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Category: indonesia

  • Pacific churches condemn ‘silencing’ of Papuan voices and media blackout

    Asia Pacific Report newsdesk

    Pacific churches have condemned the media blackout in West Papua, military crackdown in parts of the territory and the silencing of dissenting voices.

    They have also criticised the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG) for “allowing Indonesia into their fold”.

    In a statement, the Suva-based Pacific Conference of Churches (PCC) said it had noted with deepening concern the humanitarian conflict in West Papua and the continued abuse of human rights perpetrated by the Indonesian security forces.

    “This situation has been worsened in particular by the silencing of dissenting voices through increased military presence and suspension of electronic communication,” it said.

    “Since 2018 with helicopter gunship attacks on the people of Nduga and followed by human rights abuse of Papuans in Intan Jaya Regency in 2019 and Tembagapura in 2020, Indonesia has increased its persecution of the indigenous people.”

    Most recently, security forces had burned homes in Puncak, “forcing an exodus of people under the guise of fighting against terrorism”.

    The council’s statement said that “terrorism” was “likely an excuse” to clear land for the “economic gain of the Indonesian elite in Jakarta and Jayapura” in the continued “cultural genocide” through displacement of Papuans.

    Indonesia ‘should be ashamed’
    “As a member of the United Nations Security Council, Indonesia should be ashamed of its actions and held to account,” said the churches.

    “Equally culpable in these events of genocide and human rights abuse are the members of the Melanesian Spearhead Group who have allowed Indonesia into their fold.”

    The PCC stood with the West Papua Council of Churches to again to call upon President Joko Widodo to order an end to human rights abuse an enter into dialogue with representatives of the Papuan people.

    “We call on the MSG to accept the nomination of the United Liberation Movement for West Papua and use its offices to begin a process of dialogue and reconciliation,” said the statement.

    “The churches do not condone the killing of Indonesian security forces or Papuans.

    “We recognise that without free and open discussions, this conflict of more than 60 years will not end.

    “Today [May 20] as we mark the 19th anniversary of East Timor’s acceptance into the United Nations family, we appeal to the United Nations to treat the matter of West Papua with extreme urgency.”

     

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Why politics matters: an insight from Indonesia’s flood management

    Hydrometeorological hazards have outnumbered hazardous geophysical events such as earthquakes in the last two decades. While geophysical disasters have resulted in more deaths in Indonesia, hydrometeorological disasters have affected more people through injury, displacement, and property damage. Flooding is the most significant hydrometeorological hazard in Indonesia because it occurs more often, affects more people and cause massive and expensive damage. Patronage politics, like those predominant in South Kalimantan, are a crucial factor exacerbating climate disasters, and governments rely heavily on inadequate technological solutions to mitigate floods.

    Managing flood hazards has become a focus of the disaster management agenda under Jokowi’s administration. While serving as the governor of Jakarta, Jokowi faced complex flood problems in Jakarta, specifically in 2013 and 2014. When contesting the 2014 presidential election, Jokowi placed floods, especially those in Jakarta, as an important political campaign issue, stating that it would be easier for him to cope with the Jakarta floods if he was entrusted as a president.

    South Kalimantan has two main geographic features, the lowlands and the highlands. Lowland areas are covered mainly by peatlands, swamps, and large river basins. The highlands are a plateau and natural tropical forest. South Kalimantan has many rivers, the biggest is the Barito River. South Kalimantan is also well-known for its wealth of natural resources, as seen from the numerous mining operations in the regions. The province is the third-largest coal mining area in Indonesia. In the last decade, South Kalimantan has also become one of Indonesia’s largest palm oil plantation areas.

    To mitigate flooding in South Kalimantan, the provincial government plans to build more reservoirs and dams. This solution is not surprising. Heavy reliance on infrastructure intervention to respond to South Kalimantan flooding is the dominant feature of Indonesian flood management. This strategy has been adopted in many cities and regions throughout the archipelago. Since the start of his tenure, President Jokowi has focused on managing flood hazards by stipulating flood management policies that rely on large-scale technical interventions such as giant sea dykes, dams, reservoirs, polders, canals, water tunnels, and river normalisation. Normalisation is achieved by installing infrastructure that cleans the river and removes obstructions.

    However, technical intervention should not be the only game in town. The predominant approach not only potentially overlooks social factors but also actively obscures the political dimension of Indonesia flood management. Dependence on large scale technical intervention is insufficient to confront the inevitable danger inherent in the destructive impact of climate change. The intensity of flooding will increase in the future. Adaptation strategies must also emphasise long-term structural prevention. Without any intervention on the established political structure, it will be difficult to develop effective prevention. The characteristics of local politics seem disconnected from the dynamics of flood management policies, but are decisive for the outcomes. Flood management is likely to be less successful in a region with strong clientelist politics, a high prevalence of corruption, and weak civil society and political opposition. These situations mean Indonesian people in an urban setting or rural context remain vulnerable to flood hazards in the long term.

    The case of South Kalimantan province reflects the linkage between politics and flooding. Predatory political-economy elites caused massive environmental damage and undermine spatial sustainability. The land-use change along the Barito River Watershed transformed the green zones and water catchment areas into extractive industries. When extreme rainfall occurs, the Barito River is incapable of accommodating the water overflow and exposes people to flood hazards.

    Related

    Floods and forced evictions in Jakarta

    People, politics and planning collide in riverside slum Kampung Pulo.

    Roanne van Voorst & Rita Padawangi 21 August, 2015

    Environment and civil society activists in South Kalimantan claim that massive expansion of mining and oil palm plantations have contributed to the flooding. Based on satellite imagery data, The National Institute of Aeronautics and Space of Indonesia indicated that around the Barito River Basin forest areas have decreased by over one hundred thousand acres, while plantation areas have increased to over two hundred thousand acres. Merah Johansyah, coordinator of Jaringan Advokasi Tambang (JATAM – Mining Advocacy Network), proposed that of the 3.7 million acres of the total forest area in South Kalimantan, 1.2 million ( 33%) belongs to mining companies,  and 620,000 acres (17%) are owned by oil palm plantation companies. This means half of the forest area in South Kalimantan has recently been exploited by mining and plantation industries. Many mining licenses violate regional spatial planning purposes.

    Local academic, Uhaib As’ad, has spent most of his scholarly career observing politico-business linkages in South Kalimantan. He found that the mining bosses funded candidates in numerous local elections. In an article with Edward Aspinall, they argued that the center of gravity of South Kalimantan is resource rent-seeking that involves bureaucrats, politicians, security officials, and others who seek access to mining permits, official revenues, and illicit payments. This patronage network means coal mining bosses can grasp privileged influence on the incumbent administration, especially in regard to coal mining licenses and concessions. These lucrative practices have flourished since the early decentralisation era in the 2000s. Some institutional initiatives have improved natural resource exploitation, but the damage has been done for environmental sustainability. For instance, the provincial government has issued post-mining land rehabilitation and mining transportation regulations to avoid more destructive effects on the environment. However, illicit payments to government officials made it difficult to enforce the regulations.

    One of the worst-hit flood spots is in Tanah Laut District. At the same time, Tanah Laut is the third-largest coal producer district in South Kalimantan. Aspinall and As’ad argued that Adriansyah, a former head of district from 2003 to 2013, was a typical patronage politician who controlled  oil palm plantation and mining licenses. He was arrested by the KPK (Corruption Eradication Commission) in 2015 for receiving bribes from a businessman in exchange for a mining license. Adriansyah was locally regarded as a populist leader with popular policies in agriculture development, rural infrastructure, and assistance for farmers’ groups. This kind of political environment makes it difficult for strong civil society opposition to consistently demand government accountability.

    The Indonesian approach to flood management and climate adaptation should not neglect political factors. Large scale technical interventions are important to provide flood protection. However, we need transformative change to deal with the imminent threat of climate change. This agenda is a political choice. Public scrutiny of spatial planning is equally, or perhaps more important than interventionist infrastructure in the long term. The South Kalimantan case offers insights into how lucrative politico-business linkages make people vulnerable to climate hazards. Floods occur because of extreme weather events, but they turn into disasters if and when people and communities are left vulnerable. This makes disaster an inherently political concept as shifts in vulnerability and inequality are always (also) the consequence of political structures, decisions and policies. Floods are physical occurrences but their form, magnitude, location, and effect on people are the outcome of past and present political processes. It is time to bring politics to the centre of analysis in disaster management in Indonesia.

    The post Why politics matters: an insight from Indonesia’s flood management appeared first on New Mandala.

    This post was originally published on New Mandala.

  • Higher Caliber

    Western manufacturers are now seeing increasingly successful small arms designs emerging from Asia. The weapon carried by every soldier not only impacts on their effectiveness in combat but also makes a statement becoming a part of the overall identity of a country’s military. The selection of that weapon can also be a matter of national […]

    The post Higher Caliber appeared first on Asian Military Review.

    This post was originally published on Asian Military Review.

  • Indonesian gig workers: the quest for labour-protection

    Not so long after a viral tweet by an underpaid freelance teacher at Ruangguru, drew attention to the education-based technology company’s exploitation of interns, Indonesia saw strikes and massive protests from couriers for Shopee,  a leading e-commerce start-up in South East Asia. Ironically, amidst mainstream media attention to the resilience of the country’s logistics sector during the pandemic, its unsung heroes have to pour on the street demanding better pay.

    Freelance teachers, door-to-door couriers and ride-hailing drivers, regardless of their educational background, are part of a precariat workforce who have had their social privilege rampantly stripped away. They are kicked into a basket of talent-pools whose livelihoods are on-demand.

    The gig-worker caste is even arguably lower than the blue-collar workers whose labour-related security is protected by the No.13, 2003. They have almost no  labour-related guarantees, whether employment security, income or social protection, leaving them in precarious conditions.

    Their social security does not come freely as part of their rights. Instead, it is a product which depends on the willingness of the workers to pay. No wonder protests have emerged.

    Shopee couriers joined their ride-hailing counterparts who have long demanded better livelihoods through street rallies and social media protests. Ride-hailing drivers firstly raised their voices to question the value creation of digital companies. To understand the logic behind newly digital start-ups, we need to  view their origins.

    Based on underlying infrastructure

    The precarious labour market has long been a part of Indonesia’s informal economy. This untapped market attracted digital companies and their venture capital to leverage value. This phenomenon is even more tangible in emerging markets in countries where the market infrastructure (i.e. regulation) has not been fully developed, leaving loopholes for companies to exploit.

    Since the innovation bred by technology companies relies on the underlying market infrastructure of the informal economy, it is also built among the infrastructure’s persistent issues. The underpaid teacher of RuangGuru perfectly reflects the poor welfare of contractual teachers in Indonesia. A survey from the Indonesian Teacher Federation Union (FSGI) found there are still honorary teachers who live on IDR 300.000/month (USD 20), not to mention the irregular schedule of payment.

    Predatory pricing of ride-hailing platforms reflects the free market of conventional motorcycle taxis (ojek). The fare of conventional ojek has never been regulated ever since its inception in the 1960s, leaving the price up to drivers’ monopolies. Ride-hailing companies such as Gojek, Grab, and Uber benefit from this free market by offering extremely low prices compared to conventional ojek services, overwhelming competitors and eventually creating a duopoly of digital platforms, Gojek and Grab. No wonder the tariff war between Gojek and Grab could push prices as low as IDR 1.500/km (USD 0.1/km) before the government stepped in to regulate the price after  a series of massive protests by drivers.

    The poor working conditions of Shopee couriers represents the Logistic Performance Index (LPI) of emerging market countries whose scores are lower than developed market countries. 2018 data from the World Bank shows that Indonesia’s LPI score was 3.67, similar to Vietnam: better than India at 3.50 but lower than Thailand and much lower than Germany (4.39) or Japan (4.25).

    Instead of fixing structural barriers in the logistic sector,  efficiency is forged at the expense of workers’ wages. Consequently, strikes are unavoidable in emerging markets. Vietnam too experienced street rallies by delivery couriers from two logistic platforms, Now and Grab, in late 2020. Recently India faced protests from Amazon’s riders due to tariff cuts.

    Related

    Mapping ride-hailing app driver strikes in Vietnam

    These actions by app-based drivers indicate an informal but sophisticated level of workers’ self-organisation.

    Joe Buckley 16 December, 2020

    Winning over consumers

    The classic proverb “the customer is king” remains correct. The long struggle of Indonesian gig workers has been contested by platforms supported by venture capital giants. The protestors’ ultimate goal is to have the state step in to provide legal standing, social protection, and regulation of the long-abandoned informal economy. The long-tail economy characteristic of digital platforms will always search for opportunities to expand its reach. No wonder Gojek has evolved from merely a ride-hailing app to a super app platform, or that Shopee has initiated their own delivery fleet.

    However, waiting for the state to react and regulate will surely take time due to inflexible and rigid bureaucracy. This is even more challenging under the newly legislated pro-investor “Job Creation Law” in Indonesia. For labour activists, grabbing customers’ attention may be a quick win to pave the way to the ultimate goal.

    In this prosumer era, consumer preference is key for a businesses to thrive. The flexible market doesn’t only bring advantages to producers but also consumers. Almost two decades ago people were satisfied with a brick-sized monochrome Nokia not because they loved its design or its snake game, but merely because they were out of options. Nowadays, it is easy to turn away from Ruangguru or Shopee due to the lack of their services compared to their competitors, or because of their treatment of workers.

    Conscious consumers should  identify company behaviours and force change should business practices be unfair or harmful. Gig workers should maximize all channels, especially through social media, to have their demands recognised by customers. The struggle will not be easy, since it will be challenged through both market and non-market approaches by digital platforms. Shopee, for instance, plays the promotional card to influence consumer behaviours, while Ruangguru gives away trending products.

    The non-market approach is particularly widely adopted by ride-hailing platforms who write up stories of their comparative advantage as an inclusive economy, such as by incorporating women and disabled people who are normally marginalized in the production sector. With all due respect to the positive efforts at job creation and inclusivity upheld by digital companies, the precarious working condition surrounding this business should not be swept under a pretty rug of public relation campaigns.

    Demanding action from the state

    Increasing number of so-called partners comprised by gig workers of digital company businesses is undeniably good for government to increase the job creation. The job creation benefit, nonetheless, must be accompanied by strong support of the state to ensure a win-win solution between the government, companies, and digital gig-workers. Failing to do so will lead to unequal distribution of rewards of the digital economy’s value creation.

    The first intervention needed is in the aspect of legal standing . Blurry definitions of work and contractual agreements between digital platforms and partners will create long-term harm should if not regulated by the government. If the platforms’ workers are categorized as independent contractors, the unilateral concept of platform’s terms of service, which normally conceal unequal clauses for partners, will be the sole base of the employment agreement. As a solution, enacting a collection of rights relating to platform-specific tools by legislation or collective bargaining is strongly recommended. California Assembly Bill 5 (AB5) in the US is an example of this.

    AB5 obligates digital platforms to classify their partners as an employee, not a contractor, unless the following conditions are met: (A) the individual is free from direction and control applicable both under the contract for the performance of service and in fact; (B) the service is performed outside the usual course of business of the employer; and (C) the individual is customarily engaged in an independently established trade, occupation, profession, or business of the same nature as that involved in the service performed. In Indonesia, government may explore possibility to amend the Indonesian Labour Law or issue ministry-level regulation to enforce this term. Classifying all partners as employee will for instance, enable access to social benefits for Indonesian digital economy workers, as the law guarantees this.

    The second urgency for long-term solution is introducing a social insurance scheme for gig workers. The scheme must be redistributive in nature and a government subsidy is desperately needed. Informal and gig economy workers lack the financial resources to set up private accounts to cover health, unemployment benefits, and their pensions. Strengthening the ongoing social safety net programs of the government, such as universal healthcare (BPJS Kesehatan) and pre-employment cards (kartu prakerja) for unemployment benefits, is essential to cover any gaps should businesses be unable to contribute. Recognizing the gig-workers’ struggle through consumer awareness and state support are indeed as-yet-unattained goals, still sought by all Indonesian gig-workers.

    The post Indonesian gig workers: the quest for labour-protection appeared first on New Mandala.

    This post was originally published on New Mandala.

  • Art and artists in society in Indonesia: future tense

    Art and artists have long held an important position in Indonesian society—in politics, in movements for social and environmental justice, community development, education, commercial design and contemporary life. After two decades of enormous social change on global and local scales, what role will art and artists play in Indonesia’s future?

    On 11 March, The Australian National University (ANU) Indonesia Institute presented a webinar addressing this question across diverse fields including curatorship, art history, ‘artivism’, experimental and research-based art, regional development and education. The webinar will also contribute to an edited volume on Indonesian art, under review with ANU Press.

    The panel and audience responded to the following themes:

    • Curatorial practice and its contribution to intellectual debate on the national and international stage now and in the future.
    • Art history/historiography and its contribution to understandings of art’s role broader Indonesian history: present and future challenges.
    • Artistic and curatorial practice outside of the major centres: recent developments and future challenge
    • Interdisciplinary collaboration in experimental and research-based art: recent developments and future challenges.
    • Pedagogy and politics in artistic practice: new directions within old discourses.

    The panel featured Anissa Rahadiningtyas (PhD Candidate, Cornell University), Arham Rahman (curator and artistic director), I Made Bayak (artist), Alia Swastika (Director, Yogyakarta Biennale Foundation) and Karina Roosvita (Artist and researcher).

    The post Art and artists in society in Indonesia: future tense appeared first on New Mandala.

    This post was originally published on New Mandala.

  • Arrest of Papuan activist Victor Yeimo reported to UN rights commission

    Asia Pacific Report newsdesk

    Human rights lawyer and Papua advocate Veronica Koman has formally reported the arrest of West Papua National Committee (KNPB) spokesperson Victor Yeimo to the United Nations Human Rights Commission.

    The report was made by the UK based human rights organisation TAPOL with Koman as Yeimo’s lawyer.

    “An urgent call in the name of West Papua pro-independence leader Victor Yeimo has been sent by the human rights organisation TAPOL and lawyer Veronica Koman through the Special Procedures mechanism of the UN Human Rights Commission,” said a TAPOL media release.

    Koman, as Yeimo’s lawyer, said that there were indications that Papua regional police chief Inspector General Mathius Fakhiri would include additional charges against Yeimo.

    “Papua regional police chief Mathius Fakhiri has indicated to the police that additional charges may perhaps be laid against Victor Yeimo so that he grows old in jail,” said Koman.

    Based on this claim, TAPOL and Koman will be communicating with the UN over developments in Yeimo’s case.

    “Because of this, we will be in close communication with UN officials in order to inform them of each and every development including if there is additional questioning or bad treatment,” she said.

    Papua riots role ‘suspected’
    Earlier, Nemangkawi Task Force head Senior Commissioner Iqbal Alqudusy had confirmed that Yeimo was arrested on May 9.

    According to Alqudusy, Yeimo was included on the wanted persons list (DPO) in 2019 on suspicion of committing makar (treason, subversion, rebellion) and broadcasting a report or releasing information which could give rise to public unrest.

    Yeimo has been declared a suspect for being the actor behind the 2019 riots in Papua based on witness testimony which cited him as the leader of a demonstration where he spoke about Papuan independence and allegedly incited the public to damage public facilities.

    Translated by James Balowski for IndoLeft News. The original title of the article was “Penangkapan Victor Yeimo Dilaporkan ke Dewan HAM PBB”.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Indonesia pressures PNG over militant video by West Papuan supporters

    By Gorethy Kenneth in Port Moresby

    Indonesia is pressuring Papua New Guinea over an illegal group East Sepik claiming to form an army unit to help West Papuan pro-independence rebels fighting against Indonesian forces across the border.

    Calling such armed groups as “terrorists”, Indonesia’s Ambassador to PNG, Andriana Supandy, said his country respected the sovereignty of its neighbour, PNG, and called on the PNG authorities to act over the threat.

    A video of a group dressed in military fatigues and brandishing automatic rifles has gone viral on social media, prompting the Indonesian response.

    The men in the video, speaking in PNG “tok pisin”, claim to be from East Sepik. They say they stand with the West Papuan rebels and are ready to cross the border to support the West Papuan cause for independence.

    Supandy said the Indonesian Embassy had been informed that PNG government officials were in Wewak to investigate the viral video on the social media post.

    “The Indonesian government honour[s] the PNG government as a sovereign nation and leave the response to the alleged militants to the relevant authorities in PNG,” Supandy said.

    “Both governments have the same understanding about the challenge and opportunity in managing the formal relations through the spirit of friendship and mutual respect.”

    Gratitude over safety
    Supandy said that despite the video causing uneasiness, the Indonesian Embassy would like to convey its gratitude to the government and the people of PNG for “ensuring the safety and wellbeing of Indonesians” working and living in PNG.

    The embassy said the Indonesian government and people were reciprocating the gesture for PNG citizens living in Indonesia.

    Supandy said the video of a vigilante group would not affect the strong relations between Indonesia and PNG.

    “These armed groups in Papua and West Papua have resorted to acts, methods and practices of terrorism aiming at destruction of human rights, fundamental freedoms and democracy while also threatening the territorial integrity and security of the Republic of Indonesia,” he claimed.

    Right to ‘reliable information’
    Supandy said Papua New Guineans had the right to “reliable information” relating to this issue.

    He said Indonesia was committed to taking measures aimed at “addressing the root causes” of the situation in Papua and West Papua provinces.

    He said in this context, Indonesia advocated humane, prosperous and inclusive development approach, including:

    • Respecting the basic rights of the people in Papua and West Papua provinces;
    • Establishment of good governance in Papua; and
    • Opportunities for Papuans to shape and direct local development strategies and regional policies.

    SBS News reporting on the West Papua conflict.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • The Jakarta Method Never Ended

    Prepare to read Vincent Bevins’s The Jakarta Method in one sitting because it’s impossible to put down. The book is a summation of the US government assisting the Indonesian military in killing approximately one million civilians from October 1965 through March 1966.

    While the Vietnam War got most of the headlines, in Indonesia the world’s third largest communist party was winning hearts, minds and elections — much to the alarm of the United States. After years of cultivating and training the Indonesian military the US decided it was time for the Indonesian working class to put away childish things like land reform and resource nationalization. The two-million strong (but fatefully unarmed) Indonesian communist party, the PKI, had to be exterminated “down to the roots.”

    The mass murder starts on October 7 on Sumatra with a fanatical anticommunist commander named Ishak Djuarsa who trained at Fort Leavenworth. The police and military arrest leftists and their sympathizers en masse. Trusting peasants and factory workers turn themselves in for what they think is routine questioning and are never heard from again. For mass murder to spread so quickly it’s necessary for ethnic and religious fault lines to be exploited and “ordinary” citizens to directly participate in the killings, often under the threat of being killed themselves.

    Most of the killings were summary executions done with knives, swords, machetes, sickles and spears. The flow of small rivers and streams was disrupted by too many dead bodies. Rape, torture, gendered violence, castration and dismembering alive swept across the 17,000 island archipelago from Banda Aceh to Papua. The US provided arms, training, communication equipment and lists of thousands of real and alleged leftists to be killed. US-owned plantations furnished lists of “troublesome” employees. US officials repeatedly sent cables to the leader of the butchery, General Suharto, to kill the leftists faster.

    The Indonesian military “pioneers” “disappearing” people and, before 1966 ends, this will be a tactic of state terror in Guatemala. Soon right-wingers are scrawling “Jakarta is coming!” on walls throughout Latin America. 1968 brings the Phoenix Program (50,000 killed) in Vietnam and in the 1970s Chile adds the new twist of extra-territorial assassination in Operation Condor. The 1980s bring the Nicaraguan contras (50,000 killed) and Salvadorian death squads (75,000 killed.)

    The “Salvador option” migrates to Iraq in 2004 with the US creation of the Wolf Brigade death squad, overseen by some of the same villains in the Central American bloodshed: James Steele, John Negroponte and Elliott Abrams. The Obama-backed 2009 Honduran coup catapults that nation into the number spot in the world for the killing of labor leaders, land reformers and journalists. As I write this the police and paramilitaries of US client narco-state Colombia are gunning down unarmed protesters in the streets of Cali.

    It was one big capitalist party as US media and nearly all politicians cheered on the deaths of “communists” (union organizers, teachers, journalists, students, land reformers) and, after the peace of the dead was established, US oil companies flocked into Indonesia. “Communism” (i.e., the working class majority helping itself) had been “turned back” in the fourth most populous nation on earth. Capitalism’s bloodthirsty media soldiers, like “liberal” New York Times columnist James Reston, called the slaughter “A Gleam of Light in Asia.”

    Besides the million Indonesians murdered, another million were sent without charge or trial to prison camps for decades. Unlike truth and reconciliation commissions established in other countries following government atrocities, every Indonesian government since 1965 has been proud of the slaughter. Westerners party today on Bali beaches where 56 years ago massacres of 80,000 Balinese took place and bones and skulls still wash up. To give a flavor for the madness of the Indonesian ruling class since 1965 — which included killing 300,000 people in East Timor between 1975 and 1999 — it’s best to just quote Bevins:

    Much worse things happened than this to the families of communists and accused communists. In Indonesia, being communist marks you for life as evil, and in many cases, this is seen as something that passes down to your offspring, as if it were a genetic deformity. Children of accused communists were tortured and killed. Some women were prosecuted simply for setting up an orphanage for the children of communist victims.

    In January 1966 Robert F. Kennedy became the only prominent US politician to speak out against Suharto’s carnage. With the Kennedys, though, we always get a dose of historical whiplash as, earlier in the book, RFK and JFK debate sending in marines to overthrow the government of the Dominican Republic. They veto this as too obvious but Bobby helpfully suggests blowing up the US consulate themselves as a pretext to invade. (According to Ron Ridenour’s Russian Peace Threat, Robert Falseflag Kennedy also suggested a similar “Remember the Maine” incident to justify directly attacking Cuba during the missile crisis.)

    Early in the book there are a couple revealing anecdotes about Chinese leaders trying to talk sense into Indonesia’s charismatic but overconfident President Sukarno.

    Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai tells Sukarno that he should have his own armed working class militia apart from the military: “The militarized masses are invincible.” Che told Guatemalan leftists the same thing in 1954 but neither Sukarno nor Arbenz did this and their working classes paid dearly. (Decades later Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez creates the armed Bolivarian Militia of 3.3 million men and women, probably staving off a direct US invasion.)

    Chairman Mao also warns Sukarno that he’s too complacent about the Indonesian military. Mao remains the only leader in history to overthrow his own government and Bevins posits that the bloodbath in Indonesia was a partial impetus for the 1966 Cultural Revolution to purge any bourgeois elements.

    In another early chapter, Richard Nixon admits in private that communists and socialists improve people’s lives and will win elections — if the US lets elections be held. Nixon said this in 1955 about Indonesia and again in 1970 about Allende’s Chile. Over and over, it’s the “good example” of different economic systems that the insecure US ruling class fanatically seeks to crush. The US system has never been able to “compete” without bombs, bribery, brainwashing, blackmail and bullets.

    And you know what? It all worked — just like the FBI exterminating the black left “worked” in the 1960s and 1970s. Today, everywhere, whether Indonesia or the United States, we see the triumph of capitalism: staggering wealth inequality, environmental devastation, endless wars, police impunity, masses ground down to subsistence, homeless people under every bridge, tens of millions afraid that an illness or injury will bankrupt them, indebted, pauperized, surveilled and censored.

    In Youtube interviews Bevins, currently a reporter for the Washington Post, wonders if we’ll look back on the present and see other ignored atrocities. Considering that the Washington Post supported the US destruction of Iraq, Libya and Syria, the decades-long and ongoing hammering of Cuba, Iran and Palestine, and the scrupulous ignoring of six million people killed in the Congo by US-ally Rwanda — I’d say we don’t have to wonder.

    What I’m wondering is when Bevins is going to write a story in the Washington Post about the illegal unconstitutional dirty war the US is currently waging on Syria, the illegal occupation of one third of Syria, the US theft of Syria’s oil and wheat, the US sanctions which only punish the Syrian working class, the US/UK domination and corruption of the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons, the US military’s care and feeding of takfiri fanatics and US Congressional complicity in war crimes. Maybe 50 years from now it will be “safe” to tell Syria truths.

    The post The Jakarta Method Never Ended first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • HRW demands police drop treason charges against Papuan activist Yeimo

    Asia Pacific Report newsdesk

    Human Rights Watch (HRW) is calling on the Indonesian police to drop politically motivated treason charges against West Papua National Committee (KNPB) spokesperson Victor Yeimo.

    Yeimo was arrested for calling for an independence referendum for Papua which he expressed in 2019 during the anti-racism protests and riots in Papua and West Papua province.

    Human Rights Watch said that the Indonesian government had discriminated against indigenous Melanesians in Papua and West Papua for decades.

    President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo is being asked to publicly direct security forces involved in operations in Papua to act in accordance with international law to be held to account for violence there.

    “Indonesian police should investigate the deadly violence and arson attacks in Papua in 2019 but not use that as a pretext to crack down on peaceful activists,” said HRW Asia director Brad Adams in a statement.

    In August 2019, Papuans held protests in at least 30 cities across Indonesia in response to a racist attack against Papuans at a student dormitory in the East Java provincial capital of Surabaya.

    Videos show soldiers shouting words such as “monkeys” at the students. Police also fired teargas into the dormitory and arrested scores of students.

    Triggered riots
    The polemic over this triggered riots in the form of attacks, looting and the torching of public facilities in Jayapura, Manokwari, Sorong and Wamena.

    In the aftermath of this, HRW noted that at least 43 protest Papuan protest leaders and KNPB activists were charged with treason and sentenced despite the fact that they were not involved in violence.

    HRW said that it takes no position on Papuan claims to self-determination, but supports everyone’s right, including independence supporters, to express their political views peacefully without fear of arrest or other forms of reprisal.

    “The Indonesian authorities should ensure that all security force operations in Papua are carried out in accordance with the law and that peaceful activists and other civilians are not targeted,” added Adams.

    Separately, lawyers from the Coalition for Upholding the Law and Human Rights in Papua said that Yeimo’s arrest on Saturday, May 9, was not in accordance with arrest procedures under Law Number 8/1981 on the Criminal Procedural Code.

    This is because the arrest was made on that day while the warrant was received by Coalition lawyers more than a week later on May 19 at 6 pm at the Mobile Brigade Command Headquarters (Mako Brimob) investigators office in Kotaraja, Abepura, Jayapura.

    “The coalition could not assist or directly accompany Victor F. Yeimo yet he is not just being charged under Article 106 of the Criminal Code (KUHP) or the articles on makar [treason, subversion, rebellion] but he is also charged under Article 170 Paragraph (1) of the KUHP where in the process lawyers can sit alongside their client,” said the Coalition’s litigation coordinator Emanuel Gobay.

    Prevented from helping
    Gobay also stated that they were prevented from assisting Yeimo because they were unable to directly accompany him. Yeimo was then transferred from the Papua regional police to the Mako Brimob without the Coalition’s knowledge.

    At the Mako Brimob, meanwhile, Yeimo is said to have been placed in a cell far away from any sources of fresh air and is said to have asked prison guards to move him to a more comfortable cell.

    Furthermore, Gobay revealed that his client also asked police why only he had been arrested if the pretext for the arrest was because he gave a speech during an anti-racism protest on August 19, 2019.

    “Many other people also gave speeches (during the action) such as women figures, religious figures, youth figures and so forth. Aside from this [the action] was also attuned by the Papuan provincial governor, the speaker of the MPR [Papua People’s Council], members of the DPRP [Papuan Regional House of Representatives], several SKPD [Regional Administrative Work Unit] members as well as OAP [indigenous Papuans] and non-OAP. But why am I the only one that has been arrested and charged while the others haven’t,” said Yeimo as conveyed by Gobay.

    Yeimo was a fugitive from the law who had been on the police wanted persons list (DPO) since 2019.

    He is alleged to have committed crimes against state security and makar and or broadcasting reports or issued statements which could give rise to public unrest and or broadcasting news which is unreliable or news which is excessive or incomplete.

    He is also alleged to have insulted the Indonesian national flag, language and state symbols as well as the national anthem and or incitement to commit a crime.

    Koman named as lawyer
    In London, Pelagio Doutel of the Indonesian human rights advocacy group TAPOL said UN rapporteurs should call for Yeimo’s immediate and unconditional release.

    An urgent appeal on behalf of Yeimo has been submitted by TAPOL and lawyer Veronica Koman to the UN Special Procedures mechanisms of the Human Rights Council.

    Yeimo had been living in exile in Papua New Guinea since the crackdown against the so-called Papuan Uprising and had recently returned to his homeland.

    “Lawyers have been prevented from accompanying Mr Yeimo during interrogations,” said Pelagio Doutel.

    “No family member or anyone else has been able to pay him a visit. He is practically in solitary confinement and currently arbitrarily detained at the Police’s Mobile Brigade Headquarters (Mako Brimob) in Abepura. He was moved there without prior notice to his lawyers.”

    Veronica Koman reported that “Papua’s police chief Mathius Fakhiri has publicly indicated that extra charges will likely be put against Victor Yeimo until he ‘gets old’ in prison.

    ‘History of torture’
    “Victor Yeimo has a history of being subjected to torture. Therefore we will be in close communication with UN officials to update them on developments including additional interrogation and maltreatment.”

    To support his lawyers on the ground, Yeimo has appointed Koman as his international lawyer.

    Veronica Koman is the international advocacy coordinator of the Jayapura-based Association of Human Rights Lawyers for Papua (PAHAM Papua).

    Translated by James Balowski for IndoLeft News. The original title of the article was “HRW Minta Polisi Cabut Tuduhan Makar Jubir KNPB Victor Yeimo”. The Human Rights Watch statement in English is here.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • HRW demands police drop treason charges against Papuan activist Yeimo

    Asia Pacific Report newsdesk

    Human Rights Watch (HRW) is calling on the Indonesian police to drop politically motivated treason charges against West Papua National Committee (KNPB) spokesperson Victor Yeimo.

    Yeimo was arrested for calling for an independence referendum for Papua which he expressed in 2019 during the anti-racism protests and riots in Papua and West Papua province.

    Human Rights Watch said that the Indonesian government had discriminated against indigenous Melanesians in Papua and West Papua for decades.

    President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo is being asked to publicly direct security forces involved in operations in Papua to act in accordance with international law to be held to account for violence there.

    “Indonesian police should investigate the deadly violence and arson attacks in Papua in 2019 but not use that as a pretext to crack down on peaceful activists,” said HRW Asia director Brad Adams in a statement.

    In August 2019, Papuans held protests in at least 30 cities across Indonesia in response to a racist attack against Papuans at a student dormitory in the East Java provincial capital of Surabaya.

    Videos show soldiers shouting words such as “monkeys” at the students. Police also fired teargas into the dormitory and arrested scores of students.

    Triggered riots
    The polemic over this triggered riots in the form of attacks, looting and the torching of public facilities in Jayapura, Manokwari, Sorong and Wamena.

    In the aftermath of this, HRW noted that at least 43 protest Papuan protest leaders and KNPB activists were charged with treason and sentenced despite the fact that they were not involved in violence.

    HRW said that it takes no position on Papuan claims to self-determination, but supports everyone’s right, including independence supporters, to express their political views peacefully without fear of arrest or other forms of reprisal.

    “The Indonesian authorities should ensure that all security force operations in Papua are carried out in accordance with the law and that peaceful activists and other civilians are not targeted,” added Adams.

    Separately, lawyers from the Coalition for Upholding the Law and Human Rights in Papua said that Yeimo’s arrest on Saturday, May 9, was not in accordance with arrest procedures under Law Number 8/1981 on the Criminal Procedural Code.

    This is because the arrest was made on that day while the warrant was received by Coalition lawyers more than a week later on May 19 at 6 pm at the Mobile Brigade Command Headquarters (Mako Brimob) investigators office in Kotaraja, Abepura, Jayapura.

    “The coalition could not assist or directly accompany Victor F. Yeimo yet he is not just being charged under Article 106 of the Criminal Code (KUHP) or the articles on makar [treason, subversion, rebellion] but he is also charged under Article 170 Paragraph (1) of the KUHP where in the process lawyers can sit alongside their client,” said the Coalition’s litigation coordinator Emanuel Gobay.

    Prevented from helping
    Gobay also stated that they were prevented from assisting Yeimo because they were unable to directly accompany him. Yeimo was then transferred from the Papua regional police to the Mako Brimob without the Coalition’s knowledge.

    At the Mako Brimob, meanwhile, Yeimo is said to have been placed in a cell far away from any sources of fresh air and is said to have asked prison guards to move him to a more comfortable cell.

    Furthermore, Gobay revealed that his client also asked police why only he had been arrested if the pretext for the arrest was because he gave a speech during an anti-racism protest on August 19, 2019.

    “Many other people also gave speeches (during the action) such as women figures, religious figures, youth figures and so forth. Aside from this [the action] was also attuned by the Papuan provincial governor, the speaker of the MPR [Papua People’s Council], members of the DPRP [Papuan Regional House of Representatives], several SKPD [Regional Administrative Work Unit] members as well as OAP [indigenous Papuans] and non-OAP. But why am I the only one that has been arrested and charged while the others haven’t,” said Yeimo as conveyed by Gobay.

    Yeimo was a fugitive from the law who had been on the police wanted persons list (DPO) since 2019.

    He is alleged to have committed crimes against state security and makar and or broadcasting reports or issued statements which could give rise to public unrest and or broadcasting news which is unreliable or news which is excessive or incomplete.

    He is also alleged to have insulted the Indonesian national flag, language and state symbols as well as the national anthem and or incitement to commit a crime.

    Koman named as lawyer
    In London, Pelagio Doutel of the Indonesian human rights advocacy group TAPOL said UN rapporteurs should call for Yeimo’s immediate and unconditional release.

    An urgent appeal on behalf of Yeimo has been submitted by TAPOL and lawyer Veronica Koman to the UN Special Procedures mechanisms of the Human Rights Council.

    Yeimo had been living in exile in Papua New Guinea since the crackdown against the so-called Papuan Uprising and had recently returned to his homeland.

    “Lawyers have been prevented from accompanying Mr Yeimo during interrogations,” said Pelagio Doutel.

    “No family member or anyone else has been able to pay him a visit. He is practically in solitary confinement and currently arbitrarily detained at the Police’s Mobile Brigade Headquarters (Mako Brimob) in Abepura. He was moved there without prior notice to his lawyers.”

    Veronica Koman reported that “Papua’s police chief Mathius Fakhiri has publicly indicated that extra charges will likely be put against Victor Yeimo until he ‘gets old’ in prison.

    ‘History of torture’
    “Victor Yeimo has a history of being subjected to torture. Therefore we will be in close communication with UN officials to update them on developments including additional interrogation and maltreatment.”

    To support his lawyers on the ground, Yeimo has appointed Koman as his international lawyer.

    Veronica Koman is the international advocacy coordinator of the Jayapura-based Association of Human Rights Lawyers for Papua (PAHAM Papua).

    Translated by James Balowski for IndoLeft News. The original title of the article was “HRW Minta Polisi Cabut Tuduhan Makar Jubir KNPB Victor Yeimo”. The Human Rights Watch statement in English is here.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • More Bang for Your Buck

    Most Asian nations that operate fleets of legacy fighter aircraft continue to procure upgrade packages to increase capability and the extend service life of their jets. Around the Indo-Pacific, numerous upgrade programmes for American, European and Russian types are underway. One of the biggest fleets of fighter aircraft currently operated by an Asian nation resides […]

    The post More Bang for Your Buck appeared first on Asian Military Review.

    This post was originally published on Asian Military Review.

  • Indonesia condemns Israeli attack on Al Aqsa mosque – call for strong NZ stand

    Asia Pacific Report newsdesk

    Indonesian President Joko Widodo has condemned the Israeli police violence against Palestinians at the Al-Aqsa Mosque in the holy city of Jerusalem, reports Anadolu News.

    Widodo emphasised that the expulsion of Palestinian civilians from their homes and the use of force against them at the Al Aqsa Mosque must not be ignored.

    “Indonesia condemns such acts and urges the UN Security Council to take measures on the repeated violations carried out by Israel,” Widodo posted on his official Twitter handle.

    Widodo added Indonesia would continue to stand with the people of Palestine.

    Israeli police on Monday stormed the Al Aqsa Mosque in occupied East Jerusalem and attacked the Palestinians who were on guard to prevent raids by extremist Jews.

    Al Jazeera reports that the Israeli military has continued its bombardment of the besieged Gaza Strip, targeting several areas after rockets were fired from the enclave.

    Health authorities in Gaza said at least 32 Palestinians – including 10 children – were killed in Israeli air strikes on the Strip since late on Monday, after Hamas launched rockets from the coastal territory towards Israel.

    Gaza ultimatum
    The rocket fire came after Hamas, which rules Gaza, issued an ultimatum demanding Israel stand down its security forces from the Al Aqsa Mosque compound in occupied East Jerusalem after days of violence against Palestinians.

    Meanwhile, the Palestinian Red Crescent said some of its employees were prevented from entering the Al Aqsa Mosque compound.

    Thousands of Palestinians staged protests in the Al Aqsa Mosque complex, located in the old city of Jerusalem, after performing the dawn prayers on Monday. They stayed inside to guard the mosque from the raids of extremist Jews.

    Setting up barricades at some points of Haram al-Sharif, the main building of Al Aqsa, they chanted slogans and said they would not leave there.

    Extremist Jews had announced to storm Al Aqsa Mosque to celebrate the anniversary of the Six-Day War of 1967, when Israel occupied East Jerusalem, as “Jerusalem Day” according to the Hebrew calendar.

    Extremist Jewish organisations had called for raids on Al Aqsa Mosque on Sunday and Monday to mark Jerusalem Day, to celebrate occupation anniversary according to the Hebrew calendar.

    Police raided mosque
    The Israeli police then raided the mosque, using tear gas shells, rubber bullets, and stun grenades in clashes with the Palestinians, who responded by throwing stones.

    Palestinian resistance group Hamas has said that Israel was waging a “religious war against Palestinian worshippers” in the occupied city of Jerusalem.

    “What is happening in the Al Aqsa Mosque at the time of storming and assaulting worshippers is proof of the brutality of the Zionist occupation,” Muhammad Hamadeh, the movement’s spokesman for the city of Jerusalem said.

    He called on the Palestinians to “remain steadfast”.

    Golriz Ghahraman & Marama Davidson
    Green MPs Golriz Ghahraman and Marama Davidson (co-leader) mark World Keffiyeh Day. Image: Golriz Ghahraman FB

    The Hamas spokesman held Israel responsible for its “incursion into the Al Aqsa Mosque,” saying: “The occupation will pay a heavy price.”

    In New Zealand, yesterday — World Keffiyeh Day — was marked by Green MPs in solidarity.

    “We celebrate Palestinian culture, humanity, and life, as we continue to call for an end to the terrifying violence suffered right now in Palestine at the hands of Israeli forces and settlers. Our [government] must speak!” Golriz Ghahraman said in a social media posting.

    Don’t be ‘complicit’, says PSNA
    Palestine Solidarity Network Aotearoa (PSNA) national chair John Minto has called on the New Zealand government to make a strong statement, not be “complicit” with ethnic cleansing by remaining silent. The statement said:

    “The Palestinian people deserve the New Zealand government’s voice on their side rather than our ‘complicity through silence’ which usually accompanies Israeli racism and systematic brutality against Palestinians.

    “In speaking out we urge you not to use anaemic language such as ‘calling for calm’ or ‘urging restraint on both sides’ because those statements in effect mean New Zealand siding with Israel’s racist, ethnic cleansing policies.

    Posted by Kia Ora Gaza on Sunday, May 9, 2021

    “Please intervene with a strong, clear voice which condemns both Israel’s ethnic cleansing of the indigenous people of Palestine and the brutality meted out against them by the Israeli police and armed forces. New Zealand should be demanding equal rights and equal treatment for all people living under Israeli occupation and control.”

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Quad and the Test for Indonesia’s Leadership in ASEAN

    After its revival in 2017, the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) reached a new milestone by assembling its first summit on March 12th 2021. The informal security alliance comprised of the United States, Japan, India, and Australia is still nascent compared to the existing regional fora initiated by ASEAN. Yet, the advent of new bloc implicitly questioned the relevance of old players; Indonesia and the institution it led were no exception.

    The primary concern regarding the Quad is whether the initiative will complement or sideline the existing regional architecture built by ASEAN. Accordingly, ASEAN has long been the cornerstone of Indonesia’s diplomacy, manifesting its “free and active” principle in the regional domain. To navigate great power rivalry, ASEAN has been driven to build several forums where neutrality is assured.

    With China becoming more assertive in the past decade, however, the US and Quad countries find it necessary to step beyond ASEAN. The late Trump administration demonstrated the efforts to make Indonesia and ASEAN member-state align with US’s grand strategy. Last year’s visit by US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo to Jakarta, and the decision to lift the travel ban on Defence Minister Prabowo Subianto, further prove Washington’s motivation.

    However, Indonesia remained lukewarm towards Quad. The 2019 elite survey from the ISEAS-Yushof Ishak Institute revealed that Indonesia, alongside Malaysia, Laos, and Thailand, is among the top ASEAN sceptics regarding this new initiative. Realising its leadership profile is at stake, it’s natural for Indonesia to pursue an institutional response. Indonesia attempted to demonstrate the institution’s continuing relevance in grappling with the “Indo-Pacific” concept by initiating the draft of the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific (AOIP), which was adopted in the 2019 ASEAN Summit.

    Alas, the initiative is heavily underinvested and resulted in little to no strategic outcome for ASEAN. As mentioned by Evan Laksmana, a researcher from Centre for Strategic and International Studies, AOIP was “defective at birth” due to lack of actionable policy and the false assumption that the existing ASEAN mechanism is adequate to address current strategic challenges in the region. The same goes for the vision of Global Maritime Fulcrum that has long gone unmentioned since President Jokowi introduced the plan in 2014.

    To begin with, Indonesia doesn’t have any coherent Indo-Pacific strategy, let alone to deal with the Quad. To paraphrase strategic analyst Yohanes Sulaiman’s policy paper, Indonesia’s Indo-Pacific foreign policy is driven by the lack of alternatives, rather than a coherent strategy. The latest Indonesia defence white paper dates as far back as 2015. Moreover, the document barely addressed the latest strategic challenges in the region.

    Related

    Public opinion and civil society: shaping Indonesia’s South China Sea Policy?

    Public opinion should force the Indonesian government to consider and adjust its policies and responses to China in the South China Sea.

    Aristyo Rizka Darmawan 16 March, 2021

    Mixed responses from different ministries when China’s fishing vessel trespassed on Natuna Islands in 2016 and 2019 further show Indonesia’s bureaucratic mismatch when it comes to external threat. Aside from economic and socio-cultural cooperation, Indonesia barely has a strategic policy up its sleeve.

    As well as Indonesia, the Quad is eyeing other ASEAN countries that can possibly be incorporated. Although the region did not fully embrace the Quad, some countries have shown their support to offset China’s dominance through this initiative. Among the top supporters of the Quad were Vietnam and the Philippines, which both face a looming threat from China next to their border. The latter, in particular, was lately on the verge of losing, yet again, another part of its South China Sea territory in the Whitsun Reef.

    Indonesia could insist on playing its “free and active” card and reiterating ASEAN centrality as much as it can. Yet, the outcome will be naught if ASEAN members themselves find it realistic to invest more in another regional structure and through a non-ASEAN pathway. Even more so, if ASEAN’s dialogue partners who have less liability to commit in the organization take the same path.

    Escalating tension with China eventually led a country like India, which traditionally adhered to the “non-aligned” principle, closer to the US. Some observers attributed India’s last-minute withdrawal from the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) in 2019 partly to a fear that RCEP will pave the way for China’s dominance; this was a huge loss for Indonesia, who initiated the deal.

    Neither joining an US-led alliance nor abandoning ASEAN are the options. However, Indonesia’s half-hearted engagement makes ASEAN less appealing to its partners. One can argue that the US’s low engagement with ASEAN was driven by Trump’s strategic fallacy in the region. But, what if the opposite is true? What if Indonesia and ASEAN were no longer seen as relevant anchors by their long-term partners?

    Indonesia often takes its strategic potential for granted, be it primacy in ASEAN or its geographic position at the confluence of Indo-Pacific. Even worse, the current administration seem less interested in foreign policy; foreign issues such as the Quad gain less attention due to their unpopularity with domestic audiences.

    Fortunately for Indonesia, Quad countries realised that they can’t countervail China with the absence of ASEAN. Four years of Trump administration has proved that the cooperation can’t eschew the pre-existing regional architecture to achieve its goal. ASEAN also remains steadfast in defending its centrality whenever it’s forced to choose between the two camps.

    Moreover, the latest Quad Summit in March 2021 affirmed that the grouping will support ASEAN centrality, delivering a signal that the two can go on an equal footing. In fact, the revival of Quad after ten years of hiatus in 2017 took place on the sidelines of the ASEAN Regional Forum summit in Manila. The underlying message behind that is that the Quad needs ASEAN more than ASEAN needs the Quad.

    Several steps can be considered to regain centrality in the region, for instance by increasing ASEAN and Indonesia’s foreign policy budget, further institutionalising the East Asia Summit, and allowing the possibility of ASEAN-minus-X to deal with short-term crises. The latest regional conflict has demonstrated that ASEAN needs a revamp in order to stay valid.

    The potential is there, yet it can’t be utilised if Indonesia’s ASEAN and Indo-Pacific policy are under-resourced. Most recently, for instance, inaction on the crisis in Myanmar has further put Indonesia’s ASEAN leadership at stake. Indonesia should go the extra mile in order to stay relevant; not only in answer to the Quad’s concern, but also to regional challenges in the near future.

    The post Quad and the Test for Indonesia’s Leadership in ASEAN appeared first on New Mandala.

    This post was originally published on New Mandala.

  • Free Victor Yeimo now, says exiled Papuan leader Benny Wenda

    Asia Pacific Report newsdesk

    An exiled West Papuan leader has demanded the immediate release of arrested campaigner Victor Yeimo, saying that his detention was a “sign to the world” that the Indonesian government was using its terrorist designation as a smokescreen to further repress Papuans.

    Indonesian police arrested Yeimo, one of the most prominent leaders inside West Papua, on allegations of makar – treason.

    Yeimo is spokesperson of the West Papua National Committee (Komite Nasional Papua Barat, KNPB), regarded as peaceful civil society disobedience organisation active within Papua.

    “Any West Papuans who speak out about injustice – church leaders, local politicians, journalists – are now at risk of being labelled a ‘criminal’ or ‘terrorist’ and arrested or killed,” said Benny Wenda, interim president of the United Liberation Movement of West Papua (ULMWP) in a statement.

    “What is Victor Yeimo’s crime? To resist the Indonesian occupation through peacefully mobilising the people to defend their right to self-determination,” he said.

    “He is accused of ‘masterminding’ the 2019 West Papua Uprising, which was started by Indonesian racism and violence, and ended in a bloodbath caused by Indonesian troops.

    “Indonesia constantly creates violence and uses propaganda – and the fact that international journalists continue to be barred from entering – to blame it on West Papuans.

    Many labels to ‘deligitimise’ resistance
    “Jakarta has used many labels to try and delegitimise resistance to its genocidal project: ‘armed criminal group’ (KKB), ‘wild terrorist gang’, ‘separatist’.

    “Indonesia has lost the political, moral and legal argument, and has nothing left but brute force and stigmatising labels.”

    Wenda said that Indonesia was trying to distract attention from the huge military operations it is launching in Nduga, Intan Jaya and Puncak Jaya.

    Around 700 people from 19 villages have already been displaced over the past two weeks.

    “Indonesia is using its ‘Satan Troops’, trained in the genocide in East Timor, to attempt to wipe out the entire Indigenous population. From the 1965 military operations to the 1977 Operasi Koteka, we carry the trauma of Indonesian military operations.

    “What is beginning now is a 21st century version of this. Jakarta has no interest in pursuing a peaceful solution to this crisis.”

    Wenda called on President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo and the Indonesian police to release Yeimo immediately.

    “International governments and organisations must put immediate pressure on the Indonesian authorities to halt this sham prosecution,” he said.

    “We have our Provisional Government, constitution, and newly formed cabinet. We must come together and show the Indonesian government and the world that we are ready to take over the administration of our country.”

    ‘Mastermind’ accusation
    The Jakarta Post reports that the police accuse Yeimo of being the “mastermind” behind the civil unrest and of committing treason, as well as inciting violence and social unrest, insulting the national flag and anthem, and carrying weapons without a permit.

    Emanuel Gobay, one of a group of Papuan lawyers representing Yeimo, said his client had not yet been officially charged. Treason can carry a sentence of life in jail.

    Protests convulsed Indonesia’s provinces of Papua and West Papua, widely collectively known as West Papua, for several weeks in August/September 2019.

    The sometimes violent unrest erupted after a mob taunted Papuan students in Surabaya, Indonesia’s second city on the island of Java, with racial epithets, calling them “monkeys”, over accusations they had desecrated a national flag.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Free Victor Yeimo now, says exiled Papuan leader Benny Wenda

    Asia Pacific Report newsdesk

    An exiled West Papuan leader has demanded the immediate release of arrested campaigner Victor Yeimo, saying that his detention was a “sign to the world” that the Indonesian government was using its terrorist designation as a smokescreen to further repress Papuans.

    Indonesian police arrested Yeimo, one of the most prominent leaders inside West Papua, on allegations of makar – treason.

    Yeimo is spokesperson of the West Papua National Committee (Komite Nasional Papua Barat, KNPB), regarded as peaceful civil society disobedience organisation active within Papua.

    “Any West Papuans who speak out about injustice – church leaders, local politicians, journalists – are now at risk of being labelled a ‘criminal’ or ‘terrorist’ and arrested or killed,” said Benny Wenda, interim president of the United Liberation Movement of West Papua (ULMWP) in a statement.

    “What is Victor Yeimo’s crime? To resist the Indonesian occupation through peacefully mobilising the people to defend their right to self-determination,” he said.

    “He is accused of ‘masterminding’ the 2019 West Papua Uprising, which was started by Indonesian racism and violence, and ended in a bloodbath caused by Indonesian troops.

    “Indonesia constantly creates violence and uses propaganda – and the fact that international journalists continue to be barred from entering – to blame it on West Papuans.

    Many labels to ‘deligitimise’ resistance
    “Jakarta has used many labels to try and delegitimise resistance to its genocidal project: ‘armed criminal group’ (KKB), ‘wild terrorist gang’, ‘separatist’.

    “Indonesia has lost the political, moral and legal argument, and has nothing left but brute force and stigmatising labels.”

    Wenda said that Indonesia was trying to distract attention from the huge military operations it is launching in Nduga, Intan Jaya and Puncak Jaya.

    Around 700 people from 19 villages have already been displaced over the past two weeks.

    “Indonesia is using its ‘Satan Troops’, trained in the genocide in East Timor, to attempt to wipe out the entire Indigenous population. From the 1965 military operations to the 1977 Operasi Koteka, we carry the trauma of Indonesian military operations.

    “What is beginning now is a 21st century version of this. Jakarta has no interest in pursuing a peaceful solution to this crisis.”

    Wenda called on President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo and the Indonesian police to release Yeimo immediately.

    “International governments and organisations must put immediate pressure on the Indonesian authorities to halt this sham prosecution,” he said.

    “We have our Provisional Government, constitution, and newly formed cabinet. We must come together and show the Indonesian government and the world that we are ready to take over the administration of our country.”

    ‘Mastermind’ accusation
    The Jakarta Post reports that the police accuse Yeimo of being the “mastermind” behind the civil unrest and of committing treason, as well as inciting violence and social unrest, insulting the national flag and anthem, and carrying weapons without a permit.

    Emanuel Gobay, one of a group of Papuan lawyers representing Yeimo, said his client had not yet been officially charged. Treason can carry a sentence of life in jail.

    Protests convulsed Indonesia’s provinces of Papua and West Papua, widely collectively known as West Papua, for several weeks in August/September 2019.

    The sometimes violent unrest erupted after a mob taunted Papuan students in Surabaya, Indonesia’s second city on the island of Java, with racial epithets, calling them “monkeys”, over accusations they had desecrated a national flag.

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    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Indonesian police seize Papuan leader Victor Yeimo on ‘treason’ charges

    Asia Pacific Report newsdesk

    A Papuan leader who has been sought by Indonesian police over the 2019 Papua “Spring” uprising, Victor Yeimo, has been arrested and charged with makar (treason, subversion, rebellion), reports CNN Indonesia.

    Nemangkawi Task Force head Senior Commissioner Iqbal Alqudusy confirmed the arrest, saying it took place at 7.15 pm on Sunday.

    “Today, Sunday May 9, 2021 [we] arrested a person on the wanted list in a case of racism and rioting in Papua in 2019,” Alqudusy told journalists.

    Alqudusy said that the 38-year-old man currently held the position of West Papua National Committee (KNPB) chairperson and was also the international spokesperson for the KNPB.

    According to Alqudusy, Yeimo is also recorded as being the secretary of the Papua People’s Petition (PRP).

    Yeimo was put on the wanted persons list (DPO) in 2019, according to Alqudusy.

    The police allege that Yeimo has committed makar and or been broadcasting reports or statements which could “give rise to public unrest”. They also allege that he has been “broadcasting unreliable news”.

    Suspected over ‘insult’
    Yeimo is suspected of insulting the Indonesian national flag, language and state symbols as well as the national anthem and or incitement to commit a crime.

    “As referred to in the formulation of Article 106 in conjunction with Article 87 of the Criminal Code (KUHP) and or Article 110 of the KUHP and or Article 14 Paragraphs (1) and (2) and Article 15 of Law Number 1/1946 on Criminal Regulations,” the commissioner said.

    Victor Yeimo
    Victor Yeimo … leader of the West Papua National Committee accused over the 2019 Papuan “spring” demonstrations. Image: Suara Papua

    Yeimo was declared a suspect for being the instigator of riots based on witness testimonies that citied him as the “leader of a Papuan independence demonstration” and “vandalising” public facilities.

    The allegations stem from accusations against him during the widespread anti-racism protests in Papua in August and September 2019.

    The protests spread to a number of cities and towns in the region following highly publicised racist attacks on Papuan students in Java.

    Papua crackdown
    RNZ Pacific reports that Yeimo is the latest of a number of Papuans to have been detained over alleged treason following the protests, including the so-called “Balikpapan Seven” who subsequently received jail terms of between 10 and 11 months in East Kalimantan.

    During the Balikpapan Seven trials, judges and prosecutors repeatedly focussed on Yeimo when questioning the defendants.

    Yeimo has been calling for negotiations between the West Papuan independence movement and Indonesia’s government, saying Papuans would not stop demanding a legitimate self-determination process.

    His arrest came as Indonesian military operations in Papua region intensified, in response to more violent attacks by West Papua National Liberation Army (TLNPB) guerilla fighters who killed an Indonesian intelligence chief in an ambush two weeks ago.

    In announcing the official’s death at a news conference in Jakarta, Indonesian president Joko Widodo vowed a military crackdown in Papua.

    His government has now also formally declared the National Liberation Army a terrorist organisation, following the decision to designate the “terrorist” categorisation to West Papuan independence fighters in a move that has concerned human rights defenders.

    These developments have also happened at a time when internet services to Papua have been disrupted.

    CNN Indonesia report translated by James Balowski of IndoLeft News. The original title of the article was “Buron Kasus Kerusuhan Papua Victor Yeimo Diringkus Polisi”.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Indonesian police seize Papuan leader Victor Yeimo on ‘treason’ charges

    Asia Pacific Report newsdesk

    A Papuan leader who has been sought by Indonesian police over the 2019 Papua “Spring” uprising, Victor Yeimo, has been arrested and charged with makar (treason, subversion, rebellion), reports CNN Indonesia.

    Nemangkawi Task Force head Senior Commissioner Iqbal Alqudusy confirmed the arrest, saying it took place at 7.15 pm on Sunday.

    “Today, Sunday May 9, 2021 [we] arrested a person on the wanted list in a case of racism and rioting in Papua in 2019,” Alqudusy told journalists.

    Alqudusy said that the 38-year-old man currently held the position of West Papua National Committee (KNPB) chairperson and was also the international spokesperson for the KNPB.

    According to Alqudusy, Yeimo is also recorded as being the secretary of the Papua People’s Petition (PRP).

    Yeimo was put on the wanted persons list (DPO) in 2019, according to Alqudusy.

    The police allege that Yeimo has committed makar and or been broadcasting reports or statements which could “give rise to public unrest”. They also allege that he has been “broadcasting unreliable news”.

    Suspected over ‘insult’
    Yeimo is suspected of insulting the Indonesian national flag, language and state symbols as well as the national anthem and or incitement to commit a crime.

    “As referred to in the formulation of Article 106 in conjunction with Article 87 of the Criminal Code (KUHP) and or Article 110 of the KUHP and or Article 14 Paragraphs (1) and (2) and Article 15 of Law Number 1/1946 on Criminal Regulations,” the commissioner said.

    Victor Yeimo
    Victor Yeimo … leader of the West Papua National Committee accused over the 2019 Papuan “spring” demonstrations. Image: Suara Papua

    Yeimo was declared a suspect for being the instigator of riots based on witness testimonies that citied him as the “leader of a Papuan independence demonstration” and “vandalising” public facilities.

    The allegations stem from accusations against him during the widespread anti-racism protests in Papua in August and September 2019.

    The protests spread to a number of cities and towns in the region following highly publicised racist attacks on Papuan students in Java.

    Papua crackdown
    RNZ Pacific reports that Yeimo is the latest of a number of Papuans to have been detained over alleged treason following the protests, including the so-called “Balikpapan Seven” who subsequently received jail terms of between 10 and 11 months in East Kalimantan.

    During the Balikpapan Seven trials, judges and prosecutors repeatedly focussed on Yeimo when questioning the defendants.

    Yeimo has been calling for negotiations between the West Papuan independence movement and Indonesia’s government, saying Papuans would not stop demanding a legitimate self-determination process.

    His arrest came as Indonesian military operations in Papua region intensified, in response to more violent attacks by West Papua National Liberation Army (TLNPB) guerilla fighters who killed an Indonesian intelligence chief in an ambush two weeks ago.

    In announcing the official’s death at a news conference in Jakarta, Indonesian president Joko Widodo vowed a military crackdown in Papua.

    His government has now also formally declared the National Liberation Army a terrorist organisation, following the decision to designate the “terrorist” categorisation to West Papuan independence fighters in a move that has concerned human rights defenders.

    These developments have also happened at a time when internet services to Papua have been disrupted.

    CNN Indonesia report translated by James Balowski of IndoLeft News. The original title of the article was “Buron Kasus Kerusuhan Papua Victor Yeimo Diringkus Polisi”.

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    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Don’t brand West Papuan resistance OPM ‘terrorist’, say ex-general, critics

    General Gatot Nurmantyo, a former commander in the Indonesian National Armed Forces, giving his television interview – in Bahasa Indonesian. Video: TV-One Indonesia

    Asia Pacific Report correspondent

    A former Indonesian military commander has condemned the formal labelling of the West Papuan resistance TPN/OPN as “terrorists”, saying that the Papuan problem was complex and could not be solved by armed force alone.

    Among other critics of the tagging are the Papua provincial Governor, Lukas Enembe and a Papuan legal researcher.

    General Gatot Nurmantyo, former commander of the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI), said during a live interview on TV-One Indonesia that it was wrong to label the TPN/OPM (National Liberation Army/Free Papua Movement) as a terrorist group.

    He said that Jakarta had tried to use a military solution since the former Dutch colony of Irian Jaya was “integrated” into Indonesia in 1969 without bringing about any change.

    “Papua cannot be solved by military operations,” he said.

    General Nurmantyo said military operations would not solve the root cause of the conflict in Papua.

    He regretted the decision made by President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo’s administration on May 5.

    “I am saddened to hear that troops are leaving for Papua to fight. It’s a picture that I think makes me sad,” said the general.

    Sad for two reasons
    He said he felt sad for two reasons:

    • First, Papua was one of the Indonesian provinces and the youngest province of the Unitary State of the Republic.
    • Second, based on Government Regulation in Lieu of Acts (PERPU) 59 of 1959, Papua was still under civilian rule. So, the military actions should be mainly territorial, which supported by intelligence and prepared combat operations.

    The retired general said that Papuans “are our own people”, so the burden could not be imposed only on the military and police. Executive government and other government agencies should comprehend the real background of the movements and be involved to resolve the prolonged problem in Papua.

    “Territorial operations are operations to win the hearts and minds of the people, because what we face is our own people. Do not expect to solve a condition in Papua only with military operations,” said General Nurmantyo.

    “I remind you, it will not work, no matter how great it will be. Because the problem is not just that small,” he said.

    General Nurmantyo, who has been a former military district commander in Jayapura and Merauke said that Indonesia already had experience in Aceh where the conflict had not been resolved by military operations.

    As the PERPU 59 of 1959 was still valid, the governor was the single highest authority. The military was not allowed to carry out operations without coordinating with the local government.

    Communication with government
    General Nurmantyo said communication with the local government was carried out and measured operations launched.

    “Lest the people become victims! How come, in a situation like this we are waging an open war? Seriously!

    “Meanwhile, the situation is still very civil. The leader is the governor or local government.

    “This is a state regulation. This is different from when Papua would be designated as a military operation,” said General Nurmantyo.

    Papua Governor Lukas Enembe
    Papua Governor Lukas Enembe … critical of the OPM tagging in a media statement. Image: APR screenshot

    According to a media release received by Asia Pacific Report. Papua Governor Lukas Enembe and the provincial government also objected to the terrorist label given to the KKB (“armed criminal group”), as the Indonesian state refers to the TPNPB (West Papua National Liberation Army).

    Key points
    Two of the seven points made in the media release said:

    • “Terrorism is a concept that has always been debated in legal and political spheres, thus the designation of the KKB as a terrorist group needs to be reviewed carefully and ensure the objectivity of the state in granting this status, and
    • “The Papua provincial government pleaded with the central government and the Indonesian Parliament to conduct a re-assessment of the observation of the labeling of KKB as terrorist. We are of the opinion that the assessment must be comprehensive by taking into account the social, economic and legal impacts on Papuans in general.”

    A West Papuan legal researcher, who declined to be named, said that the Indonesian government misused the term “terrorism” to undermine the basic human rights of indigenous West Papuans.

    So far, the term terrorism had no precise definition and so has no legal definition, said the researcher.

    Many of the United Nations member states did not support UN resolution 3034 (XXVII) because it contained a certain degree of disconnection to other international instruments, particularly human rights laws.

    Disagreements among the states remained regarding the use of terrorism, especially the exclusion of different categories of terrorism.

    Right to self-determination
    In particular the exception of the liberation movement groups. Particularly contentious which was the affirmation in 1972 of “the inalienable right to self-determination and independence of all peoples under colonial and racist regimes and other forms of alien domination”.

    “The legitimacy of their struggle, in particular, the struggle of national liberation movements by the principles and purposes is represented in the UN charter. Therefore, designating West Papua Liberation Army as a terrorist group by the Indonesian government considered outside the category of the terrorist act,” said the researcher.

    “Any definition of terrorism must also, accommodate reasonable claims to political implications, particularly against repressive regimes such as Indonesia towards West Papuans.

    “The act of self-determination by Papuans cannot be considered terrorism at all.”

    The international community should condemn any regime that is repressive and terrorist acts by colonial, racist and alien regimes in denying peoples their legitimate right to self-determination, independence, and other human rights.

    A coherent legal definition of terrorism might help “confine the unilateral misuse” of the term by the national government such as Indonesia against TPNPB/OPM, said the researcher.

    The other side of the story was war crimes, crimes against humanity, genocide, oppression, torture and intimidation by the state.

    These elements were present in West Papua and they qualified as the act of terrorists and were therefore universally recognised as crimes against humanity and criminals, the researcher said.

    The researcher added: “The West Papua army or TPN/OPM are not terrorist groups. They are the victims of terrorism”

    This report and the translations have been compiled by an Asia Pacific Report correspondent.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Don’t brand West Papuan resistance OPM ‘terrorist’, say ex-general, critics

    General Gatot Nurmantyo, a former commander in the Indonesian National Armed Forces, giving his television interview – in Bahasa Indonesian. Video: TV-One Indonesia

    Asia Pacific Report correspondent

    A former Indonesian military commander has condemned the formal labelling of the West Papuan resistance TPN/OPN as “terrorists”, saying that the Papuan problem was complex and could not be solved by armed force alone.

    Among other critics of the tagging are the Papua provincial Governor, Lukas Enembe and a Papuan legal researcher.

    General Gatot Nurmantyo, former commander of the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI), said during a live interview on TV-One Indonesia that it was wrong to label the TPN/OPM (National Liberation Army/Free Papua Movement) as a terrorist group.

    He said that Jakarta had tried to use a military solution since the former Dutch colony of Irian Jaya was “integrated” into Indonesia in 1969 without bringing about any change.

    “Papua cannot be solved by military operations,” he said.

    General Nurmantyo said military operations would not solve the root cause of the conflict in Papua.

    He regretted the decision made by President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo’s administration on May 5.

    “I am saddened to hear that troops are leaving for Papua to fight. It’s a picture that I think makes me sad,” said the general.

    Sad for two reasons
    He said he felt sad for two reasons:

    • First, Papua was one of the Indonesian provinces and the youngest province of the Unitary State of the Republic.
    • Second, based on Government Regulation in Lieu of Acts (PERPU) 59 of 1959, Papua was still under civilian rule. So, the military actions should be mainly territorial, which supported by intelligence and prepared combat operations.

    The retired general said that Papuans “are our own people”, so the burden could not be imposed only on the military and police. Executive government and other government agencies should comprehend the real background of the movements and be involved to resolve the prolonged problem in Papua.

    “Territorial operations are operations to win the hearts and minds of the people, because what we face is our own people. Do not expect to solve a condition in Papua only with military operations,” said General Nurmantyo.

    “I remind you, it will not work, no matter how great it will be. Because the problem is not just that small,” he said.

    General Nurmantyo, who has been a former military district commander in Jayapura and Merauke said that Indonesia already had experience in Aceh where the conflict had not been resolved by military operations.

    As the PERPU 59 of 1959 was still valid, the governor was the single highest authority. The military was not allowed to carry out operations without coordinating with the local government.

    Communication with government
    General Nurmantyo said communication with the local government was carried out and measured operations launched.

    “Lest the people become victims! How come, in a situation like this we are waging an open war? Seriously!

    “Meanwhile, the situation is still very civil. The leader is the governor or local government.

    “This is a state regulation. This is different from when Papua would be designated as a military operation,” said General Nurmantyo.

    Papua Governor Lukas Enembe … critical of the OPM tagging in a media statement. Image: APR screenshot

    According to a media release received by Asia Pacific Report. Papua Governor Lukas Enembe and the provincial government also objected to the terrorist label given to the KKB (“armed criminal group”), as the Indonesian state refers to the TPNPB (West Papua National Liberation Army).

    Key points
    Two of the seven points made in the media release said:

    • “Terrorism is a concept that has always been debated in legal and political spheres, thus the designation of the KKB as a terrorist group needs to be reviewed carefully and ensure the objectivity of the state in granting this status, and
    • “The Papua provincial government pleaded with the central government and the Indonesian Parliament to conduct a re-assessment of the observation of the labeling of KKB as terrorist. We are of the opinion that the assessment must be comprehensive by taking into account the social, economic and legal impacts on Papuans in general.”

    A West Papuan legal researcher, who declined to be named, said that the Indonesian government misused the term “terrorism” to undermine the basic human rights of indigenous West Papuans.

    So far, the term terrorism had no precise definition and so has no legal definition, said the researcher.

    Many of the United Nations member states did not support UN resolution 3034 (XXVII) because it contained a certain degree of disconnection to other international instruments, particularly human rights laws.

    Disagreements among the states remained regarding the use of terrorism, especially the exclusion of different categories of terrorism.

    Right to self-determination
    In particular the exception of the liberation movement groups. Particularly contentious which was the affirmation in 1972 of “the inalienable right to self-determination and independence of all peoples under colonial and racist regimes and other forms of alien domination”.

    “The legitimacy of their struggle, in particular, the struggle of national liberation movements by the principles and purposes is represented in the UN charter. Therefore, designating West Papua Liberation Army as a terrorist group by the Indonesian government considered outside the category of the terrorist act,” said the researcher.

    “Any definition of terrorism must also, accommodate reasonable claims to political implications, particularly against repressive regimes such as Indonesia towards West Papuans.

    “The act of self-determination by Papuans cannot be considered terrorism at all.”

    The international community should condemn any regime that is repressive and terrorist acts by colonial, racist and alien regimes in denying peoples their legitimate right to self-determination, independence, and other human rights.

    A coherent legal definition of terrorism might help “confine the unilateral misuse” of the term by the national government such as Indonesia against TPNPB/OPM, said the researcher.

    The other side of the story was war crimes, crimes against humanity, genocide, oppression, torture and intimidation by the state.

    These elements were present in West Papua and they qualified as the act of terrorists and were therefore universally recognised as crimes against humanity and criminals, the researcher said.

    The researcher added: “The West Papua army or TPN/OPM are not terrorist groups. They are the victims of terrorism”

    This report and the translations have been compiled by an Asia Pacific Report correspondent.

    Print Friendly, PDF & Email

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Terrorist tag in West Papua could worsen racism, says rights group

    RNZ Pacific

    Human Rights Watch is urging the Indonesian government to rethink its classification of rebels in West Papua as terrorists.

    Indonesia has formally designated Papuan independence fighters as “terrorists”, in a move expected to expand the military’s role in civilian policing in Papua.

    But the NGO has warned that the new designation under counter-terrorism law could worsen racism and human rights abuses in West Papua while expanding the role of Indonesia’s military in civilian policing in the Melanesian region.

    The designation was approved last week as military operations intensified in Papua region after an Indonesian intelligence chief was killed in an ambush by West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNPB) guerilla fighters.

    In announcing the official’s death at a news conference in Jakarta last week, Indonesian President Joko Widodo vowed a military crackdown in Papua and declared the Liberation Army a terrorist organisation.

    Formerly, Indonesian authorities referred to the Liberation Army as an “armed criminal group” (KKB).

    A researcher with Human Rights Watch’s Indonesia office, Andreas Harsono, said the killing shocked and angered the public, the latest in a series of violent episodes in Papua that escalated since the Liberation Army was accused of killing 17 civilian road construction workers in Nduga regency in late 2018.

    Cycle of deadly violence
    Harsono said the designation of the terrorist categorisation to Papuan rebels was clearly a response to the cycle of deadly violence in Papua region.

    But he was concerned that the broad classification under counter-terrorism legislation gave security forces the power to detain suspects for longer periods without charge, as well as hundreds of days before even going to trial, increasing the risk for suspects to be abused and tortured.

    It also opens the floodgates of who could be branded as a terrorist in a region where pro-independence aspirations run deep among the indigenous population.

    “This provision could be used to authorise massive disproportionate surveillance that violates privacy rights in Papua,” Harsono warned.

    West Papua Liberation Army fighters.
    West Papua Liberation Army fighters. Image: RNZ

    He said that extending military deployment in a civillian policing context carried serious risks in Papua, in part because Indonesian soldiers typically were not trained in law enforcement.

    According to him, the military justice system has a bad track record in investigating and prosecuting human rights abuses by Indonesian soldiers.

    “The underlying problem in Papua is racism: racism against the dark skinned and curly haired people, and of course those that do most of the human rights abuses against ethnic Papuans, these dark-skinned, curly-haired people who are predominantly also Christian in Muslim-majority Indonesia are Indonesian soldiers and police officers,” he said.

    Designation unhelpful
    The designation was unhelpful in terms of efforts to resolve long-running problems in Papua, Harsono explained.

    “The Indonesian government should recognise that violating human rights in the name of counter-terrorism merely benefits armed extremists over the long term.”

    Harsono said that threat posed by the Liberation Army needed to be put in perspective.

    “According to Indonesian military estimate, they only have (around) 200 weapons. It is tiny, it is insignificant.

    “Of course they are criminal, they kill people. Of course the police should act against them.

    “But branding them as a terrorist organisation, these people who live in the forest who try to defend their forest, their culture, and their own people, mostly using bows and arrows, this is going to be ridiculous.

    “This is going to affect these indigenous people so much. This is something the Indonesian government should review as soon as possible and if they don’t, the future generations will regret what the current government is doing.”

    Indonesian soldiers and policemen near Freeport mine
    Indonesian soldiers and policemen deployed on the road to the Freeport mine in Papua province. Image: RNZ/AFP

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Indonesia’s Tank Boat launched in East Java

    A consortium of Indonesian firms led by state-owned defence company PT Pindad launched a prototype of the indigenously developed Tank Boat catamaran combat vessel in the waters off Banyuwangi, East Java, on 28 April. “It is hoped that the Tank Boat can support the Indonesian Armed Forces [TNI] in conducting patrols along Indonesia’s seas, rivers, […]

    The post Indonesia’s Tank Boat launched in East Java appeared first on Asian Military Review.

    This post was originally published on Asian Military Review.

  • Media alliance calls in Jokowi’s pledge to allow foreign journalists into Papua

    By Achmad Nasrudin Yahya in Jakarta

    The Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) is calling in a pledge made by President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo in 2015 over press freedom in Papua that has never been fulfilled over the past five years.

    AJI trade union advocacy division head Erick Tanjung said that at the beginning of Widodo’s first term in office he pledged to allow foreign and domestic journalists to freely report in Papua.

    “But the fact is that to this day this promise has never been fulfilled by President Jokowi,” he said during an event on World Press Freedom Day launching an AJI report titled The Press Freedom Situation in Indonesia in 2021.

    “So we have consistently called on the president to open access to foreign journalists to report in Papua, including domestic journalists and journalists from Papua.”

    Based on AJI’s records, between 2012 and 2015 there were at least 77 cases where journalists were prevented from carrying out their work in the Land of the Bird of Paradise, as Papua is known.

    In addition to this, AJI also recorded 74 cases of journalists having to obtain prior permission to report in Papua and 56 cases of permits being refused.

    Meanwhile, out of the scores of applications for permits to report in Papua, only 18 permits were issued.

    Six deportation cases
    “There were six cases of deportations,” said Tanjung.

    In addition to the issue of access, freedom of information in Papua also faces obstacles due to the high level of violence against journalists in Papua.

    Tanjung said that there were at least 114 cases of violence against journalists in Papua over the last 20 years or between 2000 and 2021.

    “Based on data we gathered through the AJI Papua subdivision, the number of cases of violence against journalists and the media in Papua over the last 20 years or between 2000 and 2021 was 141 cases of violence,” said Tanjung.

    Thirty-six out of these 114 cases were against journalists from Papua while 40 were against non-Papuan journalists.

    Finally, there were 38 cases of intimidation against media companies and the media in general.

    When he visited Wapeko Village in the Kurik subdistrict of Merauke regency, Papua, on Sunday, 10 May 2015, President Widodo said that foreign journalists from any country were allowed to arrive and report in all parts of Indonesia, including Papua and West Papua provinces.

    Two provinces closed
    Up until then, the two provinces were closed to foreign journalist on the grounds that conflicts and violence in Indonesia’s two eastern-most provinces was still frequent, such as actions by armed groups wanting to separate from the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI).

    “Starting today, foreign journalists are allowed to and are free to come to Papua, just the same (as they can come and report) in other parts of the country,” said Widodo.

    According to Widodo at the time, the situation in Papua and West Papua provinces was different than in the past.

    “We have to think positive and trust each other on all issues”, said the President when asked what would happen if foreign journalists began reporting more on armed groups in the highlands.

    Widodo asserted that the decision must be implemented.

    “This decision must be implemented. Enough, don’t ask negative questions about this issue any more,” said Widodo.

    Translated by James Balowski for IndoLeft News. The original title of the article was “AJI Tagih Janji Jokowi soal Akses bagi Jurnalis Asing ke Papua”.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Media alliance calls in Jokowi’s pledge to allow foreign journalists into Papua

    By Achmad Nasrudin Yahya in Jakarta

    The Alliance of Independent Journalists (AJI) is calling in a pledge made by President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo in 2015 over press freedom in Papua that has never been fulfilled over the past five years.

    AJI trade union advocacy division head Erick Tanjung said that at the beginning of Widodo’s first term in office he pledged to allow foreign and domestic journalists to freely report in Papua.

    “But the fact is that to this day this promise has never been fulfilled by President Jokowi,” he said during an event on World Press Freedom Day launching an AJI report titled The Press Freedom Situation in Indonesia in 2021.

    “So we have consistently called on the president to open access to foreign journalists to report in Papua, including domestic journalists and journalists from Papua.”

    Based on AJI’s records, between 2012 and 2015 there were at least 77 cases where journalists were prevented from carrying out their work in the Land of the Bird of Paradise, as Papua is known.

    In addition to this, AJI also recorded 74 cases of journalists having to obtain prior permission to report in Papua and 56 cases of permits being refused.

    Meanwhile, out of the scores of applications for permits to report in Papua, only 18 permits were issued.

    Six deportation cases
    “There were six cases of deportations,” said Tanjung.

    In addition to the issue of access, freedom of information in Papua also faces obstacles due to the high level of violence against journalists in Papua.

    Tanjung said that there were at least 114 cases of violence against journalists in Papua over the last 20 years or between 2000 and 2021.

    “Based on data we gathered through the AJI Papua subdivision, the number of cases of violence against journalists and the media in Papua over the last 20 years or between 2000 and 2021 was 141 cases of violence,” said Tanjung.

    Thirty-six out of these 114 cases were against journalists from Papua while 40 were against non-Papuan journalists.

    Finally, there were 38 cases of intimidation against media companies and the media in general.

    When he visited Wapeko Village in the Kurik subdistrict of Merauke regency, Papua, on Sunday, 10 May 2015, President Widodo said that foreign journalists from any country were allowed to arrive and report in all parts of Indonesia, including Papua and West Papua provinces.

    Two provinces closed
    Up until then, the two provinces were closed to foreign journalist on the grounds that conflicts and violence in Indonesia’s two eastern-most provinces was still frequent, such as actions by armed groups wanting to separate from the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI).

    “Starting today, foreign journalists are allowed to and are free to come to Papua, just the same (as they can come and report) in other parts of the country,” said Widodo.

    According to Widodo at the time, the situation in Papua and West Papua provinces was different than in the past.

    “We have to think positive and trust each other on all issues”, said the President when asked what would happen if foreign journalists began reporting more on armed groups in the highlands.

    Widodo asserted that the decision must be implemented.

    “This decision must be implemented. Enough, don’t ask negative questions about this issue any more,” said Widodo.

    Translated by James Balowski for IndoLeft News. The original title of the article was “AJI Tagih Janji Jokowi soal Akses bagi Jurnalis Asing ke Papua”.

    Print Friendly, PDF & Email

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • My father works for the company that sells weapons used in my partner’s homeland | Izzy Brown

    I had never imagined how horribly the company my father works for was entangled with the story of my West Papuan partner

    ​They make great trucks. That’s what my father says whenever I ask him: “What do they make? Who do they sell them to?” “Only to the good guys,”​​​​ is his standard answer, and the topic changes quickly. But what he calls “trucks”, most people call “tanks”. And ​I am always led to wonder, “What kind of ‘good guy’ drives a tank?”

    My father works for Thales, one of the richest weapons corporations in the world. Before heading up security for Thales he worked for Asio, the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation.

    Related: Global protests throw spotlight on alleged police abuses in West Papua

    If it’s true that change begins at home, I hope my father will be ready

    Related: The West Papuan independence movement – a history

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Wenda warns over massive ‘demon troops’ military crackdown in Papua

    Asia Pacific Report newsdesk

    Indonesia is unleashing a massive military crackdown in West Papua with the use of “demon troops” and spurning human rights, warns a Papuan leader.

    Benny Wenda, interim president of the United Liberation Movement of West Papua (ULMWP), said in a statement today that cutting off the internet was a repeat of the “Papuan spring” uprising of August-September 2019 when the Indonesian military concealed bloodshed and massacres.

    He claimed the situation was shaping up as the “biggest military operation since the late 1970s”.

    “I issue this urgent warning [to] the world – huge Indonesian military operations, some of the largest in years, are imminent in West Papua,” Wenda said.

    “The internet is being cut off, hundreds more troops are being deployed, and we are receiving reports that West Papuan civilians are fleeing from their villages in Intan Jaya, Puncak Jaya, and Nduga regencies.”

    Indonesian President Joko Widodo ordered a “crackdown” in West Papua following the killing of an Indonesian intelligence officer, Brigadier General I Gusti Putu Danny Karya Nugraha, in clashes last week.

    The People’s Consultative Assembly (MPR) Speaker, Bambang Soesatyo, has said that they will “discuss human rights matters later” after eliminating the Papuan resistance movement.

    “Just last week 400 new specialist soldiers, known as ‘demon troops’, were deployed to Nduga regency, where more than 50,000 people have already been displaced since December 2018.

    Recent reports said more than 21,000 Indonesian troops had been deployed to the West Papua region in the past three years.

    Internet shutdown cover
    The internet shutdown provided cover for the military operations.

    Benny Wenda
    Exiled West Papuan leader Benny Wenda on a visit to New Zealand in 2013. Image: Del Abcede

    “The Jala Mangkara Detachment (Denjaka), elite troops of the Indonesian Navy, are being deployed. I myself witnessed the consequences of these military operations when I was a child, seeing my village bombed and my family killed,” Wenda said.

    “I had to flee and live in the bush for six years. It makes my heart cry that this is about to happen to so many more of my people.”

    These military operations follow the Indonesian government deciding to label West Papuan resistance groups as ‘terrorists’, a move condemned by Amnesty and Indonesia’s own human rights commission.

    “Those in West Papua who take up arms are not terrorists. They are not connected to a religious ideology or international funding networks,” said Wenda.

    “They are just defending their land against an illegal occupier. They have little knowledge of the outside world, they are fighting barefoot to defend their people against a modern military.

    “Maybe a few hundred of them face an army of over 20,000 troops, including D88, trained in how to kill my people for years by the West.

    Indonesian soldiers patrol a Papuan village
    Indonesian soldiers patrol a Papuan village. Image: ULMWP

    Only ‘state terrorism’
    “There is only one actor – the Indonesian state that has been killing pastors and high school children for political purposes, who has driven over 400 women and children to their death in the bush.

    “Indonesian police and military this year have beaten three brothers to death in a hospital, executed teenagers, and killed peaceful activists in prison.

    “The new military operations are already striking fear into West Papuans across the country. This is state terrorism.”

    Wenda said the killing of the Indonesian intelligence general was the justification that Indonesia needed to carry out these operations.

    “How can the killing of a leading official in an occupying army justify killing civilians and attacking villages? The Indonesian military often carries out attacks and blames it on West Papuans in order to justify its operations.

    “They never provide any evidence of who carried out the killing.”

    Wenda asked why Indonesia had refused to allow international journalists into West Papua to investigate these issues.

    ‘Desperate to hide killings’
    ““Why does it ban human rights monitors, including even the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights?” asked Wenda.

    “Indonesia is so desperate to hide its killing and torture that it is willing to defy the will of 84 international states calling for the UN to be allowed access. Indonesia has got away with impunity for the 1977-79 genocidal military operations, the 1998 Biak Massacre, the 2014 Paniai Massacre, and so many more [human rights violations].”

    More than 500,000 Papuans had already been killed, claimed Wenda, who warned that the number was going to rise even further – “a genocide is in motion”.

    “This is my cry to the world, to the UN, to the Pacific Islands Forum, to Melanesian leaders, to the Organisation of African, Caribbean and Pacific States (ACP), and to the UK, Australian, New Zealand, Dutch and US governments,” said Wenda.

    “We are about to witness another massacre in West Papua. You have the power to intervene and help us find a peaceful solution to the crisis.”

    Indonesian troop build-up
    The Indonesian troop build-up in the capital Jayapura during March 2021. Image: RNZ

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Wenda warns over massive ‘demon troops’ military crackdown in Papua

    Asia Pacific Report newsdesk

    Indonesia is unleashing a massive military crackdown in West Papua with the use of “demon troops” and spurning human rights, warns a Papuan leader.

    Benny Wenda, interim president of the United Liberation Movement of West Papua (ULMWP), said in a statement today that cutting off the internet was a repeat of the “Papuan spring” uprising of August-September 2019 when the Indonesian military concealed bloodshed and massacres.

    He claimed the situation was shaping up as the “biggest military operation since the late 1970s”.

    “I issue this urgent warning [to] the world – huge Indonesian military operations, some of the largest in years, are imminent in West Papua,” Wenda said.

    “The internet is being cut off, hundreds more troops are being deployed, and we are receiving reports that West Papuan civilians are fleeing from their villages in Intan Jaya, Puncak Jaya, and Nduga regencies.”

    Indonesian President Joko Widodo ordered a “crackdown” in West Papua following the killing of an Indonesian intelligence officer, Brigadier General I Gusti Putu Danny Karya Nugraha, in clashes last week.

    The People’s Consultative Assembly (MPR) Speaker, Bambang Soesatyo, has said that they will “discuss human rights matters later” after eliminating the Papuan resistance movement.

    “Just last week 400 new specialist soldiers, known as ‘demon troops’, were deployed to Nduga regency, where more than 50,000 people have already been displaced since December 2018.

    Recent reports said more than 21,000 Indonesian troops had been deployed to the West Papua region in the past three years.

    Internet shutdown cover
    The internet shutdown provided cover for the military operations.

    Benny Wenda
    Exiled West Papuan leader Benny Wenda on a visit to New Zealand in 2013. Image: Del Abcede

    “The Jala Mangkara Detachment (Denjaka), elite troops of the Indonesian Navy, are being deployed. I myself witnessed the consequences of these military operations when I was a child, seeing my village bombed and my family killed,” Wenda said.

    “I had to flee and live in the bush for six years. It makes my heart cry that this is about to happen to so many more of my people.”

    These military operations follow the Indonesian government deciding to label West Papuan resistance groups as ‘terrorists’, a move condemned by Amnesty and Indonesia’s own human rights commission.

    “Those in West Papua who take up arms are not terrorists. They are not connected to a religious ideology or international funding networks,” said Wenda.

    “They are just defending their land against an illegal occupier. They have little knowledge of the outside world, they are fighting barefoot to defend their people against a modern military.

    “Maybe a few hundred of them face an army of over 20,000 troops, including D88, trained in how to kill my people for years by the West.

    Indonesian soldiers patrol a Papuan village. Image: ULMWP

    Only ‘state terrorism’
    “There is only one actor – the Indonesian state that has been killing pastors and high school children for political purposes, who has driven over 400 women and children to their death in the bush.

    “Indonesian police and military this year have beaten three brothers to death in a hospital, executed teenagers, and killed peaceful activists in prison.

    “The new military operations are already striking fear into West Papuans across the country. This is state terrorism.”

    Wenda said the killing of the Indonesian intelligence general was the justification that Indonesia needed to carry out these operations.

    “How can the killing of a leading official in an occupying army justify killing civilians and attacking villages? The Indonesian military often carries out attacks and blames it on West Papuans in order to justify its operations.

    “They never provide any evidence of who carried out the killing.”

    Wenda asked why Indonesia had refused to allow international journalists into West Papua to investigate these issues.

    ‘Desperate to hide killings’
    ““Why does it ban human rights monitors, including even the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights?” asked Wenda.

    “Indonesia is so desperate to hide its killing and torture that it is willing to defy the will of 84 international states calling for the UN to be allowed access. Indonesia has got away with impunity for the 1977-79 genocidal military operations, the 1998 Biak Massacre, the 2014 Paniai Massacre, and so many more [human rights violations].”

    More than 500,000 Papuans had already been killed, claimed Wenda, who warned that the number was going to rise even further – “a genocide is in motion”.

    “This is my cry to the world, to the UN, to the Pacific Islands Forum, to Melanesian leaders, to the Organisation of African, Caribbean and Pacific States (ACP), and to the UK, Australian, New Zealand, Dutch and US governments,” said Wenda.

    “We are about to witness another massacre in West Papua. You have the power to intervene and help us find a peaceful solution to the crisis.”

    Indonesian troop build-up
    The Indonesian troop build-up in the capital Jayapura during March 2021. Image: RNZ
    Print Friendly, PDF & Email

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Yamin Kogoya: Reckless Jakarta is turning West Papuans into ‘terrorists’ to justify waging a war

    ANALYSIS: By Yamin Kogoya

    The Indonesian government has officially labelled the OPM (Organisasi Papua Merdeka) Free Papuan Movement and its military wing, the TPNPB (West Papua National Liberation Army) as a terrorist group.

    This came about at the height of a string of shootings and killings – which have been taking place in recent months in Papua’s highlands – that led to the killing of a senior Indonesian intelligence officer, General I Gusti Putu Danny Karya Nugraha, last week.

    In response, Indonesian President Joko Widodo has ordered a crackdown on the armed resistance group OPM – TPNPB.

    A few days later, Mohammad Mahfud MD, the coordinating Minister for Political, Legal and Security Affairs, declared that those in Papua (presumably the OPM – TPNPB) who commit crimes would be classified as “terrorists”.

    The People’s Consultative Assembly (MPR) Speaker in Jakarta, Bambang Soesatyo, stressed this issue by saying, “I demand that the government deploy their security forces at full force to exterminate the armed criminal groups (KKP) in Papua which have taken lives.

    “Just eradicate them. Let’s talk about human rights later.”

    This announcement and such statements have caused a reaction among Indonesian leaders and civil society groups.

    Opportunity for resistance
    Police observer Irjen Pol Purn Sisno Adiwinoto warned that labelling Papuan independence groups as “terrorists” would not solve problems in West Papua.

    “If anything, this might just be the opportunity for resistance groups to get the United States involved,” said Adiwinoto.

    Philip Situmorang, public relations officer from the Fellowship of Churches in Indonesia (PGI), asked the government to be careful of their decision to label the armed criminal group (KKB) as a terrorist group.

    The church groups have warned that Jakarta should choose a different approach to Papua.

    Labelling Papua as a terrorist will psychologically impact on the Papuan community, which might instil fear, distrust, and hatred among communities in the land of Papua.

    West Papua is a region known for the international media blackout. This makes it challenging to allow independent media or human rights agencies to investigate the killings.

    The country’s justice system often fails to provide fair, transparent justice for the alleged perpetrators.

    Governor Enembe concerned
    The governor of Papua province, Lukas Enembe, also expressed his concern about the central government announcement.

    The statement released from the governor’s office stated that this labelling would affect the Papuan population, not just OPM – TPNPB. Papuans in West Papua and abroad will be stigmatised through the lens of the word terrorist.

    Hence, the governor asked for the central government to review its decision comprehensively.

    One of the seven points he made was that he strongly suggested the central government check with the United Nations about the decision.

    Benny Wenda, the leader of the United Liberation Movement for West Papua, also condemned Jokowi’s announcement.

    “My questions to the president of Indonesia are: Who invaded our country in the first place? Who has killed over 500,000 men, women, and children? Who has displaced over 50,000 civilians since December 2018, leading to the deaths of hundreds of more people?

    An illegal invasion and occupation is a criminal act. Genocide is a terrorist act. Resistance to these are legitimate and necessary,” Benny Wenda said.

    Harmful policy for Papuans
    These concerns are expressed in recognition that, after 60 years, Jakarta insists on introducing a policy that will harm the Papuan people.

    Fifty-eight years ago, in May 1963, was the landing of Indonesian troops after the Western power gave them the green light during the controversial “New York Agreement” – the agreement in which Papuans were not invited.

    The real terror in Papua began from that day.

    Jakarta invents words and phrases and decides their definitions to control Papuan people.

    The Indonesian government has used many names and phrases to legitimise their military operations in the land of Papua.

    Between 1964–1966, leading up to the Act of Free Choice in 1969 (which Papuans consider a sham, or an “Act of No Choice”), army general Kartidjo Sastrodinoto led an operation called “Operasi Wisnurmurti III and IV”.

    The years between 1977-1982, a general named Imam Munandar led another operation named “Operasi Kikis”, followed by “Operasi Sapu Bersih”.

    The “Operasi Penyisiran” was another name given for 2002-2004 operations in Wamena, Papua’s highland town.

    Many military operations
    These are just a few of many, both visible and invisible, military operations in West Papua.

    These terminologies carry specific energy and command and manifest different state behaviours that target Papuan lives; they mean something like “wipe-out, clean, straighten, remove, taming the wild forest, restoring order” etc.

    They are not the languages of healing and reconciliation but of war and elimination.

    Elites in Jakarta have convinced themselves to believe that there is a monster in the land of Papua and that the beast needs to be eliminated. This paranoid way of thinking is akin to saying all non-black immigrants in the land of Papua are scary, so we should label them as demons and kill them or labelling all Muslims as terrorists because they are following the religion of Islam.

    The Papua governor and civil society groups are concerned that every Papuan will be stigmatised as a terrorist, regardless of whether they are a member of OPM – TPNPB or not.
    This labelling is not just to harm OPM – TPNPB but is a direct assault on Papuan history, language, livelihood, and aspirations for a better world, pushed by Papuan resistance groups.

    One of the main concerns that have been raised within the resistance movements is that the Indonesian government is labelling West Papua national liberation as a terrorist to criminalise the movement and depict them as radical extremists in the eyes of international communities.

    This is an old colonial game, where blaming the victims makes it difficult for them to report the crimes, allowing the perpetrators to avoid being held accountable for their actions.

    Metro TV interview
    In the media interview by Metrotvnews on April 30, Mohammad Mahfud MD stated they must contain the situation in West Papua before controlling the situation outside of Papua, inferring that influencing public opinion in the international community must begin by creating a terrorist of West Papua.

    The central government in Jakarta will use the word “terrorist” to convince the international community not to support these activist groups in West Papua. It intends to damage the integrity and reputation of the West Papua liberation movement, which has been gaining a lot of sympathy from international communities and institutions such as ACP (Africa Caribbean Pacific group of states), MSG (Melanesian Spearhead Group), PIF (Pacific Islands Forum) and Human Rights Council in Geneva.

    Many described the announcement as a desperate attempt to halt the region’s independence movement. David Robie wrote that this is Jakarta’s “worst ever” policy on West Papua, as reported by Asia Pacific Report last week on April 30.

    President Jokowi’s welfare approach and his 12 visits to Papua turned out to be a mere trojan horse. He and his government are not delivering welfare to Papuan people at all – they are creating terrorists in West Papua to justify war against the Papuan people.

    How will they distinguish and catch this monster, which they have called “terrorist” in Papua? Or are they going to create one that looks like a terrorist?

    Is OPM a terrorist group or a legendary saviour in Papuan’s independence imagination?

    In the 1980s, when I was growing up in my highland village of Papua from the ages of 8-12, I often heard the name OPM. At the time, the name sounded like it had magical power. I still associate the name OPM with that story.

    OPM ‘has secret power’
    At that time, I was told that OPM has a secret power that controls weather patterns. My family said that if you see heavy rain or thick clouds covering the mountains, then it is a sign that OPM is near or OPM created the bad weather to confuse their enemies.

    This kind of story made me very curious about the name OPM.

    I then asked my elders, who were OPM’s enemy and whether OPM were human or forest spirits? They would say to me that OPM were not forest spirits. They were human beings just like us, but they couldn’t divulge their identities to keep their family members safe from interrogation if their true identities were revealed to Indonesian soldiers.

    According to the village story, OPM have the power of nature, and they can obscure the sight of the Indonesian soldiers and make them crazy. At the time, I was astonished by these stories.

    With these fascinations, I continued to ask if the OPM was something that I should fear.

    They would tell me, “child, you should not be afraid of the OPM, because the OPM will protect you, and they will expel the Indonesian soldiers who were roaming around here, killing and raping women”.

    I grew up with these types of stories, and I am sure that many Papuans have similar stories to tell about what the name of OPM means to them.

    Hope for a better world
    OPM carries the spirit that keeps the hope of a better world (free from Indonesia) alive. That’s how I understand it. That hope, in Papuans’ imagination, is political independence from Indonesia.

    To be OPM is to be a proud Papuan, and to be Papuan is to be proud to be OPM because, in the minds of Papuans, OPM represents hope, freedom, salvation, healing, and reconciliation.

    As legend has it in the island of Biak, during the early 1940s, before Indonesia got their Independence from the Dutch, it was the spirit of the Morning Star that healed the legends Manarmakeri and Angganitha.

    Papuan people in the Biak island were already dreaming of a new world – a world free from terror, with the spirit of the Morning Star before Indonesia gained its independence in 1945.

    OPM stands to manifest that utopian dream of a Papuan free state as sovereign people. This fear of manifesting Papuan statehood drives Jakarta’s reckless policies toward West Papua.

    If Papuans were asked, without any intimidation or bribery, which spirit do they trust and believe in, the OPM or Indonesia security forces, I am confident that they would choose the spirit and the legend of OPM because that spirit stands for freedom and salvation.

    The word “terrorist” is the deadliest weapon that Indonesia has invented to kill Papuan people

    Labelling is dangerous
    This reckless labelling is dangerous, as already expressed by Governor Lukas and other civil society groups, because all Papuan people will suffer, not just OPM. Papuan people are already suffering in every aspect of their lives, this labelling will add more under the Indonesian rule and western capitalist world order.

    It is unfortunate that Indonesia is one of the most religious places, and yet unable to uphold its own religious morals and ethical teachings, as inscribed in their constitutional pillars: Ketuhanan Yang Maha Esa (Belief in the Almighty God) and Kemanusiaan Yang Adil dan Beradab (Just and Civilised Humanity). Do the Indonesian ruling elites still believe in these words?

    With all the human and material resources being spent on securing West Papua, the question we need to be asking is, ‘why is Jakarta still unable to catch all the perpetrators and bring them to face justice?’

    If the elites in Jakarta believe with sincerity in promoting the slogan “wonderful Indonesia” on the world’s stage, then the way they approach Papua needs to change.

    Papua will always be like a pebble in Indonesia’s shoe – it must be resolved in a humane manner if the “wonderful Indonesia dream” is to be fully realised. Turning West Papua into a terrorist and justifying it to wage war against the Papuan people is not the way to achieve peace in the land of Papua.

    • Yamin Kogoya is a West Papuan academic who has a Master of Applied Anthropology and Participatory Development from the Australian National University who contributes to Asia Pacific Report. From the Lani tribe in the Papuan Highlands, he is currently living in the Gold Coast, Queensland, Australia.
    • Other Yamin Kogoya articles

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Yamin Kogoya: Reckless Jakarta is turning West Papuans into ‘terrorists’ to justify waging a war

    ANALYSIS: By Yamin Kogoya

    The Indonesian government has officially labelled the OPM (Organisasi Papua Merdeka) Free Papuan Movement and its military wing, the TPNPB (West Papua National Liberation Army) as a terrorist group.

    This came about at the height of a string of shootings and killings – which have been taking place in recent months in Papua’s highlands – that led to the killing of a senior Indonesian intelligence officer, General I Gusti Putu Danny Karya Nugraha, last week.

    In response, Indonesian President Joko Widodo has ordered a crackdown on the armed resistance group OPM – TPNPB.

    A few days later, Mohammad Mahfud MD, the coordinating Minister for Political, Legal and Security Affairs, declared that those in Papua (presumably the OPM – TPNPB) who commit crimes would be classified as “terrorists”.

    The People’s Consultative Assembly (MPR) Speaker in Jakarta, Bambang Soesatyo, stressed this issue by saying, “I demand that the government deploy their security forces at full force to exterminate the armed criminal groups (KKP) in Papua which have taken lives.

    “Just eradicate them. Let’s talk about human rights later.”

    This announcement and such statements have caused a reaction among Indonesian leaders and civil society groups.

    Opportunity for resistance
    Police observer Irjen Pol Purn Sisno Adiwinoto warned that labelling Papuan independence groups as “terrorists” would not solve problems in West Papua.

    “If anything, this might just be the opportunity for resistance groups to get the United States involved,” said Adiwinoto.

    Philip Situmorang, public relations officer from the Fellowship of Churches in Indonesia (PGI), asked the government to be careful of their decision to label the armed criminal group (KKB) as a terrorist group.

    The church groups have warned that Jakarta should choose a different approach to Papua.

    Labelling Papua as a terrorist will psychologically impact on the Papuan community, which might instil fear, distrust, and hatred among communities in the land of Papua.

    West Papua is a region known for the international media blackout. This makes it challenging to allow independent media or human rights agencies to investigate the killings.

    The country’s justice system often fails to provide fair, transparent justice for the alleged perpetrators.

    Governor Enembe concerned
    The governor of Papua province, Lukas Enembe, also expressed his concern about the central government announcement.

    The statement released from the governor’s office stated that this labelling would affect the Papuan population, not just OPM – TPNPB. Papuans in West Papua and abroad will be stigmatised through the lens of the word terrorist.

    Hence, the governor asked for the central government to review its decision comprehensively.

    One of the seven points he made was that he strongly suggested the central government check with the United Nations about the decision.

    Benny Wenda, the leader of the United Liberation Movement for West Papua, also condemned Jokowi’s announcement.

    “My questions to the president of Indonesia are: Who invaded our country in the first place? Who has killed over 500,000 men, women, and children? Who has displaced over 50,000 civilians since December 2018, leading to the deaths of hundreds of more people?

    An illegal invasion and occupation is a criminal act. Genocide is a terrorist act. Resistance to these are legitimate and necessary,” Benny Wenda said.

    Harmful policy for Papuans
    These concerns are expressed in recognition that, after 60 years, Jakarta insists on introducing a policy that will harm the Papuan people.

    Fifty-eight years ago, in May 1963, was the landing of Indonesian troops after the Western power gave them the green light during the controversial “New York Agreement” – the agreement in which Papuans were not invited.

    The real terror in Papua began from that day.

    Jakarta invents words and phrases and decides their definitions to control Papuan people.

    The Indonesian government has used many names and phrases to legitimise their military operations in the land of Papua.

    Between 1964–1966, leading up to the Act of Free Choice in 1969 (which Papuans consider a sham, or an “Act of No Choice”), army general Kartidjo Sastrodinoto led an operation called “Operasi Wisnurmurti III and IV”.

    The years between 1977-1982, a general named Imam Munandar led another operation named “Operasi Kikis”, followed by “Operasi Sapu Bersih”.

    The “Operasi Penyisiran” was another name given for 2002-2004 operations in Wamena, Papua’s highland town.

    Many military operations
    These are just a few of many, both visible and invisible, military operations in West Papua.

    These terminologies carry specific energy and command and manifest different state behaviours that target Papuan lives; they mean something like “wipe-out, clean, straighten, remove, taming the wild forest, restoring order” etc.

    They are not the languages of healing and reconciliation but of war and elimination.

    Elites in Jakarta have convinced themselves to believe that there is a monster in the land of Papua and that the beast needs to be eliminated. This paranoid way of thinking is akin to saying all non-black immigrants in the land of Papua are scary, so we should label them as demons and kill them or labelling all Muslims as terrorists because they are following the religion of Islam.

    The Papua governor and civil society groups are concerned that every Papuan will be stigmatised as a terrorist, regardless of whether they are a member of OPM – TPNPB or not.
    This labelling is not just to harm OPM – TPNPB but is a direct assault on Papuan history, language, livelihood, and aspirations for a better world, pushed by Papuan resistance groups.

    One of the main concerns that have been raised within the resistance movements is that the Indonesian government is labelling West Papua national liberation as a terrorist to criminalise the movement and depict them as radical extremists in the eyes of international communities.

    This is an old colonial game, where blaming the victims makes it difficult for them to report the crimes, allowing the perpetrators to avoid being held accountable for their actions.

    Metro TV interview
    In the media interview by Metrotvnews on April 30, Mohammad Mahfud MD stated they must contain the situation in West Papua before controlling the situation outside of Papua, inferring that influencing public opinion in the international community must begin by creating a terrorist of West Papua.

    The central government in Jakarta will use the word “terrorist” to convince the international community not to support these activist groups in West Papua. It intends to damage the integrity and reputation of the West Papua liberation movement, which has been gaining a lot of sympathy from international communities and institutions such as ACP (Africa Caribbean Pacific group of states), MSG (Melanesian Spearhead Group), PIF (Pacific Islands Forum) and Human Rights Council in Geneva.

    Many described the announcement as a desperate attempt to halt the region’s independence movement. David Robie wrote that this is Jakarta’s “worst ever” policy on West Papua, as reported by Asia Pacific Report last week on April 30.

    President Jokowi’s welfare approach and his 12 visits to Papua turned out to be a mere trojan horse. He and his government are not delivering welfare to Papuan people at all – they are creating terrorists in West Papua to justify war against the Papuan people.

    How will they distinguish and catch this monster, which they have called “terrorist” in Papua? Or are they going to create one that looks like a terrorist?

    Is OPM a terrorist group or a legendary saviour in Papuan’s independence imagination?

    In the 1980s, when I was growing up in my highland village of Papua from the ages of 8-12, I often heard the name OPM. At the time, the name sounded like it had magical power. I still associate the name OPM with that story.

    OPM ‘has secret power’
    At that time, I was told that OPM has a secret power that controls weather patterns. My family said that if you see heavy rain or thick clouds covering the mountains, then it is a sign that OPM is near or OPM created the bad weather to confuse their enemies.

    This kind of story made me very curious about the name OPM.

    I then asked my elders, who were OPM’s enemy and whether OPM were human or forest spirits? They would say to me that OPM were not forest spirits. They were human beings just like us, but they couldn’t divulge their identities to keep their family members safe from interrogation if their true identities were revealed to Indonesian soldiers.

    According to the village story, OPM have the power of nature, and they can obscure the sight of the Indonesian soldiers and make them crazy. At the time, I was astonished by these stories.

    With these fascinations, I continued to ask if the OPM was something that I should fear.

    They would tell me, “child, you should not be afraid of the OPM, because the OPM will protect you, and they will expel the Indonesian soldiers who were roaming around here, killing and raping women”.

    I grew up with these types of stories, and I am sure that many Papuans have similar stories to tell about what the name of OPM means to them.

    Hope for a better world
    OPM carries the spirit that keeps the hope of a better world (free from Indonesia) alive. That’s how I understand it. That hope, in Papuans’ imagination, is political independence from Indonesia.

    To be OPM is to be a proud Papuan, and to be Papuan is to be proud to be OPM because, in the minds of Papuans, OPM represents hope, freedom, salvation, healing, and reconciliation.

    As legend has it in the island of Biak, during the early 1940s, before Indonesia got their Independence from the Dutch, it was the spirit of the Morning Star that healed the legends Manarmakeri and Angganitha.

    Papuan people in the Biak island were already dreaming of a new world – a world free from terror, with the spirit of the Morning Star before Indonesia gained its independence in 1945.

    OPM stands to manifest that utopian dream of a Papuan free state as sovereign people. This fear of manifesting Papuan statehood drives Jakarta’s reckless policies toward West Papua.

    If Papuans were asked, without any intimidation or bribery, which spirit do they trust and believe in, the OPM or Indonesia security forces, I am confident that they would choose the spirit and the legend of OPM because that spirit stands for freedom and salvation.

    The word “terrorist” is the deadliest weapon that Indonesia has invented to kill Papuan people

    Labelling is dangerous
    This reckless labelling is dangerous, as already expressed by Governor Lukas and other civil society groups, because all Papuan people will suffer, not just OPM. Papuan people are already suffering in every aspect of their lives, this labelling will add more under the Indonesian rule and western capitalist world order.

    It is unfortunate that Indonesia is one of the most religious places, and yet unable to uphold its own religious morals and ethical teachings, as inscribed in their constitutional pillars: Ketuhanan Yang Maha Esa (Belief in the Almighty God) and Kemanusiaan Yang Adil dan Beradab (Just and Civilised Humanity). Do the Indonesian ruling elites still believe in these words?

    With all the human and material resources being spent on securing West Papua, the question we need to be asking is, ‘why is Jakarta still unable to catch all the perpetrators and bring them to face justice?’

    If the elites in Jakarta believe with sincerity in promoting the slogan “wonderful Indonesia” on the world’s stage, then the way they approach Papua needs to change.

    Papua will always be like a pebble in Indonesia’s shoe – it must be resolved in a humane manner if the “wonderful Indonesia dream” is to be fully realised. Turning West Papua into a terrorist and justifying it to wage war against the Papuan people is not the way to achieve peace in the land of Papua.

    • Yamin Kogoya is a West Papuan academic who has a Master of Applied Anthropology and Participatory Development from the Australian National University who contributes to Asia Pacific Report. From the Lani tribe in the Papuan Highlands, he is currently living in the Gold Coast, Queensland, Australia.
    • Other Yamin Kogoya articles
    Print Friendly, PDF & Email

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Police arrest 15 Papuan students at peaceful May Day rally in Jakarta

    By Yogi Ernes in Jakarta

    Indonesian police have seized 15 Papuan students among scores arrested at a May Day rally in central Jakarta on the ground that they did not have a permit to demonstrate.

    “Yes, 15 people were secured and taken to the Metro Jaya regional police [headquarters]. They wanted to protest without a permit,” said Metro Jaya regional police spokesperson Senior Commissioner Yusri Yunus.

    The students were arrested yesterday as they marched past the US Embassy on Jl Medan Merdeka Selatan in central Jakarta. They were taken to the Metro Jaya headquarters.

    According to Yunus, when they were questioned by officers at the location, the Papuan students were unable to produce a permit for the action.

    Yunus said that the 15 students were not carrying any suspicious objects and because of this they had now been sent home.

    “We’ve now sent them home. Earlier we just collected data on them,” said Yunus.

    The rallies in Jakarta were centred on the Horse Statue area.

    Thousands took to streets
    Thousands of workers from various different trade unions took to the streets to convey their aspirations.

    The workers took up a number of demands, one of which was cancelling the Job Creation Law which they say harms workers.

    CNN Indonesia reports that up to 300 people were arrested in rallies near the Horse Statue and the International Labour Organisation (ILO) offices in central Jakarta.

    The figures on the arrests were obtained by summarising statements made by police up until the May Day actions ended at 5.05 pm.

    The first arrests were the 15 Papuan students.

    Following this, police arrested 12 anarchists.

    Senior Commissioner Yunus said that the group was arrested as they wanted to join protesting workers in front of the ILO office.

    “12 young anarchists were arrested,” said Yunus.

    Yunus said they were arrested because it was suspected that they wanted to “create a riot” during the labour protests.

    “As is usual with them there were suspicions they wanted to create a riot, so we secured them, we questioned them”, said Yunus.

    Thirty students from the Indonesian Association of Catholic Students (PMKRI) were also arrested.

    Central Jakarta District police deputy chief Assistant Superintendant Setyo Koes Hariyanto said the students were arrested as they tried to incite chaos by setting fire to tyres.

    Women protesters arrested
    In Medan, North Sumatra, CNN Indonesia reports that Medan metropolitan district police (Polrestabes) arrested 14 protesters seven women and seven men – the from the People’s Resistance Alliance for the Destruction of Tyranny.

    Medan Legal Aid Foundation (LBH) labour and urban poor division head Maswan Tambak said there were no grounds for the repressive action by police against the peaceful protest.

    In addition, the protesters did not violate covid-19 health protocols.

    Protesters from the Medan People and Workers Accumulation of Anger Alliance (AKBR) acused rogue police officers of intimidating and sexually harassing them.

    “There were police who recorded demonstrators by sticking their mobile phones in the face of women protesters. It really wasn’t ethical, and we consider that threatening,” said the founder of Women Today (PHI), Lusty Ro Manna Malau.

    “The actions of these rogue police cannot be allowed to become normalised.”

    Translated by James Balowski for Indoleft News. The original title of the article was “Polisi Amankan 15 Mahasiswa Papua di Demo Hari Buruh di Jakarta”.

    Print Friendly, PDF & Email

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Police arrest 15 Papuan students at peaceful May Day rally in Jakarta

    By Yogi Ernes in Jakarta

    Indonesian police have seized 15 Papuan students among scores arrested at a May Day rally in central Jakarta on the ground that they did not have a permit to demonstrate.

    “Yes, 15 people were secured and taken to the Metro Jaya regional police [headquarters]. They wanted to protest without a permit,” said Metro Jaya regional police spokesperson Senior Commissioner Yusri Yunus.

    The students were arrested yesterday as they marched past the US Embassy on Jl Medan Merdeka Selatan in central Jakarta. They were taken to the Metro Jaya headquarters.

    According to Yunus, when they were questioned by officers at the location, the Papuan students were unable to produce a permit for the action.

    Yunus said that the 15 students were not carrying any suspicious objects and because of this they had now been sent home.

    “We’ve now sent them home. Earlier we just collected data on them,” said Yunus.

    The rallies in Jakarta were centred on the Horse Statue area.

    Thousands took to streets
    Thousands of workers from various different trade unions took to the streets to convey their aspirations.

    The workers took up a number of demands, one of which was cancelling the Job Creation Law which they say harms workers.

    CNN Indonesia reports that up to 300 people were arrested in rallies near the Horse Statue and the International Labour Organisation (ILO) offices in central Jakarta.

    The figures on the arrests were obtained by summarising statements made by police up until the May Day actions ended at 5.05 pm.

    The first arrests were the 15 Papuan students.

    Following this, police arrested 12 anarchists.

    Senior Commissioner Yunus said that the group was arrested as they wanted to join protesting workers in front of the ILO office.

    “12 young anarchists were arrested,” said Yunus.

    Yunus said they were arrested because it was suspected that they wanted to “create a riot” during the labour protests.

    “As is usual with them there were suspicions they wanted to create a riot, so we secured them, we questioned them”, said Yunus.

    Thirty students from the Indonesian Association of Catholic Students (PMKRI) were also arrested.

    Central Jakarta District police deputy chief Assistant Superintendant Setyo Koes Hariyanto said the students were arrested as they tried to incite chaos by setting fire to tyres.

    Women protesters arrested
    In Medan, North Sumatra, CNN Indonesia reports that Medan metropolitan district police (Polrestabes) arrested 14 protesters seven women and seven men – the from the People’s Resistance Alliance for the Destruction of Tyranny.

    Medan Legal Aid Foundation (LBH) labour and urban poor division head Maswan Tambak said there were no grounds for the repressive action by police against the peaceful protest.

    In addition, the protesters did not violate covid-19 health protocols.

    Protesters from the Medan People and Workers Accumulation of Anger Alliance (AKBR) acused rogue police officers of intimidating and sexually harassing them.

    “There were police who recorded demonstrators by sticking their mobile phones in the face of women protesters. It really wasn’t ethical, and we consider that threatening,” said the founder of Women Today (PHI), Lusty Ro Manna Malau.

    “The actions of these rogue police cannot be allowed to become normalised.”

    Translated by James Balowski for Indoleft News. The original title of the article was “Polisi Amankan 15 Mahasiswa Papua di Demo Hari Buruh di Jakarta”.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.