Category: israel

  • US voters don’t want to join Israel’s unprovoked war on Iran, or for it to become Iraq 2.0. Donald Trump and other politicians, however, are essentially admitting the US is already involved.

    Trump isn’t just ignoring US intelligence saying Iran was not developing nuclear weapons (which Israel already has). He isn’t just ripping up his previous ‘anti-war’ mask. He’s making it very clear that the attack on Iran is a joint effort between the US and its useful junior partner, Israel. Because he has said:

    We now have complete and total control of the skies over Iran

    Warhawk senator Ted Cruz basically said the same in a carcrash inteview, saying:

    we are carrying out military strikes today

    Iran’s foreign ministry didn’t hesitate in pointing the finger at the US after Israel’s initial attack, highlighting that it held the apartheid state‘s “primary supporter” responsible. But it seems Washington isn’t even trying to hide its participation anymore.

    Israeli intelligence service Mossad allegedly has significant influence in the US, and in the interview above Cruz himself admitted he was fine with Israel spying on people inside the US. Pro-Israel lobby group the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), meanwhile, exercises massive power in US politics. A simple look at how politicians display US and Israeli flags with equal pride represents an essential merging of the two settler-colonial states:

    It may indeed be the case that Israel is doing most of the West’s “dirty work” in Iran (as German chancellor Friedrich Merz put it), but it simply couldn’t do that without the US.

    They’re not even trying to fool people anymore

    Over half of the 2024 Trump voters oppose the US joining Israel’s war on Iran, as do 60% of all voters. A poll in Britain shows the same opposition to backing Israel’s crimes.

    That’s hardly surprising. Because there haven’t been meaningful efforts to fool people into backing Israeli crimes. And the facts are clear: Iran was showing good will in negotiations, ready to pledge never to develop nuclear weapons; US intelligence believed Iran was not currently developing such weapons; Israel blew up the negotiating table by openly engaging in international terrorism in Iran like it did in Lebanon last year, threatening Iranian civilians with collective punishment and demanding that they leave the capital en masse (which is almost certainly illegal).

    Israel – along with its US backers – is the aggressor. And Iran is the victim. We don’t need to delve into the long history of Western interference in Iran to see that.

    We must not allow our misanthropic rulers to push ahead with another devastating regime-change operation. Because they’re not just flamethrowing international law to cinders. They’re creating a world where only countries with their own nuclear weapons can escape this kind of aggression.

    Featured image via the Canary

    By Ed Sykes

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • Department for Work and Pensions publishes text of bill cutting benefits and claims three-month transitional period is ‘one of most generous ever’

    Angela Rayner, the deputy PM, will be taking PMQs shortly. And she will be up against Chris Philp, the shadow home secretary.

    When Kemi Badenoch became Tory leader, she did not appoint a deputy (or even a “de factor deputy”, a post that has existed in Tory politics in recent years) and she said she would decide who would stand in for her at PMQs on a case by case basis. Alex Burghart, the shadow Cabinet Office minister, got the gig the first time Starmer was away.

    Chris Philp follows Alex Burghart in rotating for Kemi Badenoch at PMQs. One Westminster wag asks “When is it going to be Robert Jenrick’s turn?”

    We have this profound challenge of the number of people joining the armed forces being outweighed by the outflow the people leaving. So ultimately its about retention.

    And the number one issue reason cited in last month’s attitude survey for the armed forces for leaving was family life. We know the quality of housing is unfortunately poor. It’s due to the basically to the structural nature of those homes.

    To wrap up this topic, the state of housing for the armed forces is in a poor state because your government did not do enough for it?

    [The housing] which is not in a good enough state because of your government?

    What did I do about it? I did something that hasn’t been done for 30 years – yes, it completed under Labour – and now we would recommend to the government, when they bring forth their housing defence white paper, that we set up a housing association.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • As tensions between Iran and Israel continue to mount, a 46-second video compilation showing missiles hitting urban areas in the night is being widely circulated with claims that it shows Iran’s retaliatory attacks on Tel Aviv on June 14, a day after Israel launched one of its biggest aerial assaults in an alleged bid to stop Tehran’s nuclear pursuits. 

     

    The compilation comprises three separate videos. The first one shows a series of distant explosions, from incoming missiles, lighting up the night sky near a highway. A few vehicles are seen plying on the road while others are parked by the roadside. The second clip shows a cascade of missiles raining down in the distance, filmed from what appears to be a residential balcony. The final clip is recorded from inside a moving vehicle and shows a missile hitting the ground just a few metres away from the car.

    Also Read: 2024 video of missile attack on Sevastopol, Crimea, viral as Iran’s recent offensive on Israel

    X user @WLbir shared this compilation on June 14, 2025, claiming it showed the live situation in Tel Aviv. (Archive)

    At the time of writing this, the post had over 350,000 views.

    Another X user, @Yemenimilitary, also shared the video with the caption, “Tel Aviv is being taught a lesson.” (Archive)

    At the time this article was written, the post had over 708,000 views. 

    Similarly, another X user, @F5xLyB7vFWa4ies shared the video and alleged that the video captures military actions in Tel Aviv, Israel. (Archive)

    Several other social media users also shared the video with similar claims. 

    Click to view slideshow.

     

    Fact Check

    We fact checked each of the clips in the compilation separately.

    Clip 1: A reverse image search on a few key frames from the video led us to an Instagram post by Creative Community for Peace (@ccfpeace) from October 1, 2024. According to the caption, the footage depicts a missile attack launched by Iran and Hezbollah on Israel during that time.

    Clip 2: A similar reverse image search led us to a Reddit post from October 1, 2024. The caption accompanying the video clearly states that it shows an Iranian ballistic missile strike targeting the Israeli Occupation Forces (IOF). 

    Clip 3: We repeated the process and found the same clip on YouTube uploaded on October 2, 2024, by TRT world, a Turkish public broadcast service. The video description reads, “A passenger in a car captured the moment an Iranian missile struck, after Tehran launched nearly 200 missiles at Israel.”

    Based on these findings, we were sure that none of the clips used in the compilation were from the recent conflict. They have been available online since at least October 1, 2024, when Iran launched a large-scale missile attack against Israel to retaliate against the strikes on Gaza and Lebanon, as well as to avenge the assassinations of senior commanders of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, Hamas and Hezbollah.

    To sum up, all three clips included in the widely circulated video compilation are not of the escalation between Iran and Israel in June. These visuals are at least eight months old.

    Also Read: Video available online since October 2024 falsely linked to current Israel-Iran conflict and Video shared in January 2025 as fireworks in Berlin now viral as visuals from Israel-Iran airstrikes 

    The post More old videos of missile strikes viral as Iran’s June attack on Israel appeared first on Alt News.


    This content originally appeared on Alt News and was authored by Ankita Mahalanobish.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Trump may be about to drag the United States directly into a devastating regional war in the Middle East with an attack on Iran. In these critical days and hours, all people who oppose the war machine need to be in the streets! Protests across the country will take place on June 18, as part of a national day of action.  Already, the administration has backed the brutal Israeli bombardment that has caused widespread civilian casualties — carried out with an arsenal paid for with our taxpayer dollars. But now, Trump may be on the verge of ordering direct U.S. strikes that would escalate the war to unspeakably dangerous new heights.

    The post National Day Of Protest June 18: No War On Iran! appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • For nearly 30 years, Israel’s Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, has driven the Middle East into war and destruction.

    The man is a powder keg of violence.

    Throughout all the wars that he has championed, Netanyahu [who is wanted by the International Criminal Court] has always dreamed of the big one: to defeat and overthrow the Iranian government.

    His long-sought war, just launched, might just get us all killed in a nuclear Armageddon, unless Netanyahu is stopped.

    Netanyahu’s fixation on war goes back to his extremist mentors, Ze’ev Jabotinsky, Yitzhak Shamir and Menachem Begin.

    The post Stop Netanyahu Before He Gets Us All Killed appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • The risk of famine increases in Gaza as the Israeli government’s blockade of nearly all aid to Gaza approaches its third month.

    “I felt this almost sense of panic as every day went by without food let in,” Ash Bohrer, a Chicago-based Jewish activist in the Palestinian solidarity movement, told me as she outlined how high the stakes are as the genocide continues in Gaza.

    “When I first heard it, my initial thought was … if there is some way I can use my body,” Bohrer said, ​“I am ready and willing to do it, and I think about it as a personal, moral and religious obligation to do so.”

    The post Chicago Jewish Activists Embark On Indefinite Hunger Strike Over Gaza appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • In June 2025, the world witnessed the outbreak of a full-scale war between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Israel. This conflict, extending far beyond the military sphere, is reshaping political, media, and geopolitical landscapes. At the onset of hostilities, Israel initiated a surprise operation targeting several high-ranking Iranian military commanders and scientists. Tel Aviv saw this act as a significant achievement, anticipating it would plunge Iran into psychological disarray and delay its response.

    Yet, this assumption proved gravely flawed. The Islamic Republic swiftly recovered and, within days, launched a series of unprecedented strikes on key Israeli cities such as Haifa and Tel Aviv.

    The post Israel’s Strategic Miscalculation And The Dawn Of A New World Order appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee has suggested to President Donald Trump that he should use a nuclear bomb against Iran, urging Trump to listen to the voice he will “hear from heaven” and follow its guidance in making decisions about Israel’s war on Iran. In a post on Truth Social on Tuesday, Trump posted a screenshot of the lengthy text he says was sent to him by Huckabee…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • President Donald Trump said on Tuesday that he doesn’t care that his own Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard has said that according to the assessment of U.S. intelligence sources, Iran has not been pursuing the development of a nuclear weapon for over two decades — an assessment that undercuts the U.S. and Israel’s stated reason for the current attack on Iran. In March…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • Raised in an ultra-orthodox Hasidic Jewish community in Brooklyn, Rabbi Abby Stein has had a long, painful, beautiful journey to coming out as a transgender woman and becoming a fierce opponent of Zionism and Israel’s Occupation and ethnic cleansing of Palestinians. In this episode of The Marc Steiner Show, Marc speaks with Rabbi Stein about her journey, and about the need to simultaneously fight Israel’s genocide in Gaza and the right’s fascist assault on the rights of LGBTQ+ people here in the US.

    Guest:

    • Rabbi Abby Stein is the tenth-generation descendant of the Baal Shem Tov, the founder of the Hasidic movement. Raised in an ultra-orthodox Hasidic Jewish community in Brooklyn, Stein came out as a woman in 2015 and now serves as a rabbi for Congregation Kolot Chayeinu, a progressive synagogue. In 2019, she served on the steering committee for the Women’s March in Washington, DC, and she was named by the Jewish Week as one of the “36 Under 36” Jews who are affecting change in the world. She is the author of Becoming Eve: My Journey from Ultra-Orthodox Rabbi to Transgender Woman.

    Additional resources:

    Credits:

    • Studio Production: Cameron Granadino
    • Audio Post-Production: Alina Nehlich
    Transcript

    The following is a rushed transcript and may contain errors. A proofread version will be made available as soon as possible.

    Marc Steiner:

    Welcome to the Marc Steiner Show here on The Real News. I’m Marc Steiner. It’s great to have you all with us. Now my guest today is Rabbi Abby Stein. She was born and grew up in Williamsburg in Brooklyn to an ultra orthodox Hasidic Jewish world to a family that lived in Israel for generations from about the age five. She knew she was a girl, but she was stuck as a 10th generation descendant of Basov, the founder of Hasidic Judaism. But in 2015, rabbi Stein came out as trans, and after being raised as a boy in Aida community, she went through an extremely difficult and powerful struggle to define herself and become who she is. She, as she says, was groomed to become a rabbi and community leader and she is, but not in the way her ultra orthodox community expected. Many ultra Orthodox Jews are anti Zionists, in part because they’re waiting for the Messiah to come to save them.

    But for Rabbi Stein, it was an underpinning for her solidarity with the Palestinian people. She became an outspoken leader in the fight to end the occupation to free Palestinians and Palestine to tie the struggle of trans and queer communities to the struggle for Palestinian people. She lives the mantra of not in our name. She’s a tireless fighter to end the slaughter in Gaza and is a founding member and organizer with Rabbis for a ceasefire and she’s the author of the book Becoming Eve, my Journey from Ultra Orthodox Rabbi to Transgender Woman and welcome to the program.

    Rabbi Abby Stein:

    Thank you, Marc. It’s really great to be here. I will say, just to start, in case you end up cutting out our pre-show part that I already love being here because we had a great conversation about the tallis—my tallis and your tallis, and that’s a great start to a conversation.

    Marc Steiner:

    We could just talk about the tallis and be done with it.

    Rabbi Abby Stein:

    Well, I do feel that a tallis incorporates a lot specifically my, I’m very proud of my tallis, but let’s talk about other stuff as well.

    Marc Steiner:

    Yes. So there’s some things here I think that are really important for people to understand from the very top, and one has to do, and I’m going to start in a political way if you don’t mind.

    Rabbi Abby Stein:

    Please. Life is political, specifically when you’re trans and Jewish

    Marc Steiner:

    Can’t get away from

    Rabbi Abby Stein:

    Reality. You can then you shouldn’t try to, I think in my opinion.

    Marc Steiner:

    I agree completely. I’ve been that way since I was a kid, so I understand, yes, but I want to talk about you as a Jewish woman and as a rabbi, as an activist. And so I really want to explore your journey as a Jewish person to stand up for Palestinian rights, which in many ways is very hard. I mean, I can remember decades back, it was very hard to do that. I mean, physical fights broke out sometimes in meetings around this. So I’m going to hear about your journey that opened you up to the very difficult subject as a Jew to say, Israel is in the wrong here and what we’re doing is wrong.

    Rabbi Abby Stein:

    Well, here’s what I need to start just to place this for a second. So I will say over the past years I’ve been involved in this work even way before October 7th. First time I did a tour of the West Bank was back in 2017 already at the time Breaking the Silence, which are Israeli soldiers or former Israeli soldiers who are literally breaking the silence on a lot of the violations that come with occupations specifically in the West Bank. So obviously I’ve been doing this for a while, but over the past few years and I think it has gotten even more intense. So over the past 19, 20 months, I’ve had a lot of conversations with people who are trying in their own wards to deconstruct or undo the Zionist upbringing that they grow up with the way way they were taught about Israel. Usually not in a one most American Jews at least. I think that is changing a lot, but I don’t say most, A lot of American Jews didn’t necessarily grow up with anti Palestinian hatred so much. I apologize for the sirens. It is New York City.

    Marc Steiner:

    That’s okay

    Rabbi Abby Stein:

    A lot. Even people who didn’t necessarily grow up in a lot of them coming from families, which used to be, I don’t know, I haven’t seen any recent studies, but used to be the majority opinion of American Jews with dislike, quote unquote two state solution and so on. Even so, they grew up with this really utopian version of Israel, this a lot of Zionism, a lot of Israel is always right and we should never bash Israel. A lot of those ideas. There’s literally a film now called Israelism, which has a lot. I know Simone is a good friend who is the protagonist of the film, and then Aaron who was one of the producers, but also a good friend and another fellow queer Jew. So I have a lot of conversations with people around that. And one of the things that’s very interesting, because I think for the first time in my life there is suddenly something that I was told as a child that I am really happy about.

    I never had to do that because I wasn’t raised Zionist quite the opposite. I was raised extremely anti-Zionist. If I go back into my ancestors and something that I guess now I can say with pride, neither one of my parents, neither any four of my great grandparents or any eight of my great great grandparents, and I can keep going though. I will say by the time I get to my great great grandparents, I don’t have 16, I have less because my family loves marrying cousins. But that’s a separate conversation. But the point being, as far as I know, I have no direct ancestors at any point that were ever Zionists and quite the opposite. Specifically a lot of people who were part of the religious anti-Zionist community, I wouldn’t even say a lot. Basically everyone who’s part of the religious anti-Zionist community in the US knows my grandfather.

    That’s my father’s father’s father who was kind of the lead speaker at anti-Israel protests going back to the early 1950s. So I was raised in a religious anti-Zionist community. Now I have to say a few things, religious antis, Zionism is very different than kind of what I call social justice and but they are not unrelated, but specifically the parts that I’m so grateful for as much as I with a lot of the reasoning and a lot of the other ideas that I grew up with generally and including around Israel and Zionism. One admittedly really easy part was that I just was never Zionist. Israel was never great. Israel was always a horrible, and I was told stuff that I wouldn’t repeat to this day negative stuff about Israel and about Zionists that I wouldn’t repeat and I’m not going to repeat stuff that involved the Holocaust

    Marc Steiner:

    Can I ask you a question? I’m not going to ask you to tell me what it is. What do you mean you wouldn’t repeat it? I mean, what’s

    Rabbi Abby Stein:

    Meaning some things… like, I was told to blame Zionism for certain atrocities that I don’t want to even want to do to this day.

    Things that happened to the Jewish people and things, I think people might figure out what I’m talking about. And people who know religious anti Zionists, at least the ones that I grew up with in Williamsburg could have a sense of that. But at the core, what is so important, because you asked me to talk about how I got to this journey in some ways I had a leg up. I was never indoctrinated. I think specifically after watching Israelism, I feel very comfortable saying I was never brainwashed into liking Zionism, into liking Israel in any way or form. The reasoning might’ve been different than where I am today, even though it has similarities, but I just was never there. It was a very brief second, I would say between 2012 to 2014, where as part of my rejection of what I was told growing up and part of leaving the Hasidic community, I kind of was like, okay, I guess now I have to be a Zionist, which is something that happens to a lot of people who leave an anti-Zionist religious community because such a big part of your identity.

    So if you reject, you reject everything. But then as soon as I got to know what secular religion, what Zionism really is, it never worked for me. I never bought into. And I would say for me, the final breaking point of my very short attempt to be like, oh, maybe design thing is interesting, was ironically going on a birthright trip, which I feel very complicated about and I don’t think people should go on that trip, but that’s a separate conversation, which I didn’t know much at the time coming directly out of the Hasidic community. But that was kind of the end of it, kind of seeing the really unrealistic version of the land that they were given. But I will say though the core of religious anti-Zionism, there’s two main parts to it. Almost all Hasidic communities, maybe Haba notwithstanding though, even though Haba is very nationalist, they’re rather Jewish nationalists and they are Zionists, they don’t fully adhere to what we call today modern political Zionism either, but I’m not going to talk about Habad.

    But outside of Habad, the vast majority of Hasidic communities are at least nominally anti-Zionist or non Zionist, and most of them don’t support the Israeli government. My government, I don’t just mean the current government, any government and Israeli government of everything. And there’s two parts to it. There’s the fact that Israel is not a religious state and Hebrew does a term for that which is called Medina, which means a state that fully follows Jewish law. We’re talking to an extreme where people break Shabbat are punished, where all the laws are basically they have an issue with Israel not being a theocracy. That is a problem that exists basically for all Hasidic and most Haredi, most ultra orthodox people across the board. But then there’s an additional part which is a belief that again, most Hasidic communities have, which is that the state or the idea of what we have been praying for the ion Zion that we have been praying for three times a day, this idea of a Jewish state of redemption of what’s called the gula that we have been waited for, this is not it.

    And more importantly, they believe that that is something that will become directly from heaven as opposed to something that we will fight for. And this is actually something very interesting because in many ways when people bring up this, how can you not be Zionist and bring up this, we pray about it three times a day and bring up this consistent Jewish yearning and I’m like, are you out of your mind? This is what we’ve been waiting for. I grew up with a very exotic version of the temple, like the times when the temple existed and this yearning for a better word, I was told that when the Messiah is going to come or they have a term La Lavo and the world to come, not necessarily in heaven the way a lot of Christianity thinks about it, but just like in a world to come on earth, even like in a perfect utopia, there will be no wars, there will be no violence.

    Everything that we want will grow on trees. There will be an economy that it’s very much not capitalist and so many ideals in this yearning that we have persona to come and tell me that modern Zionism and Israel, this is what we have been waiting for. It is emotionally extremely disappointing and unacceptable, but also I think it says something really bad. You think this is what we’ve been waiting for D. But that is the part where I think religious anti Zionism has something to tell any person who thinks about Z Zionism in Israel on an emotional level, but their biggest concern is religion. The biggest concern is that Jews are not allowed the very short version. Jews are not allowed to have a state until it’s given by God usually through a messiah that’s going to come riding on a donkey from heaven. I’m not sugarcoating or anything. I do not believe that there is going to be a messiah coming riding on a donkey from heaven.

    Marc Steiner:

    Wait, wait, wait, many of you don’t believe Messiah is coming.

    Rabbi Abby Stein:

    I said, I do not believe in a messiah that’s going to come riding on a donkey. I think that as a human part, I think Messiah to a lot of people throughout history for 2000 years has been a wish that was more abstract than specific. It was more this idea of an idealistic time, which you already be seen in the prophets where everyone sits in their vineyards and under their F vines and there’s no war and so on. All of those beautiful things which are beautiful ideals, but to me that’s not a belief. I think it’s a world that I want to work towards and a world that we should work towards. But again, this is another part where I think it’s very easy and people love to take religious anti Zionists and be like, they’re different. Some of it is different, but some of it is actually ideas that we can relate to it.

    But I want to say another part to it. My grandmother was born in Jerusalem, raised in Jerusalem pre state, my grandmother’s family, basically all of her siblings, she has I know eight to 10 siblings, I’ll have to count, but they all live there. She comes from a family that is part of what’s called the old issue. They’re part of this core religious community that predates not just the state, they predate modern Zionism. You’re usually defined as communities that have been there since before 1880, which is when the first modern political Zionism began and the first organized what they call aliya going up to the land began. And they have a very strong connection to the land. Give you an example. My grandmother has a brother who tries never to sleep outside of Jerusalem and never to leave the holy land. And to him that means he wouldn’t even go to yah because that’s not considered a holy land.

    These people who are very attached to the land have been for a very long time, but their attachment to the land to me sounds a lot more to when I talk to Palestinians and here dare attachment to the land then Zionism. And to give an example two, actually two of my grandmother’s siblings are currently judges and one of them is part of the chief kind of high court of what’s called, which is the flagship anti-Zionist institution in Jerusalem. So there are these people who have a very strong relationship to what it means to be attached to the land or what it means to have a big part of it, both as Jews for 2000 years and as people who have literally been there their entire lives while at the same time a very clear and I would say a moral clarity and opposition to any form of political Zionism and to the state. And there is a part in that that is just political. It’s not just religious. My grandmother more than once would say stuff like Zionism destroyed my country.

    And I will be honest and say that every time my grandmother said that as a child, we all made fun of her and we would be like, come on Bobby, what really we did grow up the Hasidic community is unfortunately quite racist. And we’re like, yeah, really you want the Arabs to be in charge? And I’m not going to go into that whole thing. I was definitely, I was not a well-behaved child and teenager. I’m not going to pretend otherwise, but the point being, the point I’m trying to get to, and I think for me it allowed me to have both a strong relationship to what it means to be related to this land, both from a historical perspective and from a very little like my dad was born in Jerusalem. My grandmother’s great-grandmother is buried on the Mount of olives. I can go back to any point basically since the 16th century and I will have a direct ancestor that is buried somewhere either around Jerusalem or earlier they lived up north around fer.

    The point is there’s this very strong connection. There’s very strong boat, religious, spiritual, and just human connection with a very strong understanding that the state of Israel is just not it. And as a result, I will say, and people always like to tell me that most religious anti Zionists outside of the Tura character, which is T character, is the kind of people that you will see showing up at a lot of pro-Palestinian protests and so on. I will say it very clearly, I do not like them. Their motivations are far from good and I have a lot of opinions about them, but outside of them and I did not grow up with them. I grew up just in general. I knew a lot of them, A lot of them live in Williamsburg, but it’s not what I was raised with. But just general anti-Zionism, it’s very easy to write it off.

    That has nothing to do with kind of caring for Palestinian based anti-Zionism and it doesn’t fully because those are they religious people whose religious beliefs don’t really let them care for anyone who isn’t them, which is unrelated. I will say a lot of Hasidic people unfortunately are equal opportunity haters. They’re not necessarily racist, they’re just everyone who isn’t them in a both spiritual and human way. But we’re not going to talk about that. But there are parts of it. For example, even this religious anti-Zionist rabbinical cord that I mentioned that I have two great uncles who are judges on it and so on, and I disagree with 99% of what those people stand for and what they do. But one of the things for example that I saw after about a few weeks after October 7th, which is a letter that they released and to them because Israel they believe has religiously no right to exist.

    The actions that Israel is taking like killing Palestinians is unjustifiable because who gave you the right to kill people? And that is a part that is very relatable. So I wanted to just put that out there. So for me, as much as I had to redefine and rethink a lot of my ideas and I would say my anti-Zionism and the way I approach Israel today has a lot more to do with the fact that I have gotten to know how Palestinians are treated and I’ve gotten to see really what’s going on on the ground in the West Bank in Gaza and I’ve gotten to most importantly actually make friends. I’m not talking people acquaintance, I’m talking really close friends who are Palestinian. It was definitely easier to get to that point when I never had to deconstruct Zionism. I wasn’t raised with Zionism, I never had to get rid of it, so to speak. What I will say is that for me really getting to know what’s going on on the ground it’s about has really galvanized me to fight for it. There is a world in which if Zionists love to say that it was like a land with no people for people with no land, which obviously we all know was never accurate,

    But in a hypothetically if that was the case, if really if Zionism was founded on an actually actual empty land, which it wasn’t, and if the state of Israel existed on a land that really didn’t have any other occupants, which very importantly again that was never the case, it’s still very possible that I wouldn’t be a huge supporter with the way I grew up and I probably would’ve still grown up with an opposition to it, but there wouldn’t be anything pushing me to fight it. It sounds really cool, even emotional, I admit to this day, every time I go visit even now I spend a month in Palestine with rabbis for ceasefire in a lot of other groups on a tour that was organized by a Palestinian group underground and I still get emotional. I grew up only with the Hebrew alphabet speaking Yiddish and Hebrew, and it is emotional to see people who think that they have accomplished what they have yearned through for 2000 years, which again, I think it’s very sad that that’s what you were yearning for. I think we were yearning for something way better and more important, but there is a lot of emotions to it. So what really has galvanized me, what keeps me going to keep fighting is Palestinians is the plight of Palestinians, is the fact of people being kept under occupation, under siege and now genocide for so long. So that is kind of my own personal journey, which is constantly evolving

    Marc Steiner:

    What you concluded with at this moment. Before we jump into the other part of this conversation, I want to explore a minute because it goes to the heart. I think of the dilemma for a lot of Jewish people when it comes to Israel and Palestine, which what you described is your emotional attachment to a place, and I relate to that completely. I mean you grow up with a prayer next year in Jerusalem, it’s always in your head, even if you’re not a Zionist, it’s in your head.

    Rabbi Abby Stein:

    I would say I want to you mention next year in Jerusalem. There’s something very interesting that I love to tell people about it because people always try to use that against anti-Zionist Jews and I’m like, I don’t know what you’re talking about because I have been holidays in Jerusalem with my family. I’ve been both in religious context for holidays in Jerusalem and in after leaving the community, and we still say next year in Jerusalem while being in Jerusalem, which makes it very clear and obvious that the Jerusalem that exists now, that the state that exists now is not what we have ever meant when we sat next year in Jerusalem.

    Marc Steiner:

    I like that

    Rabbi Abby Stein:

    Analysis. The prayer of Hanah Ian is an anti ionist prayer because we are saying it right now and it’s said for people who live in Jerusalem and the old city and in the new city to this day as they are dear, which makes it very clear that we’re not talking about the current state of Israel. We’re not talking about current Zionism, we’re not talking about current Jerusalem, we’re talking about something different.

    Marc Steiner:

    I have to digression, which is not unusual for this kind conversation. But so what you just said, have you ever used that in shul in a sermon in synagogue talking

    Rabbi Abby Stein:

    About I have. I have, yes,

    Marc Steiner:

    I’m sure you have.

    Rabbi Abby Stein:

    Yes,

    Marc Steiner:

    Because I’ve never really heard it expressed that way.

    Rabbi Abby Stein:

    I mean, it’s everything about it. It’s like every prayer, the fact that religious and even not just, I’m not talking about religious ISTs. I’m talking rated people, even religious people are not outside and religious Zionists and conservative Jews and reform Jews, everyone you say all of these prayer, I mean there are some people, very hardcore religious Zionists, usually the same people who are pushing to go up to the temple mountain and so on, but they are a tiny, tiny, they make up probably 1% of 1%. They’re very small. They maybe have changed some of the things, but for most people, I mean there’s the reform movement which had originally removed all of it because they didn’t believe in an attachment to a land, which is a whole other conversation. But people who do say those prayers say it even on the ground, they pray about it right now, which makes it very clear that they have that they know and believe that we haven’t gotten to any of this yet, that whatever this modern state is is not what we have been praying for.

    Marc Steiner:

    So I’m going to come back to what you just said, but I want to talk a bit about your own journey and struggle

    Inside the Jewish world. Inside the Orthodox world as a young transgender woman and the pain of that struggle, but also the journey you took. It was pretty amazing. I mean for you to have done what you’ve done and to stand out and affirm who you are as a woman and stand up to the power of this super orthodox, Hasidic Jewish world and losing so much of those around you who loved you because you stood up. Describe that journey for us so people can really understand who you are and what you went through to get to the place that you are.

    Rabbi Abby Stein:

    How much time do you have? We

    Marc Steiner:

    Got about 10.

    Rabbi Abby Stein:

    You got about 10 minutes. You were going to say 10 minutes.

    Marc Steiner:

    I was going to say the thing with smart ass, but I decided not to

    Rabbi Abby Stein:

    Because obviously this is a long story. I wrote a book about it you did called Becoming Eve, which came out in 2019. I have a second book coming out in September and I’m working on a few other ones. My book Becoming Eve was just a play also named Becoming Eve that just ran off Broadway through the New York Theater Workshop. The point that I’m trying to get at, I’ve been telling this story for 10 years and still haven’t told everything.

    Obviously there’s a lot and I think that’s the case for everyone. I think, and I want to say this, I think every human being has an interesting story. I do admit that I tell people a lot that my before and after pictures tend to be a lot more eye catching than a lot of other ones, but that is to no credit of my own. It’s just by chance of where I was born into and so on. So I want to put that out there. What was it? I want to try a very basic, let’s see, maybe I can get it down to a few minutes of what it was to grow up and the struggle around that. So I think one of the things I like to say a lot is that a lot of L-G-B-T-Q people, I think that is true for gay lesbian and bisexual pansexual people and so on.

    And even more so for people who try to figure out their gender and deal with their gender. A lot of people identify a moment, an aha moment, a light switch moment, whatever you want to call it, where they’re like, oh, okay, this is not who I am. And what’s interesting to me is that I tried and I tried a lot, including in therapy, which I’m a huge fan of to sometimes I go back to was there a moment in my life where I ever internally identified or was a boy? And there the first earliest memories that I have are me thinking why does everyone think I’m a boy? Which again, everyone has their own story, but that was for me, the case. It was a struggle. People tell me a lot, oh, you must’ve been struggling with your gender. And I’m like, my sexuality took me a while to figure out exactly my gender. I never struggled with, I think people were struggling with my gender and I struggled on how to express that and how to live

    With that gender, but to me, there was never a time where I was like, okay, I’m a boy. Fine. And then something happened and I’m no longer fine with that. I just was, it never made any sense to me. And there’s this conscious memory that I have when I was four of this very strong realization that, oh, everyone thinks that I’m a boy and now how do I deal with this? Because I don’t think that’s true. And there was a lot of different stages throughout my life. There’s a prayer that’s also in my book, something I wrote when I was six years old of I want to wake up as a girl growing up with this very strong religious belief that God can do everything, which is what I was told as a child. And I was like, okay, so why can’t I just be a girl?

    Then at some point it involved my own, I was eight or nine years old at the time, but this idea that I can do a full body transplant, which is one of those things that I was thinking about at some point, and then all of those ideas struggling at least consciously for a good nine years. And I remember then when I was 12 and I remember the moment that it happened because that I guess was light bulb going off moment where I was just like, when you grow up in such a gender segregated community that in just the segregated community as a whole, I would say there were two segregations in the community I grew up in, I grew up in Williamsburg in New York City, but everything and everyone around me was specific. So the Hasid community as much as I can specifically for children and for teens, they keep you segregated from the outside world.

    And there’s some people who go their entire lives like that. Both of my parents don’t have a single friend that isn’t part of the community. And I mean, I’m not saying there are some adults in the community that work outside the community and maybe do have friends, but at least the ideal is to just be on their own. So there’s that segregation of we are Jewish, we do talk a lot about us being Hasidic Jews, but we don’t necessarily separate ourselves from other Orthodox Jews are nots. So there’s this Jewish identity that’s very big part of who we are. And then within the community there is this really intense gender segregation. I’m talking like at every community gathering a literal wall at weddings, there is a wall, men and women.

    So there’s this two parts. There’s like you are a Jew, you are a boy. And I would say for me in that moment, the closest thing that I can identify to an aha moment was when I was 12 and I remember very clearly it was the first time I got kicked out of classroom because of questions that I asked that resulted from this idea of I can no longer trust anyone because I have this very strong, supposedly I’m a boy, I’m going to an all boy school, I am in synagogue, I’m on the men’s side at weddings, I’m on the men’s side. I always belong to one side and that is 100% wrong. I never really struggled with that that much. It was just like everyone is wrong and that’s it. Why would I trust and accept anything else that I’m told around religion?

    That was a really big moment because here’s what I’m going to say. By the time I left eight years later when I was 20, it wasn’t just because of my gender and sexuality. It was almost, it was a religious decision, it was a theological decision. But what put me down that kind of track of to start asking a lot of those questions was that moment. And then I remember it was in eighth grade and I asked a question about something in the Talmud that we were studying, if it’s real, basically questioning the validity of something that Talmud says, which again, I’m not going to say there are no other specific people who question it, but I will say there aren’t many 12 year olds who do. I think a lot of people who do question, which for me later ended up leading down to questioning everything, the validity of the Bible.

    Does God exist as Judaism? Right? All of those questions, I think a lot of people get to that, but usually it takes a bit longer. It would’ve taken me a lot longer if I didn’t have that moment of realizing that I just can’t trust what I’m being told. I will say there’s a lot of traumatic moments. There’s a moment when I was writing my book for example, I had a vague memory of something that happened when I was four that involved me trying to take matters into my own hand, more details in the book, but we’re going to keep it PG 13 on here. And I had this memory and I remember that my mom caught me and to this day, and I’ve tried by myself, I’ve tried exposure therapy, I’ve tried talk which tried different ways of trying to uncover that memory and I start shaking physically if I try to do that, there’s a lot of trauma attached to it.

    And throughout my life there was because gender plays such a strong role of who you are, it was very traumatic. My entire wedding is a blurb. I got married when I was 18, arranged marriage, and it was a blurb because I was feeling, for lack of a better word, traumatized by the fact that this is not who it’s supposed to be. I’m on the wrong side of this literal wall separating men and women. It was constantly there. But those were those from when I was 12 to 20. There were those two parts that went together. I tried to find different ways of dealing or praying or I am wearing the shirt that says Gay the pray away. I dunno if you can read that.

    Marc Steiner:

    It’s “Gay the pray away.”

    Rabbi Abby Stein:

    Yeah, it’s a twist on pray the gay away. This is gay. The pray away. I would say for a very long time I tried to pray the trans away, literally trying or just trying to figure out different ways of how can I deal with this reality? And obviously there was no way in the Hasidic community, the Hasid community is, I used to joke when I started doing my activist work that I want the Hasidic community to become transphobic and what do I mean by that? I don’t want anyone to be transphobic. But growing up in the Hasidic community, I didn’t know that trans people exist. I didn’t know that there were other trans people until I was 20. When I went on the internet for the first time, there was no conversation. No one said anything negative. No one even said anything homophobic to be honest, really, but homophobic.

    Marc Steiner:

    How old were you then?

    Rabbi Abby Stein:

    I was 20. I was married and I have a son. Yes. I was 20 when I first got on the internet. Yeah,

    Marc Steiner:

    So you were 20 years old before you even understood,

    Rabbi Abby Stein:

    Before I even have words for it before I knew there were other people like me. And I will say the closest that I got when I was 16, I got very into Kabbalah. I got very into Jewish mysticism and I was reading and specifically there’s a book called The Doors to Reincarnation, and I have that text, it’s going to be actually my book coming out in September, this actual text that talks about how sometimes there’s a mismatch between someone’s body and someone’s soul, which to me was very easy to just be like the soul is identity. It very much is the soul, is basically the kaist idea to talk about who you are beyond your flesh and blood. And that had a very positive impact on me because it was, and I think it’s part of the reason why even stayed in the community for an extra few years between 16 and 20, was the fact that I started finding some texts that started making sense to me.

    I still didn’t know that there are trans people out, so it wasn’t like I knew that if I leave the community I will find more support and those texts talk about what made a bit sense to me. But other than that, I had, I didn’t know the word trans. I didn’t know there’s other people. I really objectively had no idea that it exists and a big part of the work that I’ve been doing, including sometimes making noise, which some people are like, oh, you’re just trying to make trouble. And I’m like maybe a bit. But the bigger part of it is that I want Hasidic people to know that trans people exist and that has been accomplished. Probably one of my biggest accomplishment accomplishments, I would say it out loud very clearly that I consider is the fact that Hasidic people, kids and adults right now know that trans people exist.

    It comes with a lot of hate. It doesn’t come with a lot of acceptance. It’s not in any way in a positive way, but just to look on the fact that I was the first person has been raised Hasidic as far as I know, and I think I would know. I don’t think there’s any other person who has been raised Hasid who came out before I came out. There was a lot of trans people in the closet, but one who came out publicly and since there have been more than a dozen, so it’s very obviously changed something and I’m very proud of that.

    Marc Steiner:

    It should be.

    Rabbi Abby Stein:

    But the struggle in the community wasn’t as much a struggle with transphobia than a struggle for I exist.

    Marc Steiner:

    I mean because what you’re describing for people who don’t know it, I mean the hasta communities, the super Orthodox communities are like these isolated medieval worlds.

    Rabbi Abby Stein:

    Yeah, well, I would say by now, not as isolated as the community leaders want because of the internet,

    But still very, I would still say that I don’t know, this is I would say an educated guess, but I would imagine that about 50% of the community have no internet access whatsoever, and the other 50% have versions of a lot of people just have what they call the kosher filtered internet, and then there’s a lot of people who secretly and publicly have full internet access. I’d say as far for the community leaders, the fact that 50% do have internet access is a huge problem. They have literally, you can look that up in 2012, which was actually the first time I ever went to a stadium. The first time I was ever at a stadium was to protest the internet. I’m not kidding. Look up the city field anti internet gathering in 2012, which is almost ironic. It’s a fair nory stating of the protests, the internet. Yeah.

    Marc Steiner:

    So your transformation out of a deeply religious Hasidic and non Zionist world as a Jew…

    Rabbi Abby Stein:

    Not just “non,” an anti-Zionist world,

    Marc Steiner:

    Yes, anti, and your transition and the struggle you went through to transform into who you are as a woman. And when you see the struggle of Palestinians today, to me there’s kind of a thread here that ties them together.

    Rabbi Abby Stein:

    There is

    Marc Steiner:

    Because I can remember,

    Rabbi Abby Stein:

    Can I add some more to maybe it’s me adding words into your mind. I think for me, a big part of what I’m seeing as the struggle is the struggle to get people to listen to your struggle and to believe you.

    So much of the conversation in the US, at least around trans people and so much about the conversation about Palestinians revives around people not believing the struggles and or blaming you for your struggles saying that it’s your fault you did something wrong. And that’s why I occupy that kind of like this old abuser note of, look what you made me do. The amount of time, the amount of people that I hear saying that the reason there is all these pushback against trans people coming from the person who shall not be named running this country and all of this hateful, racist, and harmful people. The amount of times they say, oh, all of this pushback comes because you asked for it because you started talking publicly about who you are because you did something wrong. And that’s why we need to discriminate against you is so similar to what the same kind of talk around Palestinians, you are occupied because you did something wrong, because you refused. That’s me saying it. It’s not exactly how they say it, but ultimately they’re saying you refuse to let your land get taken away peacefully or get split up peacefully. You refused to. The rule of this country that we have decided to support and so much is what we would call blaming the victim. And that is one of the ways where I see it so aligned. But ultimately I think the very short version to, I spent a lot of time out in college and after to study the history of empires and the history of power and imperialism generally, and I know the US is not technically an imperialist power because we don’t have a kink even though it looks like we’re about to have one.

    So there’s all the way they only survive on creating very specific in and out groups and by having people behave a certain way. And in that way, both every minority, every group that dissents from the consensus is a threat. It’s why authoritarian societies are almost exclusively homophobic and transphobic because it tends to be that people who fight for their identities and fight for their own lives are not controlled that easily. To give you an example, something that hit me yesterday, I was at a big ice rally yesterday, marched for four hours, not fully squared. Then we went to the federal building all the way ended up in Washington Square Park and I was out and looking around. It was massive, thousands if not tens of thousands of people out. And I’m looking around and I tell my friend, this feels halfway like pride.

    There were rainbow flags just looking around. There’s so many queer people. I would gander to say, and I don’t think it would be a lie, that maybe as much as at least a third, maybe even half of the people there were queer. And it wasn’t an L-G-B-T-Q rally in any way, a form, I mean obviously it’s attached in the homophobia and transphobia of this administration and their anti-immigrant rhetoric goes hand in hand. But this was a rally about ice and we were all there for that reason. But it ends up being so many queer people, and I don’t think that’s by chance throughout history, civil rights movements and people that movements that have fought for justice has had a lot of queer people. And the reason for that is because queer people know what it means to struggle against the government, know what it means to struggle against the status quo.

    Well, and most importantly, we’re not as easily controlled. Similar to what I mentioned earlier, how in school I started questioning religion because of my identity being like, I can’t trust you. L-G-B-T-Q people and queer people have a very similar distrust of power, distrust of government, rightfully, and as a result, we’re not easily controlled. A big reason why authoritarians hate L-G-B-T-Q people is exactly that in part, sometimes it also has a religious part to it and just bigotry generally and hating of the other. And sometimes they don’t actually care about queer people. They just use queer people as a wedge issue and so on. All of those are real facts, but the reality is that we understand the struggles of minorities. We understand the struggles of the oppressed people. That’s why the fight for immigrants and the fight for Palestinians and the fight against occupation all over the world, whether it is in Palestine or in Ukraine or in Sudan or in Haiti and so many against imperial power in West Africa and so on. All of those things are intertwined both in the sense of we understand, which is something very interesting because it’s also very biblical. It’s very Jewish.

    We’re told to use an example. There’s literally in the Torah when we’re told that we have to be nice to the stranger. There’s one of the commandments that is repeated the most in the Torah. The first five books of the Bible is a version of you should love the Stranger. And one of the times the reasoning given for that is, is because you understand the soul of the stranger for you strangers in Egypt. And I think that goes beyond just that one historical memory of something that let’s beyond a theater didn’t happen, which is beside the conversation, but it’s part of identity, but it’s also a general, something that is true for Jews. There is a reason why throughout history, at least since emancipation Jews were generally more liberal, more progressive. Why the bun? You have something like the bun. It’s like Jewish socialist, progressive, why

    Progressive politics have always had so many Jews, everyone from Bernie Sanders to down on the ground in New York City and so on. Because we really understand these are all intertwined, not just as a moral issue when we say no one is free until everyone is free. It’s not just a moral statement, it’s a reality. So yes, we know that the same people who want to oppress Palestinians are also transphobic and homophobic are also are also sexist and misogynistic and so on. Yes, there are some people maybe who only carry some of those prejudices and not all, but as a bigger picture. They are all related. And I will dare to say that it’s also related to antisemitism

    Marc Steiner:

    So much there. The time we have left, I want to pick on something you said and please kind of tie some of these things together. I mean, I was thinking as you were throwing your stats out as well, that people don’t realize that 70% of all the white civil rights workers in the South were Jews.

    I mean, there’s a reason those things happen. Course. So the question is, given everything you’ve just said and that reality, what does it take to touch that root of Jewish life of being Jewish to come to the understanding that we have to end the oppression of Palestinians and unite to build a different place where we all live together. I have this poster that I got in Cuba in 1968 and still sits on my wall on my study. It’s a map of the entire holy land. It’s got a Palestinian flag on one side and an Israeli flag on the other. And it says one state, two people’s, three faiths, which has kind of been my mantra since then. What does it take to turn around the division and the hatred that allows us to see what we’re seeing now inside of Israel Palestine and how do we turn the Jewish community into understanding who we are and how we have to embrace a different future?

    Rabbi Abby Stein:

    Well, I don’t think there’s one answer of what it takes. I do think there are a few things that can be said. I mean, first and foremost, I need to say that there are some amazing groups that are doing this work very successfully.

    Those people love to talk about how we’re still a minority, how anti-Zionists or even non Zionists or even anti well anti occupation is actually probably a majority opinion, at least according to the latest pose. I think anti is a majority opinion amongst American Jews. Not talking about Israel, that’s a whole other conversation. But even the other parts, we have grown extremely fast. If the trend in the growth of percent, the percentage growth of anti-Zionist Jews or just non Zionist Jews involved with groups like JVP and if not now, and Jewish racial economic justice and so on, EAPs going the trend in percent and how fast we have grown. We’re going to be the majority of at least non-Orthodox Jews in the US fairly quickly, a lot sooner than the establishment would want to admit. The reality is that a lot of the work that has to be done is being done very successfully.

    Groups like JVP and if not now, and JF Fresh have more than doubled just in the last two years and they’re growing extremely fast. The amount of Jews are becoming more and more open to something fundamental needs to change. And I’m talking beyond just, oh, the government needs to change. The majority of American Jews are Antibi B and anti-car, Israeli government. Every study shows that, again, American Jews. But to go even deeper than that, to the fundamental problems, a lot of the work that’s already being done is being done well. And those include education. Those include providing people with resources, providing people with a solid alternative, which again, I wasn’t raised like that, but there are most American Jews my age were raised with a very strong Zionism. So really to show Jewish community. And I have these conversations with people daily who are part of those communities and I see that people who are becoming more open.

    So I want to say education is a very strong part, providing an alternative of a Judaism. That to me is so interesting because I grew up being told that Zionism is the antis of Judaism. That’s where I was raised being told in the Hasidic community, obviously it exists, but even on a progressive Judaism, not just a religious Judaism that is anti-Zionist, but a progressive Judaism that is anti-Zionist, that is growing extremely fast and it’s truly beautiful. And I’m not just talking beautiful on that, but I’m talking like events that I do. I’ve hosted meals for every holiday. I have been with people singing together. To use a random example, we had a group of people who wanted to celebrate Shabbat at the JVP national meeting that had over 2000 people this year. And the conversation sometimes got down to the nitty gritty of how to practice and how to observe for ourselves that had nothing to do with outsiders, just like there’s a rich Judaism.

    And the final thing that I would say about them that I think would be the most helpful is the same thing that I say about L-G-B-T-Q people and about trans people. It’s sharing personal stories and actually getting to know people. Every study has shown that people who know trans people in real life actually know them as friends are way more likely, I don’t know the exact numbers, but by a long shot to be accepting and to be welcoming. And I found the same to be when it comes to Israel, when it comes to Palestine, when it comes to the occupation, when it comes to so on, people who actually know Palestinians. And I’m talking beyond just knowing, for example, in Israel, most people, the Palestinians they know are the service workers and so on, which is a whole other conversation to talk about. I’m talking really getting to know, because I know for me that was a huge change.

    And it is. I constantly see it. It’s like I want to use one of my friends just because every few months someone else decides that they’re going to get me. We’re talking about the fact that I’m friends with Linda Sarsour. I don’t know if you know who she is, but someone who I got to know really well as a friend. And I keep getting, literally yesterday someone said that I support Zoran for mayor in New York because of my support for Linda. A very weird statement to make. But for me, it’s like you can’t come and tell me that she’s a hateful person because I know her. We have had real conversations, not in public, just actual conversations and so many others. You cannot tell me that all Palestinians, hey Jews, when I know dozens, if not hundreds of Palestinians, and I’ve met counts of Palestinians, who are some of the most amazing people that I know.

    Marc Steiner:

    Yeah, me too.

    Rabbi Abby Stein:

    So really I think building those bridges. And I want to say I don’t think that that’s what’s needed. Sorry, I don’t think that’s what should be needed. We shouldn’t need, we should listen to people who are being oppressed. And as I said earlier with trans people, so much of the struggle here is that people refuse to listen to us and to believe us. But if we’re asking just realistically, what I think would be very helpful is to actually build those connections. I have friends, well, I’m trying to think if I still have friends who are hardcore Zionists. I feel like most of those people either stopped talking to me or I stopped talking to them per se. But people who would still say they are vaguely supportive of Israel’s existence are supportive of versions of Zionism. Those who know Palestinians are extremely ANC occupation, extremely opposed to the war, extremely are a lot more people that we can work with. So I think that is the other big thing that we need to focus on.

    Marc Steiner:

    Well, I think it’s incredible how you weave together the parts of your life that are also parts of the struggle.

    Rabbi Abby Stein:

    They are, I want to say I didn’t even have to weave them together. They have always been related. We just need to realize it.

    Marc Steiner:

    To say that what I meant was that the struggle for Palestinian rights, the struggle and the oppression of Palestinians, the struggle of trans and queer people in this country and the world, and to do it while maintaining and bringing the soul of Judaism through all of that and tying it together

    Rabbi Abby Stein:

    And rainbow colors. But

    Marc Steiner:

    Yes, and you tell us so about then. So I just want to thank you so much, rabbi ab Stein for being here today. It’s been really a pleasure to talk to you and hearing your ideas and thoughts. I look forward to staying in touch and thanks for all that you’re doing.

    Rabbi Abby Stein:

    Thank you, Marc, so much. It was an honor to talk to you and I’m looking forward to yes, to seeing you more.

    Marc Steiner:

    Yes.

    Rabbi Abby Stein:

    Thank you so much.

    Marc Steiner:

    Thank you. Once again, thank you to Rabbi Abby Stein for joining us today and for all the work that she does. And thanks to Cameron Granadino for running the program, our audio editor Alina Nelich, and producer Rosette Sewali for making it all work behind the scenes. And everyone here at The Real News, we’re making this show possible. Please let me know what you thought about, what you heard today, what you’d like us to cover. Just write to me at s the real news.com and I’ll get right back to you. Once again, thank you Rabbi Abby Stein for all you’ve done for being with us today. So for the crew here at The Real News, I’m Marc Steiner. Stay involved. Keep listening, and take care.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Paris, June 17, 2025—Iran’s conflict with Israel has intensified media censorship in the Islamic Republic, with Iranian journalists warned not to comment online and a task force set up to prosecute those sharing “fake” news, the Committee to Protect Journalists said Tuesday, calling for press freedom to be respected.

    Two Iranian journalists, who spoke to CPJ on condition of anonymity, citing fear of retaliation, said they were issued warnings hours after Israel’s first strike on Iran on Friday.

    “We were summoned to an emergency meeting by the founder and director of our newspaper,” a journalist at a private Tehran-based newspaper told CPJ. “We were told that any personal commentary or reporting on our social media accounts would result in immediate dismissal.”

    On Tuesday, the journalist told CPJ that she was leaving Tehran following U.S. President Donald Trump’s order to vacate the capital, but would continue to work, although her reports largely involved rewriting government statements. 

    “We cannot report anything at all,” she told CPJ. “We are journalists who, in this situation, are unable to practice journalism.” 

    An exiled freelance journalist who had been commenting on the war on social media told CPJ that they were threatened by an intelligence agent on Friday.

    “My interrogator contacted me on WhatsApp and warned that if I report anything or give voice to the people, my family in Iran will be arrested,” said the journalist, who fled Iran three weeks ago after repeated arrests for their journalism. The journalist stopped posting under their real name on social media after this. 

    Internet access restricted

    All broadcasting in Iran is controlled by the state and many people use virtual private networks (VPNs) to access independent news via social media — although these are also being disrupted

    It has become difficult for Iranians to access the internet since the communications ministry restricted access on Friday, citing “special conditions.” WhatsApp has also been blocked

    “CPJ is deeply concerned by the ongoing intimidation of Iranian journalists, particularly during such a sensitive time,” said CPJ Regional Director Sara Qudah. “By targeting the press and restricting access to independent reporting, Iranian authorities are not only suppressing critical information at home but also isolating its citizens from the global flow of news. This reflects a longstanding pattern of media repression in the country.”

    Iran was tied for seventh place as one of the world’s worst jailer of journalists in CPJ’s most recent annual prison census, with 16 behind bars on December 1, 2024.

    Since Iran’s 1979 revolution, which ousted the U.S.-backed Shah, the Islamic Republic has called for the destructionof Israel, which it calls the Zionist regime, and backed anti-Israeli militant groups across the region. Meanwhile, Western countries have sought to block Iran’s nuclear program.

    Specialized prosecutions

    Iran’s Attorney General’s Office said on Friday that people who “misuse cyberspace to undermine the psychological security of society … by publishing untrue content” would be dealt with “in accordance with the regulations.”

    On Tuesday, the judiciary announced that a “special task force has been established within the Tehran Prosecutor’s Office to monitor cyberspace, social media users, official news agencies, and media outlets” to identify those who violated the attorney general’s order and refer them to “specialized prosecution branches.”

    Local media reported multiple arrests for the crime of supporting Israel online. 

    On Saturday, 16 people in the central city of Isfahan were arrested, privately owned Etemad newspaper reported. On Sunday, one person was arrested in the central city of Rafsanjan and had their phone confiscated, and social media accounts and communication apps suspended, according to the privately owned Shargh Daily newspaper.

    Iranians have previously been executed on charges of spying for Israel.

    In May, six media directors and founders were convicted on charges that included publishing falsehoods. In June, Britain’s BBC said that its Iranian journalists’ families had been harassed in the Islamic Republic because of their news reports.  

    CPJ’s email to Iran’s mission to the United Nations in New York to request comment did not receive a response.


    This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by Asal Abasian.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • On June 13, Israel launched a surprise attack on Iran. Airstrikes hit buildings across the capital, Tehran, striking residential neighborhoods as well as military sites. In just one night, close to 100 people were killed. Among the dead were dozens killed while asleep in their beds. The attack came after eight months of calm, with not a single shot fired between Iran and Israel.

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • This story was originally published by In These Times on June 16, 2025. It is shared here with permission.

    The risk of famine increases in Gaza as the Israeli government’s blockade of nearly all aid to Gaza approaches its third month. 

    “I felt this almost sense of panic as every day went by without food let in,” Ash Bohrer, a Chicago-based Jewish activist in the Palestinian solidarity movement, told me as she outlined how high the stakes are as the genocide continues in Gaza.

    “When I first heard it, my initial thought was … if there is some way I can use my body,” Bohrer said, “I am ready and willing to do it, and I think about it as a personal, moral and religious obligation to do so.”

    “When I first heard it, my initial thought was … if there is some way I can use my body,” Bohrer said, ​“I am ready and willing to do it, and I think about it as a personal, moral and religious obligation to do so.”

    Bohrer is joining five other members of Jewish Voice for Peace, Chicago — Becca Lubow, Avey Rips, Seph Mozes, Audrey Gladson and Benjamin Teller — in a hunger strike to demand an end to the genocide in Gaza, unconditional military aid for Israel and the blockade of food and medical aid to the 2.3 million Palestinians now living amongst the rubble.

    Palestinians line up with their containers in hand to receive hot meals distributed by aid organizations on June 15, 2025. Photo by Hani Alshaer/Anadolu via Getty Images

    Bohrer, who’s also a scholar of social movements at Notre Dame, says she felt the moral and strategic call to use whatever resources or privileges she had to raise the stakes of the Palestinian freedom struggle in the United States as ​“our Palestinian comrades watch their friends and their family and their community members suffer a genocide in real time — starvation of truly epic proportions that comes [after] 19 months of bombing, 20 years of blockade and 78 years of occupation and ethnic cleansing.”

    The strike kicked off with an opening rally on Monday, June 16, where a series of political leaders and allies spoke, including Congresswoman Delia Ramirez (D-Ill.), one of 18 members of Congress who last week introduced the ​“Block the Bombs” bill in the House to condition aid to Israel.

    Organizers have 22 events scheduled over the following 16 days, including Shabbat services, Palestine teach-ins led by a wide range of supportive organizations, vigils and a screening of the popular documentary ​“Israelism.”

    A group including Priest Daniel Alliet stages a hunger strike for justice in Palestine at the Beguinage Church in central Brussels, Belgium, on June 16, 2025. Photo by Dursun Aydemir/Anadolu via Getty Images

    Since the beginning of March, Israel has blocked food, fuel and medical aid from entering the Gaza Strip, which has caused what human rights organizations have called a situation of forced starvation. This comes at the end of an unprecedented year and a half of violence in the region, which experts have called a genocide, that has galvanized the Palestine solidarity movement around the world to push for an end to unquestioned U.S. support for Israel’s violence. While these movements have exploded in size, Israel has continued its barrage and is now continuing the attack by preventing basic resources from making it to a population in desperate need of support.

    While these movements have exploded in size, Israel has continued its barrage and is now continuing the attack by preventing basic resources from making it to a population in desperate need of support.

    “[These were] images of what hunger looks like. And to see children dying of starvation, the images were seared into my brain,” Teller tells In These Times. ​“When his comrades from JVP Chicago returned from their national gathering with an idea on how to escalate their campaign to end the violence, he was compelled to join them.

    “As we confront what it means to starve our own bodies and what happens to the body without adequate nutrition for days and weeks and, in the case of people in Gaza, for months on end — it is not a good way to go,” says Teller. ​“It shouldn’t be happening to anyone.” 

    Palestinian partner organizations that JVP had been working with, explains Bohrer, approached JVP activists specifically to ramp up the pressure, with the idea that a hunger strike might draw attention to the starvation that their loved ones are facing in Gaza.

    By engaging in this very public, and risky, protest tactic, the hunger strikers are picking up on a long tradition of calculated starvation as a method of forcing a public confrontation with crises.

    The hunger strike is an escalation tactic, meant to draw waning attention back to the situation in Gaza and utilize the often-privileged position American Jews have in discourse on this issue. Hunger strikes are a form of protest where demonstrators, often lacking other viable tactics, turn their attention to their own body and refuse to eat, often forcing institutions, and the public, to bear witness as their bodies waste away. Because of this, they are often a rare and late-term option for campaigns where other pressure points simply failed to work.

    As the death count in Gaza continues to climb, the American Palestine solidarity movement is at a crossroads — forced to acknowledge that while public opinion has shifted, Israeli violence has not. These activists are just a few of the thousands reassessing what tactics are available, or useful, as we enter ever-worsening conditions in one of the most densely populated regions on the planet. By engaging in this very public, and risky, protest tactic, the hunger strikers are picking up on a long tradition of calculated starvation as a method of forcing a public confrontation with crises.

    Hunger strikes have a long history of success precisely because they are so dangerous, and because they force the public to watch as they slowly enact violence on their own bodies. They’ve been particularly prevalent for incarcerated activists who, because of confinement, are limited in their tactics. In Palestine hunger strikes go back decades as a method of resistance for the thousands of Palestinians arrested without charge, a policy known as ​“administrative detention.”

    When multiple residents of Nahfa prison in Israel went on a hunger strike in 1980, they eventually won some of their demands for things like viable bedding and living spaces. But these victories came at a steep cost when some participants died mysteriously. Some believe it was from force feeding, which involves violently forcing a tube down a restrained striker’s nose and into their stomach, then pumping in a nutrient compound. This became a primary point of contention after a spring 2012 series of hunger strikes where nearly 2,000 Palestinian prisoners participated. The United Nations has ruled force feeding a form of torture and in violation of the Geneva Convention. The Israeli Medical Association later sided with medical consensus that forced feeding of hunger striking prisoners is ethically unconscionable, though the Israeli Supreme Court upheld the practice.

    Protesters on day 14 at CUNY Graduate Center are conducting an indefinite hunger strike on June 9, 2025. Photo by Kyle Mazza/Anadolu via Getty Images

    Hunger strikes can take a massive toll on the body, which is in part what makes them so influential. In 2012, Palestinian activist Khader Adnan was arrested and held in administrative detention. He went on a 66-day hunger strike to protest his imprisonment without trial, triggering international attention, a wave of solidarity protests, mass Palestinian hunger strikes in Israeli prisons and increased calls for prison reform. Adnan ended that strike upon reaching a deal with Israeli authorities for his release, but, after a string of arrests, refused food for 87 days following his final detainment in 2023. He died in his cell. 

    Many Palestinian revolutionaries were also influenced by the well-publicized, and sometimes lethal, hunger strikes held by Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) members during their 30-year conflict with Britain and Ulster loyalist paramilitaries, known as the Troubles. Irish Republicans had long used the tactic in their struggle against the British authority, often because they were fighting from within Ulster-controlled territory, where protests were likely to lead to arrest. By 1980, British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher refused to view IRA prisoners as prisoners of war, which would have ensured certain rights. Instead she publicly declared them criminals. This led to a series of hunger strikes, most famously including ​“volunteer” Bobby Sands, who ran and won a seat in the British Parliament amidst his 66-day fast behind bars in 1981. But Sands — and nine others, including Irish National Liberation Army prisoners — ultimately died during their protest, and while they won many of the provisions they demanded for IRA prisoners, it came at a grave cost.

    But as Nayan Shah, who studies the history of hunger strikes, explains, hunger strikes are not confined to inside prison cells; there are also solidarity strikes, when supporters on the outside take action in solidarity with incarcerated people to raise the stakes. These solidarity strikes, done as part of a larger community struggle against inhumane systems, also have a particularly successful history.

    “In the case of a prisoner, you can only hear that prisoner’s voice through intermediaries. In the case of someone who is in public and is hungry, there’s lots of ways you could hear their voice, what they’re feeling and experiencing, [and] why they’re doing it,” says Shah. Whether it’s in partnership with incarcerated hunger strikers or people forced into like situations, it creates a pathway to public recognition of a struggle by creating a volatile stunt that forces the public to confront the causes of such an extreme response. 

    And part of that public confrontation is the hope that a public action of this type can inspire others to take action.

    “Something that we heard [from other hunger strikers]… if you start, people will come, which I think is really powerful,” says Rips, a 32-year-old Chicago activist whose family emigrated to the United States alongside the wave of Soviet Jews. “We’re optimistic that once this strike goes public we will be getting a lot more support.”

    “Something that we heard [from other hunger strikers]… if you start, people will come, which I think is really powerful,” says Rips, a 32-year-old Chicago activist whose family emigrated to the United States alongside the wave of Soviet Jews. ​“We’re optimistic that once this strike goes public we will be getting a lot more support.”

    Marc Kaplan says he is mobilizing his organization, Northside Action for Justice, to support the launch of the JVP hunger strike, which he says will need outside support. Kaplan was part of a 2015 hunger strike to save Dyett High School in Chicago from former mayor Rahm Emanuel’s massive school closings.

    “It’s hard to keep your focus and keep your consciousness and spirit when you’re hungry,” says Kaplan, who lost 20 pounds during the strike. But the action inspired attention and community support and led the campaign to victory.

    And the six hunger strikers in Chicago aren’t alone. As the college encampments popped up in 2024, many activists at colleges like the University of OregonStanford and multiple colleges in the California State University system went on hunger strikes. A number of New York City veterans are now in the middle of a 40-day Fast for Gaza, and Friends of Sabeel, an organization pushing for justice and equity in historic Palestine, are also engaged in a fast where strikers are forced to survive on less than 250 calories a day — same limit 25 activists with the Maine Coalition for Palestine set when they announced their strike last month. The Chicago solidarity strikers have been in contact with some of these other strikers, as well as Palestinian partners, to put their tactics into a larger framework of escalating pressure on the state to act.

    Palestinians form long lines with containers in hand to receive hot meals distributed by aid organizations in Nuseirat refugee camp, as the food crisis deepens due to Israel’s ongoing attacks in Gaza, on June 15, 2025. Photo by Moiz Salhi/Anadolu via Getty Images

    Many hunger strikes permit some calories or have a set end date, but the JVP activists plan to go a step further by consuming nothing but water and electrolytes until their demands are met.

    ​​“Fasting is a form of protest, it is a spiritual act in Jewish tradition,” says rabbi and JVP activist Brant Rosen, who will be supporting the hunger strikers and holding a Shabbat service with them on June 20 at Federal Plaza. “[Fasting] is a sign of atonement, of course … but it has also been used as a call to action historically.” In 2015, Rosen formed the country’s first non-Orthodox anti-Zionist synagogue named Tzedek Chicago. 

    Jewish organizations, many of which have been publicly supportive of the Israeli government’s war, have a long history of supporting aid to impoverished communities facing food insecurity. 

    “Fasting is a form of protest, it is a spiritual act in Jewish tradition.”

    “Both the bombing campaign and the starvation campaign are coordinated and maintained by the largest transfer of weapons the United States has ever done,” says solidarity striker Becca Lubow. ​“So the immediate call is for the money, the guns, the tanks, the bombs being sent to Israel [to stop]. Israel can no longer have a blank check [from the United States] to use against the Palestinians.”

    Lubow works for an established Jewish organization and hopes others will hear the call and join the fight. 

    As scholar of the Jewish left Benjamin Balthaser told me, solidarity has been one of the ways radical Jews understood their Jewishness, pointing to Jewish communists organizing with migrant laborers in the Imperial Valley or joining the Civil Rights Movement even when it could cause them material harm. ​“The hunger strike is a way to alert Americans to the desperateness of the situation.”

    Shah also points to this history of Jewish activism, including Polish Jewish students using the tactic to win educational opportunities and a 1946 incident where 1,000 Jewish refugees were stuck on a ship bound for Palestine in Italy and needed to put pressure on Britain to let them in. In that case, it was communicating with world Jewry through the Jewish Telegraphic Agency that sparked solidarity fasts in New York and Tel Aviv and won the demand handily.

    Religion has been key for these fights, particularly given the moral weight of hunger strikes. In apartheid South Africa, 1989 saw a massive prison hunger strike of more than 600 political prisoners matched by solidarity fasts organized by faith leaders and activists. This raised the profile of the anti-apartheid struggle at the exact moment the media blockade was lifting. 

    One of the six hunger strikers in Chicago is not Jewish, but as Gladson, who grew up Catholic, pointed out, Christian Zionism is a significant part of the massive political support for Israel’s occupation of Palestine. And since the U.S. government is using tax dollars to keep Israel’s military stocked with weapons and resources, it is not only American Jews who have a stake.

    The hunger strike’s potential success is that it works alongside other escalating tactics. The fight didn’t start with the hunger strike. In recent weeks there was highly publicized flotilla that received international attention as they tried to deliver aid, as well as a march to the Rafah border in Egypt. A hunger strike is a more extreme tactic, but that shift has been determined by the failure of established strategies to halt the violence for good.

    This tactic is nothing new for Chicago. In 1994, 10 parents launched a six-day hunger strike to push the Board of Education and Mayor Richard Daley Jr. to abandon the plan to close a school in the Back of the Yards, which itself had a formative role in community organizing as the neighborhood where famed organizer Saul Alinsky once built anti-poverty campaigns. After marches, boycotts and teach-ins failed to stop the school closure, parents camped out in tents adjacent to the school board and refused to eat. Eventually six political leaders, including Congressman Jesús ​“Chuy” García (D-Ill.), initiated negotiations between the parents and the school board that resulted in a series of votes that ultimately ratified the parents’ proposal to build a new school for the neighborhood.

    Displaced Palestinians gather to receive hot meals distributed by a charity organization at Sheikh Radwan neighbourhood as the food crisis deepens due to the continued closure of border crossings during Israeli attacks, on June 12, 2025. Photo by Ahmed Jihad Ibrahim Al-arini/Anadolu via Getty Images

    More recently, 12 people followed the parents’ lead and held a 34-day hunger strike in 2015 to save Dyett High School, which had been the target of disinvestment and was set to be shuttered by the school board. Just like their counterparts in 1995, these parents, many of whom were working with the Kenwood Oakland Community Organization (KOCO), spent three years escalating their efforts to save the school.

    “It didn’t start with the hunger strike,” says Kaplan, who is also a member of Tzedek Chicago. ​“The struggle for Dyett had been a part of the whole campaign to stop the bleeding of educational institutions in primarily low-income, Black communities and some brown communities.”

    “We have done everything we possibly can to put attention on the situation, and the situation just gets worse and worse.”

    But as has been seen historically, bold actions, especially when they expose the gap between a society’s actions and its ideals, can spark moral reflection and even social change. “[These hunger strikes are] happening in states that claim to be democracies,” pointed out Shaw, who noted that most well-known hunger strikes happen inside modern countries that say they are governed by the rule of law. ​“So these are fundamentally crises of democracy.” In other words, hunger strikes, an extreme form of protest, point to a broader failure of political systems to uphold their stated values. 

    The list of organizations formally backing the JVP demonstration continues to grow, with groups committing to participate however they can, further amplifying the voices standing in solidarity with Gaza.

    But the question remains: Is it enough to push the U.S. government to do what other tactics have failed to achieve?

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Israel is intensifying its war on Iran, bombing the headquarters of the country’s national TV network on Monday and assassinating another top military leader. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has also suggested killing Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Iran has responded with barrages of long-range missiles targeting Israel. Meanwhile, U.S. President Donald Trump has shown…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • Western powers have given Israel a free pass to livestream its genocide in Gaza. But. with recent weeks bringing increasing criticism and resistance, the apartheid state is now trying to push its Western accomplices into backing its unprovoked war on Iran. Undoubtedly, many in the Western halls of power are salivating over the prospect of regime change in oil-rich Iran. However, it’s still possible to stop Israel’s provocation turning into Iraq 2.0.

    Corporate commentators salivate over Iran’s oil

    Israel has spent decades trying to push for war against Iran. Why? Because Iran and its allies in the Middle East have long been the only ones actually presenting a military challenge to Israel’s settler-colonial crimes in Palestine.

    Before the disastrous US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003, for example, Israeli war criminal Benjamin Netanyahu promised that ousting Saddam Hussein would be great for the region. In reality, his overthrow created ‘a thousand Saddams’, leading to the deaths of up to a million civilians amid skyrocketing non-state terror. Today, Netanyahu and other Israeli officials are repeating this playbook, threatening Iran’s leader with the same fate and trying to convince the world this would actually be good for the region.

    Iran has the planet’s third-biggest crude oil reserves and second-biggest proven reserves of natural gas. And corporate commentators are openly admitting that replacing Iran’s government with a US-submissive regime would be good for fossil-fuel bosses:

    The Western establishment media, meanwhile, is faithfully trying to beat the drums of war on Iran, with headlines like Trump is urged to go “all in” on crushing Iran and What are Trump’s options for dealing with Iran?. From the US to the UK, and from France to Germany, conservative and liberal propagandists alike are acting like we should sympathise with the genocidal aggressor, Israel, over the hundreds of civilians it has already killed with its unprovoked assault on Iran. Even Israeli media admit that the apartheid state is hungry for war, but their Western counterparts fail to point that out.

    The problem is, it’s so easy to expose Israel’s lies

    In 2003, social media was in its infancy and mainstream propaganda still dominated. So the lies, illegality, pointlessness, and heartless chaos of the invasion of Iraq prevailed. But now, a quick search for the facts reveals that:

    Because of this, many people can immediately see straight through the ridiculously embarrassing attempts by Western politicians and media outlets to convince people that the victim is somehow the bad guy and the aggressor is the good guy.

    In 2003, meanwhile, the invasion of Iraq came under two years after the “single largest loss of life resulting from a foreign attack on American soil” on 9/11. So, the massive climate of fear in the US essentially opened the door for overall public support for the invasion. Only years later did many people actually wake up to the absolute disaster that it was.

    2025 is different

    Donald Trump, meanwhile, actually tried to paint himself as some kind of anti-war sage in a break from the Republican Party establishment that destroyed Iraq. He even warned that Barack Obama was going to start a war with Iran. But when Obama – as one of the few good things he did – actually made a deal with Iran, Trump trashed it as soon as he took office, unnecessarily ramping up tensions.

    Israel is a “junior partner” – in Netanyahu’s own words – to US imperialism. But while the US fears few repercussions of the genocide it has funded in occupied Gaza, it is much more wary about taking on the more powerful Iran. And Trump himself knows that a big section of his base is against pointless foreign wars of aggression.

    Israel, meanwhile, is haemorrhaging money protecting itself from Iranian retaliation. It is riling some US figures by holding US citizens hostage. And a full-blown war would impact the US economy at a time when it’s already struggling.

    There was no 9/11 moment pushing the US to act. Trump does not have the overwhelming support of US citizens for a war that Israel stubbornly started amid a genocide that has everyone’s attention. And he risks severely undermining his political brand if he does attack Iran. So while nothing is off the table, and the drums of war are beating just as they were in 2003, there is still reason to believe 2025 will not see Iran become Iraq 2.0.

    Featured image via YouTube screenshot/CBC News

    By Ed Sykes

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • Israel have continued to terrorise Palestinians during their attack on Iran. Despite focusing their time and energy on attacking journalists in Iran, the genocidal warmongers have continued to kill Palestinians. Middle East Eye reported that:

    Israeli forces killed at least 80 Palestinians and wounded hundreds in two ambushes at US-run aid distribution centres in the southern Gaza Strip on Tuesday.

    Eyewitnesses told Middle East Eye that Israeli forces ambushed thousands of starving Palestinians, killing and wounding hundreds in the attacks.

    The Palestinian Ministry of Health confirmed that 30 people were killed in Rafah, and almost 50 were killed in Khan Yunis. Israel have reduced the entry of food aid trucks to less than a trickle. And, over the past weeks has made a pattern of attacking a starving population as they gather for what little food there is.

    Israel’s cruelty

    Journalist Sarah Wilkinson shared footage of Palestinians running in terror as Israeli forces opened fire:

    MintPress News also shared footage of panicked scenes in Khan Yunis as people ran for their lives:

    5Pillars shared an interview with Gaza’s deputy minister of health, Dr. Yousef, who explained:

    In Rafah, Al Jazeera spoke to a young girl whose brother was killed by Israeli forces as he tried to find food:

    She said:

    His name was Hamza, and he was very kind to me.

    Israeli ambush

    Abdalla Elyyan, who lives in Khan Younis, told Middle East Eye:

    We headed to the distribution point after hearing that wheat would be handed out – at 7am, we were ambushed in the Tahlia area.

    Chaos erupted. People were strewn across the streets – so many killed and wounded

    Can you imagine shells raining down on thousands of people packed into a small area? The number of people killed was staggering.

    The American-Israeli collaboration, Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), has been heavily criticised by legitimate aid distributors. One woman described how it has now become horrifically commonplace for aid spots to be sites of massacres:

    It’s a trap, not an aid organisation. It’s a trap to kill our men…They set up this new aid mechanisms so they can lure our young men and kill them one by one.

    The Canary’s Charlie Jaay reported that:

    The Gaza Humanitarian Foundation aid distribution mechanism reinforces control over the life-saving supplies that are so desperately needed by Gaza’s population, giving Israel the power to decide who receives aid and who will be left to die, while attempting to mislead the public into believing Palestinians are benefitting.

    Settler attacks

    Israel is currently occupied with retaliation from Iran, after the former’s unprovoked attack. However, it would appear that settler bloodthirstiness knows no bounds. Israeli settlers have been attacking Palestinian properties and setting them on fire.

    Abdel Aziz, who owns a factory in al-Mazra’a al-Sharqiya in the West Bank described:

    When we went to the factory, we found the settlers had set fire to the existing vehicles and mobile rooms.

    They were all armed, and we tried to confront them, unarmed.

    Despite having decimated infrastructure vital to life, Israel remains unsatisfied with the death and destruction it has spread in Palestine. Aziz said:

    The settlers’ goal is to undermine the Palestinian economy in the eastern part of Ramallah, which is concentrated in our town.

    He concluded:

    They don’t want quiet, they want constant problems. They even destroyed the olive trees on the sides of the road. Everything in their ideology is terrorism

    Terrorism

    United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Volker Turk, said:

    Israel’s warfare in Gaza is inflicting horrifying, unconscionable suffering on Palestinians.

    And, he urged those with influence to:

    exert maximum pressure on Israel to bring this unbearable suffering to an end.

    A reminder, were it needed, that the UK and in particular the US, could end Palestinian suffering if they wished to. The fact is that not only have they not exerted “maximum pressure” but have enabled, and facilitated Israel’s genocide. It’s simply not true that they’re complicit. Complicity implies only an implication in the crime. They’re guilty, outright.

    After all, Israel couldn’t unleash all this terror without them.

    Featured image – YouTube screenshot/Al Jazeera English

    By Maryam Jameela

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • Israel attacked the headquarters of the Iranian national broadcaster, live on air, on Monday, 16 June.

    Sahar Emami, the news anchor, was speaking live when the Israeli attack hit. Everyone watching could clearly see the explosion, followed by audible screams, while it was still live.

    We then watched another journalist continue the broadcast from outside the building. He was visibly distressed, with his hands covered in blood. In the background, you could see the building burning.

    The Geneva Convention

    Article 79 of the Geneva Convention protects journalists in armed conflicts, meaning they cannot be targeted. Clearly, this does not apply to Israel.

    As usual, Israel is taking their strategy from the same old playbook. Target whoever or whatever the hell they want and claim it was being used as some sort of military base. And, failing that, claim there were strategically important tunnels underneath.

    According to The New York Times:

    The Israeli military later said in a statement that its air force had struck the building to target a “communication center” that was being used by the Iranian military “under the guise of civilian activity.” The claim could not be independently verified.

    Trying to silence journalists

    Israel has a long history of murdering journalists. As of June 10, they had murdered 231 Palestinian journalists in Gaza. Additionally, they have assassinated 10 journalists in Lebanon, one in the West Bank, one in Syria, and now one in Iran, too.

    Yet still, most of the West refuse to call it what it is – genocide. If Israel had nothing to hide, it wouldn’t be targeting journalists in broad daylight.

    Israel’s targeting of journalists started long before October 7. Back in 2021, The Canary reported on Israel detaining over a dozen Palestinian journalists. This included an Al Jazeera correspondent in the West Bank

    In 2020, the Palestinian Centre for Development and Media Freedoms (MADA) said Israeli forces committed “408 violations of the media” in 2020 in the occupied territories.

    Israel seems to have a real issue with following international law, and allowing a free press would all too obviously expose its war crimes:

    Previously, Israeli forces have attempted to smear journalists as terrorists in order to pre-emptively justify their murders. Because, when the state that has bombed five different countries in less than two years shouts ‘terrorist’, the West takes it as truth.

    Israel has never played by the rules, and they’re not about to start now. Whether it’s children, hospitals, journalists, or now live TV broadcasts – nothing is off limits to the genocidal terrorist state. And let’s face it, nothing is about to change unless Western media and politicians find a shred of moral decency and a backbone.

    Feature image via ABC News/Youtube 

    By HG

  • The US-backed Egyptian dictatorship has done Israel’s dirty work for it, beating and abducting activists on the Global March to Gaza.

    Israel’s unprovoked attack on Iran has served as a distraction from increasing international outrage over the ongoing US-Israeli genocide in Gaza. But in recent days, activists tried to reach the occupied Palestinian territory by land. And Egypt’s regime obediently responded by attacking them.

    The march has now announced it will not continue. But Egyptian authorities have reportedly kept up their aggression on behalf of US-Israeli war criminals.

    “Repression, detention, and abuse”

    In a press release, the Global March to Gaza has stated that:

    We are deeply concerned by the continued escalation of unlawful detentions targeting individuals associated with our peaceful mission. Despite our coordination with Egyptian authorities, respect for local and regional laws, and official announcement that we are no longer planning actions in Egypt, Egyptian authorities have intensified their repression, detention, and abuse of our marchers.

    It explained that:

    In recent days, plainclothes officers, often failing to identify themselves, have forcibly removed participants from hotel rooms, cafés, shops, and the streets, without cause or explanation. Yesterday at approximately 4:30 p.m., three individuals were abducted by secret police while sitting at a café in Cairo. Those taken include international humanitarians: Jonas Selhi (Norway), Huthayfa Abuserriya (Norway), and Saif Abukeshek (Spain/Palestine). All three were blindfolded, handcuffed, interrogated, and brutally beaten.

    Egypt later deported Selhi and Abuserriya.

    Selhi revealed that Abukeshek:

    was singled out for especially severe abuse. His current whereabouts are still unknown.

    The Global March to Gaza urged people throughout the world:

    to take action by calling the Egyptian embassy in your country today and demanding the release of those detained who were participating in the Global March to Gaza and the safe passage of those attempting to peacefully leave the country.

    Israel’s genocidal slaughter continues in Gaza

    On 17 June, meanwhile, yet another Israeli massacre of people in Gaza took place. As Al Jazeera reported, “aid seekers gathered at points leading to a recently established point for aid distribution by the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF)” (the highly controversial US-Israeli ‘death trap‘ organisation). There, it continued:

    Witnesses said they had gone to collect food aid but were met with live ammunition and drone attacks without any kind of warning.

    The Israeli attack killed 51 people.

    This latest massacre adds yet more evidence to the global scholarly consensus that Israel has been committing genocide against Palestinians in Gaza since October 2023.

    By Ed Sykes

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • A video showing missiles being fired into a city was widely linked to the recent conflict between Israel and Iran. Some users shared the video claiming that it showed missiles being fired into Tehran by Israel, while others shared it with ambiguous captions that it was “Iran’s ‘warning’ to Israel.”

     

    This video is among a stream of visuals that have emerged amid escalating tensions between the two countries, after Israel attacked Iran’s nuclear facility and military structures on June 13, killing at least 78 people, including generals, scientists and civilians. Soon afterwards, Iran retaliated with long-range missiles targeting Tel Aviv.

    X user Abhijit Majumder (@abhijitmajumder) shared the video on June 13 and claimed it showed bombs and missiles streaming into Tehran and hitting targets. He called Israel’s strikes #OperationRisingLion”. The social media user identifies as a journalist in his bio, but has been found amplifying misinformation on several occasions.

    X handle @World_At_War_6 also shared the same video. However, this account claimed it was Iran’s ‘warning’ to Israel. At the time of writing this, the post had over 2.6 million views. (Archive)

    Several other accounts shared the video with similar claims. (Archives- 1, 2, 3, 4, 5)

    Click to view slideshow.

    Fact Check

    We noticed that yhe viral video is a compilation of two different videos.

    Video 1: Some keyframes from the first visual are attached below.

    Click to view slideshow.

    Upon a reverse image search, Alt News was able to trace the video back to 2024. On October 1, 2024, Beirut-based media outlet Al Mayadeen shared the same video with the caption, “Scenes documenting the moment rockets fell in #Occupied_Palestine” in Arabic.

    Video 2: Keyframes from the second video are attached below.

    Click to view slideshow.

    A reverse image search of these keyframes led to to a Facebook post by Mexican journalist Carlos Zúñiga Pérez from October 2024. According to the caption, the video shows Iran launching a missile attack on Israel.

    Continúan los ataques entre Irán e Israel

    🔺#ASÍ: #Iran lanza un ataque con misiles hacia #Israel. Sonaron sirenas en todo el país. Se puso en operación el escudo de hierro.

    #LasNoticiasAsí #AsíPasó

    Posted by Carlos Zúñiga Pérez on Tuesday 1 October 2024

    A keyframe from the video was also used in Indian news outlet OneIndia’s report on Iran’s Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) launching a missile attack against Israel on October 1, 2024. At the time, Iran had said the missile launches were in retaliation for the deaths of Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh, Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah and IRGC’s Abbas Nilforushan.

    Screengrab of OneIndia’s report

    As it stands, a compilation of videos from Iran’s missile attack on Israel from October 2024 is being linked to the recent hostilities between the two countries.

     

    The post Videos of Iran’s October 2024 strikes on Israel resurface as visuals of June conflict appeared first on Alt News.


    This content originally appeared on Alt News and was authored by Shinjinee Majumder.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • redefine meat burger
    4 Mins Read

    Israeli 3D-printed meat maker Redefine Meat has introduced a new product line with dramatic reductions in saturated fat and methylcellulose use.

    To capture Europeans’ interest in the category, Redefine Meat has unveiled a new class of plant-based meat products centred on enhanced nutrition and flavour.

    Among the first of its next-generation products are a reformulated burger and beef mince, which feature improvements in saturated fat content, protein levels, and taste and texture.

    The move aims to address evolving consumer preferences in terms of nutrition and sensory appeal, and dissatisfaction with the current crop of meat analogues, which have suffered from poor sales as ultra-processing concerns come to the fore.

    “With our next-generation products, we’re now able to offer the premium-quality taste our customers enjoy, while delivering the nutritional values sought after by health-conscious audiences,” said Eshchar Ben-Shitrit, co-founder and CEO of Redefine Meat.

    New products outperform previous iterations on taste and nutrition

    One of the best-known plant-based companies, Redefine Meat markets its 3D-printed products as New Meat, with a diverse range of beef, pork and lamb alternatives in formats like pulled, mince, sausages, burgers, and whole cuts. Endorsed by Michelin-starred chefs like Marco Pierre White, they can be found at over 4,000 foodservice locations in 10 countries, plus retailers in several European markets.

    The new burger and mince products build on this existing portfolio, and now fulfil the nutritional requirements for a Nutri-Score rating of A, the highest possible score. They join its beef flank, pulled pork and pulled beef SKUs in meeting that standard.

    redefine meat protein
    Courtesy: Redefine Meat

    Redefine Meat achieved this through an 80-90% decrease in saturated fats compared to the previous iteration of the 3D-printed burger and beef mince, an increase in protein per 100g (from 11g to 14-16g), and a reduction in methylcellulose content to less than 2%.

    Additionally, the company says it has unlocked a “new quality benchmark” for taste and texture with an even meatier profile, a conclusion derived from collaboration and sensory tasting with meat experts, chefs, and consumers.

    Redefine Meat’s products undergo a patented additive manufacturing process – more commonly known as 3D printing – which helps it better replicate the taste of meat and texture of animal muscle fibres. The process disintegrates textured vegetable protein into fibres and blends them with a dough made from soy or pea protein isolates.

    Plus, it uses AI and machine learning to optimise its products, allowing it to prototype, test and commercialise new products significantly faster than existing production processes, the company explained.

    Redefine Meat hopes to allay taste and UPF doubts

    “Our unique taste-first approach is at the heart of all product development, understanding that taste continues to be the biggest barrier to repeat buying for many flexitarians and meat lovers,” said Ben-Shitrit.

    “While many other plant-based products continue to fall short in this area, our next-generation products build upon our premium-quality legacy to deliver an even meatier taste approved by our chef partners and rigorous consumer testing.”

    plant based survey
    Courtesy: GFI Europe

    Indeed, polling shows that while some consumers in Germany and the UK are reducing their meat intake due to shifting taste preferences, animal proteins are still much higher on the flavour scale. Hitting the right tasting notes is critical: a survey of 7,800 Europeans last year revealed that taste is the most important factor when it comes to their daily food choices, cited by 87% of respondents.

    The new products are being rolled out at retailers in the Netherlands, Germany and France, continuing Redefine Meat’s efforts to expand across Europe. For Veganuary this year, it signed deals with more than 30 companies in the UK, where its foodservice sales nearly doubled in 2024.

    While plant-based meat enjoyed an increase in sales in Germany and France last year, the same couldn’t be said of the UK and Netherlands, where consumers have flocked to whole-food proteins and are choosing mince and strips over burgers, respectively.

    plant based sales uk
    Retail sales of plant-based food in the UK in 2024 | Courtesy: GFI Europe

    Many consumers perceive plant-based meat as overly processed and as a result, unhealthy, though experts have warned that the level of processing doesn’t define how nutritious a product is, and studies have shown that these products match animal-derived meat on protein, while providing far more fibre and less saturated fat.

    Touching upon this discourse, Ben-Shitrit said: “While misinformation around ultra-processed foods (UPFs) continues to spread, it’s important to understand the difference between good and bad UPFs. It’s clear that crisps or chocolate bars are not the same as our products, which deliver high levels of protein, vitamins and fibre, without cholesterol.”

    He added: “We recognise that nutrition is playing an increasingly important role in consumer buying habits. With our next-generation products, we’re now able to offer the premium-quality taste our customers enjoy, while delivering the nutritional values sought after by health-conscious audiences.”

    The post Israeli Startup ‘Redefines’ Plant-Based Meat with 90% Less Saturated Fat appeared first on Green Queen.

    This post was originally published on Green Queen.

  • Israel bombed the Iranian state TV building in Tehran during a live broadcast on Monday, seemingly devastating the building as Israeli military officials falsely touted attacks on military targets. A recording of the live broadcast shows the broadcaster, Sahar Emani, talking when suddenly there is an extremely loud, sustained explosion. The background goes dark as the broadcaster quickly…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • Warning against “another endless conflict” in the Middle East, Democratic U.S. Sen. Tim Kaine on Monday introduced a war powers resolution aimed at preventing President Donald Trump from attacking Iran without congressional debate and authorization. Given its status as a privileged resolution, the Republican-controlled U.S. Senate will be forced to swiftly consider and vote on the measure…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.


  • This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Sources familiar with the matter have told Antiwar.com Editorial Director Scott Horton that the Trump administration is poised to enter Israel’s aggressive war against Iran directly. US airstrikes on Iran could begin as soon as Monday.

    Please contact the White House by sending an email or calling the comment line starting at 10 am EST on Monday  (202‑456‑1111). Tell them that you do not want the US to enter this disastrous war, which could lead to heavy American casualties at US bases across the Middle East.

    The post Sources: United States Will Enter Israel’s War With Iran appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • The US Peace Council denounces the reckless escalation of the already dangerously volatile situation in the Middle East precipitated by Israel’s most recent bombing of the Islamic Republic of Iran. We uphold the right of Iran to self-determination and self-defense.

    This unprovoked act of war was perpetrated with the complicity of the US and its NATO allies, which have provided weapons and intelligence to Israel along with diplomatic cover for Israel’s violations of international law. Israel’s ability to wage war on its neighbors with little to no consequence exemplifies how a militaristic state, with the backing of a nuclear and military superpower, can compromise another’s sovereignty.

    The post US Peace Council Statement On The Israeli Bombing Of Iran appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • Since the 1990s, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has been unwavering in his strategic objective: stopping Iran’s nuclear program. At a time when even Washington was focused on peace deals and settlements with the Palestinians, Netanyahu was already fixated on Iran.

    He criticized the peace agreement with the Palestinians but consistently highlighted the “Iranian threat.” At a time when this issue was not a global or regional priority, Netanyahu stood almost alone in warning against Iran’s nuclear ambitions.

    In the early 2000s, while Israeli prime minister Ariel Sharon focused on crushing the Al-Aqsa Intifada and what he called “Palestinian terrorism,” Netanyahu was simultaneously warning about Iran’s nuclear ambitions.

    The post Israel’s War On Iran Was Never Just About Nukes appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • This story originally appeared in Mondoweiss on June 14, 2025. It is shared here with permission.

    The war between Israel and Iran marks the culmination of decades of shadow-boxing between Tehran and Tel Aviv. This is a war that has long worn the mask of deniability, played out in assassinations, cyber operations, and various forms of entanglements from Damascus to the Red Sea. Its rules were unwritten but widely understood: escalation without full rupture. But now it’s unfolding in a surprise Israeli intelligence and military attack, which was met with a subsequent Iranian retaliation against Israeli military installations and strategic infrastructure.

    While Israel’s capacity for precise targeting — its assassinations of nuclear scientists, the killing of Iranian commanders, and its strikes on enrichment sites — has rarely been in doubt, its broader strategic horizon remains conspicuously blurred. 

    Official Israeli communiqués gesture, with ritual ambiguity, toward the language of victory and denying Iran nuclear capability, but the underlying ambition seems at once more elusive and more grandiose: the execution of a blow so decisive it would not only cripple Iran’s nuclear program, but fracture the Islamic Republic’s political resolve altogether. 

    This, however, remains far from realized. Iran’s underground facilities remain intact, and its enrichment program, far from being stalled, appears now to be ideologically and politically emboldened. Hesitations around the acquisition of nuclear weapons will probably undergo a review. Iran, while suffering from a direct blow that crippled its chain of command and placed it on the defensive, was able to recuperate and launch several barrages of ballistic misslies into Israel.

    And yet, behind this Israeli choreography of operational tenacity lies a quieter, more subterranean logic. It is not only Iran that Israel seeks to provoke, but the United States. If Israel cannot destroy Natanz or Fordow on its own, it may still succeed in creating the conditions under which Washington feels compelled to act in its stead. This, perhaps, is the real gambit: not a direct confrontation with Iran, but the orchestration of an environment of urgency and provocation that makes American intervention — at a minimum — on the table. In other words, Israel’s military theatrics are a trap for the U.S.

    Israel isn’t simply assembling a reactive sequence of military gestures; it’s a calibrated strategy of provocations that create the conditions for American leverage. Israel acts; the United States, while nominally uninvolved, capitalizes on the fallout, and even invokes the specter of its own military involvement as both a deterrent and a bargaining chip. 

    The strikes are less about immediate tactical gains than they are about constructing a field of pressure. Their strategic ambiguity is weaponized to test red lines and gauge responses.

    In this scheme, Washington appears to maintain a distance, but its fingerprints are never entirely absent. The more Israel escalates, the more the U.S. can posture as the moderating force — while simultaneously tightening the screws on Iran through sanctions, backchannel warnings, or displays of force in the Gulf. 

    The result is a strategic double-bind: Iran is meant to feel besieged from multiple directions, but never entirely certain where the next blow might come from. 

    Will Trump chicken out?

    This, at least, is where the United States and Israel seem momentarily aligned. Yet the fault lines in this coordination are already visible. 

    On the one hand, the war hawks in Washington will view this as a strategic opening and an opportunity to decisively weaken Iran and redraw the balance of power in the region. They will pressure Trump to act in this direction. 

    On the other hand, a full-scale war with Iran, especially one that spills across borders, would ripple through global markets, disrupting trade, oil production, and critical infrastructure. The allure of military advantage is shadowed by the specter of economic upheaval, which is a gamble that even the most hardened strategists can’t ignore. Yemen’s Ansar Allah has already proven the viability of closing trade routes, and Iran is able to do far more.

    But the story of “America First” is also approaching an inflection point. Donald Trump’s rhetoric — premised on the prioritization of domestic problems, national interest, and a transactional nationalism hostile to foreign entanglements — now finds itself strained by the prospect, or reality, of a regional war that bears the unmistakable fingerprints of American complicity. The transition (discursively, at least) from a president who vowed to extricate the U.S. from Middle Eastern quagmires to one under whose watch a potentially epochal confrontation is unfolding exposes the fragile coherence of Trump’s strategic identity.

    The language of MAGA — no more “blood for sand,” no more American boys dying in foreign deserts, no more open-ended subsidies for unreliable allies — continues to resonate well beyond Trump’s electoral base. It taps into a deeper exhaustion with imperial overreach and a growing conviction that the dividends of global policing no longer justify its mounting costs. 

    And yet, even as this fatigue becomes conventional wisdom, the machinery of militarism persists — outsourced to regional proxies, framed in euphemisms, and increasingly waged out of sight. Nowhere is this more evident than in America’s unwavering support for Israel’s campaign in Gaza — a policy that, despite its genocidal overtones, encounters little serious resistance from the political mainstream.

    This is the duality that marks the contemporary American strategic imagination, particularly in its Trumpian register. On one hand, there is a professed realism about the limits of military force and the unsustainable burdens of global responsibility; on the other, there is a persistent ambition to reshape the geopolitical architecture of the Middle East by less direct means.

    In this schema, force may be held in reserve, but influence is not. The aspiration is to cultivate a calibrated rivalry among regional powers — Turkey, Israel, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Qatar, and Egypt. The U.S. seeks to tether them, however uneasily, to the gravitational logic of American centrality. If Pax Americana can no longer be imposed, then a managed dissonance among client states may suffice.

    In addition, another kind of dissonance marks Trump’s worldview: not merely strategic, but psychological. For all his rhetoric about restraint and national interest, Trump retains a sovereign fantasy of dominance. He does not merely seek balance but craves submission. The belief that an American president can issue diktats to Putin, Zelensky, or Khamenei — and that they will obey — is less a policy than a symptom of an imperial reflex. It continues to linger even as the structure it depends on has been eroding. In these moments, Trump sets aside the logic of multipolar accommodation.

    The current war initiated by Israel against Iran is an exemplar of this dissonance. It reflects not only Israel’s increasingly unilateral strategic posture but also the ambivalence that marks American leadership in the Trump era. Despite his anti-interventionist slogans, Trump was never immune to the gravitational pull of escalation, especially when framed as a test of strength or loyalty. 

    Indeed, the term coined by his critics — TACO, “Trump Always Chickens Out” — was circulated among financiers and neoconservatives not simply as mockery, but as diagnosis. It captured the oscillation between bluster and retreat, between the rhetoric of dominance and the impulse to recoil when the cost became tangible. 

    Such moments expose the uneasy alloy at the heart of Trump’s foreign policy: a mix of instinctual nationalism, imperial nostalgia, and tactical indecision. The result is a posture that often courts confrontation without preparation, and retreats from entanglement without resolution. If Israel’s strike on Iran was meant to provoke, it also tested the elasticity of Trump’s foreign policy instincts — and the contradictions that arise when strategic ambiguity meets theatrical resolve.

    Operational success and possible strategic failure

    It is undeniable that Israel, with both tacit and overt backing from its allies, succeeded in delivering a serious blow to Iran. The strikes reached deep into the Islamic Republic’s military and security apparatus, targeting logistical infrastructure and key nodes in the command hierarchy. Reports suggest that segments of Iran’s nuclear programme, alongside broader military installations, were damaged or set back. Civilian casualties, though predictable, were duly reported and then quietly folded into the wider logic of strategic necessity.

    The initial reaction in Israel to the perceived operational success followed a familiar ritual — an almost theatrical display of militaristic pride and nationalist euphoria. It was less about strategic calculation and more about reaffirming a hardened, jingoistic identity: Look at us—striking deep in Iran, and assassinating leaders and scientists. Each moment of escalation was repackaged as proof of autonomy and power, even when the reality was far more complex. Beneath the exultation lay a quieter unease: that every act of defiance also illuminated vulnerabilities — strategic, diplomatic, and existential. But this euphoria did not last long as Iran regained its military command and initiated its own military operation, striking deep within Israel with ballistic missiles that targeted Israeli infrastructure within cities, with Israelis waking up to scenes of destruction. 

    There is a cruel irony at play. A state that has institutionalized the destruction of homes, memories, and lives in Gaza now cries foul. It flagrantly violates every norm — legal, moral, humanitarian — only to invoke those same norms when violence reaches its own doorstep. Overnight, the architecture of impunity that it has constructed becomes the basis for grievance. 

    But much of the world sees through this cynical hypocrisy. The exceptionalism, the selective outrage, the performative grief—all ring hollow to those who have watched a society cheer on genocide in real time. The tears fall flat, resonating only with the hardcore Zionist base, the political and media operatives who have long served as enablers, and the Christian Zionists like America’s ambassador in Israel, Mike Huckabee, who have fused theology with militarism.

    Israel awoke to a moment of potential reckoning — but history teaches that its military establishment, and the social and affective structures that uphold it, are largely impervious to reflection. In fact, they are actively hostile to the very notion of reckoning. The idea of limits — whether of force, legitimacy, or consequence — sits uncomfortably within a system built on the presumption of impunity and supremacy. 

    For years, Israeli propaganda depicted Iran as an irrational, theocratic menace. But what, then, is Israel, if not a society governed by theological messianism armed with cutting-edge surveillance and military technology? The difference is that it is backed uncritically by both liberal and conservative elites across the West, with extensive institutional support in munitions and diplomatic cover.

    And of course, it is a nuclear-armed state engaged in genocidal warfare, yet continues to claim moral clarity. The irony is as bitter as it is revealing: the caricature it projected onto Iran has become a mirror to its own reality.

    An old adage warns: You can start a war, but you cannot know how it will end. Israel seems determined to test that truth. 

    Israel stakes its strategy on American leverage and the possibility of eventual U.S. involvement. What began as a targeted campaign against Iran’s nuclear program has already begun to morph, in both rhetoric and ambition, into something far riskier: regime change. The goalposts are shifting, the stakes escalating — not only for the region, but for Israeli society itself, which simultaneously craves dominance, fears accountability, and deeply distrusts Netanyahu’s judgment. 

    Despite that, the war is still ongoing; other Israeli operations against Iran that could induce further shock and awe are in play, while Iran is now using its various military capabilities to damage the sense of confidence in Israel’s missile shield and air defenses.

    While the regional war commands headlines, in Gaza, Israel continues its campaign of annihilation — cutting internet lines, bombarding neighborhoods, and flattening what remains of the Strip. The war may be framed as an open-ended contest of force, will, and strategic calculation, but its consequences are brutally inscribed on Palestinian bodies. The horizon of this broader war — however abstract it may appear in policy circles — is being carved, violently and unforgettably, into the lives of Palestinians in Gaza, and increasingly, in the West Bank as well. This is Israel’s current addiction to possibilities opened by war: eliminating the Palestinians, dragging the U.S. into regional war, and waiting for the messiah to redeem it.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Following Israel’s unprovoked attack on Iran, Britain’s Labour government has faced renewed scrutiny for arming and supporting the rogue apartheid state. Now – understandably – the media is asking Labour and its ministers if they’re clueless or misanthropic enough to drag us into a wider regional conflict. Alarmingly, the response from Rachel Reeves suggests they very much are.

    UK doublespeak as Israel pushes for war on Iran

    Speaking to Sky News, Reeves said:

    This is a fast moving situation. Israel has every right to defend itself. We also are very concerned about Iran’s nuclear deterrent.

    Clearly, this is Reeves and Labour seeking to echo the Israeli government’s lie that its unprovoked assault was somehow an ‘act of self-defence’.

    Reeves also said:

    We have, in the past, supported Israel when there had been missiles coming in. I’m not going to comment on what might happen in the future. But so far we haven’t been involved. We’re sending in assets to protect ourselves and also potentially to support our allies.

    And when pushed on whether Labour would be foolish enough to join this war, she said:

    I’m not going to rule anything out at this stage. It’s a fast moving situation, a very volatile situation. But we don’t want to see escalation.

    Any reasonable person would agree that if the Labour doesn’t want to see escalation in a Middle Eastern conflict, then they probably shouldn’t be shipping in more weapons and troops (or training Israeli soldiers, or sending regular flights from RAF Akrotiri on Cyprus, or pretending that the genocide in Gaza doesn’t exist). Indeed, many ordinary people did say this:

    History repeating itself

    Make no mistake – sending the UK army into this mess would mean sacrificing the lives of countless British people for the sake of propping up a crooked and genocidal regime (not to mention the countless more lives that our troops would cut short in the territories they invade).

    This has the potential to be the invasion of Iraq all over again, and with that in mind, let’s remind ourselves of what a then-obscure Labour backbencher said in 2003 (emphasis added):

    For those who say that this is a necessary and just conflict because it will bring about peace and security: September the 11th was a dreadful event. 8000 deaths in Afghanistan brought back none of those who died in the World Trade Centre. Thousands more deaths in Iraq will not make things right. It will set off a spiral of conflict, of hate, of misery, of desperation, that will fuel the wars, the conflict, the terrorism, the depression, and the misery of future generations.

    You cannot humiliate the Palestinian people in the way that they’ve been humiliated and not expect some problem in the future. You cannot arm regimes like Iraq, Iran, and many others, without expecting further problems in the future.

    Our message, our message today here in London, a million and more strong, is this. We want to live in a world free from war. The way to free us from the scourge of war is to free ourselves from the scourge of injustice, of poverty, and the misery that’s associated with that. This movement, this movement is giving that message to the British government. Stop now, or pay a political price.

    That figure was Jeremy Corbyn, and history has proven him to be right on both the invasion of Iraq and how the Labour right would behave if they returned to power.

    Remember the disaster that followed the invasion of Iraq

    On the “spiral of conflict” which Corbyn predicted, Kim Sengupta wrote in 2023 of how the disastrous occupation of Iraq spawned much of the Middle Eastern conflict which followed. In part, this happened because US “neo-cons, Dick Cheney, Paul Wolfowitz, Donald Rumsfeld” and others pursued:

    a disastrous policy of de-Baathification – banning anyone who had been a member of the ruling Baath Party. This failed to take into account the fact that membership of the Baath was necessary to get government jobs in Iraq and did not indicate blind adherence to the regime. The ban also meant it became virtually impossible to keep the machinery of government running in an increasingly chaotic environment.

    The occupying forces additionally made conditions for the Iraqi police forces intolerable, with Sengupta noting:

    There was confusion, followed by anger when the American military decreed that patrols going out must be unarmed. Most of the Iraqi officers simply refused to set out and many walked off. Among them was Major Rashid Hussein Janabi who said, shaking his head in disbelief: “Do they even realise this is Baghdad?”

    Sengupta highlighted how these decisions would go on to have staggering repercussions:

    The conditions were brewing for a perfect storm. Many of the experienced Iraqi police and soldiers sent home under de-Baathification stayed away from the vicious insurgent war which followed. Worse, others joined the Islamist fighters, providing valuable experience and leadership.

    One head of Isis military council, Abu Muhanad al Sweidawi, was a former member of the Iraqi military, as was his successor, Abu Ahmad al Alwani. Major Janabi, the disgruntled police officer I met in 2003, died fighting for Isis in Mosul 11 years later.

    Within months of the regime’s fall, a savage insurgent war broke out, with bombings and shootings, kidnappings and murders. The death toll began to rise dramatically as Sunni insurgents stepped up their attacks on Western forces.

    Then came an incendiary sectarian conflict between Sunnis and Shias Waves of Sunni suicide bombers left Fallujah to wreak havoc on Baghdad, and Shia fighters, some in government-run militias, sought vengeance.

    Insanity is repeating the same action yet expecting a different outcome

    At this point, the impacts of the invasion of Iraq are well known to everyone. Now, just imagine the impacts of an even larger conflict overseen by an even more temperamental US president.

    The horrors that will unfold really don’t bear thinking about, and yet Labour is immediately willing to sign us up.

    We cannot allow them to do this again.

    Featured image via Sky News

    By John Shafthauer

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • Occupied Palestine — The Freedom Flotilla Coalition confirms that all the international human rights defenders and journalists that were aboard the civilian aid ship Madleen are now en route home. The twelve were forcibly abducted and detained by Israeli forces while attempting to break Israel’s illegal and inhumane siege of Gaza and deliver humanitarian aid to its besieged population.

    The last three detained Freedom Flotilla volunteers, Marco van Rennes, Pascal Maurieras, and Yanis Mhamdi, were released from Israeli detention this morning and have begun their return to their home countries via the Jordanian border.

    The post Finally Free: The Last Three Head Home And Ask You To Keep Mobilizing appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • Before the war began, summer in Gaza was a season of joy. Families thrived on creating small moments of happiness, even amid daily electricity cuts and the suffocating siege. Many loved to flock to the beach or spend time at the water chalets, hoping to find some refreshing relief from the scorching sun. They would sit beneath wide umbrellas, spread blankets across the golden beach sand…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.