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Category: indonesia

  • Seaspiracy Response: Here’s What NGOs & Other Organizations Are Saying About The Documentary, Plus Our Take

    8 Mins Read Seaspiracy premiered on Netflix less than two weeks ago. Just four days after it was released, it had already made it to the Top 10 lists on Netflix in more than 32 countries, including the U.K. and the U.S. Netflix does not release viewing numbers often (or in most cases, at all) but we can […]

    The post Seaspiracy Response: Here’s What NGOs & Other Organizations Are Saying About The Documentary, Plus Our Take appeared first on Green Queen.

    This post was originally published on Green Queen.

  • The Malady of Ignorance? Indonesian Parliament During the COVID-19 Pandemic

    Parliament roles and ‘business as usual’ during pandemic

    Under the Indonesian Constitution Article 20A Paragraph 1, the legislative branch of the government (Parliament) has 3 functions: legislation, budgetary and monitoring.  How do these functions come into play when governing amidst a pandemic? How have their representative roles been at play with regards to their political constituents?

    What we read in the news is that MPs perform their routine activities in a ‘business as usual’ mode. For example, legalising the state budget during the plenary meeting held on Indonesian Independence Day (17 August 2020); legalising the controversial Omnibus Law; and supporting legislative processes like upgrading government regulations into Law and/or compiling national legislation programs (Prolegnas) for the next year. Parliament also carries out the budgetary process, another routine role.  Aside from their routine activities and several distasteful news items about how the family members of Parliament are given priority for vaccine inoculations, the Legislative branch has little to show for pandemic-related activities.

    The only non-routine activity Parliament has conducted is establishing an ad-hoc COVID-19 group in Parliament. It distributed imported herbal medicine to hospitals despite the medicines having no permits from the Food and Medicine authority, causing a protest from herbal medicine entrepreneurs. It has not capitalised on its legislative powers effectively, if at all.

    The monitoring function of Parliament is also sorely lacking during this pandemic. Parliament’s official web site lists several meetings and field visits for COVID-19, but public information on how Parliament is monitoring pandemic management in Indonesia is scarce. Where information is provided, it describes  global diplomacy—how Indonesia has been assisting other countries during the pandemic, practically detaching itself from the struggle of its own citizens.

    During this pandemic, “losing” these key Parliamentary functions has exacerbated the lack of “checks and balances”. Indonesia has three branches of government that are supposed to be independent from one another, in order to “check and balance” each other.

    The Judicial branch is currently struggling with the pandemic but has managed to stay afloat by organizing electronic and/or hybrid judicial system services. The Executive branch has enacted at least 681 national regulations and more than 1,000 regional/local regulations on Covid-19, so far. The State fund budget re-allocation in 2020 increased to IDR 62.3 trillion (US$ 3.9 billion), from the initially-planned value of IDR 23 trillion (US$ 1.2 billion).

    In addition, Indonesia faces problems of political representation. Indonesian electoral politics is widely known to operate on a personality level, rather than an institutional one. “Representative democracy” is a concept foreign to many Indonesians. During the legislative election, people often vote for a candidate either because of a personal relationship or because of vote buying practices. As a result, politicians deem voters useful once every five years at election time. Upon election, it is rare for politicians to maintain strong relationship with their constituencies, apart from formal constituency meetings allocated and funded by house’s budget. Therefore, during the post-election policy-making processes, the aspirations and needs of constituents are rarely, if ever, important aspects for legislating MPs to consider in conducting their three main roles. From the constituents’ perspective, there is a general lack of awareness that having and exercising political representation in Parliament can push policy agendas, not just those concerning COVID-19.

    Media outlets and the general population ignore the fact that Parliament has a role in pandemic governance.  We tracked Google trends of online public conversations, using conversation keywords such as ‘corona virus’, ‘government’ and ‘Parliament’. Our findings indicate that “Parliament” was neither a keyword nor a heavily-searched issue of interest. Few people talked about this important democratic institution online. Indonesians are typically think that the “government” only comprises Jokowi (the President) and his ministers—governors, mayors, civil servant officials, etc. We often forget that Parliament is also responsible for pandemic governance in Indonesia, even though they have spent a significant amount of our state’s budget on this. This is surprising, given that it costs IDR25 .6 trillion (US$ 1.8 billion), or almost 3 times West Papua’s local revenue in 2020, to elect Parliament.

    Related

    Taking parliament to the people in Indonesia

    Aid-supported ‘participatory recess’ programs are promoting healthier communication between MPs and constituents. But it won’t transform politics unless parties sign on wholesale.

    Stephen Sherlock 28 August, 2018

    Three courses of action

    There is an urgent need to hold Parliament responsible for organizing their basic duties during this pandemic.  As the legislative branch of the government, and as representatives of the Indonesian people, Parliament must perform “checks and balances” on other branches of the government and report those results to the public. They must represent the needs of Indonesian people, especially now, to the Executive and Judicial branches of the government. They should conduct dialogue, hold meetings, and support and review new regulations concerning policies related to the pandemic. The more dialogue and discussions are organised, the more engaged the stakeholders and the people to the information and issue of the government during the pandemic. This ensures the security, sustainability, and transparency of government, improving the public’s access to numerous essential services, such as health care, education welfare, and justice.

    To achieve this, at least three actors must be simultaneously involved—the State, political parties and citizens. Firstly, the state should have clear indicators for the allocation of subsidies to parties, based on parties’ representative performance. The more actively MPs engage their constituents, the better. Of course, this will not be popular among politicians. Secondly, parties, including their cadres, should recognise the incentive that attending to voters’ needs offers to those who want to win elections, although pragmatics voters are also hurdles in Indonesian elections. Parties, as institutions, should consistently champion standpoints favourable to their respective constituencies, not just during elections but even post-elections. This will make parties more responsive to their constituents, and forge a unifying function among their constituents. Thirdly, citizens must actively hold their representatives to account, particularly during this pandemic, by demanding their elected leaders to take more active roles during the pandemic instead of serving their own interests.

    The post The Malady of Ignorance? Indonesian Parliament During the COVID-19 Pandemic appeared first on New Mandala.

    This post was originally published on New Mandala.

  • Designating OPM as terrorists will ‘increase tension, rights abuses’

    By Arjuna Pademme in Jayapura

    The Indonesian government appears to be at a loss about how to quell the struggle of the Free Papua Organisation (OPM) with its plan to designate Papuan independence organisations as “terrorist” groups.

    Democracy Alliance for Papua (ADP) director Latifah Anum Siregar says that the Counter Terrorism Agency (BNPT) should rethink its proposal to apply the Anti-Terrorism Law before the government makes a decision which will add to tensions in Papua.

    “Actually, I think, sorry yeah but perhaps the government is at a loss as to how to handle the TPN [West Papua National Liberation Army] and the OPM,” said Siregar.

    “It’s not certain this will bring things under control, it’s not certain that it will make the situation better. So I think that the government has to be more careful in looking at this.

    “If the government gives them this definition, it will increase tensions.”

    Siregar said there were contradictions in the Anti-Terrorism Law itself.

    For example, Article 5 reads, “Terrorist crimes regulated under this law must be considered not to be political crimes”. Meanwhile, what the OPM is doing is fighting for independence politically, not through terrorism.

    Amnesty also opposed
    Speaking in a similar vein, Amnesty International Indonesia executive director Usman Hamid also opposes the discourse being promoted by BNPT chief Boy Rafli Amar.

    According to Hamid, this will not stop human rights violations in Papua.

    “Classifying armed groups which are affiliated with the OPM as terrorist organisations will not end the human rights violations being suffered by the Papuan people,” he said in a media release.

    “Many of these [violations] are being committed by state security forces, it would be better to continue with a legal approach.”

    Hamid is also concerned that giving such groups the “terrorist” label would be used as a pretext to further restrict Papuan’s freedom of expression and assembly through the Anti-Terrorism Law.

    Earlier, BNPT chief Boy Rafli Amar said that they would hold discussions with ministries and other agencies on the naming of armed criminal groups (KKB) in Papua.

    ‘Reasonable’ category
    According to Amar, it was reasonable to categorise the activities of these groups as terrorist acts.

    “Whether or not they can be categorised as a terrorist organisation because earlier it was conveyed that it is actually appropriate for the KKB’s crimes to be categorised as or to be on par with terrorist acts,” Amar said during a hearing with the House of Representatives (DPR) on March 22.

    Amar also said that aside from ministries and other agencies, the BNPT would be holding discussions with the National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM) and DPR representatives.

    According to Amar, the discussions would be held to reach an “objective understanding” about these groups.

    Translated by James Balowski for IndoLeft News. The original title of the article was “Wacana OPM Masuk Kategori Teroris, Aktivis: Akan Meningkatkan Ketegangan”

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    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Designating OPM as terrorists will ‘increase tension, rights abuses’

    By Arjuna Pademme in Jayapura

    The Indonesian government appears to be at a loss about how to quell the struggle of the Free Papua Organisation (OPM) with its plan to designate Papuan independence organisations as “terrorist” groups.

    Democracy Alliance for Papua (ADP) director Latifah Anum Siregar says that the Counter Terrorism Agency (BNPT) should rethink its proposal to apply the Anti-Terrorism Law before the government makes a decision which will add to tensions in Papua.

    “Actually, I think, sorry yeah but perhaps the government is at a loss as to how to handle the TPN [West Papua National Liberation Army] and the OPM,” said Siregar.

    “It’s not certain this will bring things under control, it’s not certain that it will make the situation better. So I think that the government has to be more careful in looking at this.

    “If the government gives them this definition, it will increase tensions.”

    Siregar said there were contradictions in the Anti-Terrorism Law itself.

    For example, Article 5 reads, “Terrorist crimes regulated under this law must be considered not to be political crimes”. Meanwhile, what the OPM is doing is fighting for independence politically, not through terrorism.

    Amnesty also opposed
    Speaking in a similar vein, Amnesty International Indonesia executive director Usman Hamid also opposes the discourse being promoted by BNPT chief Boy Rafli Amar.

    According to Hamid, this will not stop human rights violations in Papua.

    “Classifying armed groups which are affiliated with the OPM as terrorist organisations will not end the human rights violations being suffered by the Papuan people,” he said in a media release.

    “Many of these [violations] are being committed by state security forces, it would be better to continue with a legal approach.”

    Hamid is also concerned that giving such groups the “terrorist” label would be used as a pretext to further restrict Papuan’s freedom of expression and assembly through the Anti-Terrorism Law.

    Earlier, BNPT chief Boy Rafli Amar said that they would hold discussions with ministries and other agencies on the naming of armed criminal groups (KKB) in Papua.

    ‘Reasonable’ category
    According to Amar, it was reasonable to categorise the activities of these groups as terrorist acts.

    “Whether or not they can be categorised as a terrorist organisation because earlier it was conveyed that it is actually appropriate for the KKB’s crimes to be categorised as or to be on par with terrorist acts,” Amar said during a hearing with the House of Representatives (DPR) on March 22.

    Amar also said that aside from ministries and other agencies, the BNPT would be holding discussions with the National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM) and DPR representatives.

    According to Amar, the discussions would be held to reach an “objective understanding” about these groups.

    Translated by James Balowski for IndoLeft News. The original title of the article was “Wacana OPM Masuk Kategori Teroris, Aktivis: Akan Meningkatkan Ketegangan”

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Eyes in the Sky

    Roaming UAVs ease airborne border and coastal surveillance. Enduring territorial disputes, illegal immigration, transnational crime, and domestic and international terrorism in Asia-Pacific continue to drive regional interest in the protection of long and often porous land and maritime boundaries. While the imperative to monitor national borders is well understood, the reality on the ground for […]

    The post Eyes in the Sky appeared first on Asian Military Review.

    This post was originally published on Asian Military Review.

  • West Sepik administration fumes over handling of Papua border crossers

    By Jeffrey Elapa in Vanimo, PNG

    The West Sepik administration is not happy with the way illegal border crossers are being handled by the Indonesian and Papua New Guinean consular officials in Jayapura amid the worsening covid pandemic crisis.

    Administrator Conrad Tilau said the provincial administration had now withdrawn its support and involvement in anything to do with border crossers due to the hike in covid-19 pandemic cases in the province.

    He said the total covid-19 cases in West Sepik had increased to 336 and it was a concern for the provincial administration.

    Tilau said the border crossing was one transmission pathway and the provincial administration was concerned that an isolation centre had not been established in the province.

    He said the issue of border crossing was a major concern for his administration, particularly with the surge in the covid-19 cases, and illegal activities along the border.

    Tilau said the border crossing into Indonesia was an illegal activity that needed Indonesian authorities to deal with them using their laws instead of sending perpetrators back to Papua New Guinea and creating more problems.

    “Border crossing is still going on unnoticed and those crossers are conducting illegal activities and they should be subject to the Indonesian laws,” he said.

    ‘Poses more risk to PNG’
    “For the PNG Consular [officials] in Jayapura to send back those illegal border crossers poses more risk to the country.

    “They are illegally in Indonesia so they should be subject to Indonesian laws instead of deporting them to PNG and creating more problems like the increase in covid-19 pandemic cases.”

    Tilau said the provincial administration was involved in the exercise along the border when covid-19 first entered the country in 2020 but since then it had stopped its support.

    “When we tested the first case in 2021, we said no repatriation but the consular-general got approval from the Pandemic Controller [Police Commissioner David Manning] to send those people back; we do not have an isolation centre in Vanimo to deal with border crossers infected with covid-19,” he said.

    ‘Indonesia should help PNG’
    “Indonesia should help PNG amid the surge in sovid-19 cases.

    “What kind of bilateral relationship is this?

    “PNG and Indonesia must cooperate to protect their borders from covid-19 and … illegal activities.

    “The provincial government and provincial administration have withdrawn our involvement.”

    He urged the national government, through the Pandemic Controller, to fund a covid-19 isolation centre in Vanimo given the surge in infections and movement of people along the border.

    Meanwhile, the Pandemic Controller has issued a travel restriction along PNG’s international borders.

    Jeffrey Elapa is a PNG Post-Courier reporter.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • West Sepik administration fumes over handling of Papua border crossers

    By Jeffrey Elapa in Vanimo, PNG

    The West Sepik administration is not happy with the way illegal border crossers are being handled by the Indonesian and Papua New Guinean consular officials in Jayapura amid the worsening covid pandemic crisis.

    Administrator Conrad Tilau said the provincial administration had now withdrawn its support and involvement in anything to do with border crossers due to the hike in covid-19 pandemic cases in the province.

    He said the total covid-19 cases in West Sepik had increased to 336 and it was a concern for the provincial administration.

    Tilau said the border crossing was one transmission pathway and the provincial administration was concerned that an isolation centre had not been established in the province.

    He said the issue of border crossing was a major concern for his administration, particularly with the surge in the covid-19 cases, and illegal activities along the border.

    Tilau said the border crossing into Indonesia was an illegal activity that needed Indonesian authorities to deal with them using their laws instead of sending perpetrators back to Papua New Guinea and creating more problems.

    “Border crossing is still going on unnoticed and those crossers are conducting illegal activities and they should be subject to the Indonesian laws,” he said.

    ‘Poses more risk to PNG’
    “For the PNG Consular [officials] in Jayapura to send back those illegal border crossers poses more risk to the country.

    “They are illegally in Indonesia so they should be subject to Indonesian laws instead of deporting them to PNG and creating more problems like the increase in covid-19 pandemic cases.”

    Tilau said the provincial administration was involved in the exercise along the border when covid-19 first entered the country in 2020 but since then it had stopped its support.

    “When we tested the first case in 2021, we said no repatriation but the consular-general got approval from the Pandemic Controller [Police Commissioner David Manning] to send those people back; we do not have an isolation centre in Vanimo to deal with border crossers infected with covid-19,” he said.

    ‘Indonesia should help PNG’
    “Indonesia should help PNG amid the surge in sovid-19 cases.

    “What kind of bilateral relationship is this?

    “PNG and Indonesia must cooperate to protect their borders from covid-19 and … illegal activities.

    “The provincial government and provincial administration have withdrawn our involvement.”

    He urged the national government, through the Pandemic Controller, to fund a covid-19 isolation centre in Vanimo given the surge in infections and movement of people along the border.

    Meanwhile, the Pandemic Controller has issued a travel restriction along PNG’s international borders.

    Jeffrey Elapa is a PNG Post-Courier reporter.

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    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Terma opens offices in Indonesia

    Terma has established itself in Indonesia with the opening of PT Terma Technologies Indonesia. The expansion emphasizes the company’s focus on the country, where it will pursue business opportunities within the aerospace, defense, and security sector. The new office represents the third expansion in the Asia-Pacific region after the establishment of Terma Singapore in 2007 […]

    The post Terma opens offices in Indonesia appeared first on Asian Military Review.

    This post was originally published on Asian Military Review.

  • Indonesian suicide bombing rocks Makassar Cathedral on Palm Sunday

    Asia Pacific Report newsdesk

    A bomb believed to have been detonated by two suicide attackers in Indonesia exploded outside a Catholic cathedral in Makassar, South Sulawesi, on Sunday morning, wounding at least 20 and killing the assailants.

    According to the National Police, the bombers arrived at the cathedral on a motorbike, reports Gisela Swaragita in The Jakarta Post.

    A church security guard was trying to prevent the vehicle from entering the church’s grounds when the bomb exploded.

    “There were two people riding on a motorbike when the explosion happened at the main gate of the church. The perpetrators were trying to enter the compound,” National Police spokesman Brigadier General Argo Yuwono said.

    The blast occurred just after the congregants finished a service for Palm Sunday, which is the first day of Holy Week leading up to Easter and commemorates Jesus’ entry into Jerusalem.

    “I strongly condemn this act of terrorism and I have ordered the police chief to thoroughly investigate the perpetrators’ networks and tear down the networks to their roots,” President Joko Widodo said in an online broadcast following the attack, reports Al Jazeera.

    Father Wilhelmus Tulak, a priest who was leading mass at the time of the explosion, told Indonesian media the church’s security guards suspected two motorists who wanted to enter the church.

    Confronted by guards
    One of them detonated their explosives and died near the gate after being confronted by guards.

    He said the explosion occurred at about 10:30am (03:30 GMT) and that none of the worshippers was killed.

    Security camera footage showed a blast that blew flame, smoke and debris into the middle of the road.

    Makassar Mayor Danny Pomanto said the blast could have caused far more casualties if it had taken place at the church’s main gate instead of a side entrance.

    Police have previously blamed the JAD group for suicide attacks in 2018 on churches and a police post in the city of Surabaya that killed more than 30 people.

    Boy Rafli Amar, the head of the country’s National Counterterrorism Agency, described Sunday’s attack as an act of “terrorism”.

    Religious makeup
    Makassar, Sulawesi’s biggest city, reflects the religious makeup of Indonesia, the world’s largest Muslim-majority country with a substantial Christian minority and followers of other religions.

    “Whatever the motive is, this act isn’t justified by any religion because it harms not just one person but others, too,” Yaqut Cholil Qoumas, Indonesia’s Religious Affairs Minister, said in a statement.

    Gomar Gultom, head of the Indonesian Council of Churches, described the attack as a “cruel incident” as Christians were celebrating Palm Sunday, and urged people to remain calm and trust the authorities.

    Indonesia’s deadliest attack took place on the tourist island of Bali in 2002, when bombers killed 202 people, most of them foreign tourists.

    In subsequent years, security forces in Indonesia scored some major successes in tackling armed groups but, more recently, there has been a resurgence of violence.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Indonesian suicide bombing rocks Makassar Cathedral on Palm Sunday

    Asia Pacific Report newsdesk

    A bomb believed to have been detonated by two suicide attackers in Indonesia exploded outside a Catholic cathedral in Makassar, South Sulawesi, on Sunday morning, wounding at least 20 and killing the assailants.

    According to the National Police, the bombers arrived at the cathedral on a motorbike, reports Gisela Swaragita in The Jakarta Post.

    A church security guard was trying to prevent the vehicle from entering the church’s grounds when the bomb exploded.

    “There were two people riding on a motorbike when the explosion happened at the main gate of the church. The perpetrators were trying to enter the compound,” National Police spokesman Brigadier General Argo Yuwono said.

    The blast occurred just after the congregants finished a service for Palm Sunday, which is the first day of Holy Week leading up to Easter and commemorates Jesus’ entry into Jerusalem.

    “I strongly condemn this act of terrorism and I have ordered the police chief to thoroughly investigate the perpetrators’ networks and tear down the networks to their roots,” President Joko Widodo said in an online broadcast following the attack, reports Al Jazeera.

    Father Wilhelmus Tulak, a priest who was leading mass at the time of the explosion, told Indonesian media the church’s security guards suspected two motorists who wanted to enter the church.

    Confronted by guards
    One of them detonated their explosives and died near the gate after being confronted by guards.

    He said the explosion occurred at about 10:30am (03:30 GMT) and that none of the worshippers was killed.

    Security camera footage showed a blast that blew flame, smoke and debris into the middle of the road.

    Makassar Mayor Danny Pomanto said the blast could have caused far more casualties if it had taken place at the church’s main gate instead of a side entrance.

    Police have previously blamed the JAD group for suicide attacks in 2018 on churches and a police post in the city of Surabaya that killed more than 30 people.

    Boy Rafli Amar, the head of the country’s National Counterterrorism Agency, described Sunday’s attack as an act of “terrorism”.

    Religious makeup
    Makassar, Sulawesi’s biggest city, reflects the religious makeup of Indonesia, the world’s largest Muslim-majority country with a substantial Christian minority and followers of other religions.

    “Whatever the motive is, this act isn’t justified by any religion because it harms not just one person but others, too,” Yaqut Cholil Qoumas, Indonesia’s Religious Affairs Minister, said in a statement.

    Gomar Gultom, head of the Indonesian Council of Churches, described the attack as a “cruel incident” as Christians were celebrating Palm Sunday, and urged people to remain calm and trust the authorities.

    Indonesia’s deadliest attack took place on the tourist island of Bali in 2002, when bombers killed 202 people, most of them foreign tourists.

    In subsequent years, security forces in Indonesia scored some major successes in tackling armed groups but, more recently, there has been a resurgence of violence.

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    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • OPM isn’t a ‘terrorist group’ – the Indonesian state is, says Wenda

    Asia Pacific Report newsdesk

    Indonesia has been accused of a ‘disgraceful attack on the people of West Papua’ by considering listing the pro-independence militia Organisasi Papua Merdeka (OPM) as a terrorist organisation.

    The exiled interim president of the United Liberation Movement of West Papua (ULMWP), Benny Wenda has condemned the reported move by Jakarta, saying Papuans are generally in support of the OPM struggle for a free and independent West Papua.

    “In reality, Indonesia is a terrorist state that has used mass violence against my people for nearly six decades,” Wenda said in a statement.

    The ULMWP statement said the people of West Papua were forming their own independent state in 1961.

    “On December 1 of that year, the West New Guinea Council selected our national anthem, flag, and symbols. We had a territory, a people, and were listed as a Non-Self-Governing Territory by the UN Decolonisation Committee,” Wenda said.

    “Our flag was raised alongside the Dutch, and the inauguration of the West New Guinea Council was witnessed by diplomats from the Netherlands, UK, France and Australia.

    “This sovereignty was stolen from us by Indonesia, which invaded and colonised our land in 1963. The birth of the independent state of West Papua was smothered.

    Launched struggle
    “This is why the people of West Papua launched the OPM struggle to regain our country and our freedom.”

    The ULMWP said that under the international conventions on human rights, the Papuans had a right to self-determination, which legal research had repeatedly shown was “violated by the Indonesian take-over and the fraudulent 1969 Act of No Choice”.

    “Under the 1960 UN Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, we have a right to determine our own political status free from colonial rule,” Wenda said.

    “Even the Preamble to the Indonesian constitution recognises that, ‘Independence is the natural right of every nation [and] colonialism must be abolished in this world because it is not in conformity with Humanity and Justice’.”

    Indonesia’s anti-terrorism agency wanted to designate pro-independence Papuan movements OPM and KKB as “terrorists”.

    “Terrorism is the use of violence against civilians to intimidate a population for political aims. This is exactly what Indonesia has been doing against my people for 60 years. Over 500,000 men, women and children have been killed since Indonesia invaded,” said Wenda.

    “Indonesia tortures my people, kills civilians, burns their bodies, destroys our environment and way of life.

    ‘Wanted for war crimes’
    “General Wiranto, until recently Indonesia’s security minister, is wanted by the UN for war crimes in East Timor – for terrorism.

    “A leading retired Indonesian general this year mused about forcibly removing 2 million West Papuans to Manado – this is terrorism and ethnic cleansing. How can we be the terrorists when Indonesia has sent 20,000 troops to our land in the past three years?

    “We never bomb Sulawesi or Java. We never kill an imam or Muslim leader. The Indonesian military has been torturing and murdering our religious leaders over the past six months.

    “The Indonesian military has displaced over 50,000 people since December 2018, leaving them to die in the bush without medical care or food.”

    Wenda said ULMWP was a member of the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG), “sitting around the table with Indonesia”.

    “We attend UN meetings and have the support of 84 countries to promote human rights in West Papua. These are not the actions of terrorists. When 84 countries recognise our struggle, Indonesia cannot stigmitise us as ‘terrorists’.

    OPM ‘like home guard’
    “The OPM back home is like a home guard. We only act in self-defence, to protect ourselves, our homeland, our ancestral lands, our heritage and our natural resources, forests and mountain.

    “Any country would do the same if it was invaded and colonised. We do not target civilians, and are committed to working under international law and international humanitarian law, unlike Indonesia, which will not even sign up to the International Criminal Court because it knows that its actions in West Papua are war crimes,” Wenda said.

    “Indonesia cannot solve this issue with a ‘war on terror’ approach. Amnesty International and Komnas HAM, Indonesia’s national human rights body, have already condemned the proposals.

    “Since the 2000 Papuan People’s Congress, which I was a part of, we have agreed to pursue an international solution through peaceful means. We are struggling for our right to self-determination, denied to us for decades. Indonesia is fighting to defend its colonial project.”

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • OPM isn’t a ‘terrorist group’ – the Indonesian state is, says Wenda

    Asia Pacific Report newsdesk

    Indonesia has been accused of a ‘disgraceful attack on the people of West Papua’ by considering listing the pro-independence militia Organisasi Papua Merdeka (OPM) as a terrorist organisation.

    The exiled interim president of the United Liberation Movement of West Papua (ULMWP), Benny Wenda has condemned the reported move by Jakarta, saying Papuans are generally in support of the OPM struggle for a free and independent West Papua.

    “In reality, Indonesia is a terrorist state that has used mass violence against my people for nearly six decades,” Wenda said in a statement.

    The ULMWP statement said the people of West Papua were forming their own independent state in 1961.

    “On December 1 of that year, the West New Guinea Council selected our national anthem, flag, and symbols. We had a territory, a people, and were listed as a Non-Self-Governing Territory by the UN Decolonisation Committee,” Wenda said.

    “Our flag was raised alongside the Dutch, and the inauguration of the West New Guinea Council was witnessed by diplomats from the Netherlands, UK, France and Australia.

    “This sovereignty was stolen from us by Indonesia, which invaded and colonised our land in 1963. The birth of the independent state of West Papua was smothered.

    Launched struggle
    “This is why the people of West Papua launched the OPM struggle to regain our country and our freedom.”

    The ULMWP said that under the international conventions on human rights, the Papuans had a right to self-determination, which legal research had repeatedly shown was “violated by the Indonesian take-over and the fraudulent 1969 Act of No Choice”.

    “Under the 1960 UN Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, we have a right to determine our own political status free from colonial rule,” Wenda said.

    “Even the Preamble to the Indonesian constitution recognises that, ‘Independence is the natural right of every nation [and] colonialism must be abolished in this world because it is not in conformity with Humanity and Justice’.”

    Indonesia’s anti-terrorism agency wanted to designate pro-independence Papuan movements OPM and KKB as “terrorists”.

    “Terrorism is the use of violence against civilians to intimidate a population for political aims. This is exactly what Indonesia has been doing against my people for 60 years. Over 500,000 men, women and children have been killed since Indonesia invaded,” said Wenda.

    “Indonesia tortures my people, kills civilians, burns their bodies, destroys our environment and way of life.

    ‘Wanted for war crimes’
    “General Wiranto, until recently Indonesia’s security minister, is wanted by the UN for war crimes in East Timor – for terrorism.

    “A leading retired Indonesian general this year mused about forcibly removing 2 million West Papuans to Manado – this is terrorism and ethnic cleansing. How can we be the terrorists when Indonesia has sent 20,000 troops to our land in the past three years?

    “We never bomb Sulawesi or Java. We never kill an imam or Muslim leader. The Indonesian military has been torturing and murdering our religious leaders over the past six months.

    “The Indonesian military has displaced over 50,000 people since December 2018, leaving them to die in the bush without medical care or food.”

    Wenda said ULMWP was a member of the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG), “sitting around the table with Indonesia”.

    “We attend UN meetings and have the support of 84 countries to promote human rights in West Papua. These are not the actions of terrorists. When 84 countries recognise our struggle, Indonesia cannot stigmitise us as ‘terrorists’.

    OPM ‘like home guard’
    “The OPM back home is like a home guard. We only act in self-defence, to protect ourselves, our homeland, our ancestral lands, our heritage and our natural resources, forests and mountain.

    “Any country would do the same if it was invaded and colonised. We do not target civilians, and are committed to working under international law and international humanitarian law, unlike Indonesia, which will not even sign up to the International Criminal Court because it knows that its actions in West Papua are war crimes,” Wenda said.

    “Indonesia cannot solve this issue with a ‘war on terror’ approach. Amnesty International and Komnas HAM, Indonesia’s national human rights body, have already condemned the proposals.

    “Since the 2000 Papuan People’s Congress, which I was a part of, we have agreed to pursue an international solution through peaceful means. We are struggling for our right to self-determination, denied to us for decades. Indonesia is fighting to defend its colonial project.”

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    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Jokowi is a ‘hero’ for Myanmar, what about justice for the Papuans?

    By Kristianto Galuwo in Jayapura

    The United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) has responded to comments by the President of the Republic of Indonesia, Joko Widodo, who recently condemned violence by the military junta against pro-democracy protesters in Myanmar.

    The executive director of the ULMWP in Papua, Markus Haluk, said that the Papuan people also strongly condemned the actions of the Myanmar military junta which had seized power by violating the principles of democracy and human rights of the Myanmar people.

    “We condemn the anti-democratic military action of Myanmar, that is the principle of the people of West Papua,” he said.

    “The West Papuans reject the Indonesian and American governments which had been anti-decolonisation by the Dutch government towards the West Papuans since 1963. The West Papuans oppose violence against anyone.”

    Haluk said that while watching President Jokowi’s calls over the situation in Myanmar he had felt upset and angry because the Indonesian government had made the public question its democratic principles.

    The Indonesian government condemned Myanmar’s military but at the same time the government’s actions against Papua were anti-humanitarian and anti-democratic.

    “Honestly, I was angry, emotional, upset, but also I laughed out loud.

    ‘The problem in your backyard’
    “You always talk about democracy, human rights, being a hero for those over there, but what about those in front of your eyes – the problem in your backyard is the problem of Papua,” Haluk said.

    “What did President Jokowi do [to solve Papuan conflict]? Has he finished [the Papuan conflict] with 11 visits? Has he finished [the Papuan conflict) with building the Port Numbay Red Bridge?

    “Is it by holding PON XX [National Sports Week in October 2021 in Papua] and building facilities with a value of trillions of rupiah? Is it by sending TNI/POLRI [Indonesian military and police] troops from outside Papua?” he said.

    Haluk said that all that Jakarta had done would never resolve the political conflict between West Papua and the Indonesian government for the past 58 years – 1963-2021.

    The Indonesian government must think about concrete steps to resolve the crisis.

    “I convey to President Jokowi that now is the time for him to talk about Myanmar and it is indeed time to resolve political conflicts and human rights violations, crimes against humanity that continue to increase in West Papua,” he said.

    Haluk said there were several concrete steps that President Jokowi could take.

    President must honour promises
    The President must fulfil his promise to the chair of the UN Human Rights Council to come to West Papua.

    “That is in accordance with President Jokowi’s promise to the chair of the UN Human Rights Council in February 2018 in Jakarta.”

    He said the president must also fulfil his promise in 2015 that foreign journalists would be  allowed to freely enter Papua. Not only journalists, but also for all international communities to visit Papua.

    “Allow access for international journalists, foreign diplomats, academics, members of the senate and congress as well as the international community to visit West Papua,” he said.

    Meanwhile, Selpius Bobi, an activist for the victims of March 16, 2006, said last week that the Indonesian government had never stopped suppressing the freedom of indigenous Papuans.

    The events that put him in prison 15 years ago were still ongoing. He said it was better for the state to admit its mistakes in West Papua.

    “The Indonesian state must courageously, honestly and openly acknowledge to the public the deadly scenario behind the March 16, 2006 tragedy which it was responsible for and apologise to the victims,” he said.

    Freeport clash and tragedy
    Three policemen and an airman were killed and 24 other people wounded during a clash with Papuan students who had been demanding the closure of PT Freeport’s Grasberg mine.

    Indonesia committed violence against the Papuan people to take away its natural wealth.

    “We declare that PT Freeport Indonesia must be closed and let us negotiate between the United States, Indonesia and West Papua as responsibility and compensation for the West Papuan people who were sacrificed because of the unilateral cooperation agreement related to mining exploitation,” he said.

    He also urged President Jokowi to immediately stop the crimes that were rampant in West Papua.

    “Stop violence, stop military operations, stop sending TNI-POLRI, stop kidnappings and killings, stop stigmatisation and discrimination, stop arbitrary arrest and imprisonment for West Papuan human rights activists, and immediately withdraw non-organic troops from the Land of Papua, revoke the Papua Special Autonomy Law and stop the division of the province in the Land of Papua.”

    This article has been translated by a Pacific Media Watch project contributor.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Jokowi is a ‘hero’ for Myanmar, what about justice for the Papuans?

    By Kristianto Galuwo in Jayapura

    The United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) has responded to comments by the President of the Republic of Indonesia, Joko Widodo, who recently condemned violence by the military junta against pro-democracy protesters in Myanmar.

    The executive director of the ULMWP in Papua, Markus Haluk, said that the Papuan people also strongly condemned the actions of the Myanmar military junta which had seized power by violating the principles of democracy and human rights of the Myanmar people.

    “We condemn the anti-democratic military action of Myanmar, that is the principle of the people of West Papua,” he said.

    “The West Papuans reject the Indonesian and American governments which had been anti-decolonisation by the Dutch government towards the West Papuans since 1963. The West Papuans oppose violence against anyone.”

    Haluk said that while watching President Jokowi’s calls over the situation in Myanmar he had felt upset and angry because the Indonesian government had made the public question its democratic principles.

    The Indonesian government condemned Myanmar’s military but at the same time the government’s actions against Papua were anti-humanitarian and anti-democratic.

    “Honestly, I was angry, emotional, upset, but also I laughed out loud.

    ‘The problem in your backyard’
    “You always talk about democracy, human rights, being a hero for those over there, but what about those in front of your eyes – the problem in your backyard is the problem of Papua,” Haluk said.

    “What did President Jokowi do [to solve Papuan conflict]? Has he finished [the Papuan conflict] with 11 visits? Has he finished [the Papuan conflict) with building the Port Numbay Red Bridge?

    “Is it by holding PON XX [National Sports Week in October 2021 in Papua] and building facilities with a value of trillions of rupiah? Is it by sending TNI/POLRI [Indonesian military and police] troops from outside Papua?” he said.

    Haluk said that all that Jakarta had done would never resolve the political conflict between West Papua and the Indonesian government for the past 58 years – 1963-2021.

    The Indonesian government must think about concrete steps to resolve the crisis.

    “I convey to President Jokowi that now is the time for him to talk about Myanmar and it is indeed time to resolve political conflicts and human rights violations, crimes against humanity that continue to increase in West Papua,” he said.

    Haluk said there were several concrete steps that President Jokowi could take.

    President must honour promises
    The President must fulfil his promise to the chair of the UN Human Rights Council to come to West Papua.

    “That is in accordance with President Jokowi’s promise to the chair of the UN Human Rights Council in February 2018 in Jakarta.”

    He said the president must also fulfil his promise in 2015 that foreign journalists would be  allowed to freely enter Papua. Not only journalists, but also for all international communities to visit Papua.

    “Allow access for international journalists, foreign diplomats, academics, members of the senate and congress as well as the international community to visit West Papua,” he said.

    Meanwhile, Selpius Bobi, an activist for the victims of March 16, 2006, said last week that the Indonesian government had never stopped suppressing the freedom of indigenous Papuans.

    The events that put him in prison 15 years ago were still ongoing. He said it was better for the state to admit its mistakes in West Papua.

    “The Indonesian state must courageously, honestly and openly acknowledge to the public the deadly scenario behind the March 16, 2006 tragedy which it was responsible for and apologise to the victims,” he said.

    Freeport clash and tragedy
    Three policemen and an airman were killed and 24 other people wounded during a clash with Papuan students who had been demanding the closure of PT Freeport’s Grasberg mine.

    Indonesia committed violence against the Papuan people to take away its natural wealth.

    “We declare that PT Freeport Indonesia must be closed and let us negotiate between the United States, Indonesia and West Papua as responsibility and compensation for the West Papuan people who were sacrificed because of the unilateral cooperation agreement related to mining exploitation,” he said.

    He also urged President Jokowi to immediately stop the crimes that were rampant in West Papua.

    “Stop violence, stop military operations, stop sending TNI-POLRI, stop kidnappings and killings, stop stigmatisation and discrimination, stop arbitrary arrest and imprisonment for West Papuan human rights activists, and immediately withdraw non-organic troops from the Land of Papua, revoke the Papua Special Autonomy Law and stop the division of the province in the Land of Papua.”

    This article has been translated by a Pacific Media Watch project contributor.

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    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Indonesian navy receives first locally assembled submarine

    The Indonesian Navy (TNI-AL) received its third Nagapasa (Type 209/1400)-class diesel-electric submarine (SSK) at state-owned shipbuilder PT PAL’s facility in Surabaya on 17 March. The boat, which will named KRI Alugoro when commissioned by the end of 2021, is the first submarine to be assembled in Indonesia with engineering aid and technology transfer from South […]

    The post Indonesian navy receives first locally assembled submarine appeared first on Asian Military Review.

    This post was originally published on Asian Military Review.

  • How the Milk Tea Alliance has teamed up with the ‘West Papua Spring’

    By Jasmine Chia in Bangkok

    It is an unlikely combination: the white stars of the West Papuan and Myanmar flags, side by side.

    “West Papua Stands with Myanmar,” the sign said, posted by Indonesian human rights lawyer Veronica Koman. In another poignant picture, a small group of West Papuans stand at Simora Bay at the port town of Kaimana holding a sign that reads: “We Stand With Myanmar.”

    Popular activist Twitter account @AllianceMilkTea responds: “And solidarity with you West Papua!”

    The latest member of the Milk Tea Alliance is a little-known region in ASEAN, south of the Pacific Ocean and bordered by the Halmahera, Ceram and Banda seas.

    West Papua is better known for its Raja Ampat or “Four Kings” Islands, the majestic archipelago which contains the richest marine biodiversity on earth. But, like other members of the Milk Tea Alliance, it is a region scarred by subjugation and tyranny.

    Milk Tree Alliance Tweet
    The Milk Tree Alliance tweet.

    While the brutality of Min Aung Hlaing’s army is horrifyingly public, West Papuans protest killings and an independence movement that has largely been erased from history.

    In December 2020, Benny Wenda, a political exile in Britain, declared himself head of West Papua’s first government-in-exile under the Papua Merdeka “Free West Papua” movement. That same month, the United Nations Human Rights Office called on all sides – West Papuan separatists and the Indonesian security forces – to de-escalate violence in the territory that has seen the deaths of activists, church workers and Indonesian officials.

    As the Papua Merdeka campaign picks back up, this article surveys the history and recent state violence in the region. Flickers of a “Papuan Spring” seem faint in a March that has emboldened Southeast Asian dictators. But that the voices of a region long suppressed are being heard is an achievement in and of itself.

    History of West Papuan independence claims
    History is always a fraught tool in the battle between states and their challengers. Indonesian claims to control over West Papua date back to the “restoration” of the region to the Republic of Indonesia in a pivotal 1969 referendum, the ironically named “Act of Free Choice” (AFC).

    Central to the AFC’s controversy was the musyawarah (consultation) system, agreed upon by the Foreign Ministers of Indonesia and Netherlands, which decreed that the vote for West Papuan “restoration” would be conducted by a select group of representatives rather than the entire West Papuan population.

    The AFC was overseen by representatives from the UN Secretary-General’s team, giving the Indonesian government its desired stamp of international legitimacy.

    Yet, as studies produced by the University of Sydney show, since 1963 President Suharto’s military government worked to deliberately quash expressions of a unique Papuan identity. Shows of Papuan culture were declared “subversion”, West Papuan nationalists were placed under detention, and representatives were carefully selected for what the musyawarah.

    The script is familiar to any observer of Thailand’s equally controversial 2016 “constitutional referendum”. As an AFP correspondent noted in 1969, “Indonesian troops and officials are waging a widespread campaign of intimidation to force the Act of Free Choice in favor of the Republic.”

    President Suharto declared that voting against the AFC was an act of treason. Eventually, 1026 voters were chosen of a population of 815,906, all of whom voted unanimously for integration.

    Detained West Papuan activists 1969
    Prominent West Papuan activists placed under detention during the 1969 “Act of Free Choice” referendum. Source: John Wing and Peter King, Center for Peace and Conflict Studies, The University of Sydney

    In the aftermath of the AFC vote, West Papua was immediately declared a Military Operation Zone. West Papuan historians like John Rumbiak highlighted the military and police repression that soon followed, especially against activists protesting the appropriation of traditional land and forests by mining firms and timber estates.

    Thousands of troops were deployed in response to growing protest movements in the 1990s, with planned “black operations” against independence leaders.

    Ever since, West Papua has been caught in a cycle of violence. Indonesian armed forces accuse guerillas of inciting separatist violence, justifying their crackdowns on various villages.

    Under Indonesian law, raising the West Papuan flag carries a sentence of up to 15 years in prison. Separatists like the armed West Papua National Liberation Army continue to wage a low-key insurgency in their quest for self-rule.

    According to rights group Human Rights and Peace in Papua, 60,000 West Papuans have been displaced in the conflict.

    “Our independent nation was stolen in 1963 by the Indonesian government,” Wenda said in an interview with the New York Times, “We are taking another step toward reclaiming our legal and moral rights.”

    Wenda, like the authors of the University of Sydney study, argues that there is a “silent genocide” taking place in West Papua, as thousands of Indonesians are killed by Indonesian state actors in their battle against West Papuan separatists.

    A 2004 Yale Law School report similarly concluded that “the Indonesian government has committed proscribed acts with the intent to destroy the West Papuans,” including subjecting Papuan men and women to “acts of torture, disappearance, rape, and sexual violence.”

    This is compounded systematic resource exploitation, compulsory (and often unpaid) labor, as well as the rapid spread of HIV/AIDS and malnutrition.

    West Papuan claims to independence date back to 1961, according to then Papua People’s Congress leader Theys Hiyo Eluay.

    Eluay, later murdered by Indonesian Kopassus soldiers, insisted that Papua had never been culturally and politically integrated with Indonesia – a claim seemingly reinforced by the ethnic difference of the majority Papua population that inhabit the region.

    In the narrative both Eluay and Wenda have shared, West Papua declared sovereignty on 1 December 1961 as the Dutch gave up claims to Indonesia.

    “This same vision of West Papua’s history and sovereignty can be found among ordinary Papuan people,” writes academic Nino Viartasiwi.

    Papuan Spring? The 2019 Uprising
    West Papuans’ newfound alliance with the Milk Tea Alliance is part of its renewed attempt to bring international attention to the violence they have faced at the hands of Indonesian security forces for half a century.

    Last year, a #PapuanLives Matter campaign spotlighted the death of a 19-year old student at the hand of security forces as part of the global focus on police brutality. Activists highlighted the racialized elements of the West Papuan struggle.

    In the words of UK-born Indonesian actor and activist Hannah Al Rashid, quoted in The Guardian: “I stand in solidarity with Papuan Lives Matter, because…I have observed the way in which people of darker skin [in Indonesia] have been treated unfairly.”

    These 2020-2021 movements are smaller resurrections of the larger 2019 West Papua Uprising, or simply, ‘The Uprising.’ From August to September 2019, protests swept 22 towns in West Papua and 3 cities in Indonesia in response to an incident in which Indonesian soldiers shouted ‘monkey’ repeatedly at West Papuan students in Malang.

    In response, over 6000 members of the Indonesian security forces were deployed to quell the Uprising. 61 civilians – including 35 indigenous West Papuans – died in the crackdown.

    According to TAPOL, a campaigning platform for human rights, peace and democracy in Indonesia, 22,800 civilians were displaced during the Uprising.

    The cycle of resistance and crackdown is not new to Southeast Asia. West Papuans face the additional struggle of opposing a security force that they do not claim as their own, but it is an experience the Karen, Kachin, Chin or Wa peoples in Myanmar currently share.

    Their solidarity with the Milk Tea Alliance is fitting, drawing on a movement that has built regional solidarity and momentum for other struggles against authoritarianism.

    With any luck, the unlikely solidarity across the two starred flags may bring the West Papuan struggle back into the international spotlight. If not, the conflict will continue in the shadows, as it has done since the dawn of the 21st century.

    Jasmine Chia is a writer and contributor to the Thai Enquirer.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Dear President Widodo, be honest with Papua about the military operations

    OPINION: By Theo Hesegem in Wamena, Papua

    Indonesian President Joko Widodo has repeatedly made trips to two of Melanesian provinces, Papua and West Papua, in the easternmost part of Indonesia.

    However, the working visits made by the head of state to the land of Papua have actually not produced the results expected by indigenous Papuans.

    The President always prioritises infrastructure, while the hopes of indigenous Papuans have been that the President would be serious about handling and resolving cases of alleged human rights violations in Papua.

    The visit of the head of state is only ceremonial. It is as if the father comes and the child is happy. He does not have good intentions to resolve cases of alleged human rights violations in Papua.

    The president always prioritises the interests of the nation and the state, and never thinks of the interests of “humanity”. He should see the real interests for Papuans are self-esteem and dignity.

    Meanwhile, the conflict in Papua continues to claim casualties. As a president, he should think about the people who are experiencing casualties and also the refugees who have now lost their leader.

    As executive director of the Papua Justice and Human Integrity Foundation and a world human rights defender, I would say that the ability of a president is very limited and immeasurable, even though he has served for two periods as President of the Republic of Indonesia.

    In our encounters with the president, he has been aware that all this time the conflict in Papua continues to claim a lot of casualties. It appears that the president is unable to handle and resolve cases of alleged human rights violations in the Land of Papua.

    Indonesia’s focus is always on the strength of the military apparatus in Papua, thus they always send non-organic troops to carry out military operations.

    According to the president, sending thousands of troops to Papua is considered addressing the problem of Papua, and thus human rights violations in Papua will end. I believe the conflict will increase greatly.

    Does this president have no solutions and policies?
    In my opinion, no. The president seems incapable and he has no new policies and no initiatives against the violence that has just an adverse impact on civil society as his own citizens. He sits on a soft and comfortable chair and just orders the commander and the chief of police to send troops to West Papua.

    As a citizen of this country, I am ashamed that the president’s policy of always sending an extraordinary numbers of troops in Papua, thousands of Indonesia Military (TNI) and Police (POLRI) forces have now occupied the land of Papua.

    We know several countries around the world have highlighted Indonesian and the human human rights violations. However, the President has not taken this spotlight seriously, perhaps because he considered it is an ordinary thing.

    So, the situation of human rights violations in Papua are not taken seriously and resolved with the heart.

    Law enforcement operations?
    President Widodo needs to explain the status of the conflict in Papua to the Papuan people and the international community.

    Is it a military operation or a law enforcement operation? So that the Papuans and international observers can know clearly.

    The reason why the president has to explain these two things is that the status of the conflict in Tanah Papua is not yet clear, even though law enforcement officials often say that the operations in Nduga and Intan Jaya are for law enforcement.

    This situation is very worrying because civilians who do not have weapons and do not know about any problems are always victims. Therefore, this impacts seriously on indigenous Papuans experiencing an extraordinary humanitarian crisis, and almost every time there are victims.

    Failures and wrong operations
    Previously, we knew that the operations in Nduga and Intan Jaya regencies were law enforcement operations. However, law enforcement operations have failed.

    Law enforcement operations of the Indonesia military and police officers have not succeeded in arresting Egianus Kogoya and his friends who are alleged to have carried out the massacre at Mount Kabo on December 2, 2018, until now – three months into 2021.

    The capabilities and actions of the officers are actually worse in the process of searching for the Free Papua Organisation (OPM) suspects. To this day, we have never heard that the group led by Egianus Kogoya and his friends have been arrested and processed.

    Where are the thousands of military troops who have been assigned to Papua?

    The law enforcement process has not gone well according to the expectations of the Indonesian government.

    People who were suspected of being OPM have been immediately executed on the spot and members of the TNI only submitted evidence to the law enforcement apparatus without being accompanied by the person arrested.

    Is it by means of submitting evidence without the person that the law enforcement process can be run.

    The TNI/POLRI military apparatus needs to learn professional law enforcement processes, so that the application of the law in the field can be carried out in accordance with the mechanisms or laws in force in Indonesia.

    Civilians who were arrested were shot, then the authorities put the gun on their chest or body to show it as having belonged to them, then the TNI apparatus handed over only the evidence – pistol – to the law enforcement apparatus.

    Law enforcement officials do not dare to prove in an honest and fair investigation that the weapons really belonged to the OPM or were engineered by officers in the field.

    Missing serial numbers on firearms
    The law enforcement process is very important, so that anyone who has committed a violation of the law must be processed according to the applicable law in Indonesia.

    The confiscation of evidence of weapons in the hands of the OPM was a success of the TNI/POLRI apparatus, only the weapons in question could not be proven in the law enforcement process.

    For example, the police, as law enforcement officers can prove with the serial number of the pistol or weapon seized in the hands of the OPM to be able to prove it with the serial number registered in each police or military institution. This is ecause all weapons and pistols used by the TNI and POLRI officers have been officially registered with their respective institutions.

    Thus the serial number of the weapon needs to be proven. If the serial number of the weapon or pistol is not registered, it means that the weapon or pistol belongs to the OPM.

    Then in the process of proving the serial numbers of weapons and pistols registered with the military institution or POLRI, it means that there has been manipulation in the field by the authorities.

    For this reason, proving a weapon’s number is very important, but to my knowledge, the authorities as law enforcers have never done it. A serious failure.

    This is why I argue that the operations in Nduga and Intan Jaya are law enforcement operations that have failed and gone wrong.

    President does not respect citizens
    President Widodo does not respect its own people, which to this day, the indigenous Papuan people, as citizens, have always been victims of violence, but a president just chooses to remain silent.

    As a human rights defender, I am very disappointed with the attitude of a president who does not protect civilians, indigenous Papuans, as citizens who have the right to live and to freedom.

    The president also does not respect the international community which always urges open access to the Human Rights Commission of the United Nations and foreign journalists to enter Papua.

    Perhaps, according to the president, the humanitarian crisis in Papua is considered an ordinary thing, not an extraordinary thing, so that Jakarta always sends troops to carry out military operations in Papua.

    Honourable President, I, as a human rights defender in Papua, am very surprised and feel sad about the attitude of a president who always sends troops using warships to lean on Jayapura for military operations in Papua Land.

    I appeal to you, President Widodo, to please convey honestly to us as the Papuan region about sending of troops in such excessive numbers.

    If indeed Papua has been designated as a Military Emergency Operation area, we need to know that! Being honest is an important part of being a President.

    Theo Hesegem is the executive director of the Papua Justice and Human Integrity Foundation and a world human rights defender. This article was contributed to Asia Pacific Report.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Papuan students report Malang police chief over racist ‘shoot to kill’ order

    The formal Papuan complaint against Senior Commissioner Leonardus Simarmata over the alleged “shoot to kill” racial slur. Image: IndoLeft News/Tribune

    By Igman Ibrahim in Jakarta

    Malang city district police chief (Kapolres) Senior Commissioner Leonardus Simarmata has been reported to the Indonesian police’s professionalism and security affairs division (Propam) over alleged racial slurs when securing an International Women’s Day (IWD) rally by Papuan students on March 8.

    The report was registered by the Greater Jakarta Papua Student Alliance (AMP) in the name of Arman Asso at the national police headquarters Propam.

    The report was registered as Number SPSP2/815/III/2021/Bagyanduan dated March 12, 2021.

    “Today we Papuan students officially reported Malang Kapolres Pak [Mr] Leonardus Simarmata for issuing an instruction and statement which was very racist and discriminatory against Papuan students in Malang city”, said AMP lawyer Michael Hilman at the Propam building in Jakarta yesterday.

    Hilman explained that Simarmata made the racist remark during a protest action held by the Papuan Solidarity Movement with the People (Gempur) in the East Java city of Malang on March 8.

    At the time, the protesters were taking up themes about women’s rights and opposing the extension of the Papua Special Autonomy Law (Otsus). The protest was later marred by a scuffle between students and police.

    It was at that time that Simarmata is alleged to have made the racist statement which was seen as deeply offensive to the Papuan people.

    “The racist remark deeply hurt our feelings as Papuans, where as a senior [official] who should promote human rights and provide proper security services for demonstrations he instead made a statement which was very, very racist,” said Hilman.

    The racial remark or words expressed by Simarmata were, “Shoot, just shoot, [spilling] the blood of [Papuan] students is halal [permissible under Islam]. Shoot, just shoot”.

    According to Hilman, the remark has inflamed Papuans in all corners of the county.

    “We are concerned that this could spread like the 2019 incident in Surabaya. This is the same as what was done by police in Surabaya,” Hilman said.

    “So we are concerned that it will go viral on every social media group and it has already gone super viral and had responses on WhatsApp groups, this has to be reported so it doesn’t spread in Papua.”

    Note
    The storming of a Papuan student dormitory in the East Java provincial capital of Surabaya in September 2019, which was proceeded by racist slurs by ultra-nationalist groups and security personnel which went viral on social media, led to widespread and sometimes violent anti-racist protests across West Papua.

    Translated by James Balowski of IndoLeft News. The original title of the article was “Kapolres Kota Malang Dilaporkan ke Propam Atas Dugaan Ujaran Rasial Terhadap Mahasiswa Papua”.

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    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Papuan students report Malang police chief over racist ‘shoot to kill’ order

    By Igman Ibrahim in Jakarta

    Malang city district police chief (Kapolres) Senior Commissioner Leonardus Simarmata has been reported to the Indonesian police’s professionalism and security affairs division (Propam) over alleged racial slurs when securing an International Women’s Day (IWD) rally by Papuan students on March 8.

    The report was registered by the Greater Jakarta Papua Student Alliance (AMP) in the name of Arman Asso at the national police headquarters Propam.

    The report was registered as Number SPSP2/815/III/2021/Bagyanduan dated March 12, 2021.

    “Today we Papuan students officially reported Malang Kapolres Pak [Mr] Leonardus Simarmata for issuing an instruction and statement which was very racist and discriminatory against Papuan students in Malang city”, said AMP lawyer Michael Hilman at the Propam building in Jakarta yesterday.

    Hilman explained that Simarmata made the racist remark during a protest action held by the Papuan Solidarity Movement with the People (Gempur) in the East Java city of Malang on March 8.

    At the time, the protesters were taking up themes about women’s rights and opposing the extension of the Papua Special Autonomy Law (Otsus). The protest was later marred by a scuffle between students and police.

    It was at that time that Simarmata is alleged to have made the racist statement which was seen as deeply offensive to the Papuan people.

    “The racist remark deeply hurt our feelings as Papuans, where as a senior [official] who should promote human rights and provide proper security services for demonstrations he instead made a statement which was very, very racist,” said Hilman.

    The racial remark or words expressed by Simarmata were, “Shoot, just shoot, [spilling] the blood of [Papuan] students is halal [permissible under Islam]. Shoot, just shoot”.

    According to Hilman, the remark has inflamed Papuans in all corners of the county.

    “We are concerned that this could spread like the 2019 incident in Surabaya. This is the same as what was done by police in Surabaya,” Hilman said.

    “So we are concerned that it will go viral on every social media group and it has already gone super viral and had responses on WhatsApp groups, this has to be reported so it doesn’t spread in Papua.”

    Note
    The storming of a Papuan student dormitory in the East Java provincial capital of Surabaya in September 2019, which was proceeded by racist slurs by ultra-nationalist groups and security personnel which went viral on social media, led to widespread and sometimes violent anti-racist protests across West Papua.

    Translated by James Balowski of IndoLeft News. The original title of the article was “Kapolres Kota Malang Dilaporkan ke Propam Atas Dugaan Ujaran Rasial Terhadap Mahasiswa Papua”.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • At what cost: The impact of Indonesia’s Omnibus law on underwater cultural heritage

    Indonesia has had a moratorium on the commercial salvage of underwater cultural heritage since 2010. But a new and seemingly unrelated Law has reintroduced the prospect that Indonesia’s waters will again be “open for investment.” The Law in question is the Job Creation (or “Omnibus”) Law (Undang-Undang Nomor 11 Tahun 2020 tentang Cipta Kerja), and it resurrects a policy that calls into question how underwater cultural heritage is valued in Indonesia. To understand the relationship between the Job Creation Law and underwater cultural heritage, we need to wade through a lot of laws.

    Let’s start in 1989, when commercial salvage was first legalised in Indonesia. Suharto was President and there were almost no laws in place to protect and preserve the hundreds (some say thousands) of shipwrecks in Indonesia’s territorial waters. The only laws in place dated to the 1930s, and, as the Geldermalsen case demonstrated, they had proved completely ineffective in safeguarding the archipelago’s underwater cultural heritage.

    In August 1989, Suharto introduced Presidential Decree No.43 on the National Committee for the Salvage and Utilisation of Valuable Objects originating from the Cargo of Sunken Ships. The Decree legalised the salvage (pengangkatan) and utilisation (pemanfaatan) of valuable objects (benda berharga) from the cargo of shipwrecks (asal muatan kapal yang tenggelam) in Indonesian territorial waters. Salvage was defined as the research, survey and recovery of valuable objects from sunken ships, and utilisation entailed the sale of objects and other uses for the benefit of the Government. The Decree established the National Shipwrecks Committee, headed by the Coordinating Minister for Politics and Security. Committee membership consisted of representatives from at least nine different Ministries.

    To salvage a site, a salvage company first had to apply for a survey permit. Given the number of Ministries represented on the National Shipwrecks Committee, this involved extensive bureaucratic wrangling as well as numerous fees. Then, if their survey identified a site of interest, they could apply for a salvage permit, involving yet more red tape and fees. The company was responsible for all costs associated with the survey and salvage process. Foreign salvors could be involved in surveying, salvaging and utilising valuable objects (benda berharga), provided they partnered with a local (that is, Indonesian) company. There were a number of conditions—for example, sites were to be excavated to accepted archaeological standards and Indonesia was to retain unique and scarce artefacts. But these provisions were not enforced.

    Objects from the 10th century Intan shipwreck on display at the Museum Seni dan Rupa Keramik, Jakarta, in 2018. Image supplied. Credit: N. Pearson

    Under this regime, objects from shipwrecks such as the Intan, Belitung and Cirebon, as well as many others, were salvaged and sold. Indonesia had made commercial salvage legal, but was it ethical? For many observers, the sale of objects from underwater was akin to treasure hunting. But others, myself included, understood Indonesia’s commercial salvage arrangements within their context: as an uneasy (and, it must be said, unsatisfactory) compromise that sought to balance the resource-intensiveness of a scientific archaeological excavation with the entirely unregulated treasure hunting that had previously occurred in Indonesia.

    Before we move on, it is instructive to consider the way language was used in these laws to constitute underwater cultural heritage in terms of its economic, rather than its archaeological or historical, value. Benda berharga asal muatan kapal yang tenggelam (BMKT), used by the National Shipwrecks Committee and in associated laws, translates as “valuable objects originating from the cargo of sunken ships”. Contrast this with warisan budaya maritim, meaning “underwater cultural heritage”, or even cagar budaya, meaning “cultural heritage” in a more general (and terrestrial, by default) sense. Media outlets, meanwhile, tend to use the phrase harta karun, which translates as “treasure”. The different terminology in use testifies to profoundly different conceptualisations of objects from the ocean.

    Skip forward a few years to 1992, when Indonesia updated its colonial-era heritage laws with a new Law and new regulations. This new Law asserted state ownership over cultural heritage (cagar budaya). But provisions were also made, through a new Presidential Decree, for a profit sharing arrangement between the Government and the salvage company (Presidential Decree No.25/1992 on Profit Sharing between the Indonesian Government and Salvage Companies of Valuable Objects Retrieved from Sunken Ships). Recovered objects deemed not to be cultural heritage could be sold, with 50 per cent of the gross proceeds earmarked for the Government and the remaining 50 per cent allocated to the salvage company. Not only did these provisions reduce the likelihood that an object would be deemed to have cultural heritage value, they also placed pressure on salvage companies to recuperate their costs by generating significant profits.

    Throughout the 1990s and 2000s, the legislative regime pertaining to underwater cultural heritage in Indonesia became increasingly complex. New laws were introduced relating to the management of coastal areas and small islands; the management of underwater cultural heritage and tourism; even, again, a new heritage Law (Law No.11/2010 on Cultural Heritage, Undang-Undang Republik Indonesia Nomor 11 Tahun 2010 tentang Cagar Budaya) which, like its predecessor asserted state ownership over cultural heritage.

    At the same time, awareness of the need to protect and preserve underwater cultural heritage was growing, both domestically and worldwide. In 2001, the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation introduced its Convention on the protection of the underwater cultural heritage. Twenty years on, Indonesia has not signed this Convention and has no plans to do so at this stage. In Southeast Asia, the only signatory is Cambodia.

    In 2010, a decision was made to halt the issuing of all new survey and salvage licences in Indonesia, effective immediately. In November 2011, the National Shipwreck Committee formalised this arrangement with the introduction of a temporary moratorium that suspended the issuing of all new licences to commercial salvage companies. The moratorium was made permanent in May 2016 with the introduction of Presidential Regulation No.44 concerning the List of Closed Business Fields and Open Business Fields with Conditions to Investment. This regulation specified business fields that were excluded from investment, including, at Attachment 1, salvaged objects from shipwrecks—effectively prohibiting investment in the field of shipwreck salvage. Indonesia’s permit system for commercially salvaging shipwrecks and their cargo was over.

    But then came the Job Creation Law.

    Commonly known as the Omnibus Law, the Job Creation Law seeks to amend 76 laws, with the aim of facilitating business, reducing bureaucracy, boosting investments and, as the title suggests, creating jobs. To implement the Job Creation Law, 49 new regulations (Peraturan Pelaksana) have been introduced, including 45 promulgated by the Government (Peraturan Pemerintah) and 4 by the President (Peraturan Presiden). These regulations have been coming into effect over the last few months.

    Article 77 of the Job Creation Law seeks to change Law No.25/2007 on Capital Investment. Of relevance to underwater cultural heritage are the amendments to Article 12 of the Law No.25/2007. These changes render pretty much every field of business terbuka—open for investment—with just a handful of exceptions.

    The proposed changes to Law No.25/2007 are implemented through Presidential Regulation No.10 of 2021 on Business Investment Fields. Presidential Regulation No.10/2021 regulates business fields that are open to investment activities. Confusingly, unlike the amended Article 12(2) of Law No.25/2007, which only specifies 6 exceptions to the ‘open for business’ policy, Presidential Reg No.10/2021 specifies 9 exceptions (these include the alcohol industry; the removal of coral or endangered fish; the production of narcotics, chemical weapons or ozone depleting substances; and gambling and casinos.)

    Related

    The Java Sea Wreck: New research on an ancient ship

    New research on an ancient wreck raises important questions about protection and preservation

    Natali Pearson 18 May, 2018

    The inconsistency between the revised Law No.25/2007 and the Presidential Regulation that implements it is difficult to make sense of. It may be simply a reflection of the complexity of overhauling Indonesia’s massive business regulatory framework. More importantly, when Presidential Regulation No.10/2021 came into force on 4 March 2021, it had the effect of revoking and invalidating Presidential Regulation No.44/2016 concerning the List of Closed Business Fields and Open Business Fields with Conditions to Investment. In other words, the salvaging of “valuable objects” from sunken ships is no longer forbidden in Indonesia.

    In recent days the Indonesian media has been awash with reports on the “treasure” that lies beneath the oceans. Some media reports have estimated the value of Indonesia’s underwater cultural heritage at an astonishing US$12.7 million.

    A final observation relates to the involvement of politician Luhut Binsar Pandjaitan, Indonesia’s Coordinating Minister for Maritime Affairs and Investment. Luhut enjoys special access to President Joko Widodo, having once served as his chief of staff, and is believed to have played a key role in the decision to re-open underwater cultural heritage to commercial salvage. The National Shipwrecks Committee still exists, but without powers. Once reconstituted, it will report to Luhut.

    Meanwhile, former Minister of Marine Affairs and Fisheries Ibu Susi Pudjiastuti has taken to Twitter to beg President Jokowi to exclude foreign and private investment from recovering “valuable objects” from the ocean, arguing these activities should be solely the Government’s domain. Within government ministries, officials are grappling with the complexity of the new laws, which will require the drafting of additional technical regulations before salvaging activities can commence. They—and many others—are wondering why, after such a long hiatus, underwater cultural heritage is once again being considered as an economic, not an archaeological or historical, resource.

    Indonesia is the world’s largest and greatest archipelagic state, rich in maritime history and heritage. Even if the shipwrecks in its waters were a profitable investment (and to be clear, they’re not), we must ask: at what cost?

    The post At what cost: The impact of Indonesia’s Omnibus law on underwater cultural heritage appeared first on New Mandala.

    This post was originally published on New Mandala.

  • Invisible victims of the Papua conflict: the Nduga Regency refugees

    Since the end of 2018 approximately 400 refugees have died in Nduga Refugee Camps.  Indonesian authorities have not taken a leading role in dealing with this problem. How can the Indonesian authorities improve this situation?

    In the last couple of months, the media has reported on Indonesian security forces shooting two men in Mimika Regency, Papua. While the current discussion on Papua is re-emerging in public, few talk about the conflict’s toll on internally displaced people. After the Nduga massacre in 2018—when 25 workers from state-owned Indonesian construction firm were abducted and the West Papua National Liberation Army (TPNBP) killed 30 people—the Indonesian executive declared a state of emergency in the Nduga regency. The emergency status gave justification for the Indonesian Military Forces (TNI) to launch the Nemangkawi Military Operation which increased the intensity of armed conflict in the region, which in turn created an influx of Internally Displaced Person (IDP)s. Today, approximately 5000 people live in the refugee camp, among 700 of whom are children.

    IDPs in Nduga are currently living in poor conditions. A volunteer from Baku Bantu Foundation stated that the IDPs’ meals in the camp consist only of yams, without additional side dishes to provide further nutrients. As the result, many of the IDPs experience malnutrition—a condition that is especially dangerous to vulnerable groups such as pregnant women, small children, and people with chronic medical conditions. Additionally, the IDPs also suffered from inadequate sanitation, which causes health problems such as diarrhea and skin disease. The combination of malnutrition, poor sanitation, and lack of medical attention also compromise IDPs’ overall immune systems, which leads to vulnerability to tropical diseases such as malaria and dengue fever. Since the refugee camps were first established in 2018, approximately 400 refugees have died in various camps in Nduga.

    Since the beginning, the Indonesian government has been absent from Nduga, and most refugee camps in the regency are established by NGOs, churches, and indigenous Papuan youth organisations—institutions with limited resources. While the conditions in the refugee camp worsen each day, there are calls for the Indonesian authorities to declare a humanitarian emergency. However, in mid-2019, the Indonesian military reportedly labelled figures in reports from Solidarity for Nduga and Amnesty International as a “hoax.” They denied that the number is that high, even though they have not verified the conditions directly themselves.

    The authorities, through the Ministry of Social Affairs, have since given aid to Nduga refugee camps to the value of Rp. 745 million (around USD 53,000), which was distributed in the form of foods, household tools, and school supplies. The authority also attempted to start a counseling program in emergency schools, conducted by the teachers. However, the government’s aid is still far from sufficient, since the camps need more than ad hoc aid to create a stable and healthy environment.

    The late response from the Indonesian government, combined with indigenous Papuans’ hostility towards the government’s perennial militaristic approach in Papua, has made any further approach towards the refugees by the Indonesian government difficult. However, this does not mean that the government should not focus on dealing with the Nduga refugee crises—on the contrary, this issue should be a priority in handling the Papua conflict. Although the Nduga Refugee crisis has received little media attention in the past two years, it does not erase the possibility that this issue can become a sticking point in the Papua conflict in the future.

    While the militaristic approach is an important element of counterinsurgency tactics, the Indonesian government should not regard it as the sole element in curbing the separatist movement. The indigenous Papuan community is considered a “neutral population” in the Papuan conflict, as their support can help decide the victory or defeat of the belligerents. Support for Indonesia from the indigenous Papuan community would weaken the insurgents’ support base, depriving them of their intelligence networks, logistics, and hiding places among the neutral population. In terms of international legitimacy, support from the indigenous Papuan population will also strengthen Indonesia’s position and securing its victory in case of a referendum. On the contrary, lack of sympathy for the government will strengthen the insurgents’ bargaining position in the international world.

    Research by Paul et. al at RAND shows that from 59 case studies, 44 states still use the militaristic approach as their main counterinsurgency strategy. However, repressive methods only resulted in a success rate of 32%. On the other hand, states who use mixed strategies have a higher chance of success, rated at 73%. Indonesia could learn from the successful British counterinsurgency in Malaya during the 1950s, where the British government conducted several strategies aside from military operations, such as conducting political reform and improving governance. It is critical for the Indonesian authority to take a leading role in improving the condition of the refugee camps.

    Related

    Mengapa media gagal meliput Papua?

    Nasihat dari seorang wartawan Indonesia bagi kawan-kawannya yang meliput isu-isu Papua.

    Febriana Firdaus 13 December, 2017

    It is critical for the Indonesian authorities to take a leading role in improving conditions in the refugee camps.

    Even though IDPs currently hold grievances against the Indonesian authorities, the Indonesian government could regain their trust by enhancing its cooperation with institutions and key persons that are close to the local community and already involved in assisting IDPs. Those institutions include Nduga’s customary leaders, churches, and local civil society organizations. By conducting dialogue, information sharing, and joint site visits with those institutions the Indonesian government could gain better insight into the factual conditions, and produce a more effective policy to improve the living conditions of Nduga IDPs.

    In the end, over and above its strategic importance, the Nduga refugee crisis should be seen as a humanitarian problem that is in dire need of attention from the Indonesian authorities. Without further help from the government, the situation in Nduga refugee camp could worsen at any time, which would have long-term impacts that could hamper post-conflict revitalisation in the Nduga regency. Considering all of these factors, the Indonesian government must be present and take a leading role in mitigating the Nduga refugee crisis.

    The post Invisible victims of the Papua conflict: the Nduga Regency refugees appeared first on New Mandala.

    This post was originally published on New Mandala.

  • Indonesian police break up rally after Papuan protesters wreck police truck

    By Muhammad Aminudin in Malang, East Java

    A Papuan demonstration held near the Gajayana stadium in Malang city, East Java, ended in chaos with protesters accused of smashing a police truck window after they were ordered to disperse for violating health protocols.

    Glass fragments hit the police officer who was behind the wheel. The protest began as a peaceful demonstration to commemorate International Women’s Day (IWD) that was being held by the Women’s Movement with the People (GEMPUR).

    The protesters had earlier gathered on Jalan Semeru in preparation for a long-march to the Malang city hall. At the same time, protesters from the Papuan Student Alliance (AMP) and the Papuan High-School and University Student Association (IPMAPA) also began gathering at the Gajayana stadium.

    When the GEMPUR protesters decided to disband and cancelled the long-march, the demonstrators from the AMP and the IPMAPA began protesting and held speeches.

    Police along with Malang City Covid-19 Task Force members ordered the demonstrators to disperse because they were violating health protocols.

    Three trucks were on standby to evacuate the protesters and take them to their respective locations. Negotiations became protracted with protesters refusing to be evacuated and instead smashing a police truck window.

    Malang municipal police chief Senior Commissioner Leonardus Simarmata claimed that the protest action commemorating IWD was just “a cover” and the objective was opposition to the controversial Special Autonomy extension plan (Otsus) and calls for Papuan independence.

    West Papua independence banners
    Aside from violating health protocols because the protest was held during the covid-19 pandemic and the Micro Enforcement of Restrictions on Public Activities (PPKM), the demonstrators also unfurled banners with messages rejecting Special Autonomy and proclaiming demands for West Papua independence.

    “The intent was actually noble, but during the pandemic and Micro PPKM crowds are prohibited. And also the action was only used as a cover by the AMP and the IPMAPA to call for West Papua independence,” Simarmata told journalists.

    While there were efforts at negotiations to take the protesters back to their respective locations, said Simarmata, “provocative actions” continued when they asked demonstrators to get into the trucks provided.

    Because the demonstrators resisted and refused to get in the trucks, police then forcibly broke up the protest. Protesters were then taken to the Malang municipal police headquarters for questioning.

    “The Satreskrim [criminal and detectives unit] is questioning them, who was involved and pushed the officers. We also confiscated the shoe used to kick out the truck window,” said Simarmata.

    Translated by James Balowski for IndoNews Left. The original title of the article was “Demo Hari Perempuan Sedunia di Malang Ricuh, Pendemo Pecah Kaca Truk Polisi”.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Indonesian police break up rally after Papuan protesters wreck police truck

    By Muhammad Aminudin in Malang, East Java

    A Papuan demonstration held near the Gajayana stadium in Malang city, East Java, ended in chaos with protesters accused of smashing a police truck window after they were ordered to disperse for violating health protocols.

    Glass fragments hit the police officer who was behind the wheel. The protest began as a peaceful demonstration to commemorate International Women’s Day (IWD) that was being held by the Women’s Movement with the People (GEMPUR).

    The protesters had earlier gathered on Jalan Semeru in preparation for a long-march to the Malang city hall. At the same time, protesters from the Papuan Student Alliance (AMP) and the Papuan High-School and University Student Association (IPMAPA) also began gathering at the Gajayana stadium.

    When the GEMPUR protesters decided to disband and cancelled the long-march, the demonstrators from the AMP and the IPMAPA began protesting and held speeches.

    Police along with Malang City Covid-19 Task Force members ordered the demonstrators to disperse because they were violating health protocols.

    Three trucks were on standby to evacuate the protesters and take them to their respective locations. Negotiations became protracted with protesters refusing to be evacuated and instead smashing a police truck window.

    Malang municipal police chief Senior Commissioner Leonardus Simarmata claimed that the protest action commemorating IWD was just “a cover” and the objective was opposition to the controversial Special Autonomy extension plan (Otsus) and calls for Papuan independence.

    West Papua independence banners
    Aside from violating health protocols because the protest was held during the covid-19 pandemic and the Micro Enforcement of Restrictions on Public Activities (PPKM), the demonstrators also unfurled banners with messages rejecting Special Autonomy and proclaiming demands for West Papua independence.

    “The intent was actually noble, but during the pandemic and Micro PPKM crowds are prohibited. And also the action was only used as a cover by the AMP and the IPMAPA to call for West Papua independence,” Simarmata told journalists.

    While there were efforts at negotiations to take the protesters back to their respective locations, said Simarmata, “provocative actions” continued when they asked demonstrators to get into the trucks provided.

    Because the demonstrators resisted and refused to get in the trucks, police then forcibly broke up the protest. Protesters were then taken to the Malang municipal police headquarters for questioning.

    “The Satreskrim [criminal and detectives unit] is questioning them, who was involved and pushed the officers. We also confiscated the shoe used to kick out the truck window,” said Simarmata.

    Translated by James Balowski for IndoNews Left. The original title of the article was “Demo Hari Perempuan Sedunia di Malang Ricuh, Pendemo Pecah Kaca Truk Polisi”.

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    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Police break up rally against Papua special autonomy – blame covid

    Asia Pacific Report

    Indonesian police have broken up a protest action against the extension of Special Autonomy (Otsus) in Papua that took place on Jalan Imam Barjo in the Central Java provincial capital of Semarang – and they blamed covid health protocols.

    Before being broken up, the protesters from the Papuan People’s Petition (PRP) were repeatedly warned by police not to continue the action on the grounds that the crowds of protesters were violating health protocols during the covid-19 pandemic, reports CNN Indonesia.

    “We ask that you obey the law and comply with the rules. Please disperse voluntarily because there is still a pandemic and we must be disciplined about health protocols, don’t gather and create crowds,” Semarang metropolitan district deputy police chief Assistant Superintendent Iga Nugraha told the protesters at the demonstration on Friday.

    “One again, please understand.”

    Despite being asked to negotiate, police continued to ask the demonstrators to disperse immediately.

    Earlier, the protesters had tied themselves together in a barricade using ropes to prevent police from breaking up the action.

    Because the demonstrators insisted on going ahead with the action, police finally took action and tried to disperse them. A clash was unavoidable and the protesters fought back resulting in police arresting several people who were alleged to be the provocateurs.

    The action rejecting the extension of Special Autonomy for Papua was held as a reaction to protests by sections of Papuan society which are part of the PRP who feel that they have not gained any benefits from the Special Autonomy status which has had no impact on the Papuan people’s welfare.

    Translated by James Balowski of IndoLeft News. The original title of the article was “Pandemi, Polisi Bubarkan Aksi Tolak Otsus Papua di Semarang”.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Police break up rally against Papua special autonomy – blame covid

    Asia Pacific Report

    Indonesian police have broken up a protest action against the extension of Special Autonomy (Otsus) in Papua that took place on Jalan Imam Barjo in the Central Java provincial capital of Semarang – and they blamed covid health protocols.

    Before being broken up, the protesters from the Papuan People’s Petition (PRP) were repeatedly warned by police not to continue the action on the grounds that the crowds of protesters were violating health protocols during the covid-19 pandemic, reports CNN Indonesia.

    “We ask that you obey the law and comply with the rules. Please disperse voluntarily because there is still a pandemic and we must be disciplined about health protocols, don’t gather and create crowds,” Semarang metropolitan district deputy police chief Assistant Superintendent Iga Nugraha told the protesters at the demonstration on Friday.

    “One again, please understand.”

    Despite being asked to negotiate, police continued to ask the demonstrators to disperse immediately.

    Earlier, the protesters had tied themselves together in a barricade using ropes to prevent police from breaking up the action.

    Because the demonstrators insisted on going ahead with the action, police finally took action and tried to disperse them. A clash was unavoidable and the protesters fought back resulting in police arresting several people who were alleged to be the provocateurs.

    The action rejecting the extension of Special Autonomy for Papua was held as a reaction to protests by sections of Papuan society which are part of the PRP who feel that they have not gained any benefits from the Special Autonomy status which has had no impact on the Papuan people’s welfare.

    Translated by James Balowski of IndoLeft News. The original title of the article was “Pandemi, Polisi Bubarkan Aksi Tolak Otsus Papua di Semarang”.

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    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Papua support group praises Meg Taylor for UN rights statement

    Asia Pacific Report

    The Australia West Papua Association (AWPA) has called on the Australian government to stop trying to keep Papua off the agenda at the Pacific Islands Forum and “strenuously support” Pacific leaders in urging Jakarta to allow a PIF fact-finding mission to the territory.

    Congratulating the PIF Secretary-General Meg Taylor on her statement to the 46th session of the UN Human Rights Council, also called on Canberra to back the call for the visit to West Papua by the High Commissioner for Human Rights.

    An AWPA statement from Sydney said Taylor raised the issues of covid-19, climate change and West Papua and pointed out that the pandemic must not hinder efforts to address critical issues.

    About West Papua, she said the violent conflict and subsequent human rights violations in West Papua had been of concern for PIF leaders for more than 20 years.

    Joe Collins of AWPA said, “The Pacific Islands Forum (PIF) and the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG), the two main regional organisations in the Pacific, are very important for the issue of West Papua,” said Joe Collins of AWPA.

    Pacific leaders regularly raised the issue of West Papua at the UN and other international fora, given credibility to the issue on the world stage. This was the reason Pacific leaders were regularly condemned by Jakarta.

    “The human rights situation in West Papua is an issue of great concern for Pacific governments and their people and has the potential to impact on relations between Australia and countries in the region,” Collins said.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • SAFEnet concerned Jakarta’s virtual police unit may create ‘Orwellian state’

    Asia Pacific Report

    The Southeast Asia Freedom of Expression Network (SAFEnet) – an institution concerned with freedom of expression in the digital world – has criticised Indonesia’s newly established virtual police (VP) unit formed under the national police headquarters that is tasked with monitoring the activities of netizens.

    The programme, the brainchild of Indonesian police chief General Listyo Sigit Prabowo, was formed to prevent indictments under the Information and Electronic Transaction Law (UU ITE).

    SAFEnet executive director Damar Juniarto is concerned however that instead of providing a sense of security the virtual police would in fact give rise to new fears.

    The reason being that virtual police officers would intrude too far into the private lives of citizens in the digital sphere.

    “This will instead give rise to new fears, where the police can appear at any time in citizen’s private [digital] space,” said Juniarto when contacted by CNN Indonesia last week.

    Juniarto said that it was if the virtual police were reviving an Orwellian state. The term Orwellian state refers to a system and public situation that is anti-freedom and anti-openness and is taken from a fictional work by author and journalist George Orwell.

    One of the criteria for an Orwellian state is when the state continuously monitors what is being done by its citizens.

    ‘Correcting’ citizens
    In such a situation, continued Juniarto, the state can directly correct citizens who are deemed to be in error. Instead of feeling protected, people will in fact feel threatened and fearful.

    “Even without this direct police presence, people are already afraid of the threat of the UU ITE [being used against them], never mind with methods such as this,” he said.

    Not only that, Juniarto emphasised that the virtual police negate the space for people to defend themselves if a posting on the internet is deemed to be hate speech or violate the ITE Law.

    The virtual police, according to Juniarto, would in fact negate the judicial process so people would only have one option – to obey or be punished.

    Juniarto revealed that the virtual police’s presence have already turned people’s discussions in digital space into something has to be treated or cured. He is also concerned that they would destroy the climate of discussion and debate on digital media.

    “So the VP needs to be corrected so their implementation prioritises education, not appearing as a figure which wants to punish disobedient citizens,” said Juniarto.

    Earlier this week, the police officially launched the virtual police unit to monitor potential violations of the ITE Law on the internet.

    Healthy cyber world
    According to national police spokesperson Inspector General Argo Yuwono, the virtual police’s presence in digital space is a form of maintaining security and public order so that activities in the cyber world can be clean, healthy and productive.

    “Through the virtual police, the police will provide education and notifications if what is written is a criminal violation, request that it not be written again and be deleted,” Yuwono told journalists.

    According to Yuwono, the virtual police had already sent warnings to three accounts recently. One of the accounts had posted a picture with the caption “Don’t forget I’m a thief”.

    “Virtual police alert. Warning 1. The content on your Twitter account uploaded on February 21, 2021, at 3.15 pm local time has the potential to be criminal hate speech.

    “In order to avoid further legal proceedings you are asked to make a correction to the social media content after you have received this message. Salam Presisi [predictability, responsibility, transparency, justice],” said Yuwono reading out the contents of the warning.

    Translated by James Balowski for IndoLeft News. The original title of the article was “SAFEnet Kritik Aksi Virtual Police Terobos Ruang Privat Warga”.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • First KF-X prototype nearly completed ahead of April rollout

    Assembly of the first prototype of South Korea’s first indigenous Korean Fighter eXperimental (KF-X) combat aircraft is nearly completed and scheduled for rollout in April, the Defense Acquisition Programme Administration (DAPA) announced on 1 March. KF-X prime contractor Korea Aerospace Industries (KAI) is building six prototypes – comprising four single seat and two tandem-seat variants […]

    The post First KF-X prototype nearly completed ahead of April rollout appeared first on Asian Military Review.

    This post was originally published on Asian Military Review.

  • Indonesia in 2020: Looking back at a year of crisis

    To mark International Human Rights Day (10 December), the ANU Indonesia Institute hosted an online discussion reviewing the events of 2020 in Indonesia from a human rights perspective.

    In this recording of the event panel of experts and practitioners looked at how the COVID pandemic has been reshaping the lives of Indonesians. Panelists discussed the major events that occurred in Indonesia in 2020 while reflecting on how Indonesians’ enjoyment of political, economic, and social rights have been affected by the multiple crises of 2020. Moderated by Professor Edward Aspinall, ANU, speakers included:

    Dr. Eve Warburton, National University of Singapore: Politics

    Dr Saiful Mahdi, Universitas Syiah Kuala, Banda Aceh: A view from Aceh
    Prof. John McCarthy, ANU: Food security and vulnerability
    Dr. Elly Kent, ANU: Artists, communities and COVID responses
    Sandeep Nanwani, activist, anthropologist and physician, UNFPA Indonesia: Vulnerable Populations: Warga Miskin Kota
    Dr. Amalinda Savirani, Universitas Gajdah Mada: Informal workers and the urban context
    Usman Hamid, Amnesty International Indonesia: Human rights in 2020.

    On 11 March, 2021, the ANU Indonesia Institute will host another webinar in which we will hear from Indonesian art practitioners about future pathways for art and artists in Indonesia.

    Art and artists have long held an important position in Indonesian society—in politics, in movements for social and environmental justice, community development, education, commercial design and contemporary life. After two decades of enormous social change on global and local scales, what role will art and artists play in Indonesia’s future? The ANU Indonesia Institute is pleased to present a webinar addressing this question across diverse fields including curatorship, art history, ‘artivism’, experimental and research-based art, regional development and education.

    Moderated by Dr Elly Kent, speakers will include:

    Anissa Rahadiningtyas (PhD Candidate, Cornell University),

    Arham Rahman (Director, Makassar Biennale),

    I Made Bayak (artist),

    Alia Swastika (Director, Yogyakarta Biennale Foundation),

    Karina Roosvita (Artist and researcher)

    When: Mar 11, 2021 05:00 PM Canberra, Melbourne, Sydney

    Click here to register in advance for this event.

    The post Indonesia in 2020: Looking back at a year of crisis appeared first on New Mandala.

    This post was originally published on New Mandala.

  • Indonesia eyes French, US-made aircraft for air force recapitalisation

    Indonesia’s Ministry of Defence (MoD) has revealed another ambitious list of proposed acquisitions for the Indonesian Air Force (TNI-AU) over the next four years. Defence Minister Prabowo Subianto and TNI Chief Air Vice Marshal Hadi Tjahjanto said in an annual report to senior defence personnel, published in mid-February, that desired platforms include the Dassault Rafale […]

    The post Indonesia eyes French, US-made aircraft for air force recapitalisation appeared first on Asian Military Review.

    This post was originally published on Asian Military Review.