additional fees. In spite of this, the sending institutions have not stopped persuasively and optimistically promoting the internship and SSW programs.
Due to the high demand for productive workers in Japan, in April 2019 the Japanese government revised its migration policy, opening up opportunities for foreign workers from developing countries like Indonesia to obtain a Special Skills Work (SSW) visa in Japan, called the “Tokutei Ginou” visa. To establish this cooperation, the Ministry of Labor of the Republic of Indonesia signed the agreement on Tuesday, June 25, 2019.
In the same year the Ministry of Manpower of Indonesia, in cooperation with the International Manpower Development Organization (IM Japan), a Japanese public interest incorporated foundation, agreed to continue the deployment of workers under the Technical Intern Program (TITP), and to even increase the number of Indonesian technical intern trainees. The TITP itself officially started in 1993 with the original purpose of technology transfer and to reduce undocumented immigrants. The program’s participants come from across Asia, with Vietnam sending 196,001 people or 53.5% of the program participants, followed by China at 69,795, or 19.1%, and Indonesia with 32,508 people, or 8.9%. To strengthen this cooperation, the Indonesian Ministry of Manpower prepared new training facilities for prospective TITP migrant workers. Ida Fauziyah, the Indonesian Minister of Manpower, said the two parties had agreed that Indonesia would increase its deployment by 5,000 more technical intern trainees each year over the next two to three years.
Based on the report of HRWG (human rights watch group) research, before the pandemic, the pre-departure fees had become a serious problem on the TITP program. There are many rogue private sending institutions that have overcharged for pre-departure fees, retaining private documents, enforcing placement fees with unreasonable value, and practicing debt bondage through the facilitation of consumer credit in order to attract and finance prospective workers to join the program. With the pandemic, fantastic advertisements promoting internship programs and SSW visas have mushroomed. One prospective SSW participant, stated in an interview:
“Many prospective workers feel cheated by the current conditions, but the sending institution instructs newcomers to apply for SSW, and takes advantage of the closed [Japanese] border, by directing these prospective participants to study Japanese language longer at their institution until they can pass Japanese N4, with simplified requirements, and the lure of a higher salary. But [they] do not provide any explanation regarding the consequences, laws, and rights that we must understand as workers.” (RP, Bekasi, 2022)
Trainees already in Japan have also been affected many problems during the COVID-19 pandemic, including losing their jobs, inadequate housing facilities, being sent home when their employers went bankrupt, or being unable to go home due to uncertain conditions, etc. Hence the Japanese Immigration Agency promised to collaborate with ministries and agencies to re-employ trainees on new visas, especially for field struggling to fill vacancies due to closed borders
In the end, COVID-19 had an impact on many trainees who then continued their stay in Japan by changing their visa to SSW visas. One interviewee stated that his decision to continue his stay with an SSW visa was because going home in a pandemic condition was not attractive either:
“I don’t know what to do in Indonesia either, looking for work is also difficult everywhere, so I think it’s better to continue my stay in Japan. At first, I hope that I can get a different company because the current place has long working hours and I can’t take a day off. I feel tired. But unfortunately, I don’t know where to look for and find a new company, and the company that I’m working for now needs people. Instead of going home in the COVID situation, I think it’s better to take the offer, even though I don’t understand this new visa status, such as what my rights are, because the contract is written in Japanese and the contract letter was kept by the company and company doesn’t explain anything…we don’t have any intermediaries anymore, I feel so confused.” (IA, Osaka, 2021)
Given these conditions, migrant workers, most of whom dream of crossing into greener pastures, are disproportionately vulnerable to the effects of the pandemic due to inadequate and overcrowded living conditions, limited access to health care, general services, poor working conditions, and an exploitative workforce. In addition, access to information is hampered by irresponsible parties for the sake of reaping economic benefit. However, at the moment, irresponsible sending agencies in Indonesia and stakeholders in Japan are still finding ways to manipulate and take advantage of a precarious cohort of migrant workers.
The Indonesian Independent Journalist Alliance (AJI) has condemned the hacking and disinformation attacks against the group’s general chairperson Sasmito Madrim as a serious threat to media freedom.
In a written release, the AJI stated that the incident was a “serious threat to press freedom and the freedom of expression”.
“This practice is a form of attack against activists and the AJI as an organisation which has struggled for freedom of expression and press freedom,” the group stated.
“The hacking and disinformation attack against AJI chairperson Sasmito Madrim is an attempt to terrorise activists who struggle for freedom of expression and democracy”, the group said.
The AJI stated that the hacking attack began on February 23 and targeted Madrim’s personal WhatsApp, Instagram and Facebook accounts as well as his personal mobile phone number.
All of the posted content on his Instagram account was deleted then the hacker uploaded Madrim’s private mobile number.
Madrim’s mobile number was subsequently unable to receive phone calls or SMS messages.
Pornographic picture hack
On his Facebook account, Madrim’s profile photograph was replaced with a pornographic picture.
On February 24, the AJI monitored a disinformation attack which included Madrim’s name and photograph on social media.
The narrative being disseminated was that Madrim supported the government’s 2020 banning of the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI), supports the government’s construction of the Bener Dam in Purworejo regency and has asked the police to arrest Haris Azhar and Fatia Maulidiyanti, two activists who were criminalised by Coordinating Minister for Maritime Affairs and Investment Luhut Binsar Pandjaitan.
The AJI Indonesia asserts that these messages are false and such views have never been expressed by Madrim.
“These three [pieces of] disinformation are clearly an attempt to play AJI Indonesia off against other civil society organisations, including to pit AJI against the residents of Wadas [Village] which is currently fighting against the exploitation of natural restores in its village,” wrote AJI.
AJI Indonesia is asking the public not to believe the narrative of disinformation spreading on social media and to support them in fighting for press freedom, the right to freedom of expression, association, opinion and the right to information.
A national network of groups supporting freedom and justice for West Papua has called on Foreign Minister Nanaia Mahuta to condemn Indonesian charges of treason against accused West Papuan Victor Yeimo.
They have called for the release of Yeimo, who this week rejected charges against him in a court hearing in the Papuan provincial capital of Jayapura.
Spokesperson Catherine Delahunty, a former Green Party MP, described the charges against West Papua National Committee (KNPB) international spokesperson as “trumped up” and said Yeimo had suffered a “serious health crisis”.
“In addition to taking a strong position in support of Ukraine at this terrible moment we are asking Nanaia Mahuta to stand up for human rights in our neighbourhood,” she said in a statement.
“Last week Victor Yeimo was charged with treason for participating in an antiracism peaceful protest on August 19, 2019.
“He also spoke against the abuse of West Papuan students, which included hours of being harangued and called ‘monkeys’ before being beaten and arrested.
“That is his only ‘crime’, but for that he has been detained for ten months, suffered a serious health crisis and is now in court facing trumped up charges of treason,” Delahunty said.
Yeimo charged with makar
In Jayapura, the preliminary court hearing against Yeimo was held at the Jayapura District Court in Abepura, Papua, on last Monday, reports Suara Papua.
During the hearing, the public prosecutor read out the indictment in which he charged Yeimo under the makar (treason, subversion, rebellion) articles.
The defence believes that the charges are excessive because what happened in August 2019 was a response to the racism which was “rooted in the nature of the Indonesian population against Papuans”.
Papuan campaigner Victor Yeimo in handcuffs … he is international spokesperson for the West Papua National Committee (KNPB), a peaceful civil society disobedience organisation. Image: Tribunnews
The prosecution said that during the protest actions which ended in riots on August 29, 2019, there was verbal as well as written involvement of the defendant along with his colleague the chairperson of the KNPB, Agus Kossay, in demonstrations which were facilitated by the chairpeople of the Student Executive Council (BEM) in Jayapura.
“They [the chairpersons of the West Papua National Parliament (PNWP), the Federal Republic of West Papua (NRFPB), the West Papua National Coalition for Liberation (WPNCL) and the Free West Papua Campaign (FWPC), together with the defendant], called for, and took part in committing the act of makar with the maximum [aim] of all or part of the country’s territory [separating from Indonesia],” said prosecutor Andrianus Y. Tomana in reading out the charge sheet in the courtroom.
According to the prosecutor, Yeimo was being indicted for crimes under Article 106 of the Criminal Code (KUHP) in conjunction with Article 55 Paragraph (1) on the crime of makar, Article 110 Paragraph 1 of the KUHP on criminal conspiracy to commit a crime, and Article 110 Paragraph 2 on endeavoring to mobilise people or call on people to commit a crime.
In reply, Yeimo admitted that he had been involved as a participant in the anti-racist demonstration on August 19, 2019. However, the protest happened without problems and after it finished the protesters returned home.
‘I was arrested because of racism’
“I was arrested only because of the racism case, indeed I was involved and it’s true there were speeches.
“But it was not just me that gave speeches, the DPRP [Papua Regional House of Representatives] spoke, the governor spoke, all of the Papuan people spoke at the time. So if I’m being tried, why aren’t they being tried?” he asked.
Yeimo explained that he attended along with other Papuan people in order to oppose and to fight against the racism and this opposition was conveyed peacefully at the Papua governor’s office.
Delahunty said the Yeimo case had attracted a strong response from UN Special Rapporteurs, but in letters to the West Papua Action Network the New Zealand government only said it was “concerned” and that its officials “raise the case”.
The European Union Commission has called for Indonesia to allow their high commissioners to visit West Papua, specifically naming the Victor Yeimo case as a human rights issue.
“Our Foreign Minister needs to support the growing international calls for justice for Victor,” Delahunty said.
“She needs to condemn this outrage and call for the treason charges to be dropped and Victor Yeimo to be immediately released.”
The Indonesian House of Representatives’ new capital city bill passed in mid-January 2022. It is one of fastest bills ever made in Indonesian legislative history, taking less than a month from when the house formed a special committee in mid-December last year to public hearings in early 2022. Normally that process takes at least 6 months, depending on the issues and political will. The new capital city bill has many pros and cons. While the government and house hope it will run smoothly, it appears the new capital draft bill did not include the aspirations or perspectives of current residents of the proposed site in Kalimantan. My research reveals that local voices, especially those of adat (customary law) communities have been excluded from discussions of the capital draft bill. Furthermore, another important issue arises in overlapping rules in the new capital location. There are 162 existing natural resources concessions within the core location of new capital and its surroundings. Certainly, these two major omissions from the process contradict with the vision of new capital that is a smart, green, beautiful, and sustainable city.
One important issue to be resolved is the acknowledgment of indigenous land rights. Although the new capital will be established on state land, which is made up of 56.180 hectare for the core area and 199.962 hectares for surrounding developments, this huge area overlaps with existing indigenous land parcels. The Sultanate of Kutai Kartanegara was not invited by national policymakers to discuss the land status of land in the new capital site, although the Sultanate still has traditional land rights on the site. Before joining the Republic of Indonesia in 1959, the Sultanate was an independent polity whose land covered current territory of East Kalimantan Province. The Sultanate has resumed its activities in 1999 after a forty-year hiatus. The site also includes some indigenous communities that use the land for fishing and farming.
However, these traditional owners have been excluded from the discussion too. One local representative from Sultanate told me that, they never get any chance to discuss the new capital city process in formal or informal discussions from the national and local governments. In fact, they have been living in that area for decades. Most importantly, the central government’s bill only mentions Paser, Dayak, and Bugis as traditional owners of the area, and fails to acknowledge the Sultanate and Kutai people. This could create land disputes, as the Sultanate still authorises customary law in managing lands.
Indonesian officials are raising Brasilia as a model for relocating the capital city to East Kalimantan. But Brazil’s experience with Brasilia is not a positive lesson from history, but a warning.
The marginalisation of indigenous people will be harmful for the new Indonesian capital city. Conflict between indigenous locals and migrants, particularly those from Java, will likely arise. The national state civil apparatus, an estimated 1,5 million people, will be the dominant group of migrants to East Kalimantan when the new city is established. This huge number of migrants has the potential to disturb local economies and markets, especially in terms of housing and food. If the government does not accommodate the need of locals, this will spark new vertical conflicts. Previously, notable vertical conflicts between the central government and communities in Aceh and Papua have resulted in insurgencies that have lasted for many years. Some of these have been focused one mining issues like oil and gas in Aceh and copper and silver mining in Papua. In the second half of the 20th century, transmigration policy generated horizontal conflict between Javanese migrants and local populations in several provinces outside Java. Therefore, the lesson to be learned from previous conflicts triggered by this New Order developmentalism is that acknowledging traditional land rights and meeting economic needs through fair compensation may satisfy locals in the new Indonesian capital city development projects.
The design for the new capital features concentric “rings” with parliament, ministries, government occupying the two central rings, business districts in the second ring and residential areas in the third. The location of new capital also overlaps with 162 current coal-mining concessions covering 203,720 hectares, three times the area of Jakarta. The owners of these concessions are large conglomerates who have close relationships with national elites. The mine owners are also attached to the inner political circle of Jokowi’s administration. Hashim Djojohadikusumo, younger brother of current Defence Minister Prabowo Subianto, has concessions that cover 173,395 hectares in the second ring, and business interests of the Coordinating Minister for Maritime & Investment Affairs Luhut Binsar Pandjaitan own land almost 17,000 hectares in the second and third rings. Significantly, most of these mining companies have huge mines on the site. This includes 94 coal mining holes that are supposed to be restored through environmental provisions.
Photo: BPMI Setpres/Muchlis Jr (public domain). President Jokowi and his entourage at the new capital city site, including Minister of National Development Planning/Head National Development Planning Agency Suharso Monoarfa, Minister of State Owned Enterprises Erick Thohir, Minister of Public Works and Public Housing Basuki Hadimuljono, Minister for Environment and Forestry Siti Nurbaya, Minister for Agriculture and Spatial Planning Sofyan Djalil, Minister for Internal Affairs Tito Karnavian, dan Cabinate Secretary Pramono Anung.
The Indonesian Mining Advocacy Network (JATAM) has underlined there is lack of transparency and poor public participation in the process of identifying land to be granted to concession holders in exchange for concessions that have been reclaimed. This risks disenfranchising or displacing locals whose land is caught up in these exchanges, which could potentially generate social conflict. These facts, however, lead the public to the belief that conglomerates will be relieved of responsibility for reparations of the disastrous environmental impacts of their mining if they agreed to financially support the new capital city. This, again, contradicts with the vision of a capital that promotes a green and sustainable city development. The future Indonesian capital may be no better than Jakarta if it is built on vulnerable and fragile environments. The alignment of interests between business and politics should be refused in the making of a new capital city. These has leads one civil society organisation, the National Axis for State Sovereignty (PNKM) to file a lawsuit against the new capital city bill through the constitutional court. They argue that the new capital city is not part of the long-term national development project 2005 to 2025, and therefore unconstitutional.
In sum, the whole picture of new Indonesian capital city still leans to the elites rather than the people. Recently, more than 24.000 people have signed an online petition rejecting the capital moving from Jakarta to East Kalimantan because of concerns about the COVID-19 situation and state budget deficits. Many groups are in opposition, especially those already living in the area. Acknowledging their existence and accommodating their needs is the key to building an inclusive Indonesian capital city for all.
In December 2021 Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) was central to social and political discourse in Indonesia due to the debate surrounding its muktamar (congress). The debate ranged from whether to accelerate or postpone the muktamar following government restrictions on activities as part of tackling COVID-19, through to the government’s backing of President Joko Widodo’s favoured candidate. Jokowi’s intimacy with candidate Yahya Cholil Staquf (Gus Yahya), and Yahya’s sibling’s position as minister of religious affairs were seen as partisan. The differences in addressing the issues created sharp divides among political factions and reflected the dynamics of political contestation.
As the muktamar attracted public attention and has wider implications on Indonesian politics, three main questions capture the dynamics of NU’s political contestation: How does history shapes NU’s organizational character and dynamic of its internal political contestation? What were the major factions in the contestation and how were they formed? How did each faction draw, conserve, and exercise their strength over others?
NU’s leadership is deeply rooted in the cultural network of pesantren and kyais, mostly across Java. These social bases formed long before the establishment of its formal organisation. The structure of the NU’s organization was simply a formalisation of that cultural network and hierarchy. However, as NU’s ulama, or charismatic leaders, are rooted in the pesantren and spend almost all their time there, the NU’s founding fathers established a body to extend the ulama’s reach and manage the NU’s organisational routine in Jakarta. Therefore, there are two main chambers in NU’s organisational structures: syuriyah (supreme council) and tanfidziah (executive council). The former consists of hierarchical charismatic kyais or leaders who make strategic and principle decisions while the later those assigned to execute the decisions made by syuriyah.
The original structure changed significantly after the NU became an independent party, following its disassociation from Masyumi Party in 1952. Since then, as a political party the organisation required much greater role for the tanfidziah as executive body. Although the respective roles of these two chambers were restored as a result of NU’s return to their original mission (Kembali ke Khittah 1926) and its disassociation from PPP in 1984, the greater role for tandfiziyah has lasted for more than three decades. Since the role of syuriyah has been partially restored, both tandfiziyah and, to a lesser extent, syuriyah have become equally important and top positions in both chambers are highly contested in every muktamar. Therefore, it is important to consider how the contestation for the top position in syuriyah, Rais Aam (President General), became part of the political game, and how it affects the broader political dynamics of the muktamar.
The 34thMuktamar of NU in Lampung reflected that pattern. A hard-fought contestation took place in the Syuriyah chamber as well. Miftachul Akhyar (Kyai Miftach) as acting Rais ‘Aam seemed to seek a permanent position, was deeply involved in the dispute over the date of the muktamar. In his close alliance with Gus Yahya, who sought the position of chair of the tanfidziyah, he made a tactical manoeuvre to control the political game. When the dispute between the political factions over whether to accelerate or postpone the schedule of the muktamar became heated, acting Rais ‘Aam Kyai Miftach tried to use his exclusive privilege to veto determining the schedule. With Gus Yahya, he had an interest in bringing forward the schedule, while Said Aqil Siraj (Kyai Said) sought postponement until the end of January 2022, due to his ill-prepared situation for the contestation.
In chamber of tanfidziah, before narrowing down to Kyai Said and Gus Yahya, several names were predicted to compete for the position of chair, including Marzuqi Mustamar (Kyai Mustamar), and As’ad Ali (Kyai As’ad).
Kyai Said was the incumbent who had served two terms and sought a third term. In a fierce battle against Gus Yahya, Kyai Said only secured 210 votes while the remaining 337 favoured Gus Yahya in the final round. There were several possible factors for his defeat. One was that his decade-long leadership was not considered to align with the spirit of Khittah 1926. Kyai Said was considered to have made blatant political manoeuvres and returned the NU closer to practical politics. Another factor was a lack of breakthroughs during his leadership.
Gus Yahya was the strongest challenger to the incumbent. His last position in NU’s central board was as Khatib Aam (General Secretary of Syuriyah), and he was formerly a politician in the National Awakening Party (Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa, PKB). He reached the peak of his political career as spokesperson for President Gus Dur. He decided to quit politics after his father died in 2004 and assumed a position as a deputy general secretary (Khatib of Syuriyah) of NU’s central board after the NU’s 32ndMuktamar in Makassar in 2010. He was then promoted to Khatib Aam. He follows Gus Dur’s path in promoting and strengthening the NU’s role in the international arena, particularly in Western World, including with a controversial visit to Israel in 2018.
Gus Yahya’s victory was grounded in his symbiotic mutualism with Kyai Miftach. This alliance succeeded in securing their common interests. Gus Yahya’s position as Katib Aam and his alliance with Kyai Miftach provided an opportunity to seize the chamber of Syuriyah and use it for political bargaining on every decision made about the muktamar. Moreover, they come from Central Java and East Java respectively, two larges bases for Nahdlatul Ulama. This alliance succeeded in securing the support of these two bases for their respective candidacies.
This alliance also had implications for the diminishment of Kyai Mustamar’s candidacy. Like Kyai Miftach, Kyai Mustamar comes from East Java. On East Java’s NU Provincial board, Kyai Miftach was mustasyar and Rais Aam while Kyai Mustamar is currently chair of the Administrative Council (Tandfiziyah). As a former local Rais Aam Kyai Miftach has greater support from East Java’s NU base, ruling out Kyai Mustamar’s strong candidacy. He is widely known as an outspoken advocate of NU’s traditional practices such as tahlilan and pilgrimage to graves, which is regarded as heresy by Salafists and Islamic modernists. His counters to these criticisms are strengthened by his education in a Wahhabist institution sponsored by Saudi Arabia and the Islamic and Arabic College (Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Islam dan Bahasa Arab, LIPIA) Jakarta
After such a dramatic political battle, the face of NU, at least in next five years, will mostly rest on Gus Yahya’s leadership. He is committed to strengthening and expanding the role of the NU on a global scale to perpetuate a world order based on peace and freedom, as has he done before. Moreover, antithetical to his political rival Kyai Said, Gus Yahya’s leadership will reinstate the Khittah 1926, which will keep NU away from practical politics. The main challenge for Gus Yahya in meeting these commitments is NU’s lack of independent financial resources. NU’s dependence on political influence will make it difficult for the organisation to maintain its neutrality and critique social and political problems, particularly with respect to government policies and short-term political interests.
Corporate tsars and the political powerful rarely back independent probes into official misconduct—unless limited to their rivals. Canberra has yet to debate such an authority, while next door Indonesia’s oligarchs are destroying their Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (Corruption Eradication Commission), not with a bang which might alarm, but many whimpers.
In 1998 Indonesia’s second president Soeharto resigned during the Asian Financial Crisis when huge crowds demanded democracy and an end to avarice. During the authoritarian kleptocrat’s 32 years in power, his family reportedly amassed US $30 billion by plundering the public purse and demanding bribes. The former general was never prosecuted and died in 2008. The money has not been recovered.
The KPK was established in December 2003 during the presidency of Megawati Sukarnoputri, though the foundations had been laid earlier when the liberal cleric Abdurrahman Wahid (aka Gus Dur) ruled (1999 – 2001). The political atmosphere at the time was heady with the promise of starting afresh and washing away the filth from decades of palm-greasing staining the nation’s name and known as KKN – Korupsi, Kolusi, Nepotisme.
The Commission set about its duties with energy and positive publicity. Early hits were a who’s who of oligarchs, government ministers, corporate crooks and high-profile socialites. One of the most sickening cases involved former social affairs minister Juliari Peter Batubara, a Protestant member of the ruling Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan, (PDI-P Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle). The spiv was jailed for 12 years for trousering $2.25 million from funds budgeted to buy COVID-19 relief packages for the poor.
Is the battle between Indonesia’s corruption commission and national police a sign of the difficulties to come for President Jokowi, asks Jacqueline Hicks.
Like many fellow malefactors, Batubara realised too late that the KPK was not like other authorities allegedly ready to drop investigations in return for cash-stuffed envelopes. Its formidable powers included warrantless wiretaps, travel bans, freezing bank accounts and detaining suspects. During the golden years, the Untouchables were TV news regulars hustling famous names into cars after late-night raids on sky-level homes and offices.
With a 100 per cent success rate, the KPK rapidly became the most trusted and supported agency in Indonesia, peaking in 2013 with the Ramon Magsaysay Award, named after the former Philippine President who had a reputation for integrity and idealism. The prize has been run since 1957 by the NY-based Rockefeller Brothers’ Trust Fund. It called the KPK “a fiercely independent government body that serves as a symbol of hope and reform.” It wouldn’t say that now.
When the current president Joko Widodo won his first five-year term in 2014 supporters were certain he’d support the overworked KPK facing a backlog of 16,200 cases. They expected an idealist but got a pragmatist who’d rather concentrate on his nation’s infrastructure than its integrity. Ironically he also wants overseas money, though ethical Western investors shun countries that tolerate dirty deals. (Some nations like the US, the UK and Australia, have laws where citizens can be prosecuted in their homeland for bribing bureaucrats abroad.)
Presidential Chief of Staff Moeldoko seemed unaware his country had ratified the UN Convention against Corruption when he allegedly dubbed the KPK “a hindrance to investment”. Though he later added that he meant the KPK law, it seemed he’d revealed the administration’s real concerns.
Because the Commission had widespread support the erosion has been subtle. The agency needed to focus more on graft prevention than law enforcement, according to new chair Firli Bahuri, appointed by Widodo in 2019 for a five-year term. This was despite the KPK Ethics Council having found him guilty of a “gross violation” by allegedly alerting a suspect.
The former Commissioner General of Police had enjoyed a lacklustre career in uniform, though a shining contact list which includes Megawati. The unchallenged queen of the ruling PDI-P is rumoured to be Widodo’s dalang (puppet master). Last October the daughter of first president Soekarno (1945-65) got the job of chairing the steering committee of the National Research and Innovation Agency, an amalgamation of five state institutions. The appointment startled the academic community hoping for leadership from an internationally acclaimed scientist. There are a few like US-educated physicist Yohanes Surya, though Indonesia has no Nobel laureates.
Megawati, 75, failed to complete her studies at two unis (agriculture at one, psychology at another), but now holds nine honorary doctorates. Despite her lack of qualifications she’s apparently “obsessed” with science, an interest she’s kept secret till now.
But away from perceived nepotism and back to the KPK. Bahuri’s changes included ordering long-term investigators who’d put many brigands behind bars, to take a civil service examination. They reportedly included personal queries: “Why are you not married at this age? Do you still have a desire? Do you want to be my second wife? What do you do when you’re dating?” Fifty-one failed the test and were kicked out. Widodo reportedly said he didn’t want the staff ousted and neither did the public. Their concerns made no difference.
Among the rejects was Indonesia’s Eliot Ness, Novel Baswedan who’d lost an eye when hydrochloric acid was thrown in his face after he left a mosque. He’d been investigating allegations of police force wrongdoings and a case involving politicians collecting bribes through an ID electronic card project
In a curious development, Baswedan and his sacked colleagues were then offered jobs with the police.
The KPK rot continued within. In September 2020 the agency’s Supervisory Council found Bahuri guilty of indulging in a “hedonistic lifestyle” after he chartered a helicopter to fly home. He was tickled with a written reprimand and kept his job. Last September KPK deputy Lili Pintauli Siregar tipped off a North Sumatra city mayor that he was a suspect. The law says KPK leaders could face up to five years in jail for alerting anyone under investigation. Her salary was docked Rp 1.85 million (AUD 181) a month. No big deal. Her allowances are ten times that sum. If the KPK’s bosses don’t follow the rules, why should others bother?
Zaenur Rohman of Gadjah Mada University’s Centre for Anticorruption Studies reportedly said: “The KPK had its worst record in handling corruption cases. In fact, the Attorney General’s Office performed better, handling corruption cases involving (state insurance companies) Jiwasraya and Asabri that involved trillions of rupiah in state losses.”
An editorial in The Jakarta Post commented pithily: “Things are really dire if the AGO, an agency not known for its integrity or good performance, outdid the KPK.”
Just before 2021 ended Widodo addressed KPK staff on International Anti-corruption Day. He didn’t order hard-line persecution of crims as the public demands (some have called for the death penalty), but went soft: “Corruption eradication should not only mean an arrest being made. Preventing corruption is more fundamental.” So the archipelago’s streetscapes are now befouled with big posters featuring men in uniform telling citizens to neither give nor receive bribes, though it is common knowledge this remains the best way to get bureaucrats to perform their duties and do so speedily. Government departments and uni campuses declare they are graft-free zones as though immoral behaviour is like a virus.
The education-not-prosecution line has been followed by Bahuri who, unlike Yale psychologist Paul Bloom, doesn’t believe we have an innate sense of right and wrong. Bahuri wants parents to instil moral behaviours in their kiddies “so that an anti-corruption mentality is built and formed in every individual in this Republic.”
There has been change—downwards. A decade ago Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index ranked Indonesia 96 among 179 nations. Its position now is 102.
A number of national figures in Indonesia have criticised the project to move the state capital (IKN) from Jakarta to East Kalimantan as envisaged by President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo, reports CNN Indonesia.
Among the figures who have loudly criticised the project are economist Dr Faisal Basri and former Vice-President Jusuf Kalla.
Dr Basri has questioned Widodo’s dream of building a “green capital” city. In reality, said Dr Basri, the new capital city Nusantara would be surrounded by coal mines, oil refineries and palm oil plantations.
“This is unique, they (the government) want to build a green city, a smart city, but what surrounds it is totally different,” the economist said.
“So it will be a heaven surrounded by hell. In time this heaven could also become hot,” said Dr Basri during a virtual discussion at the Mulawarman University.
Dr Basri said that it was not a matter of not being allowed to move the capital, but he warned that the current economic conditions were not supportive of such a mega-project.
He also warned of the economic transformation which would stall and the issue of half of the population currently being categorised as extremely poor, poor, almost poor and vulnerable to falling into poverty.
Many problems Speaking separately, former Vice-President Kalla predicted that moving the capital city would encounter many problems. He is pushing the government to fully resolve the problems which would emerge in the future.
“It is these complex issues which must be addressed together because later there will be problems, there will definitely be problems, budgetary problems, location problems, and the like”, said Kalla during a Justice and Prosperity Party (PKS) national working meeting in Jakarta.
Kalla said that moving the capital city would not be easy. He added, however, that this was no longer the time to debate the issue because the decision had already been taken by the government and the House of Representatives (DPR).
Sharp criticism has also come from former Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) Chair Busyro Muqoddas who said that the process of deliberating and enacting the law on the state capital city by the DPR was “reckless”.
“And this is an irony which has profoundly injured the dignity of the ordinary people. The people have been positioned like the oligarchy’s cash cows in an election cycle, an election of regional heads,” said Muqoddas during the virtual discussion.
“This also in fact represents layers of disloyalty. In Arabic, durhaka murokab against the people,” he said.
New law to move capital
Earlier, the government and the DPR agreed to move the capital city from Jakarta to the new location in East Kalimantan.
The two parties embodied this agreement in the Law on the State Capital City (UU IKN).
The process of moving the state capital will not be done immediately following the enactment of the UU IKN.
Jakarta will continue to carry the status of the capital city until the president issues a presidential decree on moving the capital.
An umbrella organisation representing Papuan students worldwide has been formed with a renewed commitment to strengthening their efforts to gain “quality education”.
Five country groups affiliated to the International Alliance of Papuan Students Associations Overseas (IAPSAO) met virtually yesterday to make a united stance on Papuan education, affirming their appeal last month for Indonesian President Joko Widodo to hear their concerns.
Opening the meeting, Dessy F. Itaar, president of the Papuan Student Association in Russia (IMAPA Russia), declared that the organisation was committed to achieving quality education for Papuans.
“That’s our main goal. Whatever happens, we will keep fighting until we get our rights,” she said.
The virtual meeting was a continuation of an earlier consultation on January 26 when the students expressed concern over policy changes that they believed would impact on education and Papuan students studying abroad.
Other Papuan student associations affiliated to IAPSAO besides the Russian-based one include the Papuan Students Association in the United States and Canada (IMAPA USA-Canada), the Papuan Students Association in Japan (IMAPA Japan), the Papuan Students Association in Germany (PMP Germany) and the Papuan Students Association in Oceania (PSAO).
Previously, student presidents united under the IAPSAO name were known as the Association of Papuan Students Abroad.
Renaming witnessed
Witnessed during the virtual conference by hundreds of Papuan students from countries such as Australia, Canada, Germany, Japan, New Zealand, Russia, Germany, Indonesia and the United States, PSAO president Yan Piterson Wenda declared the renaming of the international organisation IAPSAO on behalf of the five presidents who were signatories.
Earlier, Itaar had stressed that although Papuan students were sent overseas to focus on their studies, it was important for the presidents to unite and speak out about the problems faced by fellow students.
“As presidents who represent every organisation that we lead, there is one moral burden that we carry — which is not thinking about ourselves, we must think about all members in each organisation,” she said.
Only Papuans know the struggle of Papuan inner souls, so Papuans should first help each other before other people help Papuans, Itaar said.
“The only people who can wake us up are Papuans.
When “our friends from the USA and New Zealand shared their struggles”, fellow Papuans from Japan, Russia and Germany agreed to support them.
“We Papuan children must get a quality education, whatever it is,” she said.
No political agenda
“Meilani S. Ramandey, president of IMAPA Japan, said the working team demanding the rights of the current and future Papuan generations had no political agenda. It worked only for educational issues.
“As Papuan students, we stick to this principle, it is not affiliated with any kind of political agenda.”
The students want to know the status of their scholarship programme, which is run under the policies of Papua provincial Governor Lukas Enembe.
“This is important so that all of us do not misunderstand,” said Ramandey.
Reporting on a meeting last week between representatives of the Papuan Students Association in Oceania and the Indonesian Ambassador to New Zealand, Fientje Maritje Suebu, and the head of the Papua Province Human Resources Development Bureau (HRDB), Aryoko Rumaropen, and his staff, PSAO president Yan Piterson Wenda recalled that the bureau had no power to respond to demands by the students.
“The Head of HRDB appreciates the steps taken by the students. The HRDB is disappointed with the policies taken by the central government, so the Indonesian Embassy must respond to this problem,” Wenda said.
“Then, the HRDB said frankly that they had no money. That’s why now all of my friends can’t buy food and pay for accommodation and other needs.
“In principle, HRDB is with us and will forward our aspirations to the Governor. We are waiting for the embassy to proceed with our demands.”
Embassy responded well
Dimison Kogoya, president of the Papuan Students Association in the United States and Canada, reported that the Indonesian Embassy in USA and Canada had responded well to the students’ letter.
“We have held a meeting and at the time of the meeting, we emphasised that our demands should be forwarded to the President,” said a computer science student at Johnson and Wales University in North Carolina.
President Reza Rumbiak of the Papuan Students Association in Germany said Papuan students who were studying in Germany remained in solidarity with students in the USA and New Zealand.
He said a letter had been received from the Indonesian Embassy in Berlin in response to the request by students for a meeting with the President – but the reply contained 18 points of rebuttal.
“The pressure on me as president is very intense. But we in Germany support our brothers and sisters in the USA and New Zealand, because our DNA as Papuans is communal,” said Rumbiak.
IAPSAO issued a four-point declaration to:
Make the International Alliance of Papuan Student Associations Overseas (IAPSAO) an umbrella organisation for all Papuan student organisations domiciled overseas;
Improve and maximise coordination and communication in efforts to protect, prevent, anticipate, and defend the educational rights of Papuan students overseas;
Affirm IASAO is an independent and academic forum; and
Make decisions in this forum based on mutual consensus.
At their 48th session, the UN Human Rights Council in 2021 recognised a standalone human right to a safe, clean, healthy and sustainable environment, representing a major development in international human rights law. Yet, for many countries in Southeast Asia, including Thailand, the Philippines and Indonesia, environmental human rights have long been enshrined in their Constitutions and laws. But these nations’ extractive industries have had significant impacts on how the norm is upheld. The differing human rights regimes in these countries highlight the importance of protecting the procedural elements of the right to a healthy environment, such as access to courts, to ensure the substantive right is achieved in practice not just on paper.
According to the UN Food and Agriculture Organisation, in all three countries over 50% of people generate income from the agricultural sector. Communities are strongly connected to their local environments, they live and earn by the integrity of the ecosystems around them, and are strongly incentivised to fight for environmental conservation. Indigenous peoples in all three nations maintain deep connections to their lands, and manage vast swathes of biodiversity rich forests.
Religion, culture and history also elevate ecological concerns. In Thai Buddhism, trees are sacred – some belong to local ancestral spirits (puta) whilst others are believed to contain divine entities like Mae Tani. Similarly in Indonesian Islam, some local Islamic institutions reject Western capitalism because it corrodes man’s fundamental responsibility to protect nature, as entrusted by God. Democratisation has also had an influence, with the Philippines protecting a suite of human rights (including the right to a balanced and healthful ecology) in their 1986 Freedom Constitution. This Constitution was drafted as a result of the People Power revolution in 1986, and—like many transitional democracies at the time—was incredibly ambitious in restructuring systems of political power to address economic inequalities and environmental degradation.
The right to a healthy environment in law
History, culture and religion have informed the constitutional and legislative reforms in all three countries, with each nation explicitly protecting the right to a healthy environment. Express and comprehensive recognition is critical because the human right to a healthy environment is multi-faceted, with both procedural and substantive dimensions. The procedural dimensions of the right, such as ensuring public access to environmental information and the courts, allows people to enforce their human rights. The substantive dimension of the right is what communities are seeking to protect, including freedom from toxic environments and a safe climate. Both components are essential. The substantive element serves as a vision for the healthy environment that we all need to flourish, whilst the procedural elements create a pathway for us to move towards that vision.
In the Indonesian Constitution, article 28h(1) states that every person shall “have the right to life…and to enjoy a good and healthy environment”. This high-level statement is affirmed by Indonesian laws like the Law on Environmental Protection and Management (2009), which grants procedural rights for the public to make submissions about the activities that have the potential to harm the environment.
Thailand’s 2017 Constitution recognises the right to a healthy environment in two sections. First, section 43(2) enshrines people’s rights to “manage, maintain and utilise natural resources, [the] environment and biodiversity”. Second, section 57(2) imposes obligations on the Thai state to “conserve…and use or arrange for utilisation of natural resources, [the] environment and biodiversity”. Thailand has implemented an environmental impact assessment framework for the achievement of these aspirations under its Enhancement and Conservation of the National Environmental Quality Act (2018).
Black gold, fool’s gold and the fight for the treasures of a healthy environment
The extractivist industry is closely tied to political leaders and business oligarchs, and they have certainly asserted influence over reforms to development processes in all three countries. For example, Thailand passed laws in 2014 to enable mining companies to access land without adequate environmental mitigation and Indonesia has revoked the protected environmental status of biodiverse-rich areas for the benefit of major developers.
So, for many Indigenous peoples and environmental activists, the procedural components of the right to a healthy environment have become essential for the protection of substantive environmental rights. Of most importance is adequate access to the courts.
In both Thailand and the Philippines, courts have been willing to interpret the right to a healthy environment expansively. Thai courts have repeatedly held mining companies to account for environmental degradation, for example awarding compensation to 22 villagers who experienced environmental harm from lead contamination. Similarly, the Supreme Court of the Philippines has developed world-leading jurisprudence on the right to a healthy environment, outlining that the Philippines government is obligated to conserve a healthy environment for Filipinos in the state’s capacity as parens patriae (Latin for “parent of the nation”).
Unfortunately, Indonesia is an outlier in this regard. Despite sharing many of the legal dimensions of the right to a healthy environment, Indonesian courts have not followed the Thai or Filipino approach and have largely underutilised the right in jurisprudence. Indeed, Indonesia’s court system is not designed to facilitate environmental human rights cases, as the country’s Human Rights Court does not have jurisdiction to hear alleged environmental human rights abuses. The reluctance of Indonesian courts to engage with the right to a healthy environment is a product of a lack of judicial specialist knowledge and the black-letter approach to Constitutional law employed by Indonesian courts. But such barriers are not absolute, and can be addressed. For example, Thailand has established a specialist environmental division in the court system to facilitate environmental public interest cases.
The differing experiences of Indonesia, Thailand and the Philippines offer valuable lessons in the era of globalised extractivism, accelerating climate change and the struggle for human rights. While all three countries aspire to protect the right to a healthy environment, experience on the ground highlights that it falls to local communities and activists to assert the right in practice. In jurisdictions where court access is encouraged, the right to a healthy environment flourishes in practice not just on paper. We are all striving for a vision of environmental justice, but the procedural elements of our rights are what allow us to chart a pathway to progress.
As of early December 2021, nearly 70.4% of Indonesians had received one dose of an approved COVID-19 vaccine. Particularly considering the arrival of the Omicron variant in Indonesia, this is certainly cause for celebration. But this figure obscures important sources of discrepancies: while nearly all eligible adults in Jakarta are reported to have received at least one dose, less than a quarter of those in Papua have done so, for instance.
Geography is only one axis of inequality, however: other sources of vaccination inequity are less easy to measure. Part of the problem may stem from inequality in access, as some people may simply continue to have a better chance to get the jab than others, owing to connections or willingness to pay. Over the last year, governments across the world were embroiled in scandal as they offered differential access to vaccines to wealthy individuals. Looking at Indonesia, in particular, Lila Sari has documented how political parties in Indonesia have played a crucial role in vaccine delivery—doling out jabs to supporters as a means of shoring up votes. [related article]
Data availability is a major difficulty in adjudicating the extent of these problems: while publicly reported data indicates the overall uptake of vaccines according to region and occupation, we know very little about the sorts of individuals receiving these jabs. More concerningly, we know even less about those individuals who do not wish to receive a vaccination. Identifying and reaching these uninoculated populations is particularly crucial as the pandemic continues to drag on, and vaccination remains the best tool for combatting serious illness.
To fill in these gaps, we analyzed data from two nationally representative surveys of Indonesian adults conducted in March (N = 1,064) and October 2021 (N = 981). These data offer a unique window into how Indonesia’s vaccination campaign is being received by the individuals it intends to reach. We seek to answer several related questions. Firstly, which groups are getting vaccinated? Secondly, which groups are expressing an interest in getting the vaccine, but not able to do so? And finally, why is it that some people do not want the vaccine? We take up these questions and consider the implications for the equitable roll-out of vaccines in Indonesia.
We home in on one particularly concerning finding: as of October 2021, older Indonesians, the most vulnerable segment of society, are the least likely to be vaccinated and the least interested in seeking out the jab. The role of misinformation looms large in this finding, as it appears the tendency for older Indonesians to resist inoculation is a function of their lower levels of education than younger cohorts. Developing strategies to reach this population is particularly crucial for stemming the tide of the pandemic.
Who is getting vaccinated in Indonesia?
Our survey finds that in early October 2021, 42.1% of adult Indonesian had received at least one dose of a vaccination—slightly higher than officially reported statistics. In Figure 1, we show the percentage point increases for individuals in different subgroups—according to income, education level, age, and geography. In March 2021, no subgroup reported more than 5% vaccination rates. As the roll-out of vaccines took place of the past 6 months, however, stark differences in vaccination rates have emerged: richer and better educated Indonesians have outstripped their poorer and less educated counterparts in the rush to obtain vaccinations. By October 2021, for instance, 71.2% of college graduates had received at least one jab, compared to 15.4% of those with no formal education.
In surprising contrast with other countries—where vaccine rollouts targeted older citizens first—Indonesians under 30 are significantly more likely to be vaccinated (51.6%) than their older counterparts. Given that COVID-19 is more likely to result in severe illness or death for the elderly, it is particularly concerning that only 33.6% of Indonesians older than 60 had received a dose of the vaccine by the fielding of the survey.
To get a better grip on whether these differential rates of vaccination reflect access or interest, in Figure 2, we also look at the share of respondents in each subgroup who expressed interest in getting a vaccine if offered. Here, we see the same trends observed in which respondents are getting vaccinated. A full 88.8% of university graduates, for instance, expressed an interest in getting vaccinated in October 2021 if it was made available—approximately twice as high as the percentage of respondents with no formal schooling (44.5%). Worryingly, the largest upticks in vaccination interest between March and October 2021 were among those who were, from the outset, more interest in getting vaccinated. Among individuals who make more than 4m IDR/month, interest in getting vaccinated increase by 51% over the seven months, compared to an 19.2% uptick in interest among individuals who make less than 1m IDR a month.
Why don’t some people want the vaccine in Indonesia?
What explains the lack of interest in getting vaccinated on the part of those respondents who indicated no intention of seeking out the jab? Recent accounts have placed considerable weight on the role of misinformation that has been circulating on social media. Looking at ten countries across the Global South, a team of researchers found widespread evidence of vaccine hesitancy motivated in part by false information held by respondents about the vaccines. Indonesia is no different: rumors have swirled on social media that the Chinese Sinovac vaccine is not halal, despite official statements to the contrary.
We therefore quizzed respondents who indicated no interest in getting vaccinated about their reason for opting against the jab. Respondents were able to choose from one of several reasons. In Figure 3, we show the percentage of the population indicating any one of the reasons listed. First, we find little evidence that a concern over vaccines not being halal is driving vaccine hesitancy: only 0.5% of respondents in our sample indicated this reason. Instead, the most common reason cited for not having an interest in getting vaccinated is respondents stating that their underlying comorbidity’s make vaccination unsafe—a concern likely motivated by concerns over side effects of the jab. In one sense, this is a line of misinformation that should be easily targeted with educational campaigns—as compared with more malevolent forms of misinformation regarding the providence and intention of vaccines.
Finally, we consider why it might be the case that older respondents indicate the lowest interest in vaccination in Indonesia. This is particularly puzzling: it is well documented that the older individuals are at greater risk of severe illness if infected with COVID-19. In theory, risk ought to be an important motivator to seek out vaccination. Indeed, it is precisely this tendency that has undermined the vaccine rollout in the United States, where many young people have opted to not get vaccinated, wagering that they are at lower risk to experience serious illness in the event they contract COVID-19.
We examine the possibility that Indonesia’s geriatric bias in vaccination reflects the tendency for young people to be, on average, more educated than their seniors. It is well-documented that access to education has expanded over the past half century in Indonesia, and it may be that this expanded access has led to greater confidence and literacy in the recommendations of medical and scientific experts.
Indeed, consistent with this expectation, we find that education is the strongest predictor of interest in vaccination—above and beyond the role of age. Individuals who obtained at least a university degree—including those older than 60—are significantly more likely to express a desire to receive the jab than their less educated peers.
These findings provide important cues for policymakers looking to boost the overall rate of vaccination in Indonesia: for one, concerns over misinformation suggesting that vaccines are not halal appear to be overstated, and health authorities should instead focus their attention on remedying the notion that vaccine side effects are more dangerous than COVID-19 itself. Of course, this analysis is also subject to certain limitations. For one, the data are collected from a specific temporal point in the pandemic and vaccine rollout. Although we anticipate that many of the trends continue to hold, our research attests to the importance of conducting routine studies of the sources of vaccine inequity in Indonesia
The Indonesian government has denied claims by an umbrella group representing Papuan students on scholarships abroad that it is “assassinating” the provincial programme supporting studies in New Zealand and several other countries.
An open letter last week signed by the presidents of the International Alliance of Papuan Student Associations Overseas (IAPSAO) and five affiliated associations headed “Do not disturb and hinder [us] — leave us [to] study in peace” declared that funding policy changes created under the controversial new autonomy statute would impact on their education.
Student sources said that at least 125 Papuan students — 41 of them studying in New Zealand — had been ordered home under a new policy reallocating education funds.
Some Papuan students studying in Australia, Canada, Germany, Japan, Russia, and the United Sates were also affected, the alliance said.
The IAPSAO open letter was also signed by the presidents of five affiliated Papuan student associations around the world.
But the recently appointed new Indonesian Ambassador to New Zealand and the Pacific, Fientje Maritje Suebu, said in a letter to Asia Pacific Report today that the repatriation of students was based on a “thorough assessment” begun in 2017 by the provincial government of Papua over their achievements at their respective educational institutions.
“On 5 January 2022, the provincial government of Papua informed the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the planned repatriation of 98 students – 51 students in the US, 5 students in the Philippines, 3 students in Canada and 39 students in New Zealand,” she said.
593 students on Papua scholarship
The recalled students were part of a total of 593 students receiving the “Papua Autonomy Scholarship”.
The Indonesian Embassy letter to Asia Pacific Report today. Image: APR screenshot
The ambassador said the repatriation decision did not impact on students who remained “on-track” with their studies abroad.
The assessment was also conducted to “ensure that other eligible students from Papua province” would have the same opportunity to study.
Ambassador Suebu said there were no budget cuts for Papuan autonomy funds, including for education.
She said the government was “committed to ensuring the fulfilment of the right to education and capacity building for all Indonesian citizens, including through the provision of scholarships to pursue academic degrees overseas”.
She criticised “those elements who shamelessly manipulate the situation of Papuan students abroad for their own deceitful political agenda”.
The ambassador also criticised Asia Pacific Report over publishing the “baseless account” by the students, a criticism rejected by the APR editors who said the news website was one of the very few news portals that consistently gave comprehensive and fair coverage on West Papuan and human rights affairs in the region.
The editors also pointed out that the ambassador failed to acknowledge either the students’ open letter or their concerns.
The IAPSAO open letter was signed by the presidents of the Papuan Students Association in Oceania, Papuan Students Association in the United States of America and Canada, Papuan Students Association in Russia, Papua Students Association in Germany and the Papua Students Association in Japan.
Papuan students in New Zealand with the Papuan provincial Governor Lukas Enembe in Palmerston North during his visit to New Zealand in 2019. Image: APR File
Amnesty International Indonesia is urging the government — and the police in particular — to tighten supervision of the palm oil industry following the finding of a human cage with at least 27 people living there at the home of non-active Langkat Regent Terbit Rencana Perangin Angin, reports CNN Indonesia.
Amnesty International executive director Usman Hamid said that greater supervision of the palm oil industry was needed because the business sector was prone to exploitation of workers, traditional communities and the environment.
“Moreover this is not the first time that the exploitation of workers has occurred in Indonesia’s palm oil industry. In 2016, Amnesty International found serious human rights violations at several palm oil plantations in Indonesia,” he said in a media release.
“The findings included forced labour, the use of child labour, gender discrimination and labour practices which were exploitative and endangered workers.”
Amnesty said that the human cage found at the Langkat regent’s house was of great concern.
Hamid said that he could not imagine how the practice of human slavery could have gone on for years.
“Law enforcement officials must fully investigate this case and ensure that all of the people involved are brought before the courts in hearings which meet international standards on justice and not end with the application of the death penalty,” said Hamid.
UN convention against torture
Amnesty also reminded the state about the United Nations convention against torture, which Indonesia had ratified.
“The UN Convention on Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman and Degrading Treatment or Punishments also prohibits all forms of torture and inhuman treatment,” Hamid said.
In addition to this, he noted that Article 8 of the International Convention on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) — which has been ratified by Indonesia — stated that no person could be treated as a slave or enslaved.
“All forms of torture are explicitly prohibited in a number of instruments on the protection of human rights, such as under Article 7 of the ICCPR for example,” Hamid said.
The finding of the human cage came to the fore after Migrant Care reported it to the National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM) on January 24. In its report, Migrant Care reported that there were seven alleged cases of slavery.
The human cage was found when a Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) team arrived at the Langkat regent’s house during a sting operation on January 18. At the time, the KPK team, which was backed by the police, found at least 27 people inhabiting a cage when it was conducting the raid.
Based on the results of a preliminary examination, the North Sumatra regional police said that it was claimed that the cage was used for narcotics rehabilitation and had been there since 2012 or around 10 years.
Dwelling had no licence
The dwelling referred to as a rehabilitation facility had no licence even though it had been known about by the Langkat National Narcotics Agency (BNN) since 2017.
National police spokesperson Brigadier General Ahmad Ramadhan said that the dozens of people occupying the cage at the regent’s house were also employed as palm oil factory workers, although they were not paid.
He said that they had recorded at least 48 people occupying the cage on the pretext of narcotics rehabilitation.
“Some were employed at the palm oil factory owned by the Langkat regent. [But] they were not paid a wage like [ordinary] workers,” Ramadhan told journalists.
The West Papua National Committee (KNPB) has declared that it rejects the violent approach which Indonesia continues to push in the land of Papua.
“We have been consistent in the demand to resolve the political conflict in Papua peacefully. We reject a violent approach which has already claimed many victims since [Papua] was annexed [by Indonesia] in 1962,” said KNPB spokesperson Ones Suhuniap in a media release this week.
“We are aware that weapons will not resolve the Papua problem.”
The KNPB is asking the Free Papua Movement-West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB OPM) and the Indonesian government to halt the armed conflict.
“Immediately open up peaceful democratic space for dialogue and to find a find a peaceful solution,” the group said.
According to Suhuniap, the KNPB is asking Indonesia to stop sending troops to the land of Papua.
“We are asking Jakarta to withdraw the troops which have been dropped [in Papua] in huge numbers because this has impacted on humanitarian crimes since 1962.
‘Don’t sacrifice people’
“Immediately pursue a political solution. Don’t sacrifice people for the sake of the economic and political interests of the oligarchy in Jakarta.
“Members of the TNI [Indonesian military] and Polri [Indonesian police] are also human beings. Likewise, the TPNPB are also human beings,” the group said.
As an organisation, the KNPB rejects the use of arms as a solution.
“All KNPB members adhere to the KNPB’s principles of struggling peacefully without violence. We need to remind all rogue individuals (oknum) and other parties to stop treating the KNPB as criminals.
KNPB’s Ones Suhuniap … “All the Papuan people want is their political right to be respected as a nation.” Image: Suara Papua
“If there are such rogue individuals they must be held accountable for their actions. We will not tolerate it anymore,” said Suhuniap.
Suhuniap believes that the bloody conflict which is continuing in the land of Papua is a consequence of Jakarta’s reluctance to resolve the conflict peacefully.
“All the Papuan people want is their political right to be respected as a nation. So, right from the start the KNPB has demanded a referendum as a peaceful solution for the Papuan people.
intentionally cultivated crimes
“So far this has not happened, because Jakarta has intentionally cultivated and maintained crimes against humanity in the land of Papua,” he explained.
Suhuniap continued: “Papua’s problems are very clear. Indonesia and the world also understands this.
“Our political history and the current reality proves that the Papuan people have, are and will continue to be the victims. All of the scientific research proves this. So as human beings we need a peaceful solution.”
In heading towards the peaceful solution that is yearned for, said Suhuniap, both parties needed to speak at an respectable location.
“And speak honestly and openly, then agree on a solution for the Papuan people.”
Because of this, the KNPB as a media for the Papuan people was continuing to urge Jakarta and all other parties to pursue a peaceful solution.
Papuan lives without hope
Meanwhile, KNPB diplomatic secretary Omikson Balingga said that the lives of the Papuan people in Indonesia had been without hope because of the unfolding threat of violence over the past 60 years.
“The Papuan nation does not have any hope living with a colonial country. Aside from its people, the natural resources of the land of Papua also continue to be exhausted by Indonesia. The only solution is independence as a sovereign country”, he said.
Earlier, KNPB General Chairperson Warpo Sampari Wetipo declared that the KNPB as a media of the West Papuan people has been consistent in its civilian mission in the cities.
“The KNPB will never retreat a single step. The KNPB has been constant in the agenda of self-determination which along with the Papuan people it has continued to struggle for”, said Wetipo.
As long as the Papuan people are still not given the democratic space to determine their own future (self determination), he asserted that the KNPB will continue to exist throughout the land of Papua.
“To this day the struggle of the Papuan nation has been to demand political independence. This is no longer a secret. All of the Papuan people already know and understand our political history and what is best for the future”.
Wetipo stated that Indonesia must understand that it has to stop using colonialist policies and actions against the Papuan people.
“The best solution is to immediately give the democratic right to the Papuan nation to determine their own future”, he asserted.
The Indonesian Ministry of Defense (MoD) has advanced plans to acquire up to 36 French-made Dassault Aviation Rafale multirole combat aircrafts, defence minister Prabowo Subianto told reporters at the MoD’s 2022 annual leadership meeting held on 20 January. “The Rafale is a bit advanced, our [plans for] F-15 (F-15EX) is still in the negotiation stage,” […]
SURABAYA: Despite COVID-19 restrictions, the Indonesian Navy (TNI-AL) approves the factory acceptance tests of four new combat management systems (CMS) for four fast attack crafts, “KCR-60”, scheduled to join their fleet. The process has been far from conventional. Typically, readying a comprehensive CMS for any navy vessel involves several meetings where specifications and expectations are […]
