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Category: indonesia

  • Papuan armed resistance insists talks with Jakarta must be mediated by UN

    Asia Pacific Report newsdesk

    West Papua National Liberation Army-Free Papua Organisation (TPNPB-OPM) spokesperson Sebby Sambom says the armed resistance force is not prepared to hold a dialogue with or pursue diplomacy with the Indonesian government unless it is mediated by the United Nations.

    “We, the TPNPB under the leadership of General Goliath Tabuni reject [a bipartite] dialogue with Jakarta,” said Sambom, reports CNN Indonesia.

    However, the armed resistance is urging the Indonesian government to hold tripartite negotiations with the TPNPB-OPM Tabuni leadership and all components of the Papuan liberation movement who have been resisting Jakarta rule.

    This dialogue, he said, must be mediated by a third party, and the third party must come from the United Nations.

    “We don’t have an agenda for a dialogue, but our agenda is tripartite negotiations, namely negotiations mediated by a UN organisational body,” he said.

    “So a Jakarta-Papua dialogue will not be realised, if the main actor is not involved,” he explained.

    Earlier, the TPNPB-OPM designated Puncak Ilaga, Papua, as a battleground against joint forces from the TNI (Indonesian military) and Polri (Indonesian police). It designated this region because it was far away from civilian settlements and would not endanger Papuan civilians.

    Negotiations rather than war
    On the other hand, the TNI was not concerned about the designation of Puncak Ilaga as a battleground to fight the OPM.

    However, Regional Representatives Council (DPD) member from Papua, Filep Wamafma, is asking that the Indonesian government endeavour to open diplomatic communications with the TPNPB-OPM rather than conducting an open war in Ilaga.

    “I hope that there will be political diplomacy between the TNI, Polri and the OPM in order to reach the best solution, to safeguard civilians,” Wamafma told CNN Indonesian.

    CNN Indonesia has attempted to contact Join Regional Defence Command III spokesperson Colonel Czi IGN Suriastawa and Coordinating Minister for Security, Politics and Legal Affairs Mahfud MD by text message and telephone about the offer to mediate with the involvement of the UN.

    Neither Suriastawa nor Mahfud had responded when this article was published.

    Translated by James Balowski for IndoLeft News. The original title of the article was “Jubir OPM Mau Ambil Jalur Diplomasi dengan RI Asal Ada PBB”.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Indonesian police crack down on ‘free Yeimo’ West Papuan protests

    RNZ Pacific

    Indonesian police have forcefully dispersed a number of West Papuan protests around the region.

    The protesters were yesterday calling for the release of pro-independence activist Victor Yeimo who was taken into police custody more than two weeks ago.

    They were also calling for the release of other Papuan political prisoners, and rejecting Jakarta’s plans for special autonomy in Papua.

    Reports from the capital of West Papua province, Manokwari, indicate that as many as 130 protesters were arrested.

    Dozens of armed police converged on the mobilisations by Papuan students and civil society members to disperse their attempts to hold protests on several occasions around Manokwari.

    Reports from Papua region say authorities ensured those being arrested underwent covid-19 rapid anti-gen testing before being processed by police.

    Several deaths linked to the coronavirus have been reported in the province over the last few days.

    Protests in Sorong, Jayapura
    Protests were also held in the cities of Sorong and Jayapura, the latter of which has entered a fourth week of internet outage.

    Yeimo, the foreign spokesman for the West Papua National Committee, had been on a police wanted list for treason suspects related to his alleged role in the widespread “Papua Rising” anti-racism protests in August and September 2019.

    Those protests in a number of cities and towns in the region followed highly publicised racist attacks on Papuan students in Java.

    They were met with a crackdown by Indonesian security forces, and interference by militia groups, and spiralled into unrest which caused dozens of deaths.

    Protesters in today’s mobilisations in Manokwari were also demonstrating against the Indonesian government’s recent decision to brand the West Papuan National Liberation Army as terrorists.

    Guerilla fighters with the Liberation Army, which is a small and fractured force, have been locked in an ongoing armed conflict with Indonesian military forces in the rugged central highlands of West Papua for months.

    The conflict escalated in recent weeks after the Papuan force killed an Indonesian intelligence chief and – according to authorities – two teachers last month.

    West Papuan protesters held in custody in Manokwari.
    West Papuan protesters held in custody outside a Brimob police station in Manokwari. Image: RNZ Pacific

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by APR editor.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • What’s behind COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy in Indonesia?

    As Indonesia pushes forward with its COVID-19 vaccine rollout, the nation faces substantial obstacles. Trying to administer vaccines to an archipelagic population of 260 million people spread over 6000 islands is no small task. But logistics and resources aside, Indonesia is facing a further hurdle: vaccine hesitancy.

    In January 2021 polls suggested that 27 percent of Indonesians were hesitant to receive the vaccine; this hesitancy rate has risen to around 30-40 percent (https://saifulmujani.com/kepercayaan-publik-nasional-pada-vaksin-dan-vaksinasi-COVID-19/)

    What is behind this vaccine hesitancy? To uncover the reasons, we conducted on-the-ground research in Sumatra, interviewing 50 women in the first few months of 2021 who had key vulnerabilities: 20 of these women were living with HIV; 20 were pregnant during the last 12 months; and 10 were front line health workers.

    Our interviews revealed four key factors behind vaccine hesitancy: concern that the vaccine is not halal (permissible in Islam); fears over Sinovac as it comes from China (and has imagined links with Communist contagion); vaccine coercion; and belief in alternative ways of safely and effectively guarding against COVID-19 such as good hygiene practices.

    The vaccine is not halal

    I do not want to be vaccinated because the vaccine is from China, and there are pig parts in the ingredients. It is haram (forbidden) to put pig parts into my body. We will go to hell if we do it. (Yaya, a 50-year-old housewife) (all names are pseudonyms)

    Indonesia has a relatively high acceptance rate of regular immunisation regimes. Indeed, around 80 to 90 percent of all babies under the age of one receive immunisations. Mothers we talked to noted that prior to COVID they would travel some distance and stand in long lines at public health centres to ensure their babies were fully immunised. This account suggests that Indonesia is a vaccine-accepting country. Furthermore, the current MMR (measles, mumps, and rubella) vaccine is made in India and is widely suspected to contain pig products. Yet there has been no large-scale refusal of this vaccine in Indonesia, despite it not being certified halal.

    But there is heated debate in Indonesia currently around the Sinovac vaccination, which is the main vaccine administered in Indonesia at the moment for COVID-19. Sinovac was developed by Chinese biopharmaceutical company Sinovac and is now made in partnership with Indonesian state-owned pharmaceutical firm PT Bio Farma. While AstraZeneca, Novavax and Pfizer have publicly stated that there are no pork products in their vaccines, Sinovac has refused to reveal whether its vaccine contains any pork products.

    Given Indonesia is home to the largest population of Muslims in the world, not being able to confirm the halal status of the vaccine worries many. This worry persists despite Vice President Ma’ruf Amin, an influential Muslim leader, declaring that in emergencies such as a global pandemic, the vaccine does not need to be certified as halal to be permissible. But fear continues, and it continues despite other widely accepted vaccines (e.g. MMR) not being declared halal. We suggest, therefore, that it is not halal status on its own that is provoking vaccine hesitancy. Hesitancy is also due to the fact that there is suspicion of China.

    Fear of Sinovac and China (and imagined links with Communism)

    As far as I know, China bought vaccines from Europe, and Indonesia bought vaccines from China. Think about it! (Nay, 33-year-old working mother)

    Part of the reason for vaccine hesitancy is that people are not convinced that the Sinovac vaccine is effective. As Nay suggests above, consumers are suspicious of why China  would import a vaccine from Europe if their domestically produced one was effective.

    But hesitancy also comes from a general distrust of China, including health products made by Chinese companies. This distrust extends from Indonesia’s long standing tension with Communism, which continues to be banned in Indonesia. Rumours thus circulate that China might be waging a proxy war against Indonesia by delivering a vaccine that might have fatal consequences.

    Further, women told us they felt China was pushing a vaccine (of dubious efficacy and with potentially deleterious side effects) just to make money. This again taps into harmful stereotypes in Indonesia that Chinese businesses want to make a profit at any cost. Added to this profit discourse is the widespread belief that people from mainland China are coming to Indonesia to take away local jobs. There is thus a kind of grass-roots collective resistance against China and Chinese products, including vaccines, as Nika, a 29-year-old mother summarises:

    The efficacy of the vaccines has not been proven with evidence. It could turn out to be medical malpractice. We hesitate then to take the vaccine and wonder if it is a vaccine or if it’s just vitamins. And where did the virus come from? And where is the vaccine made? Both in China! So maybe COVID-19 vaccines are just made for economic reasons to benefit China. China, you know, they are Communists. We have become experimental subjects, yes, guinea pigs (kelinci percobaan, literally test rabbits). For me, it is better to maintain our health, trust our body, and if we can maintain our health, then what is the COVID-19 vaccine for?

    Vaccine hesitancy also stems from public distrust of the Indonesian government, which many people see as being too close with China. For instance, women noted that the government has not raised the issue of Sinovac needing to pass clinical trials and have its efficacy proven. Women mentioned that the Sinovac vaccine had not (according to their understanding) passed the Stage III Clinical Trial and they noted that the government had not transparently explained this. Women thus worried that the vaccine was not safe because it was only approved through an emergency permit granted by Indonesia’s Drug and Beverage Regulatory Agency. There is thus palpable suspicion of the vaccine in Indonesia and when this suspicion is met with a coercive vaccination program, you have a recipe for vaccine hesitancy.

    Vaccine coercion

    From early January 2021, there was rampant social media messaging saying “I am ready to be vaccinated.” ] Such posts were shared by community health centres, hospitals and public health departments, healthcare organisations, and health workers themselves. There was hope that people would get vaccinated in good faith.

    Figure 1: Social media message saying: “I am ready to be vaccinated” (Source: Ministry of Health Indonesia)

    But shortly thereafter the government imposed the threat of fines of up to Rp 5 million (AUD$450) for people who refused the vaccine or who spread anti-vaccine messages (https://www.abc.net.au/news/2021-02-19/indonesia-warns-fines-for-refusing-COVID-19-vaccine-world-first/13170826). These fines were particularly aimed as health care workers and teachers, who were first in line for mandatory COVID-19 vaccines. Presidential Decree Number 14 of 2021, verse 13A, point 4, states:

    Anyone designated as a core target for the vaccine, and who refuses the vaccine, will face an administrative sanction, including postponing or stopping social aid, postponing, or stopping administrative government services; and/or a fine (https://jdih.setkab.go.id/PUUdoc/176339/Salinan_Perpres_Nomor_14_Tahun_2021.pdf)

    The coercive nature of the vaccine rollout has put many Indonesians offside, as Ati, a 30-year-old nutritionist, revealed: “We cannot reject the vaccination for COVID-19. Thirty of my friends refused the vaccine on health grounds and they were interviewed by staff from the Ministry of Health and the Public Health Office. After the interview, 28 were compelled to be vaccinated; only two had their wishes not to be vaccinated upheld.”

    Related

    Gendering Indonesia’s responses to COVID-19: Preliminary thoughts

    The approach used in the creation of these policies ignores that women may face more difficulty in accessing the promised benefits.

    Fadhilah Primandari 19 October, 2020

    The coercion to be vaccinated has concrete implications, as Hana, a 35-year-old woman who works in a public hospital noted: “From the bottom of my heart, I did not want to get the COVID-19 vaccine. However, we would lose our job if we did not get the COVID-19 vaccination.”

    Lala, a 30-year-old nurse, also mentioned that as a health worker she was obliged to get vaccinated and that her only choice was to agree to the vaccine or to lose her job. Lala also noted: “We are also afraid of accessing the COVID-19 vaccination. We are ordinary humans, we are afraid of taking the COVID-19 vaccine, but we need to take care of our own health.”

    Part of the reason that people do not trust the Indonesian government in terms of the COVID-19 response, is that health messages have been unclear and caused confusion. One of the impacts of a lack of trust in the government is that women are now deciding not to bring their children in for regular immunisations, such as for measles. Yana, a 24-year-old mother said: “I decided not to immunise my second baby, who was born during this pandemic. I am afraid that the baby will not be given the regular immunisation, and I thought my child might be given the COVID-19 vaccine. For my older children who are school age, I will ask whether they will be vaccinated for COVID-19. If they tell me the children will be vaccinated for COVID-19, I will reject it for my children.”

    Belief in harmful side-effects and alternative ways of guarding against COVID-19

    Some women noted that they did not want the vaccine because they were worried about adverse side effects, which were heightened among women who had comorbidities. Kanya, an HIV-positive mother told us: “I do not want to get vaccinated as I do not want to take any risks. I have asthma and HIV. I am afraid of disclosing my HIV status.” Others mentioned feared an allergic reaction. Some of the women noted disbelief that COVID-19 is real, or at least belief that COVID-19 poses no real health risk. For instance, Diah, a 29-year-old small shop owner noted: “People surrounding me did not believe in COVID-19, how come they want to access COVID-19 vaccines” (see also http://intersections.anu.edu.au/issue45/najmah2.html).

    Worry and disbelief play into the promotion of alternative ways of guarding against COVID-19. Some women talked about alternative ways of protecting themselves. For instance, Anti, a 49-year-old housewife said: “I do not want to take any risk [by having the vaccine]. I feel healthy and I am in a good condition. I just need to perform the health protocols [e.g. hand-washing] and maintain my immunity by taking vitamins. I also need to maintain my health by eating nutritional food. If I feel sick and suffer from COVID-19 symptoms, I just need to take vitamins and have a rest at home, it is easier [than getting vaccinated].”

    Figure 2: Mapping reasons women reject COVID-19. Source: Najmah (supplied by author)

    Indonesia has a long way to go to gain public trust in its handling of COVID-19. There is little evidence that the government has implemented a national health solution, instead stoking public distrust through inconsistency and lack of transparency. To mitigate this doubt, the government should look to scientific evidence and effective communication, rather than coercive power and religious doctrine.

    The post What’s behind COVID-19 vaccine hesitancy in Indonesia? appeared first on New Mandala.

    This post was originally published on New Mandala.

  • Wenda condemns Indonesia’s UN genocide vote for Papua ‘hypocrisy’

    Asia Pacific Report newsdesk

    An exiled West Papuan leader has condemned Indonesian for “hypocrisy” in speaking out about Myanmar and Palestine while voting at the United Nations to ignore genocide and ethnic cleansing.

    The leading English-language daily newspaper, The Jakarta Post, has also criticised Jakarta’s UN vote.

    “We are thankful that Indonesian leaders show solidarity with the suffering of the Palestinians and Myanmarese, but Indonesia is desperately trying to cover up its own crimes against humanity in West Papua,” said interim president Benny Wenda of the United Liberation Movement of West Papua (ULMWP).

    Benny Wenda
    West Papuan leader Benny Wenda … Indonesia claims to “fight for humanity”, but the truth is the opposite. Image: Del Abcede/APR

    At the UN General Assembly last week, Indonesia defied the overwhelming majority of the international community and joined North Korea, Russia and China in rejecting a resolution on “the prevention of genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity”.

    Voting in favour of the RP2 resolution were 115 states while 28 abstained and 15 voted against.

    The Jakarta Post said in an editorial that to find Indonesia on the “no” list was “perplexing”.

    “The country that had at one time championed for the inclusion of human rights and democratic principles in the ASEAN Charter is now seen as voting against attempts to uphold those very principles internationally,” the newspaper said.

    “Recent events in Myanmar and in the occupied Palestinian territory raise questions about the failure of the international community to intervene and stop bloodshed in these two countries.”

    ‘Real reason’ for vote
    The Jakarta Post     said there was speculation about the “real reason” behind the no vote.

    “One is the spectre of R2P being invoked against Indonesia over the Papuan question. In spite of the recent escalation of violence in Papua, the situation on the ground is still too far to merit international intervention,” the newspaper claimed.

    However, while the Indonesian Foreign Minister claimed to “fight for humanity”, the truth was the opposite, said Wenda in a statement.

    “They are committing crimes against humanity in West Papua and trying to ensure their perpetual impunity at the UN,” he said.

    Indonesian leaders often talked about the right to self-determination and human rights, and the Indonesian constitution’s preamble called for “any form of alien occupation” to be “erased from the earth”, noted Wenda.

    “But in West Papua, the Indonesian government is carrying out the very abuses it claims to oppose. Their refusal to accept the UN resolution is clearly the consequence of ‘the Papuan question’,” he said.

    “The evidence is now overwhelming that Indonesia has committed crimes against humanity, colonialism, ethnic cleansing and genocide in West Papua.

    Women, children killed
    “The same week as the UN vote, the Indonesian military – including ‘Satan’s troops’ implicated in genocide in East Timor – were attacking Papuan villages, killing unarmed women and children and adding to the over 50,000 people displaced since December 2018.

    “The stated aim of the operations is to ‘wipe out’ all resistance to Indonesian colonialism,” Wenda said.

    “When you displace villagers, they lose their hunting ground, their home, their entire way of life.

    “This is systematic ethnic cleansing, part of a long-running strategy of Jakarta’s occupation to take over our lands and populate it with Indonesian settlers and multi-national corporations. This is the intent, and we need action before it is too late.”

    Wenda said that after Papuans declaring resistance to the illegal occupation “terrorism”, Indonesia had launched a massive crack down.

    “Victor Yeimo, one of our most popular peaceful resistance leaders, has already been arrested. Frans Wasini, a member of the ULMWP’s Department of Political Affairs, was also arrested,” he said.

    “In the city [Jayapura], students at the University of Cenderawasih are being dragged out of their dorms by the police and military and made homeless. Anyone who speaks out about West Papua, human rights abuses and genocide, is now at risk of being arrested, tortured or killed.

    Arrested ‘must be released’
    “Victor Yeimo, Frans Wasini, and all those arrested by the Indonesian colonial regime must be released immediately.”

    Wenda described the deployment of more than  21,000 troops, killing religious leaders, occupying schools, shooting children dead as “state terrorism, crimes against the people of West Papua”.

    Such developments had shown more clearly than ever the need for Indonesia to stop blocking the visit by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights. Eight-four countries have already called for the visit.

    “There can be no more delays. The troops must be withdrawn, and the UN allowed in before more catastrophe strikes.”

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Shipbuilding – A Numbers Game

    While experience grows among Indo-Pacific naval designers, order numbers remain crucial to keeping costs down and yards in business. The Indo-Pacific region has a significant number of shipyards that have the capability to undertake naval shipbuilding. However, depending on the sub-region and the country, the extent to which that capability has developed enough to build […]

    The post Shipbuilding – A Numbers Game appeared first on Asian Military Review.

    This post was originally published on Asian Military Review.

  • Protest in Bandung rejects Papuan Otsus, militarism, war on Palestine

    Asia Pacific Report newsdesk

    Activists from the Papua People’s Solidarity (Sorak) have protested against Indonesia’s policies in the Papuan region, militarism and Israel’s war on Palestine, likening it to the West Papuan struggle against colonialism.

    The protest against Special Autonomy (Otsus) was held in front of the Merdeka building in the West Java provincial capital of Bandung on Friday, reports CNN Indonesia.

    The action by Papuan activists was staged to respond to the crisis in Indonesia’s eastern-most provinces Papua and West Papua which has become tense over a military crackdown.

    Based on CNN Indonesia’s observations at the rally, scores of people brought banners and gave speeches in front of the Merdeka building.

    In addition to this, there were several banners with messages such as “We reject Special Autonomy Chapter II, the creation of new autonomous regions and the terrorist label”, “Immediately release all Papuan political prisoners” and “Withdraw all organic and non-organic troops from West Papua”.

    Throughout the action, the demonstrators wore masks and maintained social distancing.

    Action coordinator Pilamo said there were a number of demands being articulated during the action. First, rejecting the planned extension of Special Autonomy status in Papua, and then rejecting militarism and the deployment of troops which would further harm the Papuan people.

    ‘Forced on’ Papuan people
    According to Pilamo, the Special Autonomy given to Papua by the government was just a policy which had been forced on the Papuan people by the central government.

    Yet, he said, since July 2020 the Papua People’s Petition (PRP) had declared opposition to continuation of Special Autonomy and it has offered as a solution for the Papuan people the right to self-determination.

    He claimed that as of May 2021 as many as 110 Papuan people’s organisations had joined the PRP and that some 714,066 people had declared their opposition to and the continuation of the Special Autonomy political package in Papua.

    “Because of this, we, representing the Papua people, are conveying this aspiration to Indonesia and the state that today in Papua things are not okay,” Pilamo told journalists.

    According to Pilamo, almost all components and layers of society had said that Special Autonomy had failed to side with, empower or protect the land and people of Papua.

    In addition to this, over the 20 years of implementing Special Autonomy it had impacted badly on the Papuan people, including causing environmental damage, Pilamo said.

    The education and healthcare system had worsened and the construction of roads were not in the interest of the people, but rather, in the interests of investors.

    Pacific Islanders for Palestine and West Papua
    Pacific Islanders for Palestine and West Papua at a rally in Auckland, New Zealand, yesterday. Growing numbers of Pacific islanders are linking up the West Papuan and Palestinians struggles as a common one – against colonialism. Image: David Robie /APR

    Palestine issue raised
    Aside from highlighting issues in Papua, the demonstrators also took up the issue of Palestine. In a written call to action, it demanded an end to the war in Palestine – a ceasefire was declared by Israel and Hamas the same day.

    They also highlighted a number of recent cases including the government’s branding of the Free Papua Organisation (OPM) as terrorists, a label which they reject.

    Pilamo believes that the label will only give authority to security forces to commit violence, including against civilians. He claimed that civilians often fall victim as a consequence of violence committed by the TNI (Indonesian military) and Polri (Indonesian police).

    “We call on the state and Pak Jokowi [Joko Widodo] as the president, we demand an immediate end to military operations and to stop [using] the terrorist label against the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB). The TPNPB are not terrorists, they are part of the movement fighting for Papua national liberation,” said Pilamo.

    Similar protests were also held on Friday in Jakarta and the Central Java city of Yogyakarta.

    Translated by James Balowski for IndoLeft News. The original title of the article was “Warga Papua Demo Tolak Otsus dan Militerisme di Bandung”.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Pacific churches condemn ‘silencing’ of Papuan voices and media blackout

    Asia Pacific Report newsdesk

    Pacific churches have condemned the media blackout in West Papua, military crackdown in parts of the territory and the silencing of dissenting voices.

    They have also criticised the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) for “allowing Indonesia into their fold”.

    In a statement, the Suva-based Pacific Conference of Churches (PCC) said it had noted with deepening concern the humanitarian conflict in West Papua and the continued abuse of human rights perpetrated by the Indonesian security forces.

    “This situation has been worsened in particular by the silencing of dissenting voices through increased military presence and suspension of electronic communication,” it said.

    “Since 2018 with helicopter gunship attacks on the people of Nduga and followed by human rights abuse of Papuans in Intan Jaya Regency in 2019 and Tembagapura in 2020, Indonesia has increased its persecution of the indigenous people.”

    Most recently, security forces had burned homes in Puncak, “forcing an exodus of people under the guise of fighting against terrorism”.

    The council’s statement said that “terrorism” was “likely an excuse” to clear land for the “economic gain of the Indonesian elite in Jakarta and Jayapura” in the continued “cultural genocide” through displacement of Papuans.

    Indonesia ‘should be ashamed’
    “As a member of the United Nations Security Council, Indonesia should be ashamed of its actions and held to account,” said the churches.

    “Equally culpable in these events of genocide and human rights abuse are the members of the Melanesian Spearhead Group who have allowed Indonesia into their fold.”

    The PCC stood with the West Papua Council of Churches to again to call upon President Joko Widodo to order an end to human rights abuse an enter into dialogue with representatives of the Papuan people.

    “We call on the MSG to accept the nomination of the United Liberation Movement for West Papua and use its offices to begin a process of dialogue and reconciliation,” said the statement.

    “The churches do not condone the killing of Indonesian security forces or Papuans.

    “We recognise that without free and open discussions, this conflict of more than 60 years will not end.

    “Today [May 20] as we mark the 19th anniversary of East Timor’s acceptance into the United Nations family, we appeal to the United Nations to treat the matter of West Papua with extreme urgency.”

     

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Why politics matters: an insight from Indonesia’s flood management

    Hydrometeorological hazards have outnumbered hazardous geophysical events such as earthquakes in the last two decades. While geophysical disasters have resulted in more deaths in Indonesia, hydrometeorological disasters have affected more people through injury, displacement, and property damage. Flooding is the most significant hydrometeorological hazard in Indonesia because it occurs more often, affects more people and cause massive and expensive damage. Patronage politics, like those predominant in South Kalimantan, are a crucial factor exacerbating climate disasters, and governments rely heavily on inadequate technological solutions to mitigate floods.

    Managing flood hazards has become a focus of the disaster management agenda under Jokowi’s administration. While serving as the governor of Jakarta, Jokowi faced complex flood problems in Jakarta, specifically in 2013 and 2014. When contesting the 2014 presidential election, Jokowi placed floods, especially those in Jakarta, as an important political campaign issue, stating that it would be easier for him to cope with the Jakarta floods if he was entrusted as a president.

    South Kalimantan has two main geographic features, the lowlands and the highlands. Lowland areas are covered mainly by peatlands, swamps, and large river basins. The highlands are a plateau and natural tropical forest. South Kalimantan has many rivers, the biggest is the Barito River. South Kalimantan is also well-known for its wealth of natural resources, as seen from the numerous mining operations in the regions. The province is the third-largest coal mining area in Indonesia. In the last decade, South Kalimantan has also become one of Indonesia’s largest palm oil plantation areas.

    To mitigate flooding in South Kalimantan, the provincial government plans to build more reservoirs and dams. This solution is not surprising. Heavy reliance on infrastructure intervention to respond to South Kalimantan flooding is the dominant feature of Indonesian flood management. This strategy has been adopted in many cities and regions throughout the archipelago. Since the start of his tenure, President Jokowi has focused on managing flood hazards by stipulating flood management policies that rely on large-scale technical interventions such as giant sea dykes, dams, reservoirs, polders, canals, water tunnels, and river normalisation. Normalisation is achieved by installing infrastructure that cleans the river and removes obstructions.

    However, technical intervention should not be the only game in town. The predominant approach not only potentially overlooks social factors but also actively obscures the political dimension of Indonesia flood management. Dependence on large scale technical intervention is insufficient to confront the inevitable danger inherent in the destructive impact of climate change. The intensity of flooding will increase in the future. Adaptation strategies must also emphasise long-term structural prevention. Without any intervention on the established political structure, it will be difficult to develop effective prevention. The characteristics of local politics seem disconnected from the dynamics of flood management policies, but are decisive for the outcomes. Flood management is likely to be less successful in a region with strong clientelist politics, a high prevalence of corruption, and weak civil society and political opposition. These situations mean Indonesian people in an urban setting or rural context remain vulnerable to flood hazards in the long term.

    The case of South Kalimantan province reflects the linkage between politics and flooding. Predatory political-economy elites caused massive environmental damage and undermine spatial sustainability. The land-use change along the Barito River Watershed transformed the green zones and water catchment areas into extractive industries. When extreme rainfall occurs, the Barito River is incapable of accommodating the water overflow and exposes people to flood hazards.

    Related

    Floods and forced evictions in Jakarta

    People, politics and planning collide in riverside slum Kampung Pulo.

    Roanne van Voorst & Rita Padawangi 21 August, 2015

    Environment and civil society activists in South Kalimantan claim that massive expansion of mining and oil palm plantations have contributed to the flooding. Based on satellite imagery data, The National Institute of Aeronautics and Space of Indonesia indicated that around the Barito River Basin forest areas have decreased by over one hundred thousand acres, while plantation areas have increased to over two hundred thousand acres. Merah Johansyah, coordinator of Jaringan Advokasi Tambang (JATAM – Mining Advocacy Network), proposed that of the 3.7 million acres of the total forest area in South Kalimantan, 1.2 million ( 33%) belongs to mining companies,  and 620,000 acres (17%) are owned by oil palm plantation companies. This means half of the forest area in South Kalimantan has recently been exploited by mining and plantation industries. Many mining licenses violate regional spatial planning purposes.

    Local academic, Uhaib As’ad, has spent most of his scholarly career observing politico-business linkages in South Kalimantan. He found that the mining bosses funded candidates in numerous local elections. In an article with Edward Aspinall, they argued that the center of gravity of South Kalimantan is resource rent-seeking that involves bureaucrats, politicians, security officials, and others who seek access to mining permits, official revenues, and illicit payments. This patronage network means coal mining bosses can grasp privileged influence on the incumbent administration, especially in regard to coal mining licenses and concessions. These lucrative practices have flourished since the early decentralisation era in the 2000s. Some institutional initiatives have improved natural resource exploitation, but the damage has been done for environmental sustainability. For instance, the provincial government has issued post-mining land rehabilitation and mining transportation regulations to avoid more destructive effects on the environment. However, illicit payments to government officials made it difficult to enforce the regulations.

    One of the worst-hit flood spots is in Tanah Laut District. At the same time, Tanah Laut is the third-largest coal producer district in South Kalimantan. Aspinall and As’ad argued that Adriansyah, a former head of district from 2003 to 2013, was a typical patronage politician who controlled  oil palm plantation and mining licenses. He was arrested by the KPK (Corruption Eradication Commission) in 2015 for receiving bribes from a businessman in exchange for a mining license. Adriansyah was locally regarded as a populist leader with popular policies in agriculture development, rural infrastructure, and assistance for farmers’ groups. This kind of political environment makes it difficult for strong civil society opposition to consistently demand government accountability.

    The Indonesian approach to flood management and climate adaptation should not neglect political factors. Large scale technical interventions are important to provide flood protection. However, we need transformative change to deal with the imminent threat of climate change. This agenda is a political choice. Public scrutiny of spatial planning is equally, or perhaps more important than interventionist infrastructure in the long term. The South Kalimantan case offers insights into how lucrative politico-business linkages make people vulnerable to climate hazards. Floods occur because of extreme weather events, but they turn into disasters if and when people and communities are left vulnerable. This makes disaster an inherently political concept as shifts in vulnerability and inequality are always (also) the consequence of political structures, decisions and policies. Floods are physical occurrences but their form, magnitude, location, and effect on people are the outcome of past and present political processes. It is time to bring politics to the centre of analysis in disaster management in Indonesia.

    The post Why politics matters: an insight from Indonesia’s flood management appeared first on New Mandala.

    This post was originally published on New Mandala.

  • Higher Caliber

    Western manufacturers are now seeing increasingly successful small arms designs emerging from Asia. The weapon carried by every soldier not only impacts on their effectiveness in combat but also makes a statement becoming a part of the overall identity of a country’s military. The selection of that weapon can also be a matter of national […]

    The post Higher Caliber appeared first on Asian Military Review.

    This post was originally published on Asian Military Review.

  • Indonesian gig workers: the quest for labour-protection

    Not so long after a viral tweet by an underpaid freelance teacher at Ruangguru, drew attention to the education-based technology company’s exploitation of interns, Indonesia saw strikes and massive protests from couriers for Shopee,  a leading e-commerce start-up in South East Asia. Ironically, amidst mainstream media attention to the resilience of the country’s logistics sector during the pandemic, its unsung heroes have to pour on the street demanding better pay.

    Freelance teachers, door-to-door couriers and ride-hailing drivers, regardless of their educational background, are part of a precariat workforce who have had their social privilege rampantly stripped away. They are kicked into a basket of talent-pools whose livelihoods are on-demand.

    The gig-worker caste is even arguably lower than the blue-collar workers whose labour-related security is protected by the No.13, 2003. They have almost no  labour-related guarantees, whether employment security, income or social protection, leaving them in precarious conditions.

    Their social security does not come freely as part of their rights. Instead, it is a product which depends on the willingness of the workers to pay. No wonder protests have emerged.

    Shopee couriers joined their ride-hailing counterparts who have long demanded better livelihoods through street rallies and social media protests. Ride-hailing drivers firstly raised their voices to question the value creation of digital companies. To understand the logic behind newly digital start-ups, we need to  view their origins.

    Based on underlying infrastructure

    The precarious labour market has long been a part of Indonesia’s informal economy. This untapped market attracted digital companies and their venture capital to leverage value. This phenomenon is even more tangible in emerging markets in countries where the market infrastructure (i.e. regulation) has not been fully developed, leaving loopholes for companies to exploit.

    Since the innovation bred by technology companies relies on the underlying market infrastructure of the informal economy, it is also built among the infrastructure’s persistent issues. The underpaid teacher of RuangGuru perfectly reflects the poor welfare of contractual teachers in Indonesia. A survey from the Indonesian Teacher Federation Union (FSGI) found there are still honorary teachers who live on IDR 300.000/month (USD 20), not to mention the irregular schedule of payment.

    Predatory pricing of ride-hailing platforms reflects the free market of conventional motorcycle taxis (ojek). The fare of conventional ojek has never been regulated ever since its inception in the 1960s, leaving the price up to drivers’ monopolies. Ride-hailing companies such as Gojek, Grab, and Uber benefit from this free market by offering extremely low prices compared to conventional ojek services, overwhelming competitors and eventually creating a duopoly of digital platforms, Gojek and Grab. No wonder the tariff war between Gojek and Grab could push prices as low as IDR 1.500/km (USD 0.1/km) before the government stepped in to regulate the price after  a series of massive protests by drivers.

    The poor working conditions of Shopee couriers represents the Logistic Performance Index (LPI) of emerging market countries whose scores are lower than developed market countries. 2018 data from the World Bank shows that Indonesia’s LPI score was 3.67, similar to Vietnam: better than India at 3.50 but lower than Thailand and much lower than Germany (4.39) or Japan (4.25).

    Instead of fixing structural barriers in the logistic sector,  efficiency is forged at the expense of workers’ wages. Consequently, strikes are unavoidable in emerging markets. Vietnam too experienced street rallies by delivery couriers from two logistic platforms, Now and Grab, in late 2020. Recently India faced protests from Amazon’s riders due to tariff cuts.

    Related

    Mapping ride-hailing app driver strikes in Vietnam

    These actions by app-based drivers indicate an informal but sophisticated level of workers’ self-organisation.

    Joe Buckley 16 December, 2020

    Winning over consumers

    The classic proverb “the customer is king” remains correct. The long struggle of Indonesian gig workers has been contested by platforms supported by venture capital giants. The protestors’ ultimate goal is to have the state step in to provide legal standing, social protection, and regulation of the long-abandoned informal economy. The long-tail economy characteristic of digital platforms will always search for opportunities to expand its reach. No wonder Gojek has evolved from merely a ride-hailing app to a super app platform, or that Shopee has initiated their own delivery fleet.

    However, waiting for the state to react and regulate will surely take time due to inflexible and rigid bureaucracy. This is even more challenging under the newly legislated pro-investor “Job Creation Law” in Indonesia. For labour activists, grabbing customers’ attention may be a quick win to pave the way to the ultimate goal.

    In this prosumer era, consumer preference is key for a businesses to thrive. The flexible market doesn’t only bring advantages to producers but also consumers. Almost two decades ago people were satisfied with a brick-sized monochrome Nokia not because they loved its design or its snake game, but merely because they were out of options. Nowadays, it is easy to turn away from Ruangguru or Shopee due to the lack of their services compared to their competitors, or because of their treatment of workers.

    Conscious consumers should  identify company behaviours and force change should business practices be unfair or harmful. Gig workers should maximize all channels, especially through social media, to have their demands recognised by customers. The struggle will not be easy, since it will be challenged through both market and non-market approaches by digital platforms. Shopee, for instance, plays the promotional card to influence consumer behaviours, while Ruangguru gives away trending products.

    The non-market approach is particularly widely adopted by ride-hailing platforms who write up stories of their comparative advantage as an inclusive economy, such as by incorporating women and disabled people who are normally marginalized in the production sector. With all due respect to the positive efforts at job creation and inclusivity upheld by digital companies, the precarious working condition surrounding this business should not be swept under a pretty rug of public relation campaigns.

    Demanding action from the state

    Increasing number of so-called partners comprised by gig workers of digital company businesses is undeniably good for government to increase the job creation. The job creation benefit, nonetheless, must be accompanied by strong support of the state to ensure a win-win solution between the government, companies, and digital gig-workers. Failing to do so will lead to unequal distribution of rewards of the digital economy’s value creation.

    The first intervention needed is in the aspect of legal standing . Blurry definitions of work and contractual agreements between digital platforms and partners will create long-term harm should if not regulated by the government. If the platforms’ workers are categorized as independent contractors, the unilateral concept of platform’s terms of service, which normally conceal unequal clauses for partners, will be the sole base of the employment agreement. As a solution, enacting a collection of rights relating to platform-specific tools by legislation or collective bargaining is strongly recommended. California Assembly Bill 5 (AB5) in the US is an example of this.

    AB5 obligates digital platforms to classify their partners as an employee, not a contractor, unless the following conditions are met: (A) the individual is free from direction and control applicable both under the contract for the performance of service and in fact; (B) the service is performed outside the usual course of business of the employer; and (C) the individual is customarily engaged in an independently established trade, occupation, profession, or business of the same nature as that involved in the service performed. In Indonesia, government may explore possibility to amend the Indonesian Labour Law or issue ministry-level regulation to enforce this term. Classifying all partners as employee will for instance, enable access to social benefits for Indonesian digital economy workers, as the law guarantees this.

    The second urgency for long-term solution is introducing a social insurance scheme for gig workers. The scheme must be redistributive in nature and a government subsidy is desperately needed. Informal and gig economy workers lack the financial resources to set up private accounts to cover health, unemployment benefits, and their pensions. Strengthening the ongoing social safety net programs of the government, such as universal healthcare (BPJS Kesehatan) and pre-employment cards (kartu prakerja) for unemployment benefits, is essential to cover any gaps should businesses be unable to contribute. Recognizing the gig-workers’ struggle through consumer awareness and state support are indeed as-yet-unattained goals, still sought by all Indonesian gig-workers.

    The post Indonesian gig workers: the quest for labour-protection appeared first on New Mandala.

    This post was originally published on New Mandala.

  • Art and artists in society in Indonesia: future tense

    Art and artists have long held an important position in Indonesian society—in politics, in movements for social and environmental justice, community development, education, commercial design and contemporary life. After two decades of enormous social change on global and local scales, what role will art and artists play in Indonesia’s future?

    On 11 March, The Australian National University (ANU) Indonesia Institute presented a webinar addressing this question across diverse fields including curatorship, art history, ‘artivism’, experimental and research-based art, regional development and education. The webinar will also contribute to an edited volume on Indonesian art, under review with ANU Press.

    The panel and audience responded to the following themes:

    • Curatorial practice and its contribution to intellectual debate on the national and international stage now and in the future.
    • Art history/historiography and its contribution to understandings of art’s role broader Indonesian history: present and future challenges.
    • Artistic and curatorial practice outside of the major centres: recent developments and future challenge
    • Interdisciplinary collaboration in experimental and research-based art: recent developments and future challenges.
    • Pedagogy and politics in artistic practice: new directions within old discourses.

    The panel featured Anissa Rahadiningtyas (PhD Candidate, Cornell University), Arham Rahman (curator and artistic director), I Made Bayak (artist), Alia Swastika (Director, Yogyakarta Biennale Foundation) and Karina Roosvita (Artist and researcher).

    The post Art and artists in society in Indonesia: future tense appeared first on New Mandala.

    This post was originally published on New Mandala.

  • Arrest of Papuan activist Victor Yeimo reported to UN rights commission

    Asia Pacific Report newsdesk

    Human rights lawyer and Papua advocate Veronica Koman has formally reported the arrest of West Papua National Committee (KNPB) spokesperson Victor Yeimo to the United Nations Human Rights Commission.

    The report was made by the UK based human rights organisation TAPOL with Koman as Yeimo’s lawyer.

    “An urgent call in the name of West Papua pro-independence leader Victor Yeimo has been sent by the human rights organisation TAPOL and lawyer Veronica Koman through the Special Procedures mechanism of the UN Human Rights Commission,” said a TAPOL media release.

    Koman, as Yeimo’s lawyer, said that there were indications that Papua regional police chief Inspector General Mathius Fakhiri would include additional charges against Yeimo.

    “Papua regional police chief Mathius Fakhiri has indicated to the police that additional charges may perhaps be laid against Victor Yeimo so that he grows old in jail,” said Koman.

    Based on this claim, TAPOL and Koman will be communicating with the UN over developments in Yeimo’s case.

    “Because of this, we will be in close communication with UN officials in order to inform them of each and every development including if there is additional questioning or bad treatment,” she said.

    Papua riots role ‘suspected’
    Earlier, Nemangkawi Task Force head Senior Commissioner Iqbal Alqudusy had confirmed that Yeimo was arrested on May 9.

    According to Alqudusy, Yeimo was included on the wanted persons list (DPO) in 2019 on suspicion of committing makar (treason, subversion, rebellion) and broadcasting a report or releasing information which could give rise to public unrest.

    Yeimo has been declared a suspect for being the actor behind the 2019 riots in Papua based on witness testimony which cited him as the leader of a demonstration where he spoke about Papuan independence and allegedly incited the public to damage public facilities.

    Translated by James Balowski for IndoLeft News. The original title of the article was “Penangkapan Victor Yeimo Dilaporkan ke Dewan HAM PBB”.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Indonesia pressures PNG over militant video by West Papuan supporters

    By Gorethy Kenneth in Port Moresby

    Indonesia is pressuring Papua New Guinea over an illegal group East Sepik claiming to form an army unit to help West Papuan pro-independence rebels fighting against Indonesian forces across the border.

    Calling such armed groups as “terrorists”, Indonesia’s Ambassador to PNG, Andriana Supandy, said his country respected the sovereignty of its neighbour, PNG, and called on the PNG authorities to act over the threat.

    A video of a group dressed in military fatigues and brandishing automatic rifles has gone viral on social media, prompting the Indonesian response.

    The men in the video, speaking in PNG “tok pisin”, claim to be from East Sepik. They say they stand with the West Papuan rebels and are ready to cross the border to support the West Papuan cause for independence.

    Supandy said the Indonesian Embassy had been informed that PNG government officials were in Wewak to investigate the viral video on the social media post.

    “The Indonesian government honour[s] the PNG government as a sovereign nation and leave the response to the alleged militants to the relevant authorities in PNG,” Supandy said.

    “Both governments have the same understanding about the challenge and opportunity in managing the formal relations through the spirit of friendship and mutual respect.”

    Gratitude over safety
    Supandy said that despite the video causing uneasiness, the Indonesian Embassy would like to convey its gratitude to the government and the people of PNG for “ensuring the safety and wellbeing of Indonesians” working and living in PNG.

    The embassy said the Indonesian government and people were reciprocating the gesture for PNG citizens living in Indonesia.

    Supandy said the video of a vigilante group would not affect the strong relations between Indonesia and PNG.

    “These armed groups in Papua and West Papua have resorted to acts, methods and practices of terrorism aiming at destruction of human rights, fundamental freedoms and democracy while also threatening the territorial integrity and security of the Republic of Indonesia,” he claimed.

    Right to ‘reliable information’
    Supandy said Papua New Guineans had the right to “reliable information” relating to this issue.

    He said Indonesia was committed to taking measures aimed at “addressing the root causes” of the situation in Papua and West Papua provinces.

    He said in this context, Indonesia advocated humane, prosperous and inclusive development approach, including:

    • Respecting the basic rights of the people in Papua and West Papua provinces;
    • Establishment of good governance in Papua; and
    • Opportunities for Papuans to shape and direct local development strategies and regional policies.

    SBS News reporting on the West Papua conflict.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • The Jakarta Method Never Ended

    Prepare to read Vincent Bevins’s The Jakarta Method in one sitting because it’s impossible to put down. The book is a summation of the US government assisting the Indonesian military in killing approximately one million civilians from October 1965 through March 1966.

    While the Vietnam War got most of the headlines, in Indonesia the world’s third largest communist party was winning hearts, minds and elections — much to the alarm of the United States. After years of cultivating and training the Indonesian military the US decided it was time for the Indonesian working class to put away childish things like land reform and resource nationalization. The two-million strong (but fatefully unarmed) Indonesian communist party, the PKI, had to be exterminated “down to the roots.”

    The mass murder starts on October 7 on Sumatra with a fanatical anticommunist commander named Ishak Djuarsa who trained at Fort Leavenworth. The police and military arrest leftists and their sympathizers en masse. Trusting peasants and factory workers turn themselves in for what they think is routine questioning and are never heard from again. For mass murder to spread so quickly it’s necessary for ethnic and religious fault lines to be exploited and “ordinary” citizens to directly participate in the killings, often under the threat of being killed themselves.

    Most of the killings were summary executions done with knives, swords, machetes, sickles and spears. The flow of small rivers and streams was disrupted by too many dead bodies. Rape, torture, gendered violence, castration and dismembering alive swept across the 17,000 island archipelago from Banda Aceh to Papua. The US provided arms, training, communication equipment and lists of thousands of real and alleged leftists to be killed. US-owned plantations furnished lists of “troublesome” employees. US officials repeatedly sent cables to the leader of the butchery, General Suharto, to kill the leftists faster.

    The Indonesian military “pioneers” “disappearing” people and, before 1966 ends, this will be a tactic of state terror in Guatemala. Soon right-wingers are scrawling “Jakarta is coming!” on walls throughout Latin America. 1968 brings the Phoenix Program (50,000 killed) in Vietnam and in the 1970s Chile adds the new twist of extra-territorial assassination in Operation Condor. The 1980s bring the Nicaraguan contras (50,000 killed) and Salvadorian death squads (75,000 killed.)

    The “Salvador option” migrates to Iraq in 2004 with the US creation of the Wolf Brigade death squad, overseen by some of the same villains in the Central American bloodshed: James Steele, John Negroponte and Elliott Abrams. The Obama-backed 2009 Honduran coup catapults that nation into the number spot in the world for the killing of labor leaders, land reformers and journalists. As I write this the police and paramilitaries of US client narco-state Colombia are gunning down unarmed protesters in the streets of Cali.

    It was one big capitalist party as US media and nearly all politicians cheered on the deaths of “communists” (union organizers, teachers, journalists, students, land reformers) and, after the peace of the dead was established, US oil companies flocked into Indonesia. “Communism” (i.e., the working class majority helping itself) had been “turned back” in the fourth most populous nation on earth. Capitalism’s bloodthirsty media soldiers, like “liberal” New York Times columnist James Reston, called the slaughter “A Gleam of Light in Asia.”

    Besides the million Indonesians murdered, another million were sent without charge or trial to prison camps for decades. Unlike truth and reconciliation commissions established in other countries following government atrocities, every Indonesian government since 1965 has been proud of the slaughter. Westerners party today on Bali beaches where 56 years ago massacres of 80,000 Balinese took place and bones and skulls still wash up. To give a flavor for the madness of the Indonesian ruling class since 1965 — which included killing 300,000 people in East Timor between 1975 and 1999 — it’s best to just quote Bevins:

    Much worse things happened than this to the families of communists and accused communists. In Indonesia, being communist marks you for life as evil, and in many cases, this is seen as something that passes down to your offspring, as if it were a genetic deformity. Children of accused communists were tortured and killed. Some women were prosecuted simply for setting up an orphanage for the children of communist victims.

    In January 1966 Robert F. Kennedy became the only prominent US politician to speak out against Suharto’s carnage. With the Kennedys, though, we always get a dose of historical whiplash as, earlier in the book, RFK and JFK debate sending in marines to overthrow the government of the Dominican Republic. They veto this as too obvious but Bobby helpfully suggests blowing up the US consulate themselves as a pretext to invade. (According to Ron Ridenour’s Russian Peace Threat, Robert Falseflag Kennedy also suggested a similar “Remember the Maine” incident to justify directly attacking Cuba during the missile crisis.)

    Early in the book there are a couple revealing anecdotes about Chinese leaders trying to talk sense into Indonesia’s charismatic but overconfident President Sukarno.

    Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai tells Sukarno that he should have his own armed working class militia apart from the military: “The militarized masses are invincible.” Che told Guatemalan leftists the same thing in 1954 but neither Sukarno nor Arbenz did this and their working classes paid dearly. (Decades later Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez creates the armed Bolivarian Militia of 3.3 million men and women, probably staving off a direct US invasion.)

    Chairman Mao also warns Sukarno that he’s too complacent about the Indonesian military. Mao remains the only leader in history to overthrow his own government and Bevins posits that the bloodbath in Indonesia was a partial impetus for the 1966 Cultural Revolution to purge any bourgeois elements.

    In another early chapter, Richard Nixon admits in private that communists and socialists improve people’s lives and will win elections — if the US lets elections be held. Nixon said this in 1955 about Indonesia and again in 1970 about Allende’s Chile. Over and over, it’s the “good example” of different economic systems that the insecure US ruling class fanatically seeks to crush. The US system has never been able to “compete” without bombs, bribery, brainwashing, blackmail and bullets.

    And you know what? It all worked — just like the FBI exterminating the black left “worked” in the 1960s and 1970s. Today, everywhere, whether Indonesia or the United States, we see the triumph of capitalism: staggering wealth inequality, environmental devastation, endless wars, police impunity, masses ground down to subsistence, homeless people under every bridge, tens of millions afraid that an illness or injury will bankrupt them, indebted, pauperized, surveilled and censored.

    In Youtube interviews Bevins, currently a reporter for the Washington Post, wonders if we’ll look back on the present and see other ignored atrocities. Considering that the Washington Post supported the US destruction of Iraq, Libya and Syria, the decades-long and ongoing hammering of Cuba, Iran and Palestine, and the scrupulous ignoring of six million people killed in the Congo by US-ally Rwanda — I’d say we don’t have to wonder.

    What I’m wondering is when Bevins is going to write a story in the Washington Post about the illegal unconstitutional dirty war the US is currently waging on Syria, the illegal occupation of one third of Syria, the US theft of Syria’s oil and wheat, the US sanctions which only punish the Syrian working class, the US/UK domination and corruption of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, the US military’s care and feeding of takfiri fanatics and US Congressional complicity in war crimes. Maybe 50 years from now it will be “safe” to tell Syria truths.

    The post The Jakarta Method Never Ended first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • HRW demands police drop treason charges against Papuan activist Yeimo

    Asia Pacific Report newsdesk

    Human Rights Watch (HRW) is calling on the Indonesian police to drop politically motivated treason charges against West Papua National Committee (KNPB) spokesperson Victor Yeimo.

    Yeimo was arrested for calling for an independence referendum for Papua which he expressed in 2019 during the anti-racism protests and riots in Papua and West Papua province.

    Human Rights Watch said that the Indonesian government had discriminated against indigenous Melanesians in Papua and West Papua for decades.

    President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo is being asked to publicly direct security forces involved in operations in Papua to act in accordance with international law to be held to account for violence there.

    “Indonesian police should investigate the deadly violence and arson attacks in Papua in 2019 but not use that as a pretext to crack down on peaceful activists,” said HRW Asia director Brad Adams in a statement.

    In August 2019, Papuans held protests in at least 30 cities across Indonesia in response to a racist attack against Papuans at a student dormitory in the East Java provincial capital of Surabaya.

    Videos show soldiers shouting words such as “monkeys” at the students. Police also fired teargas into the dormitory and arrested scores of students.

    Triggered riots
    The polemic over this triggered riots in the form of attacks, looting and the torching of public facilities in Jayapura, Manokwari, Sorong and Wamena.

    In the aftermath of this, HRW noted that at least 43 protest Papuan protest leaders and KNPB activists were charged with treason and sentenced despite the fact that they were not involved in violence.

    HRW said that it takes no position on Papuan claims to self-determination, but supports everyone’s right, including independence supporters, to express their political views peacefully without fear of arrest or other forms of reprisal.

    “The Indonesian authorities should ensure that all security force operations in Papua are carried out in accordance with the law and that peaceful activists and other civilians are not targeted,” added Adams.

    Separately, lawyers from the Coalition for Upholding the Law and Human Rights in Papua said that Yeimo’s arrest on Saturday, May 9, was not in accordance with arrest procedures under Law Number 8/1981 on the Criminal Procedural Code.

    This is because the arrest was made on that day while the warrant was received by Coalition lawyers more than a week later on May 19 at 6 pm at the Mobile Brigade Command Headquarters (Mako Brimob) investigators office in Kotaraja, Abepura, Jayapura.

    “The coalition could not assist or directly accompany Victor F. Yeimo yet he is not just being charged under Article 106 of the Criminal Code (KUHP) or the articles on makar [treason, subversion, rebellion] but he is also charged under Article 170 Paragraph (1) of the KUHP where in the process lawyers can sit alongside their client,” said the Coalition’s litigation coordinator Emanuel Gobay.

    Prevented from helping
    Gobay also stated that they were prevented from assisting Yeimo because they were unable to directly accompany him. Yeimo was then transferred from the Papua regional police to the Mako Brimob without the Coalition’s knowledge.

    At the Mako Brimob, meanwhile, Yeimo is said to have been placed in a cell far away from any sources of fresh air and is said to have asked prison guards to move him to a more comfortable cell.

    Furthermore, Gobay revealed that his client also asked police why only he had been arrested if the pretext for the arrest was because he gave a speech during an anti-racism protest on August 19, 2019.

    “Many other people also gave speeches (during the action) such as women figures, religious figures, youth figures and so forth. Aside from this [the action] was also attuned by the Papuan provincial governor, the speaker of the MPR [Papua People’s Council], members of the DPRP [Papuan Regional House of Representatives], several SKPD [Regional Administrative Work Unit] members as well as OAP [indigenous Papuans] and non-OAP. But why am I the only one that has been arrested and charged while the others haven’t,” said Yeimo as conveyed by Gobay.

    Yeimo was a fugitive from the law who had been on the police wanted persons list (DPO) since 2019.

    He is alleged to have committed crimes against state security and makar and or broadcasting reports or issued statements which could give rise to public unrest and or broadcasting news which is unreliable or news which is excessive or incomplete.

    He is also alleged to have insulted the Indonesian national flag, language and state symbols as well as the national anthem and or incitement to commit a crime.

    Koman named as lawyer
    In London, Pelagio Doutel of the Indonesian human rights advocacy group TAPOL said UN rapporteurs should call for Yeimo’s immediate and unconditional release.

    An urgent appeal on behalf of Yeimo has been submitted by TAPOL and lawyer Veronica Koman to the UN Special Procedures mechanisms of the Human Rights Council.

    Yeimo had been living in exile in Papua New Guinea since the crackdown against the so-called Papuan Uprising and had recently returned to his homeland.

    “Lawyers have been prevented from accompanying Mr Yeimo during interrogations,” said Pelagio Doutel.

    “No family member or anyone else has been able to pay him a visit. He is practically in solitary confinement and currently arbitrarily detained at the Police’s Mobile Brigade Headquarters (Mako Brimob) in Abepura. He was moved there without prior notice to his lawyers.”

    Veronica Koman reported that “Papua’s police chief Mathius Fakhiri has publicly indicated that extra charges will likely be put against Victor Yeimo until he ‘gets old’ in prison.

    ‘History of torture’
    “Victor Yeimo has a history of being subjected to torture. Therefore we will be in close communication with UN officials to update them on developments including additional interrogation and maltreatment.”

    To support his lawyers on the ground, Yeimo has appointed Koman as his international lawyer.

    Veronica Koman is the international advocacy coordinator of the Jayapura-based Association of Human Rights Lawyers for Papua (PAHAM Papua).

    Translated by James Balowski for IndoLeft News. The original title of the article was “HRW Minta Polisi Cabut Tuduhan Makar Jubir KNPB Victor Yeimo”. The Human Rights Watch statement in English is here.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • HRW demands police drop treason charges against Papuan activist Yeimo

    Asia Pacific Report newsdesk

    Human Rights Watch (HRW) is calling on the Indonesian police to drop politically motivated treason charges against West Papua National Committee (KNPB) spokesperson Victor Yeimo.

    Yeimo was arrested for calling for an independence referendum for Papua which he expressed in 2019 during the anti-racism protests and riots in Papua and West Papua province.

    Human Rights Watch said that the Indonesian government had discriminated against indigenous Melanesians in Papua and West Papua for decades.

    President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo is being asked to publicly direct security forces involved in operations in Papua to act in accordance with international law to be held to account for violence there.

    “Indonesian police should investigate the deadly violence and arson attacks in Papua in 2019 but not use that as a pretext to crack down on peaceful activists,” said HRW Asia director Brad Adams in a statement.

    In August 2019, Papuans held protests in at least 30 cities across Indonesia in response to a racist attack against Papuans at a student dormitory in the East Java provincial capital of Surabaya.

    Videos show soldiers shouting words such as “monkeys” at the students. Police also fired teargas into the dormitory and arrested scores of students.

    Triggered riots
    The polemic over this triggered riots in the form of attacks, looting and the torching of public facilities in Jayapura, Manokwari, Sorong and Wamena.

    In the aftermath of this, HRW noted that at least 43 protest Papuan protest leaders and KNPB activists were charged with treason and sentenced despite the fact that they were not involved in violence.

    HRW said that it takes no position on Papuan claims to self-determination, but supports everyone’s right, including independence supporters, to express their political views peacefully without fear of arrest or other forms of reprisal.

    “The Indonesian authorities should ensure that all security force operations in Papua are carried out in accordance with the law and that peaceful activists and other civilians are not targeted,” added Adams.

    Separately, lawyers from the Coalition for Upholding the Law and Human Rights in Papua said that Yeimo’s arrest on Saturday, May 9, was not in accordance with arrest procedures under Law Number 8/1981 on the Criminal Procedural Code.

    This is because the arrest was made on that day while the warrant was received by Coalition lawyers more than a week later on May 19 at 6 pm at the Mobile Brigade Command Headquarters (Mako Brimob) investigators office in Kotaraja, Abepura, Jayapura.

    “The coalition could not assist or directly accompany Victor F. Yeimo yet he is not just being charged under Article 106 of the Criminal Code (KUHP) or the articles on makar [treason, subversion, rebellion] but he is also charged under Article 170 Paragraph (1) of the KUHP where in the process lawyers can sit alongside their client,” said the Coalition’s litigation coordinator Emanuel Gobay.

    Prevented from helping
    Gobay also stated that they were prevented from assisting Yeimo because they were unable to directly accompany him. Yeimo was then transferred from the Papua regional police to the Mako Brimob without the Coalition’s knowledge.

    At the Mako Brimob, meanwhile, Yeimo is said to have been placed in a cell far away from any sources of fresh air and is said to have asked prison guards to move him to a more comfortable cell.

    Furthermore, Gobay revealed that his client also asked police why only he had been arrested if the pretext for the arrest was because he gave a speech during an anti-racism protest on August 19, 2019.

    “Many other people also gave speeches (during the action) such as women figures, religious figures, youth figures and so forth. Aside from this [the action] was also attuned by the Papuan provincial governor, the speaker of the MPR [Papua People’s Council], members of the DPRP [Papuan Regional House of Representatives], several SKPD [Regional Administrative Work Unit] members as well as OAP [indigenous Papuans] and non-OAP. But why am I the only one that has been arrested and charged while the others haven’t,” said Yeimo as conveyed by Gobay.

    Yeimo was a fugitive from the law who had been on the police wanted persons list (DPO) since 2019.

    He is alleged to have committed crimes against state security and makar and or broadcasting reports or issued statements which could give rise to public unrest and or broadcasting news which is unreliable or news which is excessive or incomplete.

    He is also alleged to have insulted the Indonesian national flag, language and state symbols as well as the national anthem and or incitement to commit a crime.

    Koman named as lawyer
    In London, Pelagio Doutel of the Indonesian human rights advocacy group TAPOL said UN rapporteurs should call for Yeimo’s immediate and unconditional release.

    An urgent appeal on behalf of Yeimo has been submitted by TAPOL and lawyer Veronica Koman to the UN Special Procedures mechanisms of the Human Rights Council.

    Yeimo had been living in exile in Papua New Guinea since the crackdown against the so-called Papuan Uprising and had recently returned to his homeland.

    “Lawyers have been prevented from accompanying Mr Yeimo during interrogations,” said Pelagio Doutel.

    “No family member or anyone else has been able to pay him a visit. He is practically in solitary confinement and currently arbitrarily detained at the Police’s Mobile Brigade Headquarters (Mako Brimob) in Abepura. He was moved there without prior notice to his lawyers.”

    Veronica Koman reported that “Papua’s police chief Mathius Fakhiri has publicly indicated that extra charges will likely be put against Victor Yeimo until he ‘gets old’ in prison.

    ‘History of torture’
    “Victor Yeimo has a history of being subjected to torture. Therefore we will be in close communication with UN officials to update them on developments including additional interrogation and maltreatment.”

    To support his lawyers on the ground, Yeimo has appointed Koman as his international lawyer.

    Veronica Koman is the international advocacy coordinator of the Jayapura-based Association of Human Rights Lawyers for Papua (PAHAM Papua).

    Translated by James Balowski for IndoLeft News. The original title of the article was “HRW Minta Polisi Cabut Tuduhan Makar Jubir KNPB Victor Yeimo”. The Human Rights Watch statement in English is here.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • More Bang for Your Buck

    Most Asian nations that operate fleets of legacy fighter aircraft continue to procure upgrade packages to increase capability and the extend service life of their jets. Around the Indo-Pacific, numerous upgrade programmes for American, European and Russian types are underway. One of the biggest fleets of fighter aircraft currently operated by an Asian nation resides […]

    The post More Bang for Your Buck appeared first on Asian Military Review.

    This post was originally published on Asian Military Review.

  • Indonesia condemns Israeli attack on Al Aqsa mosque – call for strong NZ stand

    Asia Pacific Report newsdesk

    Indonesian President Joko Widodo has condemned the Israeli police violence against Palestinians at the Al-Aqsa Mosque in the holy city of Jerusalem, reports Anadolu News.

    Widodo emphasised that the expulsion of Palestinian civilians from their homes and the use of force against them at the Al Aqsa Mosque must not be ignored.

    “Indonesia condemns such acts and urges the UN Security Council to take measures on the repeated violations carried out by Israel,” Widodo posted on his official Twitter handle.

    Widodo added Indonesia would continue to stand with the people of Palestine.

    Israeli police on Monday stormed the Al Aqsa Mosque in occupied East Jerusalem and attacked the Palestinians who were on guard to prevent raids by extremist Jews.

    Al Jazeera reports that the Israeli military has continued its bombardment of the besieged Gaza Strip, targeting several areas after rockets were fired from the enclave.

    Health authorities in Gaza said at least 32 Palestinians – including 10 children – were killed in Israeli air strikes on the Strip since late on Monday, after Hamas launched rockets from the coastal territory towards Israel.

    Gaza ultimatum
    The rocket fire came after Hamas, which rules Gaza, issued an ultimatum demanding Israel stand down its security forces from the Al Aqsa Mosque compound in occupied East Jerusalem after days of violence against Palestinians.

    Meanwhile, the Palestinian Red Crescent said some of its employees were prevented from entering the Al Aqsa Mosque compound.

    Thousands of Palestinians staged protests in the Al Aqsa Mosque complex, located in the old city of Jerusalem, after performing the dawn prayers on Monday. They stayed inside to guard the mosque from the raids of extremist Jews.

    Setting up barricades at some points of Haram al-Sharif, the main building of Al Aqsa, they chanted slogans and said they would not leave there.

    Extremist Jews had announced to storm Al Aqsa Mosque to celebrate the anniversary of the Six-Day War of 1967, when Israel occupied East Jerusalem, as “Jerusalem Day” according to the Hebrew calendar.

    Extremist Jewish organisations had called for raids on Al Aqsa Mosque on Sunday and Monday to mark Jerusalem Day, to celebrate occupation anniversary according to the Hebrew calendar.

    Police raided mosque
    The Israeli police then raided the mosque, using tear gas shells, rubber bullets, and stun grenades in clashes with the Palestinians, who responded by throwing stones.

    Palestinian resistance group Hamas has said that Israel was waging a “religious war against Palestinian worshippers” in the occupied city of Jerusalem.

    “What is happening in the Al Aqsa Mosque at the time of storming and assaulting worshippers is proof of the brutality of the Zionist occupation,” Muhammad Hamadeh, the movement’s spokesman for the city of Jerusalem said.

    He called on the Palestinians to “remain steadfast”.

    Golriz Ghahraman & Marama Davidson
    Green MPs Golriz Ghahraman and Marama Davidson (co-leader) mark World Keffiyeh Day. Image: Golriz Ghahraman FB

    The Hamas spokesman held Israel responsible for its “incursion into the Al Aqsa Mosque,” saying: “The occupation will pay a heavy price.”

    In New Zealand, yesterday — World Keffiyeh Day — was marked by Green MPs in solidarity.

    “We celebrate Palestinian culture, humanity, and life, as we continue to call for an end to the terrifying violence suffered right now in Palestine at the hands of Israeli forces and settlers. Our [government] must speak!” Golriz Ghahraman said in a social media posting.

    Don’t be ‘complicit’, says PSNA
    Palestine Solidarity Network Aotearoa (PSNA) national chair John Minto has called on the New Zealand government to make a strong statement, not be “complicit” with ethnic cleansing by remaining silent. The statement said:

    “The Palestinian people deserve the New Zealand government’s voice on their side rather than our ‘complicity through silence’ which usually accompanies Israeli racism and systematic brutality against Palestinians.

    “In speaking out we urge you not to use anaemic language such as ‘calling for calm’ or ‘urging restraint on both sides’ because those statements in effect mean New Zealand siding with Israel’s racist, ethnic cleansing policies.

    Posted by Kia Ora Gaza on Sunday, May 9, 2021

    “Please intervene with a strong, clear voice which condemns both Israel’s ethnic cleansing of the indigenous people of Palestine and the brutality meted out against them by the Israeli police and armed forces. New Zealand should be demanding equal rights and equal treatment for all people living under Israeli occupation and control.”

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Quad and the Test for Indonesia’s Leadership in ASEAN

    After its revival in 2017, the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) reached a new milestone by assembling its first summit on March 12th 2021. The informal security alliance comprised of the United States, Japan, India, and Australia is still nascent compared to the existing regional fora initiated by ASEAN. Yet, the advent of new bloc implicitly questioned the relevance of old players; Indonesia and the institution it led were no exception.

    The primary concern regarding the Quad is whether the initiative will complement or sideline the existing regional architecture built by ASEAN. Accordingly, ASEAN has long been the cornerstone of Indonesia’s diplomacy, manifesting its “free and active” principle in the regional domain. To navigate great power rivalry, ASEAN has been driven to build several forums where neutrality is assured.

    With China becoming more assertive in the past decade, however, the US and Quad countries find it necessary to step beyond ASEAN. The late Trump administration demonstrated the efforts to make Indonesia and ASEAN member-state align with US’s grand strategy. Last year’s visit by US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo to Jakarta, and the decision to lift the travel ban on Defence Minister Prabowo Subianto, further prove Washington’s motivation.

    However, Indonesia remained lukewarm towards Quad. The 2019 elite survey from the ISEAS-Yushof Ishak Institute revealed that Indonesia, alongside Malaysia, Laos, and Thailand, is among the top ASEAN sceptics regarding this new initiative. Realising its leadership profile is at stake, it’s natural for Indonesia to pursue an institutional response. Indonesia attempted to demonstrate the institution’s continuing relevance in grappling with the “Indo-Pacific” concept by initiating the draft of the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific (AOIP), which was adopted in the 2019 ASEAN Summit.

    Alas, the initiative is heavily underinvested and resulted in little to no strategic outcome for ASEAN. As mentioned by Evan Laksmana, a researcher from Centre for Strategic and International Studies, AOIP was “defective at birth” due to lack of actionable policy and the false assumption that the existing ASEAN mechanism is adequate to address current strategic challenges in the region. The same goes for the vision of Global Maritime Fulcrum that has long gone unmentioned since President Jokowi introduced the plan in 2014.

    To begin with, Indonesia doesn’t have any coherent Indo-Pacific strategy, let alone to deal with the Quad. To paraphrase strategic analyst Yohanes Sulaiman’s policy paper, Indonesia’s Indo-Pacific foreign policy is driven by the lack of alternatives, rather than a coherent strategy. The latest Indonesia defence white paper dates as far back as 2015. Moreover, the document barely addressed the latest strategic challenges in the region.

    Related

    Public opinion and civil society: shaping Indonesia’s South China Sea Policy?

    Public opinion should force the Indonesian government to consider and adjust its policies and responses to China in the South China Sea.

    Aristyo Rizka Darmawan 16 March, 2021

    Mixed responses from different ministries when China’s fishing vessel trespassed on Natuna Islands in 2016 and 2019 further show Indonesia’s bureaucratic mismatch when it comes to external threat. Aside from economic and socio-cultural cooperation, Indonesia barely has a strategic policy up its sleeve.

    As well as Indonesia, the Quad is eyeing other ASEAN countries that can possibly be incorporated. Although the region did not fully embrace the Quad, some countries have shown their support to offset China’s dominance through this initiative. Among the top supporters of the Quad were Vietnam and the Philippines, which both face a looming threat from China next to their border. The latter, in particular, was lately on the verge of losing, yet again, another part of its South China Sea territory in the Whitsun Reef.

    Indonesia could insist on playing its “free and active” card and reiterating ASEAN centrality as much as it can. Yet, the outcome will be naught if ASEAN members themselves find it realistic to invest more in another regional structure and through a non-ASEAN pathway. Even more so, if ASEAN’s dialogue partners who have less liability to commit in the organization take the same path.

    Escalating tension with China eventually led a country like India, which traditionally adhered to the “non-aligned” principle, closer to the US. Some observers attributed India’s last-minute withdrawal from the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) in 2019 partly to a fear that RCEP will pave the way for China’s dominance; this was a huge loss for Indonesia, who initiated the deal.

    Neither joining an US-led alliance nor abandoning ASEAN are the options. However, Indonesia’s half-hearted engagement makes ASEAN less appealing to its partners. One can argue that the US’s low engagement with ASEAN was driven by Trump’s strategic fallacy in the region. But, what if the opposite is true? What if Indonesia and ASEAN were no longer seen as relevant anchors by their long-term partners?

    Indonesia often takes its strategic potential for granted, be it primacy in ASEAN or its geographic position at the confluence of Indo-Pacific. Even worse, the current administration seem less interested in foreign policy; foreign issues such as the Quad gain less attention due to their unpopularity with domestic audiences.

    Fortunately for Indonesia, Quad countries realised that they can’t countervail China with the absence of ASEAN. Four years of Trump administration has proved that the cooperation can’t eschew the pre-existing regional architecture to achieve its goal. ASEAN also remains steadfast in defending its centrality whenever it’s forced to choose between the two camps.

    Moreover, the latest Quad Summit in March 2021 affirmed that the grouping will support ASEAN centrality, delivering a signal that the two can go on an equal footing. In fact, the revival of Quad after ten years of hiatus in 2017 took place on the sidelines of the ASEAN Regional Forum summit in Manila. The underlying message behind that is that the Quad needs ASEAN more than ASEAN needs the Quad.

    Several steps can be considered to regain centrality in the region, for instance by increasing ASEAN and Indonesia’s foreign policy budget, further institutionalising the East Asia Summit, and allowing the possibility of ASEAN-minus-X to deal with short-term crises. The latest regional conflict has demonstrated that ASEAN needs a revamp in order to stay valid.

    The potential is there, yet it can’t be utilised if Indonesia’s ASEAN and Indo-Pacific policy are under-resourced. Most recently, for instance, inaction on the crisis in Myanmar has further put Indonesia’s ASEAN leadership at stake. Indonesia should go the extra mile in order to stay relevant; not only in answer to the Quad’s concern, but also to regional challenges in the near future.

    The post Quad and the Test for Indonesia’s Leadership in ASEAN appeared first on New Mandala.

    This post was originally published on New Mandala.

  • Free Victor Yeimo now, says exiled Papuan leader Benny Wenda

    Asia Pacific Report newsdesk

    An exiled West Papuan leader has demanded the immediate release of arrested campaigner Victor Yeimo, saying that his detention was a “sign to the world” that the Indonesian government was using its terrorist designation as a smokescreen to further repress Papuans.

    Indonesian police arrested Yeimo, one of the most prominent leaders inside West Papua, on allegations of makar – treason.

    Yeimo is spokesperson of the West Papua National Committee (Komite Nasional Papua Barat, KNPB), regarded as peaceful civil society disobedience organisation active within Papua.

    “Any West Papuans who speak out about injustice – church leaders, local politicians, journalists – are now at risk of being labelled a ‘criminal’ or ‘terrorist’ and arrested or killed,” said Benny Wenda, interim president of the United Liberation Movement of West Papua (ULMWP) in a statement.

    “What is Victor Yeimo’s crime? To resist the Indonesian occupation through peacefully mobilising the people to defend their right to self-determination,” he said.

    “He is accused of ‘masterminding’ the 2019 West Papua Uprising, which was started by Indonesian racism and violence, and ended in a bloodbath caused by Indonesian troops.

    “Indonesia constantly creates violence and uses propaganda – and the fact that international journalists continue to be barred from entering – to blame it on West Papuans.

    Many labels to ‘deligitimise’ resistance
    “Jakarta has used many labels to try and delegitimise resistance to its genocidal project: ‘armed criminal group’ (KKB), ‘wild terrorist gang’, ‘separatist’.

    “Indonesia has lost the political, moral and legal argument, and has nothing left but brute force and stigmatising labels.”

    Wenda said that Indonesia was trying to distract attention from the huge military operations it is launching in Nduga, Intan Jaya and Puncak Jaya.

    Around 700 people from 19 villages have already been displaced over the past two weeks.

    “Indonesia is using its ‘Satan Troops’, trained in the genocide in East Timor, to attempt to wipe out the entire Indigenous population. From the 1965 military operations to the 1977 Operasi Koteka, we carry the trauma of Indonesian military operations.

    “What is beginning now is a 21st century version of this. Jakarta has no interest in pursuing a peaceful solution to this crisis.”

    Wenda called on President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo and the Indonesian police to release Yeimo immediately.

    “International governments and organisations must put immediate pressure on the Indonesian authorities to halt this sham prosecution,” he said.

    “We have our Provisional Government, constitution, and newly formed cabinet. We must come together and show the Indonesian government and the world that we are ready to take over the administration of our country.”

    ‘Mastermind’ accusation
    The Jakarta Post reports that the police accuse Yeimo of being the “mastermind” behind the civil unrest and of committing treason, as well as inciting violence and social unrest, insulting the national flag and anthem, and carrying weapons without a permit.

    Emanuel Gobay, one of a group of Papuan lawyers representing Yeimo, said his client had not yet been officially charged. Treason can carry a sentence of life in jail.

    Protests convulsed Indonesia’s provinces of Papua and West Papua, widely collectively known as West Papua, for several weeks in August/September 2019.

    The sometimes violent unrest erupted after a mob taunted Papuan students in Surabaya, Indonesia’s second city on the island of Java, with racial epithets, calling them “monkeys”, over accusations they had desecrated a national flag.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Free Victor Yeimo now, says exiled Papuan leader Benny Wenda

    Asia Pacific Report newsdesk

    An exiled West Papuan leader has demanded the immediate release of arrested campaigner Victor Yeimo, saying that his detention was a “sign to the world” that the Indonesian government was using its terrorist designation as a smokescreen to further repress Papuans.

    Indonesian police arrested Yeimo, one of the most prominent leaders inside West Papua, on allegations of makar – treason.

    Yeimo is spokesperson of the West Papua National Committee (Komite Nasional Papua Barat, KNPB), regarded as peaceful civil society disobedience organisation active within Papua.

    “Any West Papuans who speak out about injustice – church leaders, local politicians, journalists – are now at risk of being labelled a ‘criminal’ or ‘terrorist’ and arrested or killed,” said Benny Wenda, interim president of the United Liberation Movement of West Papua (ULMWP) in a statement.

    “What is Victor Yeimo’s crime? To resist the Indonesian occupation through peacefully mobilising the people to defend their right to self-determination,” he said.

    “He is accused of ‘masterminding’ the 2019 West Papua Uprising, which was started by Indonesian racism and violence, and ended in a bloodbath caused by Indonesian troops.

    “Indonesia constantly creates violence and uses propaganda – and the fact that international journalists continue to be barred from entering – to blame it on West Papuans.

    Many labels to ‘deligitimise’ resistance
    “Jakarta has used many labels to try and delegitimise resistance to its genocidal project: ‘armed criminal group’ (KKB), ‘wild terrorist gang’, ‘separatist’.

    “Indonesia has lost the political, moral and legal argument, and has nothing left but brute force and stigmatising labels.”

    Wenda said that Indonesia was trying to distract attention from the huge military operations it is launching in Nduga, Intan Jaya and Puncak Jaya.

    Around 700 people from 19 villages have already been displaced over the past two weeks.

    “Indonesia is using its ‘Satan Troops’, trained in the genocide in East Timor, to attempt to wipe out the entire Indigenous population. From the 1965 military operations to the 1977 Operasi Koteka, we carry the trauma of Indonesian military operations.

    “What is beginning now is a 21st century version of this. Jakarta has no interest in pursuing a peaceful solution to this crisis.”

    Wenda called on President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo and the Indonesian police to release Yeimo immediately.

    “International governments and organisations must put immediate pressure on the Indonesian authorities to halt this sham prosecution,” he said.

    “We have our Provisional Government, constitution, and newly formed cabinet. We must come together and show the Indonesian government and the world that we are ready to take over the administration of our country.”

    ‘Mastermind’ accusation
    The Jakarta Post reports that the police accuse Yeimo of being the “mastermind” behind the civil unrest and of committing treason, as well as inciting violence and social unrest, insulting the national flag and anthem, and carrying weapons without a permit.

    Emanuel Gobay, one of a group of Papuan lawyers representing Yeimo, said his client had not yet been officially charged. Treason can carry a sentence of life in jail.

    Protests convulsed Indonesia’s provinces of Papua and West Papua, widely collectively known as West Papua, for several weeks in August/September 2019.

    The sometimes violent unrest erupted after a mob taunted Papuan students in Surabaya, Indonesia’s second city on the island of Java, with racial epithets, calling them “monkeys”, over accusations they had desecrated a national flag.

    Print Friendly, PDF & Email

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Indonesian police seize Papuan leader Victor Yeimo on ‘treason’ charges

    Asia Pacific Report newsdesk

    A Papuan leader who has been sought by Indonesian police over the 2019 Papua “Spring” uprising, Victor Yeimo, has been arrested and charged with makar (treason, subversion, rebellion), reports CNN Indonesia.

    Nemangkawi Task Force head Senior Commissioner Iqbal Alqudusy confirmed the arrest, saying it took place at 7.15 pm on Sunday.

    “Today, Sunday May 9, 2021 [we] arrested a person on the wanted list in a case of racism and rioting in Papua in 2019,” Alqudusy told journalists.

    Alqudusy said that the 38-year-old man currently held the position of West Papua National Committee (KNPB) chairperson and was also the international spokesperson for the KNPB.

    According to Alqudusy, Yeimo is also recorded as being the secretary of the Papua People’s Petition (PRP).

    Yeimo was put on the wanted persons list (DPO) in 2019, according to Alqudusy.

    The police allege that Yeimo has committed makar and or been broadcasting reports or statements which could “give rise to public unrest”. They also allege that he has been “broadcasting unreliable news”.

    Suspected over ‘insult’
    Yeimo is suspected of insulting the Indonesian national flag, language and state symbols as well as the national anthem and or incitement to commit a crime.

    “As referred to in the formulation of Article 106 in conjunction with Article 87 of the Criminal Code (KUHP) and or Article 110 of the KUHP and or Article 14 Paragraphs (1) and (2) and Article 15 of Law Number 1/1946 on Criminal Regulations,” the commissioner said.

    Victor Yeimo
    Victor Yeimo … leader of the West Papua National Committee accused over the 2019 Papuan “spring” demonstrations. Image: Suara Papua

    Yeimo was declared a suspect for being the instigator of riots based on witness testimonies that citied him as the “leader of a Papuan independence demonstration” and “vandalising” public facilities.

    The allegations stem from accusations against him during the widespread anti-racism protests in Papua in August and September 2019.

    The protests spread to a number of cities and towns in the region following highly publicised racist attacks on Papuan students in Java.

    Papua crackdown
    RNZ Pacific reports that Yeimo is the latest of a number of Papuans to have been detained over alleged treason following the protests, including the so-called “Balikpapan Seven” who subsequently received jail terms of between 10 and 11 months in East Kalimantan.

    During the Balikpapan Seven trials, judges and prosecutors repeatedly focussed on Yeimo when questioning the defendants.

    Yeimo has been calling for negotiations between the West Papuan independence movement and Indonesia’s government, saying Papuans would not stop demanding a legitimate self-determination process.

    His arrest came as Indonesian military operations in Papua region intensified, in response to more violent attacks by West Papua National Liberation Army (TLNPB) guerilla fighters who killed an Indonesian intelligence chief in an ambush two weeks ago.

    In announcing the official’s death at a news conference in Jakarta, Indonesian president Joko Widodo vowed a military crackdown in Papua.

    His government has now also formally declared the National Liberation Army a terrorist organisation, following the decision to designate the “terrorist” categorisation to West Papuan independence fighters in a move that has concerned human rights defenders.

    These developments have also happened at a time when internet services to Papua have been disrupted.

    CNN Indonesia report translated by James Balowski of IndoLeft News. The original title of the article was “Buron Kasus Kerusuhan Papua Victor Yeimo Diringkus Polisi”.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Indonesian police seize Papuan leader Victor Yeimo on ‘treason’ charges

    Asia Pacific Report newsdesk

    A Papuan leader who has been sought by Indonesian police over the 2019 Papua “Spring” uprising, Victor Yeimo, has been arrested and charged with makar (treason, subversion, rebellion), reports CNN Indonesia.

    Nemangkawi Task Force head Senior Commissioner Iqbal Alqudusy confirmed the arrest, saying it took place at 7.15 pm on Sunday.

    “Today, Sunday May 9, 2021 [we] arrested a person on the wanted list in a case of racism and rioting in Papua in 2019,” Alqudusy told journalists.

    Alqudusy said that the 38-year-old man currently held the position of West Papua National Committee (KNPB) chairperson and was also the international spokesperson for the KNPB.

    According to Alqudusy, Yeimo is also recorded as being the secretary of the Papua People’s Petition (PRP).

    Yeimo was put on the wanted persons list (DPO) in 2019, according to Alqudusy.

    The police allege that Yeimo has committed makar and or been broadcasting reports or statements which could “give rise to public unrest”. They also allege that he has been “broadcasting unreliable news”.

    Suspected over ‘insult’
    Yeimo is suspected of insulting the Indonesian national flag, language and state symbols as well as the national anthem and or incitement to commit a crime.

    “As referred to in the formulation of Article 106 in conjunction with Article 87 of the Criminal Code (KUHP) and or Article 110 of the KUHP and or Article 14 Paragraphs (1) and (2) and Article 15 of Law Number 1/1946 on Criminal Regulations,” the commissioner said.

    Victor Yeimo
    Victor Yeimo … leader of the West Papua National Committee accused over the 2019 Papuan “spring” demonstrations. Image: Suara Papua

    Yeimo was declared a suspect for being the instigator of riots based on witness testimonies that citied him as the “leader of a Papuan independence demonstration” and “vandalising” public facilities.

    The allegations stem from accusations against him during the widespread anti-racism protests in Papua in August and September 2019.

    The protests spread to a number of cities and towns in the region following highly publicised racist attacks on Papuan students in Java.

    Papua crackdown
    RNZ Pacific reports that Yeimo is the latest of a number of Papuans to have been detained over alleged treason following the protests, including the so-called “Balikpapan Seven” who subsequently received jail terms of between 10 and 11 months in East Kalimantan.

    During the Balikpapan Seven trials, judges and prosecutors repeatedly focussed on Yeimo when questioning the defendants.

    Yeimo has been calling for negotiations between the West Papuan independence movement and Indonesia’s government, saying Papuans would not stop demanding a legitimate self-determination process.

    His arrest came as Indonesian military operations in Papua region intensified, in response to more violent attacks by West Papua National Liberation Army (TLNPB) guerilla fighters who killed an Indonesian intelligence chief in an ambush two weeks ago.

    In announcing the official’s death at a news conference in Jakarta, Indonesian president Joko Widodo vowed a military crackdown in Papua.

    His government has now also formally declared the National Liberation Army a terrorist organisation, following the decision to designate the “terrorist” categorisation to West Papuan independence fighters in a move that has concerned human rights defenders.

    These developments have also happened at a time when internet services to Papua have been disrupted.

    CNN Indonesia report translated by James Balowski of IndoLeft News. The original title of the article was “Buron Kasus Kerusuhan Papua Victor Yeimo Diringkus Polisi”.

    Print Friendly, PDF & Email

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Don’t brand West Papuan resistance OPM ‘terrorist’, say ex-general, critics

    General Gatot Nurmantyo, a former commander in the Indonesian National Armed Forces, giving his television interview – in Bahasa Indonesian. Video: TV-One Indonesia

    Asia Pacific Report correspondent

    A former Indonesian military commander has condemned the formal labelling of the West Papuan resistance TPN/OPN as “terrorists”, saying that the Papuan problem was complex and could not be solved by armed force alone.

    Among other critics of the tagging are the Papua provincial Governor, Lukas Enembe and a Papuan legal researcher.

    General Gatot Nurmantyo, former commander of the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI), said during a live interview on TV-One Indonesia that it was wrong to label the TPN/OPM (National Liberation Army/Free Papua Movement) as a terrorist group.

    He said that Jakarta had tried to use a military solution since the former Dutch colony of Irian Jaya was “integrated” into Indonesia in 1969 without bringing about any change.

    “Papua cannot be solved by military operations,” he said.

    General Nurmantyo said military operations would not solve the root cause of the conflict in Papua.

    He regretted the decision made by President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo’s administration on May 5.

    “I am saddened to hear that troops are leaving for Papua to fight. It’s a picture that I think makes me sad,” said the general.

    Sad for two reasons
    He said he felt sad for two reasons:

    • First, Papua was one of the Indonesian provinces and the youngest province of the Unitary State of the Republic.
    • Second, based on Government Regulation in Lieu of Acts (PERPU) 59 of 1959, Papua was still under civilian rule. So, the military actions should be mainly territorial, which supported by intelligence and prepared combat operations.

    The retired general said that Papuans “are our own people”, so the burden could not be imposed only on the military and police. Executive government and other government agencies should comprehend the real background of the movements and be involved to resolve the prolonged problem in Papua.

    “Territorial operations are operations to win the hearts and minds of the people, because what we face is our own people. Do not expect to solve a condition in Papua only with military operations,” said General Nurmantyo.

    “I remind you, it will not work, no matter how great it will be. Because the problem is not just that small,” he said.

    General Nurmantyo, who has been a former military district commander in Jayapura and Merauke said that Indonesia already had experience in Aceh where the conflict had not been resolved by military operations.

    As the PERPU 59 of 1959 was still valid, the governor was the single highest authority. The military was not allowed to carry out operations without coordinating with the local government.

    Communication with government
    General Nurmantyo said communication with the local government was carried out and measured operations launched.

    “Lest the people become victims! How come, in a situation like this we are waging an open war? Seriously!

    “Meanwhile, the situation is still very civil. The leader is the governor or local government.

    “This is a state regulation. This is different from when Papua would be designated as a military operation,” said General Nurmantyo.

    Papua Governor Lukas Enembe
    Papua Governor Lukas Enembe … critical of the OPM tagging in a media statement. Image: APR screenshot

    According to a media release received by Asia Pacific Report. Papua Governor Lukas Enembe and the provincial government also objected to the terrorist label given to the KKB (“armed criminal group”), as the Indonesian state refers to the TPNPB (West Papua National Liberation Army).

    Key points
    Two of the seven points made in the media release said:

    • “Terrorism is a concept that has always been debated in legal and political spheres, thus the designation of the KKB as a terrorist group needs to be reviewed carefully and ensure the objectivity of the state in granting this status, and
    • “The Papua provincial government pleaded with the central government and the Indonesian Parliament to conduct a re-assessment of the observation of the labeling of KKB as terrorist. We are of the opinion that the assessment must be comprehensive by taking into account the social, economic and legal impacts on Papuans in general.”

    A West Papuan legal researcher, who declined to be named, said that the Indonesian government misused the term “terrorism” to undermine the basic human rights of indigenous West Papuans.

    So far, the term terrorism had no precise definition and so has no legal definition, said the researcher.

    Many of the United Nations member states did not support UN resolution 3034 (XXVII) because it contained a certain degree of disconnection to other international instruments, particularly human rights laws.

    Disagreements among the states remained regarding the use of terrorism, especially the exclusion of different categories of terrorism.

    Right to self-determination
    In particular the exception of the liberation movement groups. Particularly contentious which was the affirmation in 1972 of “the inalienable right to self-determination and independence of all peoples under colonial and racist regimes and other forms of alien domination”.

    “The legitimacy of their struggle, in particular, the struggle of national liberation movements by the principles and purposes is represented in the UN charter. Therefore, designating West Papua Liberation Army as a terrorist group by the Indonesian government considered outside the category of the terrorist act,” said the researcher.

    “Any definition of terrorism must also, accommodate reasonable claims to political implications, particularly against repressive regimes such as Indonesia towards West Papuans.

    “The act of self-determination by Papuans cannot be considered terrorism at all.”

    The international community should condemn any regime that is repressive and terrorist acts by colonial, racist and alien regimes in denying peoples their legitimate right to self-determination, independence, and other human rights.

    A coherent legal definition of terrorism might help “confine the unilateral misuse” of the term by the national government such as Indonesia against TPNPB/OPM, said the researcher.

    The other side of the story was war crimes, crimes against humanity, genocide, oppression, torture and intimidation by the state.

    These elements were present in West Papua and they qualified as the act of terrorists and were therefore universally recognised as crimes against humanity and criminals, the researcher said.

    The researcher added: “The West Papua army or TPN/OPM are not terrorist groups. They are the victims of terrorism”

    This report and the translations have been compiled by an Asia Pacific Report correspondent.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Don’t brand West Papuan resistance OPM ‘terrorist’, say ex-general, critics

    General Gatot Nurmantyo, a former commander in the Indonesian National Armed Forces, giving his television interview – in Bahasa Indonesian. Video: TV-One Indonesia

    Asia Pacific Report correspondent

    A former Indonesian military commander has condemned the formal labelling of the West Papuan resistance TPN/OPN as “terrorists”, saying that the Papuan problem was complex and could not be solved by armed force alone.

    Among other critics of the tagging are the Papua provincial Governor, Lukas Enembe and a Papuan legal researcher.

    General Gatot Nurmantyo, former commander of the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI), said during a live interview on TV-One Indonesia that it was wrong to label the TPN/OPM (National Liberation Army/Free Papua Movement) as a terrorist group.

    He said that Jakarta had tried to use a military solution since the former Dutch colony of Irian Jaya was “integrated” into Indonesia in 1969 without bringing about any change.

    “Papua cannot be solved by military operations,” he said.

    General Nurmantyo said military operations would not solve the root cause of the conflict in Papua.

    He regretted the decision made by President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo’s administration on May 5.

    “I am saddened to hear that troops are leaving for Papua to fight. It’s a picture that I think makes me sad,” said the general.

    Sad for two reasons
    He said he felt sad for two reasons:

    • First, Papua was one of the Indonesian provinces and the youngest province of the Unitary State of the Republic.
    • Second, based on Government Regulation in Lieu of Acts (PERPU) 59 of 1959, Papua was still under civilian rule. So, the military actions should be mainly territorial, which supported by intelligence and prepared combat operations.

    The retired general said that Papuans “are our own people”, so the burden could not be imposed only on the military and police. Executive government and other government agencies should comprehend the real background of the movements and be involved to resolve the prolonged problem in Papua.

    “Territorial operations are operations to win the hearts and minds of the people, because what we face is our own people. Do not expect to solve a condition in Papua only with military operations,” said General Nurmantyo.

    “I remind you, it will not work, no matter how great it will be. Because the problem is not just that small,” he said.

    General Nurmantyo, who has been a former military district commander in Jayapura and Merauke said that Indonesia already had experience in Aceh where the conflict had not been resolved by military operations.

    As the PERPU 59 of 1959 was still valid, the governor was the single highest authority. The military was not allowed to carry out operations without coordinating with the local government.

    Communication with government
    General Nurmantyo said communication with the local government was carried out and measured operations launched.

    “Lest the people become victims! How come, in a situation like this we are waging an open war? Seriously!

    “Meanwhile, the situation is still very civil. The leader is the governor or local government.

    “This is a state regulation. This is different from when Papua would be designated as a military operation,” said General Nurmantyo.

    Papua Governor Lukas Enembe … critical of the OPM tagging in a media statement. Image: APR screenshot

    According to a media release received by Asia Pacific Report. Papua Governor Lukas Enembe and the provincial government also objected to the terrorist label given to the KKB (“armed criminal group”), as the Indonesian state refers to the TPNPB (West Papua National Liberation Army).

    Key points
    Two of the seven points made in the media release said:

    • “Terrorism is a concept that has always been debated in legal and political spheres, thus the designation of the KKB as a terrorist group needs to be reviewed carefully and ensure the objectivity of the state in granting this status, and
    • “The Papua provincial government pleaded with the central government and the Indonesian Parliament to conduct a re-assessment of the observation of the labeling of KKB as terrorist. We are of the opinion that the assessment must be comprehensive by taking into account the social, economic and legal impacts on Papuans in general.”

    A West Papuan legal researcher, who declined to be named, said that the Indonesian government misused the term “terrorism” to undermine the basic human rights of indigenous West Papuans.

    So far, the term terrorism had no precise definition and so has no legal definition, said the researcher.

    Many of the United Nations member states did not support UN resolution 3034 (XXVII) because it contained a certain degree of disconnection to other international instruments, particularly human rights laws.

    Disagreements among the states remained regarding the use of terrorism, especially the exclusion of different categories of terrorism.

    Right to self-determination
    In particular the exception of the liberation movement groups. Particularly contentious which was the affirmation in 1972 of “the inalienable right to self-determination and independence of all peoples under colonial and racist regimes and other forms of alien domination”.

    “The legitimacy of their struggle, in particular, the struggle of national liberation movements by the principles and purposes is represented in the UN charter. Therefore, designating West Papua Liberation Army as a terrorist group by the Indonesian government considered outside the category of the terrorist act,” said the researcher.

    “Any definition of terrorism must also, accommodate reasonable claims to political implications, particularly against repressive regimes such as Indonesia towards West Papuans.

    “The act of self-determination by Papuans cannot be considered terrorism at all.”

    The international community should condemn any regime that is repressive and terrorist acts by colonial, racist and alien regimes in denying peoples their legitimate right to self-determination, independence, and other human rights.

    A coherent legal definition of terrorism might help “confine the unilateral misuse” of the term by the national government such as Indonesia against TPNPB/OPM, said the researcher.

    The other side of the story was war crimes, crimes against humanity, genocide, oppression, torture and intimidation by the state.

    These elements were present in West Papua and they qualified as the act of terrorists and were therefore universally recognised as crimes against humanity and criminals, the researcher said.

    The researcher added: “The West Papua army or TPN/OPM are not terrorist groups. They are the victims of terrorism”

    This report and the translations have been compiled by an Asia Pacific Report correspondent.

    Print Friendly, PDF & Email

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Terrorist tag in West Papua could worsen racism, says rights group

    RNZ Pacific

    Human Rights Watch is urging the Indonesian government to rethink its classification of rebels in West Papua as terrorists.

    Indonesia has formally designated Papuan independence fighters as “terrorists”, in a move expected to expand the military’s role in civilian policing in Papua.

    But the NGO has warned that the new designation under counter-terrorism law could worsen racism and human rights abuses in West Papua while expanding the role of Indonesia’s military in civilian policing in the Melanesian region.

    The designation was approved last week as military operations intensified in Papua region after an Indonesian intelligence chief was killed in an ambush by West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB) guerilla fighters.

    In announcing the official’s death at a news conference in Jakarta last week, Indonesian President Joko Widodo vowed a military crackdown in Papua and declared the Liberation Army a terrorist organisation.

    Formerly, Indonesian authorities referred to the Liberation Army as an “armed criminal group” (KKB).

    A researcher with Human Rights Watch’s Indonesia office, Andreas Harsono, said the killing shocked and angered the public, the latest in a series of violent episodes in Papua that escalated since the Liberation Army was accused of killing 17 civilian road construction workers in Nduga regency in late 2018.

    Cycle of deadly violence
    Harsono said the designation of the terrorist categorisation to Papuan rebels was clearly a response to the cycle of deadly violence in Papua region.

    But he was concerned that the broad classification under counter-terrorism legislation gave security forces the power to detain suspects for longer periods without charge, as well as hundreds of days before even going to trial, increasing the risk for suspects to be abused and tortured.

    It also opens the floodgates of who could be branded as a terrorist in a region where pro-independence aspirations run deep among the indigenous population.

    “This provision could be used to authorise massive disproportionate surveillance that violates privacy rights in Papua,” Harsono warned.

    West Papua Liberation Army fighters.
    West Papua Liberation Army fighters. Image: RNZ

    He said that extending military deployment in a civillian policing context carried serious risks in Papua, in part because Indonesian soldiers typically were not trained in law enforcement.

    According to him, the military justice system has a bad track record in investigating and prosecuting human rights abuses by Indonesian soldiers.

    “The underlying problem in Papua is racism: racism against the dark skinned and curly haired people, and of course those that do most of the human rights abuses against ethnic Papuans, these dark-skinned, curly-haired people who are predominantly also Christian in Muslim-majority Indonesia are Indonesian soldiers and police officers,” he said.

    Designation unhelpful
    The designation was unhelpful in terms of efforts to resolve long-running problems in Papua, Harsono explained.

    “The Indonesian government should recognise that violating human rights in the name of counter-terrorism merely benefits armed extremists over the long term.”

    Harsono said that threat posed by the Liberation Army needed to be put in perspective.

    “According to Indonesian military estimate, they only have (around) 200 weapons. It is tiny, it is insignificant.

    “Of course they are criminal, they kill people. Of course the police should act against them.

    “But branding them as a terrorist organisation, these people who live in the forest who try to defend their forest, their culture, and their own people, mostly using bows and arrows, this is going to be ridiculous.

    “This is going to affect these indigenous people so much. This is something the Indonesian government should review as soon as possible and if they don’t, the future generations will regret what the current government is doing.”

    Indonesian soldiers and policemen near Freeport mine
    Indonesian soldiers and policemen deployed on the road to the Freeport mine in Papua province. Image: RNZ/AFP

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Indonesia’s Tank Boat launched in East Java

    A consortium of Indonesian firms led by state-owned defence company PT Pindad launched a prototype of the indigenously developed Tank Boat catamaran combat vessel in the waters off Banyuwangi, East Java, on 28 April. “It is hoped that the Tank Boat can support the Indonesian Armed Forces [TNI] in conducting patrols along Indonesia’s seas, rivers, […]

    The post Indonesia’s Tank Boat launched in East Java appeared first on Asian Military Review.

    This post was originally published on Asian Military Review.

  • Media alliance calls in Jokowi’s pledge to allow foreign journalists into Papua

    By Achmad Nasrudin Yahya in Jakarta

    The Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) is calling in a pledge made by President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo in 2015 over press freedom in Papua that has never been fulfilled over the past five years.

    AJI trade union advocacy division head Erick Tanjung said that at the beginning of Widodo’s first term in office he pledged to allow foreign and domestic journalists to freely report in Papua.

    “But the fact is that to this day this promise has never been fulfilled by President Jokowi,” he said during an event on World Press Freedom Day launching an AJI report titled The Press Freedom Situation in Indonesia in 2021.

    “So we have consistently called on the president to open access to foreign journalists to report in Papua, including domestic journalists and journalists from Papua.”

    Based on AJI’s records, between 2012 and 2015 there were at least 77 cases where journalists were prevented from carrying out their work in the Land of the Bird of Paradise, as Papua is known.

    In addition to this, AJI also recorded 74 cases of journalists having to obtain prior permission to report in Papua and 56 cases of permits being refused.

    Meanwhile, out of the scores of applications for permits to report in Papua, only 18 permits were issued.

    Six deportation cases
    “There were six cases of deportations,” said Tanjung.

    In addition to the issue of access, freedom of information in Papua also faces obstacles due to the high level of violence against journalists in Papua.

    Tanjung said that there were at least 114 cases of violence against journalists in Papua over the last 20 years or between 2000 and 2021.

    “Based on data we gathered through the AJI Papua subdivision, the number of cases of violence against journalists and the media in Papua over the last 20 years or between 2000 and 2021 was 141 cases of violence,” said Tanjung.

    Thirty-six out of these 114 cases were against journalists from Papua while 40 were against non-Papuan journalists.

    Finally, there were 38 cases of intimidation against media companies and the media in general.

    When he visited Wapeko Village in the Kurik subdistrict of Merauke regency, Papua, on Sunday, 10 May 2015, President Widodo said that foreign journalists from any country were allowed to arrive and report in all parts of Indonesia, including Papua and West Papua provinces.

    Two provinces closed
    Up until then, the two provinces were closed to foreign journalist on the grounds that conflicts and violence in Indonesia’s two eastern-most provinces was still frequent, such as actions by armed groups wanting to separate from the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI).

    “Starting today, foreign journalists are allowed to and are free to come to Papua, just the same (as they can come and report) in other parts of the country,” said Widodo.

    According to Widodo at the time, the situation in Papua and West Papua provinces was different than in the past.

    “We have to think positive and trust each other on all issues”, said the President when asked what would happen if foreign journalists began reporting more on armed groups in the highlands.

    Widodo asserted that the decision must be implemented.

    “This decision must be implemented. Enough, don’t ask negative questions about this issue any more,” said Widodo.

    Translated by James Balowski for IndoLeft News. The original title of the article was “AJI Tagih Janji Jokowi soal Akses bagi Jurnalis Asing ke Papua”.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Media alliance calls in Jokowi’s pledge to allow foreign journalists into Papua

    By Achmad Nasrudin Yahya in Jakarta

    The Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) is calling in a pledge made by President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo in 2015 over press freedom in Papua that has never been fulfilled over the past five years.

    AJI trade union advocacy division head Erick Tanjung said that at the beginning of Widodo’s first term in office he pledged to allow foreign and domestic journalists to freely report in Papua.

    “But the fact is that to this day this promise has never been fulfilled by President Jokowi,” he said during an event on World Press Freedom Day launching an AJI report titled The Press Freedom Situation in Indonesia in 2021.

    “So we have consistently called on the president to open access to foreign journalists to report in Papua, including domestic journalists and journalists from Papua.”

    Based on AJI’s records, between 2012 and 2015 there were at least 77 cases where journalists were prevented from carrying out their work in the Land of the Bird of Paradise, as Papua is known.

    In addition to this, AJI also recorded 74 cases of journalists having to obtain prior permission to report in Papua and 56 cases of permits being refused.

    Meanwhile, out of the scores of applications for permits to report in Papua, only 18 permits were issued.

    Six deportation cases
    “There were six cases of deportations,” said Tanjung.

    In addition to the issue of access, freedom of information in Papua also faces obstacles due to the high level of violence against journalists in Papua.

    Tanjung said that there were at least 114 cases of violence against journalists in Papua over the last 20 years or between 2000 and 2021.

    “Based on data we gathered through the AJI Papua subdivision, the number of cases of violence against journalists and the media in Papua over the last 20 years or between 2000 and 2021 was 141 cases of violence,” said Tanjung.

    Thirty-six out of these 114 cases were against journalists from Papua while 40 were against non-Papuan journalists.

    Finally, there were 38 cases of intimidation against media companies and the media in general.

    When he visited Wapeko Village in the Kurik subdistrict of Merauke regency, Papua, on Sunday, 10 May 2015, President Widodo said that foreign journalists from any country were allowed to arrive and report in all parts of Indonesia, including Papua and West Papua provinces.

    Two provinces closed
    Up until then, the two provinces were closed to foreign journalist on the grounds that conflicts and violence in Indonesia’s two eastern-most provinces was still frequent, such as actions by armed groups wanting to separate from the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI).

    “Starting today, foreign journalists are allowed to and are free to come to Papua, just the same (as they can come and report) in other parts of the country,” said Widodo.

    According to Widodo at the time, the situation in Papua and West Papua provinces was different than in the past.

    “We have to think positive and trust each other on all issues”, said the President when asked what would happen if foreign journalists began reporting more on armed groups in the highlands.

    Widodo asserted that the decision must be implemented.

    “This decision must be implemented. Enough, don’t ask negative questions about this issue any more,” said Widodo.

    Translated by James Balowski for IndoLeft News. The original title of the article was “AJI Tagih Janji Jokowi soal Akses bagi Jurnalis Asing ke Papua”.

    Print Friendly, PDF & Email

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • My father works for the company that sells weapons used in my partner’s homeland | Izzy Brown

    I had never imagined how horribly the company my father works for was entangled with the story of my West Papuan partner

    ​They make great trucks. That’s what my father says whenever I ask him: “What do they make? Who do they sell them to?” “Only to the good guys,”​​​​ is his standard answer, and the topic changes quickly. But what he calls “trucks”, most people call “tanks”. And ​I am always led to wonder, “What kind of ‘good guy’ drives a tank?”

    My father works for Thales, one of the richest weapons corporations in the world. Before heading up security for Thales he worked for Asio, the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation.

    Related: Global protests throw spotlight on alleged police abuses in West Papua

    If it’s true that change begins at home, I hope my father will be ready

    Related: The West Papuan independence movement – a history

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.