Category: Justice

  • The U.S. Marshals always get their kill shot — and a young man, young woman, and two five-year-old children swarmed by SOG, special operations group/gang, in Michigan, and the man bleeds out, the kids are in the house traumatized, and the mother is swarmed in the town getting groceries.

    I expected to get deep into this Oregon organization’s amazing work, Freedom Farms, working with released inmates to heal, to get back into just plain normal breathing health, working the land, crops, harvests.

     

    Lindsey McNab I met in Ashland, at a farmer’s market, May 2025, and it was just by chance I was there and headed over to the market. Sean was there as well as Lindsey.

    This shit works, plying skin to earth, feeding seeds and seedlings, watching lettuce, asparagus, bok choy, potatoes, et al, grow. Yoga and listening circles, sun, rain, moles, dogs, chickens … Care Goddamn People.

    Go see the images here at their website: Through the Lens of Giving: Freedom Farms in Pictures

    Now, I prepped today’s hour interview by reading a story or two on Freedom Farms and Lindsey: KTVZ21

    Participants like Lindsey McNab are proof of the program’s impact. Just six months ago, McNab was behind bars. Now, she spends her days tending to bok choy, turnips, and asparagus, work that she says is helping her find a new sense of purpose.

    “I do struggle on a daily basis with[thinking] ‘oh my gosh, I lost 16 months, Like, what do I need to do to make up for that?’ And there isn’t really anything I can do.” McNab said. “Working in a setting like this and this type of work in general forces you and teaches you to be more present.”

    McNab said her time in prison offered few moments of peace or even daylight.

    “The jail where I was at, we didn’t really even get to see outside. There were no windows and things,” she said. “So that in and of itself creates a lot of emotional, mental anxiety and stress.”

    She did get reintroduced to farming through a prison garden program, a rare but meaningful opportunity that helped her cope.

    Upon release, she found Freedom Farms, a sanctuary for former inmates ready to rebuild their lives.

    *****

    But the reality of the Gestapo Criminal injustice system hit us early into the interview for my weekly radio show, Finding Fringe, to air July 2, KYAQ.org, 6 pm PST:

    A story about Giovanni and his daughter.

    Google the story, with Giovanni McNab and Lindsey and Michigan, and you get the warped story of the cops, the deputies, the overreach that ended up in the death of the young father Giovanni while his two children were inside the cabin as he bled out from a chest wound from a SWAT snipe weapon.

    Lindsey was off the property getting groceries, and she was swarmed by U.S. Marshals and their cadre of police. She had no idea there were warrants out for their arrest, and alas, she had no idea what was happening to her two children and her husband.

    Here, from Jacob, Giovanni’s brother: August 10, 2023. Jacob McNab:

    Giovanni McNab was a hero. He died last night protecting his daughter Hanna Joy McNab. He stood up against insurmountable odds, probably knowing full well that he would not come out of it alive. I am glad no law enforcement lost their lives in the standoff, they were just doing their duty. But my brother was doing his duty, the most sacred duty — a father protecting his child.

    This is what Hanna told my brother, Gio, and his new wife Lindsey McNab. Hanna’s mother, Natalie Jones, and her boyfriend, Cory Lutzen (a convicted felon for abuse of an 18-month baby) physically, emotionally, mentally, and sexually abused Hanna. This was recurring abuse. Hanna’s forensic interview is currently on file at Kid’s Harbor but its release has been blocked by law enforcement because it may “endanger the child”… My brother did everything right by going through our country’s legal system, but the system in Missouri must work differently than other places. The most damning evidence to protect my niece, and my family were blocked by the judge. He was treated with hostility by all those who were supposed to protect children.

    When he refused to give her up to her abusers, a federal parental kidnapping charge was placed on him and his wife, Lindsey.

    Lindsey was arrested when she was out, probably getting groceries. Gio was killed in a standoff with police where a marshal was also injured but is in stable condition.

    Hanna is currently being given back to the very people she herself named as her abusers.

    I beg someone if you can do anything, please help me get custody of her. If you ask anyone about me, they will vouch for my character and that I will give her the love and care she needs. My wife and I will be able to provide her security and a future. Please don’t let my brother die in vain.

    Please follow and share our page Save Hanna McNab.

    Here’s my interview June 4, 2025 of Lindsey. Hold onto your emotional seats. KYAQ.org will air it July 2, Finding Fringe: Voices from the Edge.

    Yeah, what would you do, uh, if your baby was raped by your ex-wife’s boyfriend?

    Look, listen to the show above. And, yes, this involves a minor, a child (three others), and the widow Lindsey has gone through several circles of hell — the husband’s ex-wife’s choice of boyfriends, the child’s rape by that boyfriend, the entire issue of parenting plans and children held as pawns sometimes. The criminal injustice system, social services, case workers, CASA, and the Kafka-esque levels of paperwork and bureaucratic rape this capitalism unleashes upon us.

    No photo description available.

    Here, a post on the Facebook pages around this case:

    Stop leaving your kids with them.

    Stop leaving your children with your boyfriends you barely know.

    Stop letting your family members you don’t entirely trust watch them because it’s free.

    If you have a gut feeling about someone who doesn’t sit right with you when it comes to your child, cut all ties with this person.

    If your little one comes to you and says I don’t want to stay with a particular person …. do me a favor and listen to them.

    ~ Cody Bret

    And ALWAYS believe them!! I myself would rather believe them and be wrong, than call them a liar and be wrong.

    *****

    Here’s one of the family members, a dog, the pigs shot: “This is Rigor. He also died protecting Hanna. Please show him love. My brother did not go to heaven alone.”

    Ahh, the Show Me State:

    Langston Hughes, Tennessee Williams, T.S. Eliot, Kate Chopin and Maya Angelou also hailed from the “show me” state. Edward Michael Harrington Jr. was an American democratic socialist. As a writer, he was best known as the author of The Other America. He was from the show me state too.


    Missouri is filled with great stories – and has been home to many amazing storytellers, past and present. Since most of them have written more than one book, you can spend hours escaping into the worlds they created.

    Mark Twain (1835-1910) was born in Florida, Missouri, and grew up in Hannibal. William Faulkner called him “the father of American literature” and he’s been lauded as “the greatest humorist this country has ever produced.” His some 25 books include classics like The Adventures of Tom Sawyer and its sequel, Adventures of Huckleberry Finn, which is often called the Great American Novel.

    Laura Ingalls Wilder (1867-1957) was born in Wisconsin but spent her adult life in Mansfield. During the Great Depression, she began penning stories about her pioneering childhood, which became the classic Little House on the Prairie nine-book children’s series and 1970s television show.

    T.S. Eliot (1888-1965) was born in St. Louis but moved to England at the age of 25. One of the 20th century’s major poets, he wrote at least 13 books and received the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1948. His Old Possum’s Book of Practical Cats, published in 1939, was adapted by Andrew Lloyd Webber as the basis for the musical, Cats.

    Langston Hughes (1901-1967) was raised by his grandmother in Joplin until he was 13. After extensive travel during his adult years, he moved to Washington, D.C. where he published his first book of poetry, The Weary Blues, in 1924. Once he graduated from Lincoln University in Pennsylvania, he began writing in earnest, starting with his first novel, Not Without Laughter, which won the Harmon gold medal for literature. He is recognized as a major contributor of the Harlem Renaissance.

    Robert Heinlein (1902-1988) was born in Butler. Known as the “dean of science fiction writers”, Heinlein wrote more than 30 books, some of which have been made into TV series and movies, including Stranger in a Strange Land and Starship Troopers. A never-before-published Heinlein novel was released in 2020 – 32 years after his death. The Pursuit of the Pankera was reconstructed from pages of an original manuscript and author’s notes with no additional filler, so the work is entirely his own.

    Maya Angelou (1928-2014) was born Marguerite Johnson in St. Louis. A leading literary voice of the Black community, she wrote more than a dozen books of prose and poetry. Her best-selling account of her upbringing in segregated rural Arkansas, I Know Why the Caged Bird Sings, won critical acclaim in 1970.

    George Hodgman (1959-2019) returned to his Missouri roots in Madison and Paris for his highly-praised, best-selling memoir Bettyville. The brutally honest, witty and poignant tale explores the experience of a gay cosmopolitan New Yorker returning to a small town filled with both affectionate and painful memories to care for a mother with dementia.

    Alexandra Ivy calls Hannibal home and is perhaps the most prolific writer on our list. The New York Times and USA Today best-selling author, who also writes under the name Deborah Raleigh, has published more than 70 books in a wide variety of genres from paranormal and erotic romance to historical and romantic suspense.

    Allen Eskens grew up in central Missouri before moving to Minnesota to earn degrees in journalism and law. He uses his education and 25 years of experience in criminal law to write thrilling crime mysteries. His eight books revolve around the events that occur in a small community as told by four main characters: Joe Talbert, Boady Sanden, Lila Nash and Max Rupert. Esken’s first novel, The Life We Bury, has been published in 26 languages.

    Daniel Woodrell lives in the Missouri Ozarks where he has drawn inspiration for six of his nine novels and The Outlaw Album, a collection of 12 short stories. His novel, Winter’s Bone, tells the story of Ree Dolly and her quest to find her absent father in order to protect her two young brothers. Along the way she learns dark family secrets and her own determination. The book was adapted to film in 2010 and won American Film Institute Movie of the Year in 2011.

    Jim Butcher is an Independence native who wrote his first book in The Dresden Files series – about a professional wizard named Harry Dresden who works as a private investigator and battles supernatural bad guys in modern-day Chicago – when he was 25. The New York Times best-selling author has written 17 books in the series, as well as a six-book fantasy series, Codex Alera.

    Gillian Flynn is a Kansas City native with three novels to her credit – Sharp Objects, Dark Places, Gone Girl, and The Grownup – all of which have been adapted for film or television, plus The Grownup, an Edgar Award-winning homage to the classic ghost story. She was nominated for the Golden Globe, Writers Guild of America Award and BAFTA Award for Best Adapted Screenplay for Gone Girl.

    Shayne Silvers writes supernatural thrillers – prolifically – from his home in Ozark. He has three separate intertwined series of books featuring Nate Temple, a wizard trying to protect St. Louis from monsters, myths and legends … Callie Penrose, a female spell-slinger in Kansas City … and Quinn MacKenna, a black arms dealer in Boston. The book count in his “Templeverse” stands at 40, and he has also authored a separate three-book vampire series.

    Nearly one in five people in U.S. prisons—over 260,000 people—had already served at least 10 years as of 2019. This is an increase from 133,000 people in 2000—which represented 10% of the prison population in that year.

    Go here and see just how corrupt and rudimentary the vindictiveness is in our criminal injustice system is:

     

    Okay, you get the picture.

    In the 1980s, Jordan Merrell often played in the wilderness near his home, located in the Siuslaw Forest in Lincoln County. Jordan was adopted by Carol Van Strum and husband Paul Merrell when he was days old in 1979. (Photos courtesy of Carol van Strum)

    A letter a day for 15 years and 9 months

    FINDING FRINGE | A mother’s love reaches into the bowels of the Oregon penal system to keep her son afloat

    by Paul K. Haeder | 26 Aug 2020

    I catch her in the early evening. Two black bears cross the road just before turning onto her driveway.

    It’s light out, but I swear I saw two barn owls swooping into a stand of apple trees.

    After I am finished with the interview, she will hold court under the stars with her two Sicilian donkeys, an old mare, a cockatiel, and Amazonian and Patagonia parrots as company. A black Lab mix, Mike, is the outdoor shadow, her sentinel.

    A single-barrel 12-gauge shotgun is “just in case.”

    I’m on her 20 acres about 30 miles by road from Waldport. The stories Carol Van Strum unfolds are a dervish through many labyrinths. She has been in the Siuslaw Forest for 46 years, but her origins start in 1940, at the dawn of World War II. Her roots were first set down in Port Chester in Westchester County, N.Y., with a father who went to Cornell and a mother who supported the whims and avocations of their five daughters.

    At age 79, she’s spry enough to live in an old garage converted into a great room with a bedroom loft. Her cherub cheeks belie an Irish heritage.

    I got to know Carol Van Strum a year ago when I was researching her life and her own research on deadly chemicals for another piece — about her fight against the chemical purveyors who sell their brew of toxins to cities, counties, and industries like the timber barons.


    Carol’s raison d’etre is the nonfiction gem “A Bitter Fog: Herbicides and Human Rights,” written in 1983, which follows the case of Carol; her husband, Steve; four children (all of whom perished in a suspicious fire in their cabin); neighbors; residents of Lincoln County; and their battle with the state of Oregon, chemical companies, the EPA and the U.S. Forest Service.

    The mother

    The intrigue behind today’s meeting — her 40-year-old adopted son’s 15 years and nine months of incarceration for a crime he didn’t commit — ties into the many strands to her web of life that easily could be fodder for movie makers.

    In the verdant wonder of the old homestead, we are about to crack open a pitiful story that turns into triumph.

    The miscarriage of justice has to do with race, those without money getting the proverbial short shrift, and a punishment and retributive system of criminal injustice that wants a piece of flesh of every targeted human being.

    Portraits of Jordan and Carol

    Left: Jordan Merrell after his release from prison. Right: Carol Van Strum at her home in Oregon.

    Photo of Jordan courtesy of Carol van Strum. Photo of Carol by Paul K. Haeder.

    I am here to drill down into Jordan Merrell’s figurative hell after being wrongly prosecuted and convicted of first-degree murder with a 25-to-life sentence under Oregon’s infamous Measure 11 mandatory minimum sentencing guidelines. That was 1995.

    Carol and a second husband, Paul Merrell, adopted Jordan when he was days old in 1979.

    “It was a doctor’s friend who had a friend who was a midwife who said she had an African American baby boy who would find it hard to be adopted. His biological mother did not want the baby.”

    The young Jordan lived an amazing life with animals, under the big sky of the Central Oregon Coast Range, while communing with fruit trees and adventures splashing in streams while studying newts and chasing crazy barn owls. He played baseball and basketball at Waldport High School, one of two Black students at the school.

    The son

    The story of a 15-year-old boy accused of murdering an elderly man is rare indeed. Two 14-year-old girls accused him of the crime, even though, as Carol points out, Jordan wasn’t even near the man’s house — where the murder took place. Jordan possessed no bicycle, nor a vehicle, making it impossible for him to have been at the scene of the crime.

    It turns out one of the girls had already attempted murdering her grandfather for money, but her juvenile record was sealed and denied as evidence in Jordan’s trial. His court-appointed defense attorney never called three witnesses who would have placed Jordan 3.8 miles away from the murder.

    Jordan’s juvenile years were striated in Oregon’s MacLaren Youth Correctional Facility, and when he turned 18, his life transitioned into a veritable crisscrossing of cycling in and out of all of Oregon’s prisons.

    Through the hellish trial, then the early days of anger tied to wrongful incarceration, transitioning into years surviving by grit and wits, and finally graduating to learn how to mete out an existence in a dangerous world, Jordan still lands back on the power of his mother keeping him centered.

    He explains that Carol is his guardian angel. “Literally, she wrote me a letter every single day. If that’s not dedication, I don’t know what is,” he said.

    Jordan’s stick-to-it-ness comes from his school of hard knocks and Carol’s perseverance, as well as this undying dedication to construct a lifeline of letters, books and visits.

    “You know, when he went to his first adult prison, there were three Black men who took Jordan under their protection. These men showed him the ropes and protected him. Jordan was a pretty naïve and unworldly kid when he was arrested,” Carol tells me.

    The rotten aspect of Jordan’s ordeal is tied to a broken legal system of bad cops, duplicitous district attorneys, incompetent defense lawyers and mean-as-cuss judges. Add to those many strikes against the teenage Draconian constraints of legislation like Measure 11.

    “I didn’t have a defense really. He was a low-level lawyer,” Jordan said. “The way the legal system works is that it gets you into a corner and forces you to make a plea bargain.” At the first trial in Lane County, Jordan did not enter a plea agreement. “I didn’t know much then. The attorney tried to step down during my defense.”

    The crisscrossing of incarceration blues started with Oregon Corrections’ intake center, then McLaren Youth Correctional Facility, then Oregon State Penitentiary.

    In 2008, he won an appeal based on evidence of reasonable doubt — and because the attorney in the initial trial did not call witnesses.

    “In this case we found that the defendant did not have effective counsel,” said Stephanie Soden, a spokesperson for the Department of Justice, at the time. “It’s a fairly common reason to petition for post-conviction relief, but it’s one that’s rarely granted.”

    He got a new plea deal outside of Measure 11 minimums, and the sentence was reduced, with credit for time served. He tells me he did not think he could convince a new jury of his innocence.

    “I assure you I didn’t do what I confessed,” he wrote in a letter to his mother. “But it’s time to move on.”

    After his resentencing, he ended up in Lane County jail. More moves to Umatilla County Correctional Facility, Deer Ridge Correctional Institution in Madras, and then Pendleton to Eastern Oregon Correctional Institution, and his last stop was Columbia River Correctional Institution.

    He wrote essays during his time inside the wire, and this is from one he wrote when he was “fresh out:”

    I walked quickly down the access road that led to the prison — as though the guards might change their minds and chase me down. The immediate area was semi-rural, the access road leading to a small highway that meandered ten blocks or so onto a main boulevard running north and south through much of the city. … I walked for miles through the outskirts of the city, stopping at numerous small stores, none of which accepted my debit card.

    Finally, I came to a gas station where the clerk informed me that not only could I not get change from the card, there were no pay phones for miles! This was my first experience of the kindness I had forgotten humans naturally have an instinct for. The clerk let me use his cell phone to call a friend, and when I couldn’t operate it (it appeared to have no buttons — I thought about trying to give it a voice command) he dialed it for me.

    “Early on I was angry, but when I got out, I was euphoric,” Jordan tells me. He ended up at a community house in Multnomah County — run by Phoenix Rising Transitions.

    He emphasizes being around other guys just like him who understood his way of thinking was powerful. Learning new responsibilities at the house helped Jordan during the four months of halfway house living.

    “It was a good way of transitioning, as opposed to ending up in a studio apartment by myself. Outside, people were rude and disrespectful, so having guys from prison on the same page made it easier since we understood where we had come from and understood our way of thinking,” he said.

    Jordan was halfway through the ninth grade when he was incarcerated. He knows how tough it is in prison finding role models.

    “While inside, I focused on change. I had to create an imaginary role model. It all comes down to being logical about things — is doing A going to get me to B and so on.”

    When he was released, on a few occasions Jordan ran into fellow inmates who still stayed “involved in all the illegal stuff. They hung onto what they did that got them to prison in the first place.”

    His best friend (one of only a few friends) is back in prison because of this arrested development.

    Stepping stones inside and outside the wire

    I ask Jordan what he aspired to be in his formative years.

    “I guess I wanted to be a cop,” he said chuckling. He ended up out of prison working on a degree in accounting, married and with a 10-year-old stepdaughter.

    His life moved quickly in some regards once outside the wire — he met Julie three weeks after leaving prison. Then three weeks later they were married. They have been a couple since 2013.

    Both Carol and Jordan tell me Julie is a smart woman who’s organized and into logistics. Jordan said they both had aspirations of doing a catering service — a mobile pub or bar. The pandemic has put all those ideas on hold. He’s at Mt. Hood Community College taking classes for an associate degree. He’s also out on parole for life. While he doesn’t report in person anymore, he’s still charged a $35 per month supervision fee.

    He continually reminds me of evolution, transformation and transmogrification now that he has family and purpose.

    “I have left that part of my life behind. I am now doing something specifically focused on getting my life together and being devoted to my family. I lost almost 16 years of my life. I had no job experience, no life experience (outside of prison), no education.”

    He mentions this after I prod him about why he’s not writing more, maybe even penning a memoir.

    Jordan admits it’s possible a book might come later. “Before, when I was writing, I was in a cell for 23 or more hours a day. I had nothing else to do, so I could focus on the writing. Maybe later when I am more established.”

    Overt racism Jordan endured in high school, Carol relays, was both ugly and absurd. “The only Black kid at Waldport High School. He was pulled out of class by the principal and was accused of being a gang member. How absurd — a gang of one.”

    Much of Carol’s novel, “Oreo File,” is patterned after a young boy like Jordan.

    While looking at her heritage corn stalks, I am gifted several books by Carol, including “Cross Country ABC: 1957,” which is an account of the trip she and two sisters took across the U.S. in a 1956 Chevy station wagon.

    Then another book, penned in 2009, “The Story of a Barn – Alder Hill.” The barn was on her property, built in 1930 by Elihu Buck, an engineer who had worked on the Gold State Bridge. This gem of a short book is a history of the property, the surrounding homesteads, the trees, the creamery in Waldport as well as the Red Octopus Theatre performances premiering in the barn.

    This is part and parcel of Jordan’s history, too, as he knows the land and knows the place. It’s tied up in his spiritual and cultural DNA. The book written by Carol as a tribute to Jordan is another gem – “Northern Spy: A Good Apple Tree.” The book is like a narrative poem about Jordan’s life here, from adopted baby to child to teenager.

    On the hillside by the house is a grand old apple tree called Northern Spy. It was planted at the birth of a beautiful child.

    Then, later:

    Far away behind steel and concrete, the boy grew into a man. His faithful dog Sherlock died without seeing him again.

    Then, at the end of the book, Jordan is a 33-year-old man, with his wife, Julie:

    There would be difficult times ahead, looking for work, finding a place to live, enrolling in college. But good times awaited, too. By summer there would be someone to share both happy times and tough ones. Someone to take home at last and show where he came from.

    “That’s my redwood,” he would say. “I planted it. And see beyond it, that’s my apple tree.”

    He would show her the river, the donkey, the gardens, the flowers, an iguana’s grave.

    And come fall there would be buckets of apples from his beloved Northern Spy.

    The post Listening to a Mother’s Horror with US Marshals: Perpetual Vicarious Trauma first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • A provision buried deep in the House budget bill allocates $40 million toward President Donald Trump’s plan for a vast garden of larger-than-life statues — and it could get built on sacred Native land.

    The House version of the budget reconciliation bill passed last month contains funding for Trump’s proposed National Garden of American Heroes, which would lionize figures ranging from Andrew Jackson to Harriet Tubman.

    While the garden does not have an official location yet, one candidate is minutes from Mount Rushmore National Memorial, the iconic carvings of presidential faces in South Dakota’s Black Hills. Trump first announced his plan for a national statue garden during a July 4, 2020, address at Mount Rushmore in response to the racial justice protesters toppling Confederate statues.

    “I’m quite sure that Harriet Tubman would not be pleased.”

    The potential statue garden site near Mount Rushmore belongs to an influential South Dakotan mining family that has offered to donate the land, an offer that has support from the state’s governor.

    The Black Hills, however, are sacred land to the region’s Indigenous peoples, and its ownership following a U.S. treaty violation is contested. One Native activist decried the idea of building another monument in the mountain range.

    “I’m quite sure,” said Taylor Gunhammer, an organizer with the NDN Collective and citizen of the Oglala Lakota Nation, “that Harriet Tubman would not be pleased that people trying to build the statue of her on stolen Lakota land have apparently learned nothing from her.”

    From Columbus to Trebek

    Trump’s vision has had a rocky road to realization. Trump’s announcement was meant to offer his own competing vision to the activists who sought to remove statues — by force or by politics — of figures like Andrew Jackson or Confederate generals.

    In one of the final acts of his first term, he issued a list of potential figures that alternately baffled, delighted or outraged observers. They included divisive — but inarguably historic — figures such as Jackson, who signed the Indian Removal Act that began the Trail of Tears. Also listed, however, were unexpected choices such as Canadian-born “Jeopardy” host Alex Trebek, who was naturalized in 1998.

    Some of the names never got American citizenship at all — including Christopher Columbus.

    Joe Biden canceled the idea after taking the presidency, but Trump quickly revived it after his second inauguration.

    The National Endowment for the Humanities was placed in charge of commissioning artists, who are required to craft “classical” statues in marble, granite, bronze, copper, or brass and barred from abstract or modernist styles.

    Related

    Expect Trump’s Military Parade to Cost More Than the Army Says

    The statue-making process has drawn its own skeptics about whether Trump can fulfill a vision of having the garden ready by July 4, 2026, the nation’s 250th birthday. The process of selecting a site and building Trump’s vision of a “vast outdoor park” in time could be just as daunting, however.

    The Interior Department declined to comment on the site selection process, with a spokesperson saying that the garden was still in the “planning and discussion phase.”

    “We are judiciously implementing the President’s Executive Order and will provide additional information as it becomes available,” spokesperson J. Elizabeth Peace said.

    One of the few publicly known site candidates emerged in March, when Republican South Dakota Gov. Larry Rhoden issued a press release flagging the Black Hills as a potential location. In his announcement, he noted that the Lien family of Rapid City, South Dakota, had already offered land it owns near Mount Rushmore.

    The Lien family, which has major interests in South Dakota mining projects, is also developing a theme park resort in Rapid City and a lodge nearby in the Black Hills. The family owns dozens of acres near the historic Doane Robinson tunnel, which offers motorists a framed view of Mount Rushmore.

    Sacred and Profane

    The vision of another monument in the Black Hills, however, would place South Dakota politicians on a collision course with some Native tribal members who have long lamented the creation of Mount Rushmore.

    The Lakota Sioux called the mountain the Six Grandfathers and ventured to it for prayer and devotion, according to National Geographic. The entire Black Hills were sacred ground for the Lakota and other tribes.

    The Black Hills were promised to the Oceti Sakowin peoples as part of a Great Sioux Reservation in an 1868 treaty, but the U.S. government broke its promise when gold was discovered there.

    “The fact that it was built in the Black Hills was not an accident or happenstance.”

    The Oceti Sakowin Oyate, commonly known as the Sioux Nation, won a 1980 Supreme Court case finding that they had been wrongfully deprived of the land. They rejected the court’s finding that they should receive monetary compensation and continued to seek return of the land. (Several tribes involved in the case did not respond to requests for comment about the proposed statue garden.)

    Some Indigenous people in South Dakota see the carved faces on Mount Rushmore as a defacement of land that rightfully belongs to them.

    “The fact that it was built in the Black Hills was not an accident or happenstance,” Gunhammer said. “It is representative of the exact colonial presence that the settler colonial project has always been trying to have in the Black Hills.”

    Mount Rushmore is a point of pride for other South Dakotans, as well as an economic boon. Sam Brannan, a Lien family member who supports the project, said she was hopeful that the White House would take them up on their offer to build another patriotic attraction nearby.

    “We’re just honored and hopeful that they will consider our site,” she said. “The people they have selected are amazing. I hope everybody goes through those 250 names. They are very representative of the United States.”

    “Great Neighbors to the Lakotans”

    The statue garden proposal comes at the same time as a family-owned company, Pete Lien and Sons, seeks to conduct exploratory drilling for graphite in the Black Hills near Pe’ Sla, another sacred ceremonial site for the Lakota.

    Gunhammer has been active in organizing tribal members against the proposed mining activity, which would happen on U.S. Forest Service land.

    “The same company trying to build this national hero garden in order to preserve history is currently trying to undertake a project that destroys history for everyone,” he said.

    “The same company trying to build this national hero garden in order to preserve history is currently trying to undertake a project that destroys history for everyone.”

    Brannan referred questions about the mining project to Pete Lien and Sons, which did not respond to a request for comment sent through its website.

    With regards to the national garden, Brannan said that Native tribes have not been consulted on the family’s offer yet. “Why would we? It’s been privately held for 60 years,” she said.

    Still, Brannan said the tribes could be consulted if the project advances. She said no one organization can claim to speak for all the Lakota people, and that her family maintains warm relations with Native leaders.

    “We have been in mining for 80 years in the Black Hills, so we have been great neighbors to the Lakotans here,” she said, referring to one of the subgroups that makes up the Oceti Sakowin people.

    In a statement, Josie Harms, the press secretary for the South Dakota governor, noted that the potential list of figures to be honored includes Native leaders such as Sitting Bull, the Lakota leader who defeated George Armstrong Custer at the Battle of the Little Bighorn.

    “The tract of land in question is private property owned by Chuck Lien and his family,” said Harms, referring to the family patriarch who died in 2018. “As a result, it will cause no disruption to either state or tribal land. As a federal project, the state will be a partner with the federal government as it seeks to comply with its regulations or consultation, as needed.”

    “Real Chance to Win”

    The Trump administration has yet to detail how it will select the site for the statue garden, although numerous states and counties pitched the Interior Department five years ago.

    Brannan said it was her understanding that more than 20 sites are being considered. Her family has not had direct contact with the Trump administration, she said.

    One factor in the Black Hills site’s favor is that the garden is gaining momentum at a high-water mark for the political influence of the twin Great Plains states of North and South Dakota.

    Former South Dakota Gov. Kristi Noem, who first championed the idea, is serving as Trump’s Homeland Security secretary. South Dakota Sen. John Thune is the upper chamber’s majority leader. Former North Dakota Gov. Doug Burgum is serving as the secretary of the Interior Department, the executive tapped with finding the location for the garden.

    South Dakota’s lone U.S. representative, Dusty Johnson — like Noem, Thune, and Burgum, a Republican — told The Intercept that the Black Hills have a strong shot. He has been pushing the idea with the Trump administration.

    “I don’t want to speak for the administration, other than I would tell you every conversation I have had with them, they understand the value of this particular parcel, and that they are going to give the Black Hills of South Dakota a full and complete look,” he said. “We’re going to have a real chance to win.”

    Native Projects Lose Out

    The House’s plan to spend tens of millions of dollars on the garden is laid out in the same reconciliation bill that would kick 11 million people off health insurance, according to a recent Congressional Budget Office estimate.

    To make it into law, the spending provision would have to win Senate approval. Thune’s office didn’t respond to a request for comment.

    The House bill does not specify whether the money should be spent on the site or the statues. Money from hundreds of National Endowment for the Humanities grants that the Trump administration canceled could be redirected to pay for the statues, the New York Times reported in April.

    The National Endowment for the Humanities and National Endowment for the Arts have jointly committed $34 million for the project, including $30 million from this year’s budget for the statues.

    Some of the National Endowment for the Humanities grants that were canceled would have supported Native cultural projects in South Dakota.

    The roster of grants killed includes $60,000 for an anthology of Lakota and Dakota literature in translation and $205,000 for an Oglala language archiving project, according to a list maintained by the Association for Computers and the Humanities.

    The post Trump Could Use Sacred Native Land for a Monument to… Columbus appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • A provision buried deep in the House budget bill allocates $40 million toward President Donald Trump’s plan for a vast garden of larger-than-life statues — and it could get built on sacred Native land.

    The House version of the budget reconciliation bill passed last month contains funding for Trump’s proposed National Garden of American Heroes, which would lionize figures ranging from Andrew Jackson to Harriet Tubman.

    While the garden does not have an official location yet, one candidate is minutes from Mount Rushmore National Memorial, the iconic carvings of presidential faces in South Dakota’s Black Hills. Trump first announced his plan for a national statue garden during a July 4, 2020, address at Mount Rushmore in response to the racial justice protesters toppling Confederate statues.

    “I’m quite sure that Harriet Tubman would not be pleased.”

    The potential statue garden site near Mount Rushmore belongs to an influential South Dakotan mining family that has offered to donate the land, an offer that has support from the state’s governor.

    The Black Hills, however, are sacred land to the region’s Indigenous peoples, and its ownership following a U.S. treaty violation is contested. One Native activist decried the idea of building another monument in the mountain range.

    “I’m quite sure,” said Taylor Gunhammer, an organizer with the NDN Collective and citizen of the Oglala Lakota Nation, “that Harriet Tubman would not be pleased that people trying to build the statue of her on stolen Lakota land have apparently learned nothing from her.”

    From Columbus to Trebek

    Trump’s vision has had a rocky road to realization. Trump’s announcement was meant to offer his own competing vision to the activists who sought to remove statues — by force or by politics — of figures like Andrew Jackson or Confederate generals.

    In one of the final acts of his first term, he issued a list of potential figures that alternately baffled, delighted or outraged observers. They included divisive — but inarguably historic — figures such as Jackson, who signed the Indian Removal Act that began the Trail of Tears. Also listed, however, were unexpected choices such as Canadian-born “Jeopardy” host Alex Trebek, who was naturalized in 1998.

    Some of the names never got American citizenship at all — including Christopher Columbus.

    Joe Biden canceled the idea after taking the presidency, but Trump quickly revived it after his second inauguration.

    The National Endowment for the Humanities was placed in charge of commissioning artists, who are required to craft “classical” statues in marble, granite, bronze, copper, or brass and barred from abstract or modernist styles.

    Related

    Expect Trump’s Military Parade to Cost More Than the Army Says

    The statue-making process has drawn its own skeptics about whether Trump can fulfill a vision of having the garden ready by July 4, 2026, the nation’s 250th birthday. The process of selecting a site and building Trump’s vision of a “vast outdoor park” in time could be just as daunting, however.

    The Interior Department declined to comment on the site selection process, with a spokesperson saying that the garden was still in the “planning and discussion phase.”

    “We are judiciously implementing the President’s Executive Order and will provide additional information as it becomes available,” spokesperson J. Elizabeth Peace said.

    One of the few publicly known site candidates emerged in March, when Republican South Dakota Gov. Larry Rhoden issued a press release flagging the Black Hills as a potential location. In his announcement, he noted that the Lien family of Rapid City, South Dakota, had already offered land it owns near Mount Rushmore.

    The Lien family, which has major interests in South Dakota mining projects, is also developing a theme park resort in Rapid City and a lodge nearby in the Black Hills. The family owns dozens of acres near the historic Doane Robinson tunnel, which offers motorists a framed view of Mount Rushmore.

    Sacred and Profane

    The vision of another monument in the Black Hills, however, would place South Dakota politicians on a collision course with some Native tribal members who have long lamented the creation of Mount Rushmore.

    The Lakota Sioux called the mountain the Six Grandfathers and ventured to it for prayer and devotion, according to National Geographic. The entire Black Hills were sacred ground for the Lakota and other tribes.

    The Black Hills were promised to the Oceti Sakowin peoples as part of a Great Sioux Reservation in an 1868 treaty, but the U.S. government broke its promise when gold was discovered there.

    “The fact that it was built in the Black Hills was not an accident or happenstance.”

    The Oceti Sakowin Oyate, commonly known as the Sioux Nation, won a 1980 Supreme Court case finding that they had been wrongfully deprived of the land. They rejected the court’s finding that they should receive monetary compensation and continued to seek return of the land. (Several tribes involved in the case did not respond to requests for comment about the proposed statue garden.)

    Some Indigenous people in South Dakota see the carved faces on Mount Rushmore as a defacement of land that rightfully belongs to them.

    “The fact that it was built in the Black Hills was not an accident or happenstance,” Gunhammer said. “It is representative of the exact colonial presence that the settler colonial project has always been trying to have in the Black Hills.”

    Mount Rushmore is a point of pride for other South Dakotans, as well as an economic boon. Sam Brannan, a Lien family member who supports the project, said she was hopeful that the White House would take them up on their offer to build another patriotic attraction nearby.

    “We’re just honored and hopeful that they will consider our site,” she said. “The people they have selected are amazing. I hope everybody goes through those 250 names. They are very representative of the United States.”

    “Great Neighbors to the Lakotans”

    The statue garden proposal comes at the same time as a family-owned company, Pete Lien and Sons, seeks to conduct exploratory drilling for graphite in the Black Hills near Pe’ Sla, another sacred ceremonial site for the Lakota.

    Gunhammer has been active in organizing tribal members against the proposed mining activity, which would happen on U.S. Forest Service land.

    “The same company trying to build this national hero garden in order to preserve history is currently trying to undertake a project that destroys history for everyone,” he said.

    “The same company trying to build this national hero garden in order to preserve history is currently trying to undertake a project that destroys history for everyone.”

    Brannan referred questions about the mining project to Pete Lien and Sons, which did not respond to a request for comment sent through its website.

    With regards to the national garden, Brannan said that Native tribes have not been consulted on the family’s offer yet. “Why would we? It’s been privately held for 60 years,” she said.

    Still, Brannan said the tribes could be consulted if the project advances. She said no one organization can claim to speak for all the Lakota people, and that her family maintains warm relations with Native leaders.

    “We have been in mining for 80 years in the Black Hills, so we have been great neighbors to the Lakotans here,” she said, referring to one of the subgroups that makes up the Oceti Sakowin people.

    In a statement, Josie Harms, the press secretary for the South Dakota governor, noted that the potential list of figures to be honored includes Native leaders such as Sitting Bull, the Lakota leader who defeated George Armstrong Custer at the Battle of the Little Bighorn.

    “The tract of land in question is private property owned by Chuck Lien and his family,” said Harms, referring to the family patriarch who died in 2018. “As a result, it will cause no disruption to either state or tribal land. As a federal project, the state will be a partner with the federal government as it seeks to comply with its regulations or consultation, as needed.”

    “Real Chance to Win”

    The Trump administration has yet to detail how it will select the site for the statue garden, although numerous states and counties pitched the Interior Department five years ago.

    Brannan said it was her understanding that more than 20 sites are being considered. Her family has not had direct contact with the Trump administration, she said.

    One factor in the Black Hills site’s favor is that the garden is gaining momentum at a high-water mark for the political influence of the twin Great Plains states of North and South Dakota.

    Former South Dakota Gov. Kristi Noem, who first championed the idea, is serving as Trump’s Homeland Security secretary. South Dakota Sen. John Thune is the upper chamber’s majority leader. Former North Dakota Gov. Doug Burgum is serving as the secretary of the Interior Department, the executive tapped with finding the location for the garden.

    South Dakota’s lone U.S. representative, Dusty Johnson — like Noem, Thune, and Burgum, a Republican — told The Intercept that the Black Hills have a strong shot. He has been pushing the idea with the Trump administration.

    “I don’t want to speak for the administration, other than I would tell you every conversation I have had with them, they understand the value of this particular parcel, and that they are going to give the Black Hills of South Dakota a full and complete look,” he said. “We’re going to have a real chance to win.”

    Native Projects Lose Out

    The House’s plan to spend tens of millions of dollars on the garden is laid out in the same reconciliation bill that would kick 11 million people off health insurance, according to a recent Congressional Budget Office estimate.

    To make it into law, the spending provision would have to win Senate approval. Thune’s office didn’t respond to a request for comment.

    The House bill does not specify whether the money should be spent on the site or the statues. Money from hundreds of National Endowment for the Humanities grants that the Trump administration canceled could be redirected to pay for the statues, the New York Times reported in April.

    The National Endowment for the Humanities and National Endowment for the Arts have jointly committed $34 million for the project, including $30 million from this year’s budget for the statues.

    Some of the National Endowment for the Humanities grants that were canceled would have supported Native cultural projects in South Dakota.

    The roster of grants killed includes $60,000 for an anthology of Lakota and Dakota literature in translation and $205,000 for an Oglala language archiving project, according to a list maintained by the Association for Computers and the Humanities.

    The post Trump Could Use Sacred Native Land for a Monument to… Christopher Columbus appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • Pacific Media Watch

    One of the 12 activists on board the Gaza Freedom Flotilla aid vessel Madleen has posted an update on their progress, saying the mission would not be deterred by Israel’s threats to block them.

    In a video posted to X, Thiago Ávila said the crew, which includes high-profile Swedish climate activist Greta Thunberg, was not intimidated by a message they had received from Israel on Thursday, reports Al Jazeera.

    He said Israeli authorities had said that the Madleen, which is carrying food and medical supplies, would be blocked from entering Gaza — and that if they attempted to deliver them, they would come under attack.

    “It’s important that we understand that [Prime Minister Benjamin] Netanyahu and any other repressive regime throughout history, they actually fear the people, we do not fear them,” he said.

    “We know that this is part of a global uprising much larger than this humble mission of 12 people on a small boat. It will not be through force that they will make a way to defeat us.”

    While crossing international waters in the Central Mediterranean on its way to Gaza yesterday, the Madleen received a mayday call relayed through one of the Frontex drones operated by Europe’s border security agency.

    With no other vessel able to respond, the Madleen diverted to the distressed vessel, where it found 30 to 40 people trapped in a rapidly deflating dinghy.

    While the crew of the Madleen were attempting a rescue of their own, they were approached at speed by a unit of the Libyan Coast Guard, specifically one belonging to the Tareq Bin Zayed brigade, which Al Jazeera has previously reported upon.

    On realising that the approaching vessel belonged to the Libyan Coast Guard, four dinghy passengers jumped into the water and swam to the Madleen, where they were rescued.

    The remainder were taken on board the Libyan Coast Guard’s vessel and presumably returned to Libya.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • By Giff Johnson, editor, Marshall Islands Journal, and RNZ Pacific correspondent

    A new report on the United States nuclear weapons testing legacy in the Marshall Islands highlights the lack of studies into important health concerns voiced by Marshallese for decades that make it impossible to have a clear understanding of the impacts of the 67 nuclear weapons tests.

    The Legacy of US Nuclear Testing in the Marshall Islands, a report by Dr Arjun Makhijani of the Institute for Energy and Environmental Research, was released late last month.

    The report was funded by Greenpeace Germany and is an outgrowth of the organisation’s flagship vessel, Rainbow Warrior III, visiting the Marshall Islands from March to April to recognise the 40th anniversary of the resettlement of the nuclear test-affected population of Rongelap Atoll.

    Dr Mahkijani said that among the “many troubling aspects” of the legacy is that the United States had concluded, in 1948, after three tests, that the Marshall Islands was not “a suitable site for atomic experiments” because it did not meet the required meteorological criteria.

    “Yet testing went on,” he said.

    “Also notable has been the lack of systematic scientific attention to the accounts by many Marshallese of severe malformations and other adverse pregnancy outcomes like stillbirths. This was despite the documented fallout throughout the country and the fact that the potential for fallout to cause major birth defects has been known since the 1950s.”

    Dr Makhijani highlights the point that, despite early documentation in the immediate aftermath of the 1954 Bravo hydrogen bomb test and numerous anecdotal reports from Marshallese women about miscarriages and still births, US government medical officials in charge of managing the nuclear test-related medical programme in the Marshall Islands never systematically studied birth anomalies.

    Committed billions of dollars
    The US Deputy Secretary of State in the Biden-Harris administration, Kurt Cambell, said that Washington, over decades, had committed billions of dollars to the damages and the rebuilding of the Marshall Islands.

    “I think we understand that that history carries a heavy burden, and we are doing what we can to support the people in the [Compact of Free Association] states, including the Marshall Islands,” he told reporters at the Pacific Islands Forum leaders’ meeting in Nuku’alofa last year.

    “This is not a legacy that we seek to avoid. We have attempted to address it constructively with massive resources and a sustained commitment.”

    Among points outlined in the new report:

    • Gamma radiation levels at Majuro, the capital of the Marshall Islands, officially considered a “very low exposure” atoll, were tens of times, and up to 300 times, more than background in the immediate aftermaths of the thermonuclear tests in the Castle series at Bikini Atoll in 1954.
    • Thyroid doses in the so-called “low exposure atolls” averaged 270 milligray (mGy), 60 percent more than the 50,000 people of Pripyat near Chernobyl who were evacuated (170 mGy) after the 1986 accident there, and roughly double the average thyroid exposures in the most exposed counties in the United States due to testing at the Nevada Test Site.
    Women from the nuclear test-affected Rongelap Atoll greeted the Rainbow Warrior and its crew with songs and dances as part of celebrating the 40th anniversary of the evacuation of Rongelap Atoll in 1985 by the Rainbow Warrior. Photo: Giff Johnson.
    Women from the nuclear test-affected Rongelap Atoll greeted the Rainbow Warrior and its crew with songs and dances as part of celebrating the 40th anniversary of the evacuation of Rongelap Atoll in 1985 by the Rainbow Warrior. Image: RNZ Pacific/Giff Johnson

    Despite this, “only a small fraction of the population has been officially recognised as exposed enough for screening and medical attention; even that came with its own downsides, including people being treated as experimental subjects,” the report said.

    Women reported adverse outcomes
    “In interviews and one 1980s country-wide survey, women have reported many adverse pregnancy outcomes,” said the report.

    “They include stillbirths, a baby with part of the skull missing and ‘the brain and the spinal cord fully exposed,’ and a two-headed baby. Many of the babies with major birth defects died shortly after birth.

    “Some who lived suffered very difficult lives, as did their families. Despite extensive personal testimony, no systematic country-wide scientific study of a possible relationship of adverse pregnancy outcomes to nuclear testing has been done.

    “It is to be noted that awareness among US scientists of the potential for major birth defects due to radioactive fallout goes back to the 1950s. Hiroshima-Nagasaki survivor data has also provided evidence for this problem.

    “The occurrence of stillbirths and major birth defects due to nuclear testing fallout in the Marshall Islands is scientifically plausible but no definitive statement is possible at the present time,” the report concluded.

    “The nuclear tests in the Marshall Islands created a vast amount of fission products, including radioactive isotopes that cross the placenta, such as iodine-131 and tritium.

    “Radiation exposure in the first trimester can cause early failed pregnancies, severe neurological damage, and other major birth defects.

    No definitive statement possible
    “This makes it plausible that radiation exposure may have caused the kinds of adverse pregnancy outcomes that were experienced and reported.

    “However, no definitive statement is possible in the absence of a detailed scientific assessment.”

    Scientists who traveled with the Rainbow Warrior III on its two-month visit to the Marshall Islands earlier this year collected samples from Enewetak, Bikini, Rongelap and other atolls for scientific study and evaluation.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • A doctor and professor is suing the University of California, San Francisco, alleging school officials fired her for her advocacy for Palestinian human rights in an attempt to silence her.

    In late May, UCSF terminated Rupa Marya following a nine-month suspension from the elite medical school based on social media posts in which she criticized Israel’s genocide in Gaza and questioned how Zionist ideology affects health care outcomes. As a part of her dismissal, UCSF officials will place a letter of censure in Marya’s file for 10 years, which she said will likely damage her ability to seek future employment and continue practicing medicine. 

    In two free speech complaints, filed simultaneously this week in state and federal courts in Alameda County, California, Marya alleges the school discriminated against her for advocating on behalf of Palestinian, Arab, and Muslim students and colleagues. She told The Intercept that it’s especially important that those who work in medicine feel free to call out the conditions in Gaza, where Israel’s attacks on hospitals and its blockade on aid have caused a suite of overlapping health crises, prompting a famine risk amid ongoing bombardment.

    “It’s critical that we have the ability to speak out about this as professionals, as health care workers, as citizens, and not only of the United States but of the world, but also as U.S. taxpayers whose money is going to fund this genocide,” Marya said.

    Her lawsuits seek damages for loss of income and emotional and psychological distress — and come at a time when the University of California system has censured multiple faculty and staff members for speaking out about Palestine.

    The University of California and UCSF did not immediately respond to The Intercept’s requests for comment. 

    The complaints, which name as defendants UCSF officials including the school’s Chancellor Sam Hawgood, allege that UCSF began to target Marya’s advocacy even before she began to speak out about Palestine. Marya’s scholarship includes research into the impacts of colonialism and structural racism in health care. The state complaint says her advocacy for her Black or unhoused patients had drawn criticism from some of her white colleagues, who allegedly used “racist tropes” against Marya, a woman of Indian descent and raised in a Sikh household. 

    “UCSF leadership repeatedly characterized Dr. Marya’s advocacy for marginalized patients as ‘unprofessional,’ ‘aggressive’ and ‘harmful,’” the complaints read.  

    Such targeting was magnified, the complaints argue, when Marya began to speak out on social media against Israel’s offensive in Gaza following Hamas’s October 7 attacks. After she criticized the school’s silence on the killings of Palestinians in her posts, UCSF Provost Catherine Lucey called Marya in for questioning, according to the state complaint. 

    Marya continued to post about Gaza. She posted a viral tweet calling for solidarity with Gaza’s health care workers, drawing threats of death and rape. Marya notified school officials, including Lucey, about the threats, asking the school to temporarily remove her personal email and her profile from the school’s public website, the complaints said. In the past, Lucey and school officials had taken similar protective measures amid the Black Lives Matter movement in 2020. 

    In this instance, however, UCSF officials ignored Marya’s requests. Instead, Talmadge King Jr., the dean of UCSF’s School of Medicine, emailed Marya, informing her that officials would assess whether Marya’s social media posts about Gaza had “violated university policies,” the complaints alleged.

    Marya had also reported “racist, anti-Arab, and anti-Palestinian remarks,” including Islamophobic comments made by her colleagues in school email threads to the school’s anti-harassment and discrimination office. The cases were closed without any serious investigations, the complaints alleged. Meanwhile, the university went on to highlight controversial pro-Israeli speakers such as Elan Carr, a U.S. Army veteran and CEO of the Israeli American Council, an influential pro-Israel lobbying and advocacy group, despite complaints from a broad coalition of Jewish, Palestinian, Arab, Muslim, LGBTQ+ students and staff at UCSF.

    Related

    San Francisco’s Biggest Hospital System: Don’t Talk About Palestine

    A November investigation by The Intercept revealed widespread anti-Palestinian and pro-Israeli bias across UCSF, which runs the biggest hospital system in San Francisco. UCSF officials canceled and censored lectures by medical researchers for mentioning health impacts on Palestinians under Israel’s apartheid system and its assault on Gaza. Some doctors were subject to internal investigations after giving talks that mention Palestine. One nurse practitioner, who had previously volunteered in Gaza, was fired earlier this year for wearing a watermelon pin to work. And in April, UCSF fired Denise Caramagno, a therapist and pioneering violence prevention advocate at the school after she spoke out in defense of Marya.

    UCSF isn’t the only school in the University of California system accused of stifling pro-Palestine speech. A January report issued by the UCLA Task Force on Anti-Palestinian, Anti-Arab, and Anti-Muslim Racism found similar patterns of bias at UCLA’s medical school, ranging from censoring academic work; suppression of speech of students, medical residents, and faculty around Palestine; and ignoring incidents of racism against Palestinian, Arab, and Muslim members of campus. And in early May, UCLA fired a faculty member, Eric Martin, for taking part in UCLA’s pro-Palestine encampment one year earlier, the first known faculty firing of its kind across the UC system.  

    Marya said she hopes her legal fight will help others know they can speak out against Israel’s genocide despite ongoing attacks on pro-Palestine speech by both universities and the federal government.

    “I’m hoping that a legal remedy would push the university for accountability, would educate the public more fully about what’s happening — where our free speech rights are being violated around the country, as we are trying to stand for the right for all people to live in peace,” Marya told The Intercept.

    Since Palestinian solidarity encampments erupted on campuses nationwide in the spring of 2024, school officials have punished students and professors with arrests, firings, suspensions, and expulsions amid pressure from both Republican and Democratic lawmakers. The Trump administration has only escalated such attacks on universities and colleges over the supposed failure of schools to address reports of antisemitism, cutting federal funding at schools such as Columbia and Harvard, revoking visas for thousands of international students, and abducting pro-Palestinian students and professors. The Trump administration now plans to target the University of California system. 

    Last week, Leo Terrell, head of the Justice Department’s antisemitism task force, told Fox News the UC system should expect “massive lawsuits” in the coming days.

    “We are going to go after them where it hurts them financially,” Terrell said later in the Fox News interview. The UC responded by pledging to cooperate with the Trump administration to “counter and eradicate [antisemitism] in all its forms across the system.”

    Related

    Meet the First Tenured Professor to Be Fired for Pro-Palestine Speech

    “Dr. Marya’s case fits this pattern that we’re seeing across the United States,” said Wade McMullen, a human rights attorney who is a part of Marya’s legal team, “where universities and academic institutions are bowing to pressure from elected officials, whether that’s the federal government or state and local government, combined with billionaire donors who sit on the boards of trustees and run these universities, to weaponize notions of antisemitism to suppress pro-Palestinian speech and organizing.” 

    The new complaints nod to the outside pressures on UCSF to quiet its pro-Palestine movement. 

    Mentioned in the complaint are social media posts from January 2024 in which Marya questioned the impacts of Zionism on health care, calling it “a supremacist, racist ideology.” The posts drew immediate criticism from pro-Israel colleagues and from Democratic California state Sen. Scott Wiener, who accused her of antisemitism and “attacking Jews.”

    The complaints allege that Wiener publicly criticized Marya on social media “intentionally and maliciously in coordination with others.” Shortly after his post, Canary Mission, a pro-Israeli site that doxxes and blacklists academics and students who criticize Israel, created a profile on Marya, “unleashing a flood of defamatory statements, hate mail, and threats against Dr. Marya.” 

    The Helen Diller Family Foundation, UCSF’s largest donor, gave $100,000 to Canary Mission in 2016, the complaint notes. Jaclyn Safier, the foundation’s president and a member of UCSF’s board of directors, has since distanced herself from the 2016 donation, which was handled by her late father, Sanford Diller.

    The university responded to the controversy by publishing a statement across its social media accounts addressing the posts without naming Marya, disavowing her statements as a “racist conspiracy theory” and “antisemitic attacks.” One of the complaints notes that a public records request later revealed the statement was indeed meant to target Marya. Wiener, the San Francisco-based lawmaker, immediately thanked UCSF for the statement. 

    Wiener went on to single Marya out on social media for the September social media post that led to her suspension. In a tweet, Marya wrote that UCSF students were concerned that a first-year student from Israel may have served in the Israeli military in the prior year, then asked, “How do we address this in our professional ranks?” Wiener shared Marya’s tweet, accusing her of evoking “an age-old antisemitic conspiracy theory that Jewish doctors are harming patients.”

    “Wiener again misrepresented Dr. Marya’s post on his social media, publicly accusing her of wrongdoing and mentioning her employment at UCSF,” the complaints state. The federal complaint called students’ fears “objectively reasonable,” citing the two Israeli military veterans who sprayed students at Columbia University with a noxious gas last year and an Emory University medical school professor who volunteered with the Israeli military in Gaza after October 7 before resuming classes and practicing medicine at the Atlanta school. 

    During her suspension last October, the complaints allege, Marya’s direct supervisor had attempted to solicit one of her colleagues at UCSF to file an incident report against Marya “to claim that she was posing a threat to patient safety.” The colleague ultimately declined the request, according to the suits.

    In filing the lawsuits, Marya and her attorneys said they also seek to uncover any possible collaboration between the Diller Foundation, other donors, lawmakers, and university officials in the school’s crackdown on pro-Palestine speech. 

    The federal complaint asks the court to prevent the University of California from affecting her ability to practice medicine and to bar the school from sharing “any comments about Dr. Marya based upon anything other than her clinical competence” with other hospitals. She had originally intended to seek injunctive relief from the courts to prevent her firing, but she received a surprise notice for dismissal on May 20. Marya and her attorneys said the university violated its own bylaws in firing her without a hearing before the school’s academic senate. 

    Marya said her firing was was largely based on her various social media posts and Substack essays that referenced her advocacy for Palestinians, in which she at times called out her colleagues for their support of Israel’s genocide in Gaza. Some of her Jewish colleagues have responded by accusing her of creating a hostile work environment.

    Marya and her supporters at UCSF, who include anti-Zionist Jewish colleagues, have dismissed the conflation of anti-Zionism — which critiques an ethno-nationalist political ideology — with antisemitism. 

    Mark Kleiman, a member of Marya’s legal team, said this conflation “disenfranchises a vast number of younger Jews, medical students, residents and younger clinical faculty, all of whom are terrified of speaking out, but certainly have very very strong feelings that what’s happening [in Gaza] is horrendous and is a war crime.”

    Related

    Hundreds of Palestinian Doctors Disappeared Into Israeli Detention

    Marya said she hoped the lawsuit and her continued advocacy would draw attention back to the unfolding genocide of Palestinians in Gaza. 

    “The real issue is that the entire health care system in Gaza has been destroyed, and health care workers have been kidnapped and tortured — some have been raped to death like Dr. Adnan Al Bursh, who’s a professor of orthopedic surgeon surgery in Gaza,” Marya said. “The real issue here is not whether what I said hurt the feelings of some people.”

    The post A Doctor Said Israel’s War Is Fueling Health Crises in Gaza. UCSF Fired Her. appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • RNZ News

    Aotearoa New Zealand’s Parliament has confirmed the unprecedented punishments proposed for opposition indigenous Te Pāti Māori MPs who performed a haka in protest against the Treaty Principles Bill.

    Te Pāti Māori co-leaders Debbie Ngarewa-Packer and Rawiri Waititi will be suspended for 21 days, and MP Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke suspended for seven days, taking effect immediately.

    Opposition parties tried to reject the recommendation, but did not have the numbers to vote it down.


    Te Pati Maori MPs speak after being suspended.  Video: RNZ/Mark Papalii

    The heated debate to consider the proposed punishment came to an end just before Parliament was due to rise.

    Waititi moved to close the debate and no party disagreed, ending the possibility of it carrying on in the next sitting week.

    Leader of the House Chris Bishop — the only National MP who spoke — kicked off the debate earlier in the afternoon saying it was “regrettable” some MPs did not vote on the Budget two weeks ago.

    Bishop had called a vote ahead of Budget Day to suspend the privileges report debate to ensure the Te Pāti Māori MPs could take part in the Budget, but not all of them turned up.

    Robust, rowdy debate
    The debate was robust and rowdy with both the deputy speaker Barbara Kuriger and temporary speaker Tangi Utikare repeatedly having to ask MPs to quieten down.

    Flashback: Te Pāti Māori MP Hana-Rawhiti Maipa-Clarke led a haka in Parliament on 14 November 2024
    Flashback: Te Pāti Māori MP Hana-Rawhiti Maipa-Clarke led a haka in Parliament and tore up a copy of the Treaty Principles Bill at the first reading on 14 November 2024 . . . . a haka is traditionally used as an indigenous show of challenge, support or sorrow. Image: RNZ/Samuel Rillstone/APR screenshot

    Tākuta Ferris spoke first for Te Pāti Māori, saying the haka was a “signal of humanity” and a “raw human connection”.

    He said Māori had faced acts of violence for too long and would not be silenced by “ignorance or bigotry”.

    “Is this really us in 2025, Aotearoa New Zealand?” he asked the House.

    “Everyone can see the racism.”

    He said the Privileges Committee’s recommendations were not without precedent, noting the fact Labour MP Peeni Henare, who also participated in the haka, did not face suspension.

    Te Pāti Māori MP Tākuta Ferris speaking during the parliamentary debate on Te Pāti Māori MPs' punishment for Treaty Principles haka on 5 June 2025.
    MP Tākuta Ferris spoke for Te Pāti Māori. Image: RNZ/Samuel Rillstone

    Henare attended the committee and apologised, which contributed to his lesser sanction.

    ‘Finger gun’ gesture
    MP Parmjeet Parmar — a member of the Committee — was first to speak on behalf of ACT, and referenced the hand gesture — or “finger gun” — that Te Pāti Māori co-leader Debbie Ngarewa-Packer made in the direction of ACT MPs during the haka.

    Parmar told the House debate could be used to disagree on ideas and issues, and there was not a place for intimidating physical gestures.

    Greens co-leader Marama Davidson said New Zealand’s Parliament could lead the world in terms of involving the indigenous people.

    She said the Green Party strongly rejected the committee’s recommendations and proposed their amendment of removing suspensions, and asked the Te Pāti Māori MPs be censured instead.

    Davidson said the House had evolved in the past — such as the inclusion of sign language and breast-feeding in the House.

    She said the Greens were challenging the rules, and did not need an apology from Te Pāti Māori.

    Winston Peters says Te Pāti Māori and the Green Party speeches so far showed "no sincerity".
    Foreign Minister and NZ First party leader Winston Peters called Te Pāti Māori “a bunch of extremists”. Image: RNZ/Samuel Rillstone

    NZ First leader Winston Peters said Te Pāti Māori and the Green Party speeches so far showed “no sincerity, saying countless haka had taken place in Parliament but only after first consulting the Speaker.

    “They told the media they were going to do it, but they didn’t tell the Speaker did they?

    ‘Bunch of extremists’
    “The Māori party are a bunch of extremists,” Peters said, “New Zealand has had enough of them”.

    Peters was made to apologise after taking aim at Waititi, calling him “the one in the cowboy hat” with “scribbles on his face” [in reference to his traditional indigenous moko — tatoo]. He continued afterward, describing Waititi as possessing “anti-Western values”.

    Labour’s Willie Jackson congratulated Te Pāti Māori for the “greatest exhibition of our culture in the House in my lifetime”.

    Jackson said the Treaty bill was a great threat, and was met by a great haka performance. He was glad the ACT Party was intimidated, saying that was the whole point of doing the haka.

    He also called for a bit of compromise from Te Pāti Māori — encouraging them to say sorry — but reiterated Labour’s view the sanctions were out of proportion with past indiscretions in the House.

    Greens co-leader Chlöe Swarbrick says this "would be a joke if it wasn't so serious".
    Green Party co-leader Chlöe Swarbrick said the prime minister was personally responsible if the proposed sanctions went ahead. Image: RNZ/Samuel Rillstone

    Greens co-leader Chlöe Swarbrick said the debate “would be a joke if it wasn’t so serious”.

    “Get an absolute grip,” she said to the House, arguing the prime minister “is personally responsible” if the House proceeds with the committee’s proposed sanctions.

    Eye of the beholder
    She accused National’s James Meager of “pointing a finger gun” at her — the same gesture coalition MPs had criticised Ngarewa-Packer for during her haka. The Speaker accepted he had not intended to; Swarbrick said it was an example where the interpretation could be in the eye of the beholder.

    She said if the government could “pick a punishment out of thin air” that was “not a democracy”, putting New Zealand in very dangerous territory.

    An emotional Maipi-Clarke said she had been silent on the issue for a long time, the party’s voices in haka having sent shockwaves around the world. She questioned whether that was why the MPs were being punished.

    “Since when did being proud of your culture make you racist?”

    “We will never be silenced, and we will never be lost,” she said, calling the Treaty Principles bill a “dishonourable vote”.

    She had apologised to the Speaker and accepted the consequence laid down on the day, but refused to apologise. She listed other incidents in Parliament that resulted in no punishment.


    NZ Parliament TV: Te Pāti Māori Privileges committee debate.  Video: RNZ

    Maipi-Clarke called for the Treaty of Waitangi to be recognised in the Constitution Act, and for MPs to be required to honour it by law.

    ‘Clear pathway forward’
    “The pathway forward has never been so clear,” she said.

    ACT’s Nicole McKee said there were excuses being made for “bad behaviour”, that the House was for making laws and having discussions, and “this is not about the haka, this is about process”.

    She told the House she had heard no good ideas from the Te Pāti Māori, who she said resorted to intimidation when they did not get their way, but the MPs needed to “grow up” and learn to debate issues. She hoped 21 days would give them plenty of time to think about their behaviour.

    Labour MP and former Speaker Adrian Rurawhe started by saying there were “no winners in this debate”, and it was clear to him it was the government, not the Parliament, handing out the punishments.

    He said the proposed sanctions set a precedent for future penalties, and governments might use it as a way to punish opposition, imploring National to think twice.

    He also said an apology from Te Pāti Māori would “go a long way”, saying they had a “huge opportunity” to have a legacy in the House, but it was their choice — and while many would agree with the party there were rules and “you can’t have it both ways”.

    Rawiri Waititi
    Te Pāti Māori co-leader Rawiri Waititi speaking to the media after the Privileges Committee debate. Image: RNZ/Mark Papalii

    Te Pāti Māori co-leader Rawiri Waititi said there had been many instances of misinterpretations of the haka in the House and said it was unclear why they were being punished, “is it about the haka . . . is about the gun gestures?”

    “Not one committee member has explained to us where 21 days came from,” he said.

    Hat and ‘scribbles’ response
    Waititi took aim at Peters over his comments targeting his hat and “scribbles” on his face.

    He said the haka was an elevation of indigenous voice and the proposed punishment was a “warning shot from the colonial state that cannot stomach” defiance.

    Waititi said that throughout history when Māori did not play ball, the “coloniser government” reached for extreme sanctions, ending with a plea to voters: “Make this a one-term government, enrol, vote”.

    He brought out a noose to represent Māori wrongfully put to death in the past, saying “interpretation is a feeling, it is not a fact . . .  you’ve traded a noose for legislation”.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • By Scott Waide, RNZ Pacific PNG correspondent

    Three staffers from Papua New Guinea’s peak anti-corruption body are embroiled in a standoff that has brought into question the integrity of the organisation.

    Police Commissioner David Manning has confirmed that he received a formal complaint.

    Commissioner Manning said that initial inquiries were underway to inform the “sensitive investigation board’s” consideration of the referral.

    That board itself is controversial, having been set up as a halfway point to decide if an investigation into a subject should proceed through the usual justice process.

    Manning indicated if the board determined a criminal offence had occurred, the matter would be assigned to the National Fraud and Anti-Corruption Directorate for independent investigation.

    Local news media reported PNG Prime Minister James Marape was being kept informed of the developments.

    Marape has issued a statement acknowledging the internal tensions within ICAC and reaffirming his government’s commitment to the institution.

    Long-standing goal
    The establishment of ICAC in Papua New Guinea has been a long-standing national aspiration, dating back to 1984. The enabling legislation for ICAC was passed on 20 November 2020, bringing the body into legal existence.

    Marape said it was a proud moment of his leadership having achieved this in just 18 months after he took office in May 2019.

    The appointments process for ICAC officials was described as rigorous and internationally supervised, making the current internal disputes disheartening for many.

    Marape has reacted strongly to the crisis, expressing disappointment over the allegations and differences between the three ICAC leaders. He affirmed his government’s “unwavering commitment” to ICAC.

    These developments have significant implications for Papua New Guinea, particularly concerning its international commitments related to combating financial crime.

    PNG has been working to address deficiencies in its anti-money laundering and counter-terrorism financing (AML/CTF) framework, with the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) closely monitoring its progress.

    Crucial for fighting corruption
    An effective and credible ICAC is crucial for demonstrating the country’s commitment to fighting corruption, a key component of a robust AML/CTF regime.

    Furthermore, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) often includes governance and anti-corruption measures as part of its conditionalities for financial assistance and programme support.

    Any perception of instability or compromised integrity within ICAC could hinder Papua New Guinea’s efforts to meet these international requirements, potentially affecting its financial standing and access to crucial development funds.

    The current situation lays bare the urgent need for swift and decisive action to restore confidence in ICAC and ensure it can effectively fulfill its mandate.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Twenty-two-year-old software developer Artem Motorniuk has spent his entire life in the Zaporizhzhia region of Ukraine, living in the north and visiting his grandparents in the south. It’s been almost four years since he’s seen them in person.

    “My grandparents right now are under occupation,” he says. “We can reach them once a month on the phone.”

    Motorniuk and his family’s story is a common one in eastern Ukraine. Since Russia launched its full-scale invasion of the country in February 2022, the war has devastated both occupied and liberated regions. Over a million people on both sides have been killed or injured in the war, according to recent estimates. Whole towns have been flattened and infrastructure destroyed, leading to almost 6 million people displaced internally and 5.7 million refugees taking shelter in neighboring European countries. For those who remain, the psychological toll is mounting. 

    “They shoot rockets really close to Zaporizhzhia,” Motorniuk said. “[Last August] they got the region with artillery shells, and they hit in the place where children were just hanging around and killed four children.”

    A toy truck is seen outside a children's cafe damaged by a Russian artillery shell strike in Malokaterynivka village, Zaporizhzhia region, southeastern Ukraine, on August 20, 2024.
    A toy truck is seen outside a children’s cafe damaged by a Russian artillery shell strike in Malokaterynivka village, Zaporizhzhia region, southeastern Ukraine, on August 20, 2024. Ukrinform/NurPhoto via Getty Images

    The conflict has become highly politicized and volatile in recent months. The United States in April signed a deal with Ukraine to establish a joint investment fund for the country’s eventual reconstruction, in exchange for access to its wealth of critical minerals. At the same time, President Donald Trump has increasingly aligned himself with Russian President Vladimir Putin, at one time even questioning which country incited the conflagration, and U.S. attempts to advance a ceasefire have stalled. 

    Now, just past the three-year mark, the conflict’s long-term costs are becoming more apparent, including the damage to the country’s natural resources. Rocket fire, artillery shelling, and explosive devices, such as land mines, from both militaries have ravaged Ukraine’s landscapes and ecosystems. Over a third of all carbon emissions in Ukraine  stem from warfare — the largest share of any sector in the country. Fighting has triggered destructive wildfires in heavily forested and agricultural grassland regions of eastern Ukraine. From February 2022 through September 2024, almost 5 million acres burned, nearly three-quarters of which are in or adjacent to the conflict zone.

    The conflict zone: Up to 90% of Ukraine’s wildfires have occurred in less than 20% of the country

    Cumulative acres burned during the war: in Ukraine, in the conflict zone, and in conservation areas

    Jul 2022Jan 2023Jul 2023Jan 2024Jul 202401M2M3M4M5M4,994,4913,898,642807,655

    But not all rockets explode when they’re shot, and mines only go off when they’re tripped, meaning these impacts will linger long after conflict ceases.

    This is why a collective of forestry scientists in Ukraine and abroad are working together to study war-driven wildfires and other forest destruction, as well as map unexploded ordnance that could spur degradation down the road. The efforts aim to improve deployment of firefighting and other resources to save the forests. It is welcome work, but far from easy during a war, when their efforts come with life-threatening consequences.

    War-triggered wildfires are ravaging Ukraine’s forests

    Scroll to continue

    Institute for the Study of War / Critical Threats Project / Clayton Aldern / Chad Small / Grist

    The Serebryansky Forest serves as a strategic passing point for Russian forces and a key defense point for Ukrainian forces. To completely occupy the Luhansk and Donetsk regions, Russia has to pass through the forest. Holding the line here has allowed the Ukrainians to stop the Russian advance, but at a steep cost.

    “The shelling, it’s an explosive wave, the fire makes everything unrecognizable,” a medic with the National Guard 13th Khartiya Brigade told the Institute for War & Peace Reporting in March. “When they get up, the forest is different, it has all changed.”

    When you introduce war, you create fires that can’t be effectively extinguished. 

    “You cannot fly aircraft to suppress fire with water because that aircraft will be shot down,” Maksym Matsala, a postdoctoral researcher at the Swedish University of Agricultural Sciences, explained.

    Forests and agricultural land are woven together across Ukraine, meaning wildfires also endanger the country’s food supply. Battle-sparked blazes destroy harvests and eliminate the trees that shelter cropland from drying winds and erosion that can lead to drought — leaving those on the military front lines and Ukrainian citizens at risk of food insecurity.

    A forest burns after Russian shelling in July 2024 in Raihorodok, Ukraine.
    A forest burns after Russian shelling in July 2024 in Raihorodok, Ukraine. Ethan Swope/Getty Images

    These forests have also served as a physical refuge for people in Ukraine fleeing persecution or occupation. For generations, local populations sheltered among the trees to avoid conflict with neighboring invaders. This theme continues today, shielding Ukrainians fleeing cities demolished by Russian troops. Fires are threatening this shelter. 

    Preventative measures like removing unexploded ordnance that could ignite or intensify fires are now unimaginably dangerous and significantly slower when set to the backdrop of explosions or gunfire, said Sergiy Zibtsev, a forestry scientist at the National University of Life and Environmental Sciences of Ukraine and head of the Regional Eastern Europe Fire Monitoring Center. In a country as heavily covered in mines as Ukraine, this turns small embers into out-of-control blazes. 

    Matsala added that forests under these war-ravaged conditions may not ever truly recover. Consistent shelling, explosions, and fires leave a graveyard of charred trees that barely resemble a woodland at all. Consistent fighting since February 2022 has left the Serebryansky Forest an alien landscape. 

    “The local forest now looks like some charcoal piles without any leaves, and it’s just like the moon landscape with some black sticks,” Matsala said.

    In liberated regions of Ukraine, the wildfire management strategy involves removing land mines one by one, a process known as demining. It’s a multistep system where trained professionals first survey a landscape, sometimes using drones, to identify regions where mines are likely to be found. They then sweep the landscape with metal detectors until the characteristic pattern of beeps confirms the presence of one. Next, they must disable and extract it. Even without the risk of accidentally triggering unexploded ordnance, demining in an active conflict zone is incredibly dangerous. Deminers elsewhere have been killed by enemy combatants before. And a misstep can cause an explosion that sparks a new fire, which can spread quickly in Ukraine’s war-denuded landscape. Demining is a “square meter by square meter” process that must be done meticulously, said Zibtsev. 

    These challenges are what spurred Brian Milakovsky and Brian Roth, two professional foresters with Eastern European connections, to found Forest Release in 2023. 

    A view of shelling scraps in Serebryansky Forest, in Luhansk, Ukraine in June 2024.
    A view of shelling scraps in Serebryansky Forest, in Luhansk, Ukraine in June 2024. Pablo Miranzo/Anadolu via Getty Images

    The U.S.-based nonprofit helps coordinate and disseminate monitoring research in Ukraine’s forests. Using satellite products that take into account vegetation greenness, Milakovsky, Roth, and their collaborators can identify particular forests in Ukraine that might be under the most stress from fires. Forest Release can then send this information to local firefighters or forest managers in Ukraine so they can tend to those forests first. It also collects firefighting safety equipment from the U.S. to donate to firefighters in Ukraine. Both of these activities allow Forest Release and its Ukrainian counterpart, the Ukrainian Forest Safety Center, to train foresters to fight fires and get certified as deminers. 

    To make drone-based mine detection more effective and safe, two other American researchers launched an AI-powered mine-detection service in 2020 that’s being used in Ukraine: Jasper Baur, a remote sensing researcher, and Gabriel Steinberg, a computer scientist, founded SafePro AI to tap artificial intelligence to more autonomously and efficiently detect land mines in current and former warzones. 

    “I started researching high-tech land mines in 2016 in university,” Baur said. “I was trying to research how we can detect these things that are a known hazard, especially for civilians and children.”

    Surface land mines, as Baur explained, can seem particularly innocuous, which makes them even more dangerous. “They look like toys,” he said. He and Steinberg worked to turn their research project into a tangible application that would help deminers globally. 

    SafePro AI is trained on images of both inactive and active unexploded ordnance — everything from land mines to grenades. The model works by differentiating an ordnance from its surroundings, giving deminers an exact location of where a land mine is. When not being trained on images from Ukraine, it learns from images sourced elsewhere that Baur tries to ensure are as close to reality as possible.

    “A lot of our initial training data was in Oklahoma, and I’ve been collecting a lot in farmlands in New York,” he said. “I walk out with bins of inert land mines, and I scatter them in farm fields and then I try to make [the conditions] as similar to Ukraine as possible.”

    Because a lot of land mines are in fields adjacent to Ukrainian forests, focusing removal efforts at the perimeter can stop fires before they spread. SafePro AI has team members in the U.S., United Kingdom, and also in Ukraine. In fact, Motorniuk, from the Zaporizhzhia region of Ukraine who also works for SafePro AI as a developer, said that his work has shown him that he can make a difference without picking up a gun. SafePro AI has received funding from the United Nations Development Programme to deploy the technology in Ukraine through humanitarian land mine action organizations. So far, the company has surveyed over 15,000 acres of land, detecting over 26,000 unexploded ordnance.

    Much of the protection of Ukraine’s forests in and around the war is predicated on information. Can land mines be located? Can wildfires be slowed or stopped? In a geospatially data-poor country like Ukraine, Matsala highlights that this kind of work, and the creation of robust datasets, is necessary to ensure the survival of Ukraine’s natural ecosystems. It also offers a chance to rethink the country’s forestry in the long-term. 

    “This is a huge opportunity to change some of our … practices to make the forests more resilient to climate change, to these large landscape fires, and just [healthier],” Roth, of Forest Release, said.

    Roth agrees with Matsala that Ukraine’s stands of non-native, highly flammable pine trees pose a prolonged threat to the country’s forests — particularly as climate change increases drought and heat wave risk throughout Europe. In Roth’s opinion, losing some of these forests to wildfires during the war will actually allow Ukrainian foresters to plant less flammable, native tree species in their place. 

    An aerial view of a charred pine trees forest contaminated with mines and unexploded ordnance in September 2024 in Svyatohirsk, Ukraine.
    An aerial view of a charred pine trees forest contaminated with mines and unexploded ordnance in September 2024 in Svyatohirsk, Ukraine. Pierre Crom/Getty Images

    The scientific and humanitarian collaboration unfolding to protect Ukraine’s forests amid war may also provide a record that would allow the country to claim legal damages for ecosystem destruction in the future. 

    Matsala recalled what happened in the aftermath of the Gulf War in the early 1990s. Amid fighting, invading Iraqi forces destroyed Kuwait’s oil facilities, leading to widespread pollution throughout the region. Although Iraq was forced to pay out billions of dollars to Persian Gulf countries including Kuwait, Iran, and Saudi Arabia for both damages and remediation, the payments may not have covered the totality of the environmental impacts. Following the war, neighboring Iran requested millions of dollars in damages for a myriad of environmental impacts, including for acid rain caused by oil fires. The United Nations Compensation Commission ultimately found that Iran had “not provided the minimum technical information and documents necessary” to justify the claims for damages from the acid rain. Matsala worries that without extensive data and reporting on the war with Russia, future Ukrainian claims for environmental reparations might go nowhere. 

    Whether that tribunal comes to fruition, or the forests are properly rehabilitated, remains to be seen. But the work continues. And with hostilities still happening, and no clear end, it will continue to be dangerous.

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline How 3 years of war have ravaged Ukraine’s forests, and the people who depend on them on Jun 5, 2025.


    This content originally appeared on Grist and was authored by Chad Small.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Newly unsealed records provide new details about the Trump administration’s failed effort this spring to obtain a search warrant for an Instagram account run by student protesters at Columbia University.

    The FBI and federal prosecutors sought a sweeping warrant, the records show, that would have identified the people who ran the account along with every user who had interacted with it since January 2024.

    Between March 15 and April 14, the FBI and the Department of Justice filed multiple search warrant applications and appeared numerous times before two different judges in Manhattan federal court as part of an investigation into Columbia University Apartheid Divest, or CUAD, a student group. A magistrate judge denied the application three times in March, a decision which a district court judge later affirmed in April.

    “It is unusual for a magistrate judge to reject a search warrant application from the government.”

    “It is unusual for a magistrate judge to reject a search warrant application from the government,” said F. Mario Trujillo, a staff attorney at the Electronic Frontier Foundation. “And it is even more unusual for the government to try and appeal that decision to a district court judge, who again rejected it. That speaks to the lack probable cause in the warrant application.”

    The records — which include transcripts of hearings with the judges as well as the government’s filings — provide a rare blow-by-blow of the search warrant application process, which, in line with normal procedure, was initially conducted under seal. The materials were unsealed on Tuesday as part of a court action originally filed by the New York Times in May, which The Intercept supported.

    Columbia University and CUAD did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

    The government first sought a search warrant on March 15, the records show. The Times previously reported that the Department of Justice sought the search warrant after a top official, Emil Bove, ordered the department’s civil rights division to find a list of CUAD’s members.

    For a month, the government argued to judges that a March 14 post on Instagram from @cuapartheiddivest — the group was banned from Instagram in late March for violating community standards — was a “true threat” against the university’s then-interim president Katrina Armstrong in violation of federal law. The post referred to the university’s use of the New York Police Department to break up campus demonstrations and the targeting of student activists by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement.

    Screenshot from the government’s application for a search warrant targeting the Instagram account of Columbia University Apartheid Divest. Source: Court filing

    “The people will not stand for Columbia University’s shameless complicity in genocide!” reads the post, in part, next to a photo of graffiti spray-painted onto a Manhattan mansion used as the president’s housing at Columbia. “The University’s repression has only bred more resistance and Columbia has lit a flame it can’t control. Katrina Armstrong you will not be allowed peace as you sic NYPD officers and ICE agents on your own students for opposing the genocide of the Palestinian people.”

    “FREE THEM ALL” reads the graffiti in the photo, alongside an inverted triangle, a much-disputed symbol that pro-Palestine protesters in the U.S. and around the world have used. Hamas, the militant group that ruled the occupied Gaza Strip, has also used the inverted triangle to identify bombing targets, the FBI agent — whose name was redacted — wrote in an affidavit accompanying the search warrant application.

    The FBI agent wrote that the photograph of the graffiti and message in the Instagram post were sufficient probable cause of an “interstate communication of a threat to injure, in violation of” the law.

    The argument, made in multiple hearings over the following weeks, failed to convince two judges.

    Reviewing the initial application, Chief Magistrate Judge Sarah Netburn determined it was a “close call” and asked for more information about the “symbolism and context of the posting,” according to a letter from the government. On March 16, Netburn denied the search warrant application, finding the post “seemed like protected speech” under the First Amendment, the government letter said.

    The Justice Department quickly appealed the rare denial of a search warrant application.

    “Because Judge Netburn’s ruling significantly impedes an ongoing investigation into credible threats of violence against an individual, prompt reversal is necessary,” wrote Alec C. Ward, a trial attorney in the Justice Department’s civil rights division, in a March 20 letter to a district court judge.

    Following hearings on March 24 and March 25, which largely concerned the Justice Department’s procedural missteps, District Court Judge John Koeltl referred the search application back to Netburn. During a March 28 hearing, Netburn denied the request for a search warrant application once again.

    Netburn criticized the government for failing to “clearly represent what the case law is” around the First Amendment and threats.

    “Words that may reflect heated rhetoric, in the context in which they are made would not reasonably engender fear, do not constitute a true threat,” Netburn said, ruling that the government hadn’t met its burden to establish that the triangle symbol “in the context here and in the context of the statement that the president of Columbia University will not have peace, is a true threat, as the law identifies.”

    The government also hadn’t indicated whether Armstrong, the interim Columbia president, herself actually interpreted the statements as threatening, which binding precedent from the U.S. Supreme Court requires.

    “We have not had an opportunity to put that question directly to Ms. Armstrong at this point,” Ward told Netburn. The FBI had flagged the post to Armstrong’s office, Ward said at the hearing, “conveying its belief that the threat should be taken seriously from a security standpoint.”

    Ward compared the post to burning a cross outside a residence, which is not protected speech under the First Amendment, saying the two were not “exactly equivalent” but still comparable as “symbolic threats.”

    After denying the application, Netburn ordered that, if the government ever tried to get another court to authorize a search warrant for CUAD’s account, they had to include a transcript of the hearing before her.

    “The accompanying text also does not contain an explicit or implicit threat of violence. It contains political opposition to Columbia’s policy.”

    The government appealed Netburn’s third denial of the search warrant application. At an April 14 hearing, Koeltl agreed with Netburn’s denial.

    “Context matters,” Koeltl said at the hearing. “There were no such explicit threats in the Instagram post about what was written on the wall on then-President Armstrong’s residence.”

    “As for the explicit message on the wall—’FREE THEM ALL’—that phrase does not convey a threat,” Koeltl said, “nor is there any reason to conclude that the red paint was intended to convey a purported threat.”

    “The accompanying text also does not contain an explicit or implicit threat of violence,” he ruled. “It contains political opposition to Columbia’s policy.”

    In a final bizarre twist to the search warrant saga, when the New York Times sought to unseal the materials last month, the government did not oppose the request. On Tuesday evening, the Justice Department filed copies with minimal redactions.  

    The post How the FBI Sought a Warrant to Search Instagram of Columbia Student Protesters appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • ADL CEO Jonathan Greenblatt speaks at the Javits Center in New York City on March 3, 2025 in New York City.
    ADL CEO Jonathan Greenblatt speaks at the Javits Center in New York City on March 3, 2025. Bryan Bedder/Getty Images for Anti-Defamation League

    As the head of the Anti-Defamation League, Jonathan Greenblatt has done little to uphold his organization’s claims to fight antisemitism as the “leading anti-hate organization in the world.” Instead, he’s shored up the ADL’s role as little more than a fierce pro-Israel lobby group known for defending Israel by attacking its critics. With no sense of irony, much of this effort manifests as defamatory speech — at least in the everyday, if not the legal, sense — by Greenblatt.

    This weekend on Fox News, however, Greenblatt outdid himself. 

    In his appearance, Greenblatt said college graduates and social media influencers who have spoken out against Israel’s genocide were responsible for a man in Boulder, Colorado, throwing Molotov cocktails at a group of elderly people calling for the release of Israeli hostages in Gaza. 

    Greenblatt singled out a speech by the graduating class president from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, while naming streamer Hasan Piker and social media influencer Guy Christensen as “promoters of hate.”

    “These speakers at these graduations — it just happened the other day at MIT — spreading blood libels about the Jewish people or the Jewish state, it creates conditions in which this kind of act is happening with increasing frequency,” Greenblatt said, referring to both the attack in Boulder and the shooting of two Israeli embassy officials in Washington, D.C., last month. 

    Megha Vemuri, the MIT class president that Greenblatt referenced, did not mention “the Jewish people” at all and spread no “blood libels” — antisemitic false accusations that Jewish people are murderous. She is one of several graduating students around the country who have used their commencement speeches to decry Israel’s U.S.-backed onslaught, which had already razed every university in Gaza to rubble by January of last year. 

    Every day, new footage of mutilated children’s bodies, desperate hospital workers, and scenes of searing grief are broadcast directly from Gaza to our phones.

    While Greenblatt’s claims on Fox were false and harmful, strong free-speech protections under the First Amendment mean that it is unlikely a defamation lawsuit against him would succeed in this country. But there is little doubt that, in the everyday sense of the term “defamation,” the Anti-Defamation League CEO’s claims that commencement speakers were spreading antisemitic lies — and suggestion that they’re responsible for two stochastic, violent attacks — were defamatory and dangerously so. 

    “We’ve got to stop it once and for all,” Greenblatt said of speeches like Vemuri’s. “I hope the Trump administration will do just that.”

    In her fact-based and morally informed criticism of a nation state under investigation for genocide, Vemuri praised her classmates for protesting for their school’s divestment from “the genocidal Israeli military.” 

    Related

    MIT Shuts Down Internal Grant Database After It Was Used to Research School’s Israel Ties

    “As scientists, engineers, academics and leaders, we have a commitment to support life, support aid efforts and call for an arms embargo and keep demanding now as alumni, that MIT cuts the ties,” Vemuri said.  “We are watching Israel try to wipe out Palestine off the face of the earth, and it is a shame that MIT is a part of it.”

    In both the Colorado and D.C. attacks, which had otherwise nothing obvious in common, the suspects shouted “Free Palestine!” and reportedly told police that their actions were in response to Israel’s assault on Gaza. Without knowing these very different individuals’ media consumption habits, I doubt they were spurred to action by graduation speeches.

    Every day, new footage of mutilated children’s bodies, desperate hospital workers, and scenes of searing grief are broadcast directly from Gaza to our phones. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu regularly releases public statements about ensuring that Gaza is ethnically cleansed. His government’s eliminationist violence in Gaza has been so extreme, unrelenting, and, crucially, livestreamed that even many complicit leaders in the West have in recent weeks condemned Israel’s excesses. Their belated words are no doubt gestures to future-proof their own reputations against charges of enabling genocide, but they nonetheless speak to the undeniability of the horror. 

    So blinkered is Greenblatt’s view, though, that it is only criticism of brutal Israeli acts, not the acts themselves, that could promote a violent response from observers abroad.

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    The logical conclusion of Greenblatt’s claim is that anything but silence on or support for Israel’s actions is not only antisemitic, but also produces the conditions for violence against Jewish people in the United States. Through Greenblatt, the ADL has backed the McCarthyite repression of campus protests and pro-Palestinian campus speech, praising overreaching crackdowns by university administrators and the government.  

    Meanwhile, the Trump administration is continuing its campaign to cage and deport students and graduates who express criticism of the Israeli regime. Though Greenblatt marginally backtracked and called for more “transparency,” the ADL’s first reaction to Mahmoud Khalil’s kidnapping by Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents for his constitutionally protected speech was one of support: “We appreciate the Trump Administration’s broad, bold set of efforts to counter campus antisemitism.”

    “We are watching Israel try to wipe out Palestine off the face of the earth, and it is a shame that MIT is a part of it.”

    MIT banned Vermuri from walking in her graduation ceremony in retaliation for her speech. New York University withheld the diploma of commencement speaker Logan Rozos, who used his speech to “condemn this genocide and complicity in this genocide.” These were just the latest examples of universities responding to pro-Palestine speech with punishment.

    What further extremist censorship could Greenblatt desire? 

    “Blood libel” has become a standard retort of Israeli officials and their mouthpieces when critics draw attention to the Israeli military’s killing or maiming of over 50,000 children in Gaza. While hardly alone in this, Greenblatt has been a consistent public voice enforcing the pernicious lie that anti-Zionism is antisemitic, and that the movement to stop the mass slaughter and ethnic cleansing of Palestinians — a movement in which thousands of Jewish people like myself participate — is a movement against Jewish safety. 

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    Anti-Defamation League Maps Jewish Peace Rallies With Antisemitic Attacks

    Long before last year’s Gaza solidarity encampments, the ADL’s reporting on antisemitic incidents played a significant role in obfuscating understanding about the state of antisemitism in the U.S. When the ADL counts antisemitic incidents, it includes actions done in protest of Israel, which in turn downplays the threat of far-right antisemitic violence; notably, Greenblatt excused white nationalist billionaire Elon Musk’s apparent Nazi salute at a Trump inauguration rally as an “awkward gesture in a moment of enthusiasm,” while Greenblatt has compared the Palestinian keffiyeh scarf to a Nazi swastika. A number of the organization’s own staff quit in the months following October 7, when Greenblatt doubled down on targeting Israel’s critics. 

    The continued insistence that Israel’s brutality is carried out in the interest of all Jewish people absolutely puts Jewish people at risk all around the world through the forceful conflation of Jewish identity and an ethnostate carrying out genocide — an alignment that thousands of anti-Zionist Jews like myself reject. It is ideologues like Greenblatt, not the anti-genocide student activists he targets, who insist on connecting Jewish identity with Israeli state violence.

    While the ADL is ostensibly committed to tracking all forms of extremist violence, Greenblatt has not blamed pro-Israel voices in the U.S. for the rise in Islamophobic and anti-Palestinian attacks in the last two years. We did not hear equivalent calls for the government to “deal” with Zionist advocates when three Palestinian students wearing keffiyeh were shot in Vermont in late 2023, leaving one paralyzed; or when a pro-Israel landlord in Illinois killed a six-year-old Palestinian-American tenant by stabbing him 26 times with a large military knife; or when a Texas woman attempted to drown a Palestinian-American three year old last September in an act police said was motivated by racial hatred. Greenblatt — and the U.S. government under both Biden and Trump — reserve their accusations of collective culpability for Palestinians and their supporters. 

    In a New York Times Morning newsletter on Tuesday, which itself mangled distinctions between anti-Zionism and antisemitism, author Jonathan Weisman wrote, “Attacks on Jews for the actions of an Israeli government a world away are collective punishment, and collective punishment is bigotry.” On this point, Weisman is entirely correct. It’s nonetheless an extraordinary statement to make without stressing that Israel’s all-out destruction of Gaza in response to October 7 is “collective punishment” at its most extreme. 

    Meanwhile, Greenblatt is inviting this country’s authoritarian government to carry out further collective punishment against Israel’s critics.

    The post MIT Student Condemned Genocide — So ADL Chief Said She Helped Cause Boulder Attack appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • The Trump administration rescinded Biden-era guidance that explicitly required emergency rooms to provide abortions to pregnant patients if such care would save their lives. Medical experts expect the policy shift to sow chaos in hospitals and endanger pregnant people throughout the U.S. 

    In the aftermath of the Supreme Court’s move to overturn Roe v. Wade, the Biden administration issued guidance related to the Emergency Medical Treatment and Active Labor Act, or EMTALA, a federal law that requires health care providers that take Medicare to provide “stabilizing” medical treatment to all patients experiencing medical emergencies.

    In a 2022 letter to health care providers, Health and Human Services Secretary Xavier Beccerra wrote that if a doctor believes a pregnant patient at an emergency room “is experiencing an emergency medical condition as defined by EMTALA, and that abortion is the stabilizing treatment necessary to resolve that condition, the physician must provide that treatment.” The memo also clarified that EMTALA preempts state law in cases where abortion is illegal with exceptions narrower than those in EMTALA. 

    In a press release Tuesday, the Trump administration rescinded the older guidance, stating that the previous rules “do not reflect the policy of this Administration.”

    The release noted that Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services “will work to rectify any perceived legal confusion and instability created by the former administration’s actions.”

    “In places where doctors and hospitals are being threatened with both criminal and civil penalties for providing abortion care, it will cause a delay.”

    Abortion providers and experts in reproductive health argue that the vagueness of the new guidance will create uncertainty in emergency rooms, denying pregnant people equal access to care and putting lives at risk in states that have restricted or banned abortion.

    “The Trump Administration would rather women die in emergency rooms than receive life-saving abortions,” said Nancy Northup, President and CEO at the Center for Reproductive Rights. “In pulling back guidance, this administration is feeding the fear and confusion that already exists at hospitals in every state where abortion is banned. Hospitals need more guidance right now, not less.”

    The Trump administration told The Intercept that the idea that the new guidance puts lives at risk is “false.” 

    “CMS will continue to enforce EMTALA, which protects all individuals who present to a hospital emergency department seeking examination or treatment, including for identified emergency medical conditions that place the health of a pregnant woman or her unborn child in serious jeopardy,” Department of Health and Human Services spokesperson Andrew Nixon wrote in a statement to The Intercept. 

    Even before the Trump administration rescinded the Biden-era guidance, dozens of pregnant women reported being turned away for emergency medical care since the fall of Roe. 

    A ProPublica report found that at least five women have died as a result of abortion bans since Roe v. Wade was overturned. Most reproductive health care experts believe the number is far higher than what’s been reported. 

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    “We already know that women have died because physicians didn’t act because of fear surrounding what they or couldn’t do under certain state bans,” said Dana Sussman, senior vice president at Pregnancy Justice, a non-profit reproductive justice organization. “We know that women have died because they have been scared to get care, because they self managed abortions. We know that more women will die, and we and there are probably women who have died, and we will never know their names.”

    Sussman said that the new guidance will only make it harder for hospitals to feel comfortable providing lifesaving care to pregnant people.

    “I think inevitably it will create many more challenges when it comes to what hospitals are advising their physicians, what physicians feel comfortable doing in different states and and I do think that it’s putting more lives,” she said. 

    Last year, the Supreme Court heard oral arguments in a case brought by the Biden Administration challenging Idaho’s abortion ban on the grounds that it violated EMTALA by prohibiting abortion care in too many circumstances. The court ultimately punted — refusing to add clarity — but allowing emergency abortions to go forward in the state.  

    The Trump Department of Justice declined to continue prosecuting the Idaho case, an early signal that it planned to rescind the Biden guidance.

    Jamilla Perritt, an OB-GYN and abortion provider in Washington who is also president of the nonprofit Physicians for Reproductive Health, said it’s important to clarify that EMTALA still stands, even if the administration has tried to muddy the waters. 

    “This does not change [providers] legal obligation to provide life saving care for people when they report to emergency rooms,” Perritt said. “The other thing is that it does not change their moral and ethical obligation to do so.” 

    The confusion caused by this announcement, however, will carry risks, argued Perritt.

    “In places where doctors and hospitals are being threatened with both criminal and civil penalties for providing abortion care,” she said. “It will cause a delay. It will give them pause.”

    It’s striking, Perrit said, to see such policy come from an administration that has been masquerading as supportive of families. 

    “The federal government gets to decide who lives and who dies during pregnancy complications, during emergency events,” she said. “The hypocrisy is really glaring, because this is the exact same government that’s claiming to support children and families that want people to have more babies, but instead it is dismantling the system that protects the lives of pregnant people and their families.”

    The post Trump Puts Lives at Risk by Revoking Emergency Abortion Guidelines for Hospitals appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • The U.S. Supreme Court last week ruled in favor of a controversial Utah railway project that critics say erodes the National Environmental Policy Act, or NEPA, a bedrock of environmental law for the past half century.

    The case centered on a proposed 88-mile railway that would connect the oil fields of northeastern Utah to a national rail network that runs along the Colorado River and on to refineries on the Gulf Coast.

    The waxy crude oil is currently transported by truck over narrow mountain passes. Project proponents said shipping the fossil fuel by rail — on as many as 10 trains daily — would be quicker and revitalize the local economy by quadrupling the Uinta Basin’s oil production.

    In 2020, the Seven County Infrastructure Coalition applied to the U.S. Surface Transportation Board for approval of the railroad’s construction. Under NEPA, the board was required to conduct an Environmental Impact Statement, or EIS, to evaluate possible harms from the project and consider how they could be mitigated.

    Environmental groups and Eagle County, Colorado, opposed the railway project. They cited the potential for derailments and spills into the Colorado River, the drinking water supply for 40 million people. Opponents were also concerned about increased air pollution in the Uinta Basin, where oil fields emit high levels of methane, a potent planet-warming greenhouse gas, as well as volatile organic compounds, some of which have been linked to increased risks of cancer. 

    Gulf Coast communities would also be harmed by air pollution when the crude oil was refined, opponents argued. The increased oil production and associated emissions would also drive climate change and its disastrous global effects: hurricanes, floods, droughts, and extreme heat.

    The Center for Biological Diversity, among the groups that had sued the Surface Transportation Board, said in a prepared statement that the ruling “relieves federal agencies of the obligation to review all foreseeable environmental harms and grants them more leeway to decide what potential environmental harms to analyze, despite what communities may think is important. It tells agencies that they can ignore certain foreseeable impacts just because they are too remote in time or space.”

    In 2021, the board issued a 3,600-page EIS, which identified numerous “significant and adverse impacts that could occur as a result of the railroad line’s construction and operation — including disruptions to local wetlands, land use, and recreation,” according to court documents. 

    The board nonetheless approved the railroad construction, concluding that the project’s transportation and economic benefits outweighed its environmental impacts.

    Opponents, including EarthJustice and Utah Physicians for a Healthy Environment, petitioned the U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia. They argued the board’s environmental review excluded impacts of the project on people living near the oil fields, as well as Gulf Coast residents. 

    The appellate court agreed. It ruled that the board’s EIS impermissibly limited the analysis of upstream and downstream projects.

    “The appeals court had ruled that the federal agency that approved the railway failed in its obligations to consider the regional consequences of massively increased oil extraction on the Uinta Basin, the increased air pollution for the communities in Texas and Louisiana where the oil would be refined, and the global climate consequences,” said Dr. Brian Moench, president of Utah Physicians for a Healthy Environment. 

    The Seven County Coalition and the railroad company then appealed to the Supreme Court.

    “The Supreme Court’s ruling will allow all these consequences to unfold without meaningful restraint,” Moench said. “This court has made a name for itself making rulings that mock science and common sense and fail to protect the common good. This unfortunate ruling fits that same pattern.”

    NEPA has been federal law since 1970. It doesn’t prescribe specific environmental decisions, but it does establish a process to ensure federal agencies follow proper procedure in permitting. It can be a laborious, time-consuming process, but requires an agency to be thorough in assessing potential environmental impacts while giving the public adequate opportunity to comment.

    NEPA doesn’t necessarily halt projects, but it can force project developers to pursue alternatives that protect environmentally sensitive areas and communities.

    In his first term, President Donald Trump rolled back some aspects of NEPA, including weakening requirements to consider cumulative impacts of a project and the effects of climate change. Shortly after taking office this year, Trump signaled he plans to further streamline NEPA to expedite its approval process, especially for energy projects.

    Justice Brett Kavanaugh, who was appointed by President Trump in his first term, wrote the opinion on behalf of four other members of the court. “NEPA has transformed from a modest procedural requirement into a blunt and haphazard tool employed by project opponents (who may not always be entirely motivated by concern for the environment) to try to stop or at least slow down new infrastructure and construction projects,” Kavanaugh wrote.

    Courts should “afford substantial deference and should not micromanage those agency choices so long as they fall within a broad zone of reasonableness,” Kavanaugh wrote. “NEPA does not allow courts, under the guise of judicial review of agency compliance with NEPA, to delay or block agency projects based on the environmental effects of other projects separate from the project at hand.”

    Thursday’s 8-0 decision excluded Justice Neil Gorsuch, who recused himself because of his close connection to billionaire Philip F. Anschutz, who would economically benefit from the project.

    In a concurring opinion, Justice Sonia Sotomayor differed with Kavanaugh on his rationale for the ruling, but agreed on the outcome. She wrote that NEPA didn’t require the board to consider the effects of oil drilling and refining because those activities were outside its authority. “Even a foreseeable environmental effect is outside of NEPA’s scope if the agency could not lawfully decide to modify or reject the proposed action on account of it.”

    Justices Elena Kagan and Ketanji Brown Jackson joined Sotomayor in the concurrence.

    The coalition was represented by Jay Johnson of Venable LLP, who said the ruling “restores much-needed balance to the federal environmental review process.” 

    Keith Heaton, director of the Seven County Infrastructure Coalition, the project’s public partner, said the decision affirms the years of work and collaboration that have gone into making the Uinta Basin Railway a reality. “It represents a turning point for rural Utah — bringing safer, sustainable, more efficient transportation options and opening new doors for investment and economic stability.”

    Wendy Park, a senior attorney at the Center for Biological Diversity, said despite the court’s ruling, “we’ll keep fighting to make sure this railway is never built.”

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline The Supreme Court just blew up a major environmental law on Jun 3, 2025.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • The Intercept filed a public records lawsuit on Monday for documents about a financial surveillance program run by the Arizona attorney general’s office for more than a decade. For the past year, the attorney general’s office has denied multiple requests for records about its relationship with the Transaction Record Analysis Center, or TRAC, a nonprofit organization that runs a massive database containing details about millions of wire transfers sent through Western Union and other companies.

    The database, which is fueled by administrative subpoenas issued by the Arizona attorney general’s office, offers an intimate glimpse into the financial lives of millions of immigrants and U.S. citizens alike. Over the years, Immigration and Customs Enforcement has played an outsized role in TRAC, not just as a top user of the wire transfer data but also as another data pipeline, via subpoenas that alarmed civil liberties watchdogs. 

    “The public has the right to know about mass government surveillance of its citizens,” said Heather E. Murray, associate director of Cornell Law School’s First Amendment Clinic, which is representing The Intercept in the lawsuit, in an emailed statement. “Because TRAC is indisputably performing a core governmental function, the records that The Intercept seeks must be released by the AGO and TRAC to fulfill their transparency obligations under the Arizona Public Records Law.”

    Ben Rundall, a partner at Zwillinger Wulkan in Phoenix, is also representing The Intercept in the case, which was filed in Maricopa County Superior Court.

    “This completely defies the spirit and purpose of the [Arizona public records law].”

    In response to The Intercept’s records request last year, TRAC claimed it is not subject to public records disclosure requirements because of its nonprofit structure.

    But TRAC was established by the attorney general’s office in 2014, and records show close coordination over the years between agency officials and TRAC staff — who sometimes used official government email addresses. For years, one TRAC staff member even helped draft the administrative subpoenas, which she sent to the attorney general’s office for official signature before they were served on Western Union and the other money transfer businesses.   

    The attorney general’s office previously released hundreds of documents about TRAC’s structure and operations to the American Civil Liberties Union. But under Attorney General Kris Mayes, the office now claims it has no obligation to release similar materials because they are in TRAC’s possession.

    “Stated directly, the AGO and TRAC are engaging in gamesmanship to avoid providing records about their public functions,” reads The Intercept’s court filing. “When a request is made to the AGO, it claims TRAC has the record. When a request is made to TRAC, it claims the AGO has the record. This completely defies the spirit and purpose of the [Arizona public records law].”

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    The attorney general’s office also previously disclosed to the ACLU more than 100 copies of subpoenas the agency has sent under the state’s racketeering law to more than two dozen companies since 2014. But in response to The Intercept’s request, the agency said releasing any more subpoenas would violate the racketeering law itself. 

    “We are correcting the previous administration’s error and following the law,” wrote Richie Taylor, communications director for Mayes’s office, in an email last year.

    An ACLU attorney, Nate Freed Wessler, previously called the agency’s argument about disclosing the subpoenas “wrong and borderline frivolous.”

    The racketeering law “has nothing to do with the AGO’s responsibility to disclose records,” The Intercept argues in its filing. “Withholding these records does not comport with any exception to public access provided in Arizona law.”

    The post The Intercept Sues for Records About Arizona’s Financial Surveillance Dragnet appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • The Houston office of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement is one of the most reliable engines of America’s deportation machine.

    Even before Donald Trump took office a second time, with the goal of 1 million immigrant expulsions in a year, ICE’s Enforcement and Removal Operations Houston Field Office was deporting 12,000 to 15,000 people annually, according to its director, Bret Bradford.

    Bradford — a darling of right-wing deportation coverage, from the New York Post to Fox Newstouts his determination to “restore law and order in our communities.” He recently lauded “the brave men and women at ICE Houston” for their “unwavering dedication,” and for working “tirelessly every day to enhance public safety.”

    Scores of internal documents reviewed by The Intercept paint a different picture and suggest a commitment to safety and law and order may stop at the entrance to ICE’s Houston Field Office.

    The files lay out a series of allegations against Bradford and other top Houston ICE officials, including retaliation against a whistleblower who reported being intimidated with an “8-inch tactical knife” by a fellow ICE officer in a facility that does not allow weapons. The whistleblower also alleges another supervisor knowingly lied on an official document. 

    An email from the whistleblower sent to the Congressional DOGE Caucus earlier this year reported “corruption” among top Houston ICE officials. Bradford “turned a blind eye to the criminal activity and has taken no action against the officials,” wrote the whistleblower. The allegations of retaliation are further detailed in public documents from the Merit Systems Protection Board, which reviews cases of government employees who are contesting demotions or terminations.

    After he blew the whistle on a weapons violation, the ICE officer was effectively demoted.

    Documents show that almost immediately after he blew the whistle on a weapons violation, the ICE officer was effectively demoted. While that demotion was overturned in 2024, he remains locked in a yearslong struggle with ICE over alleged whistleblower retaliation and has a hearing before the Merit Systems Protection Board scheduled for June 3 and 4.

    Bradford has been aware of these allegations of wrongdoing and whistleblower retaliation since at least August 2023, according to emails and memorandums reviewed by The Intercept.

    Repeated requests by The Intercept for an interview with Bradford were denied by Tim Oberle, an ICE spokesperson in Houston. A whistleblower complaint against Bradford was recently closed.

    “We don’t comment on employment matters for privacy reasons,” Oberle told The Intercept. “[Office of Professional Responsibility] investigations inherently involve ‘employment matters’ and U.S. privacy laws prohibit federal agencies from releasing details of those investigations to the media.”

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    Complaints about operations at ICE’s Houston Field Office are just the latest in a long line of allegations of waste, mismanagement, abuse, cover-ups, and other wrongdoing across the agency and among its contractors. ICE failed to provide The Intercept with a count of whistleblower complaints thus far in 2025, but allegations of wrongdoing at ICE surface regularly. The Intercept found, in fact, that ICE’s own Office of Professional Responsibility — which oversees the agency’s professional standards — reviewed more than 16,000 allegations of potential misconduct last year. This February, for example, multiple whistleblowers informed Congress of “chronic and dangerous understaffing” and a “discriminatory and hostile work environment” that reportedly occurred with the knowledge of ICE leadership at a contractor-operated detention facility in New Mexico.

    The story laid out in the documents centers on Carlo Jimenez, a Navy veteran who served in the Iraq War before beginning his federal law enforcement career as an immigration enforcement agent with ICE in 2007.

    In 2022, he was serving as a supervisory detention and deportation officer, or SDDO, at the Montgomery Processing Center, an ICE detention facility in Conroe, Texas, just north of Houston.

    His immediate supervisors were Euna Fuchs, the assistant field office director, and Paul McBride, the deputy field office director. Jimenez himself oversaw a team of ICE officers — including a deportation officer named Rolando Ferrufino.

    Fuchs refused to speak about the case. “I can’t answer any questions,” she said by phone. “No comment.” McBride also did not respond to multiple phone messages.

    Oberle did not make available any of the seven ICE personnel that The Intercept requested to interview, including Jimenez and Ferrufino.

    Documents reviewed by The Intercept detail a tense relationship between Jimenez and Ferrufino. “Obviously, there is some kind of a bad blood between them,” Fuchs later recalled in sworn testimony to a government investigator from the U.S. Office of Special Counsel, or OSC.

    In December 2022, things came to a head after Jimenez sought to reprimand Ferrufino for a “major mistake,” as Fuchs characterized it in her testimony, while on duty.

    Ferrufino came into Jimenez’s office “uninvited opening and closing a folding knife” on December 15, 2022, Jimenez told a senior officer who was later brought in to investigate the incident, Assistant Field Office Director Anthony Bennett. During a tense conversation, Ferrufino leaned in, bringing the knife, Jimenez said, close to his face. Ferrufino then pressed his knife to Jimenez’s computer screen “making the screen distort,” according to the inquiry report.

    Ferrufino told Bennett that he had the knife in hand because he was “cleaning it after cutting fruit,” Bennett wrote in a document summarizing his findings on the incident. Jimenez saw it differently and said that he feared for his safety. “I thought this was irrational behavior,” he told Bennett. “I felt threatened and that is why I reported it.”

    Jimenez reported the knife incident to his supervisor, Fuchs, during a scheduled meeting on December 19, and repeated it at another meeting two days later, according to testimony from both Fuchs and Jimenez. Fuchs indicated, in her sworn statement, that Jimenez mentioned the knife incident almost in passing.

    Being in possession of a knife is against ICE’s rules as McBride later wrote in a reprimand letter to Ferrufino, let alone holding it while talking over a workplace dispute, as Jimenez alleged. No weapons or ammunition are allowed inside the building, including firearms, electroshock devices, chemical agents, or “knives of any kind,” a rule that’s made clear in a sign bolted to the wall at the Montgomery Processing Center.

    Fuchs, in her sworn statement, acknowledged that weapons were banned but that she did nothing in response. “We both agreed that Rolando’s actions were inappropriate but I didn’t feel the need to counsel Rolando or take any further actions,” she wrote in a December 27, 2022, email to top Houston ICE officials including McBride.

    Jimenez had made complaints about various incidents of alleged discrimination or retaliation in 2010, 2012, 2013, 2015, and 2018, and in a lawsuit filed in 2021, he alleged he was denied a previous promotion as a result. In 2023, a district court ruled against Jimenez, finding he hadn’t shown sufficient evidence of retaliation.

    When Fuchs took no action on his weapons charges, Jimenez reported the violation via an online whistleblower portal to the Department of Homeland Security’s Office of the Inspector General.

    In an email to Fuchs on January 2, 2023, Jimenez wrote that he believed Ferrufino was a “threat to me and ICE staff at the Montgomery Processing Center.”

    A formal investigation into Jimenez’s allegations began on January 5, when Bennett was assigned to conduct his management inquiry.

    The following Monday, January 9, Fuchs switched Jimenez’s schedule from 4 p.m. to midnight to the less desirable 6 p.m. to 2 a.m. shift. Jimenez interpreted this as retribution for his whistleblowing.

    On February 7, Bennett sent his findings to top officials at the Houston Field Office, offering several conclusions.

    Bennett determined that Ferrufino “did display inappropriate behavior by having a knife in his hand in the office during a discussion with SDDO Jimenez.” He also found that Jimenez “did feel threatened by DO Ferrufino’s actions.” Ferrufino admitted to Bennett that he “touched the screen with the blade causing distortion on the screen” according to Bennett’s report and said that after Jimenez asked him to stop, he “removed his knife from the screen.”

    When asked about Jimenez’s allegations, Bennett told The Intercept, “I’m familiar with the name but I’m not sure about a case,” before referring further questions to ICE Houston public affairs.

    Ferrufino also “admitted to having the knife” in Jimenez’s office, according to a letter of reprimand issued to him by McBride in March 2023, which noted that this was a “direct violation” of the facility’s no weapons stricture. “There is an inherent obligation to ensure you follow these rules and policies as it relates to the safety of personnel,” wrote McBride in the letter, also reviewed by The Intercept, adding “you failed in fulfilling this obligation.” Fuchs also admitted to Bennett that Jimenez had reported the knife incident.

    Despite this apparent vindication, the pattern of retaliation against Jimenez continued, he alleges. Two days after Bennett filed his report, Fuchs wrote to McBride recommending that Jimenez not “pass supervisory probation.” This would effectively demote him, and the agency did so in a way that violated Jimenez’s right to contest it, the Merit Systems Protection Board later found. The MSPB panel also found Jimenez’s claim of whistleblower retaliation required a full hearing.

    Just months earlier, in October, Fuchs had praised Jimenez in an official evaluation. “Jimenez has great technical skills and knowledge which he imparts to the employees,” reads an appraisal by Fuchs. “Jimenez conducts himself in a professional manner and continues to collaborate with this colleagues, staff, and all stakeholders.” Jimenez received high marks on his job evaluation from Fuchs and McBride — a 4.7 out of 5.0 rating — and received a cash award and time off for his performance on the job.

    Less than a week before the knife incident, Fuchs even approved Jimenez to attend advanced leadership training, following a standard probationary period, according to a text chain shared with The Intercept.

    “He is and will continue to be a liability to the Agency unless we remove him from a supervisory position.”

    Now Fuchs cast the same officer as a pariah. “Jimenez’ supervisory tactics are toxic to the Command Center’s culture. Jimenez brings employees’ morale down and fails to keep good order and discipline of the unit,” Fuchs wrote in a February 9, 2023 email. “While Jimenez has many positive qualities as an officer, he is not fit to be a supervisor. He is and will continue to be a liability to the Agency unless we remove him from a supervisory position.”

    An ICE lawyer drafted a demotion letter containing Fuchs’s allegations of Jimenez’s failings in his job. “Your performance as a SDDO has not been satisfactory in the core competency (critical element) of communication,” reads the February 22 letter, signed by McBride, which relieved Jimenez of his SDDO responsibilities, returning him to deportation officer status.

    Fuchs later admitted in her sworn testimony that the letter contained factual errors. The letter confused details, including an incorrect date, regarding instances when Jimenez sought to discipline other ICE employees.

    Fuchs said she brought this to McBride’s attention later, but that she “didn’t have time to point out the mistake and correct it” beforehand because she only saw the letter the day it was scheduled to be served.

    Fuchs and McBride nonetheless served Jimenez the demotion letter with the errors, according to Fuchs’s sworn statement. In later correspondence with Bradford and the Office of Personnel Management, Jimenez claimed this was a potential violation of not only internal ICE regulations but also federal law.

    The demotion wasn’t the end of it. ERO Houston officials continued to take actions that Jimenez saw as a clear attempt to kneecap his career.

    In March 2023, Fuchs and McBride issued Jimenez a poison-pen performance evaluation — an “unacceptable” rating — but, unlike the demotion letter, they never served the document to him. Records indicate that it took more than a year for Jimenez to find, through discovery for his Merit Systems Protection Board case, that this negative assessment had been slipped into his file.

    Earlier this year, Jimenez filed a whistleblower retaliation complaint, through the Office of Special Counsel, against Houston Field Office Director Bradford for “abusing his authority by colluding to keep a reduced performance evaluation based on lies in my personnel file.” 

    Repeated emails sent to Todd Lyons, the acting director of ICE, and Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem requesting interviews to discuss allegations of corruption and whistleblower retaliation at ICE’s ERO Houston office received no responses.

    FILE - In this Nov. 16, 2018, file photo, an officer watches as immigrants who entered the United States illegally are deported on a flight to El Salvador by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement in Houston. Civil rights activists complained Monday of the potential for widespread abuse following confirmation that states have scanned millions of driver's license photos on behalf of Immigration and Customs Enforcement officials without the drivers’ knowledge or consent. (AP Photo/David J. Phillip, File)
    An ICE officer watches as immigrants are deported on a flight in Houston to El Salvador on Nov. 16, 2018. Photo: David J. Phillip/AP Photo

    Bennett’s inquiry also determined that another ICE officer brought multiple weapons into an ERO Houston facility. In an interview, an SDDO confirmed that “he issued pocketknives to the staff in the command center to include DO Ferrufino.” Ferrufino verified that the knife was “issued to him at work.”

    ICE regulations regarding inappropriate “display or brandishment” of a weapon carries penalties of suspension or firing, but The Intercept found only Ferrufino’s letter of reprimand. “No disciplinary action was taken against the management official who gifted illegal weapons,” Jimenez wrote in a OSC whistleblower retaliation complaint against Bradford. In another memorandum, he noted that “officers who did not disclose the misconduct were promoted.”

    Oberle said that ICE Houston doesn’t maintain statistics relating to weapons violations that have resulted in disciplinary actions. He recommended filing a Freedom of Information Act request, which often take months or years to, if ever, produce records.

    Jimenez has, however, continued to press his whistleblower retaliation claims for more than two years while continuing to work in the Houston office.

    In 2024, the Merit Systems Protection Board ruled that after ICE issued the demotion notice, Jimenez was not provided an opportunity to respond. This procedure “did not comport with a tenured employee’s constitutional right to minimum due process of law,” reads the order. As a result, his demotion was reversed.

    In February, Jimenez wrote an email to the Congressional DOGE Caucus in an attempt to finally achieve some measure of justice.

    “I wanted to bring a government corruption problem to your attention about upper management officials at the ICE Houston Field Office,” Jimenez wrote, calling out McBride and Fuchs and stating he provided material evidence of their “corruption to ICE Houston Field Office Director (SES) Bret Bradford” through a series of memos, one of which he attached to the email.

    In April, ICE agreed to expunge Jimenez’s 2023 negative performance appraisal “both physically and digitally, from your local files in ERO HOU,” according to an email from the ICE lawyer. “Therefore, to the best of the Agency’s knowledge, this [performance work plan] has been expunged from your records maintained by the Agency.” As a result, OSC closed Jimenez’s whistleblower retaliation complaint against Bradford, deeming it “resolved.”

    In late May, the lawyer presented Jimenez with a proposed settlement — the same amount of money ICE offered earlier this year, which Jimenez did not accept — according to an email reviewed by The Intercept. “The Agency is not increasing its offer, nor will it,” the lawyer wrote.

    This week, Jimenez will, again, appear before the Merit Systems Protection Board for “adjudication of [his] claim of whistleblower reprisal.”

    Related

    A Homeland Security Whistleblower Goes Public About ICE Abuse of Solitary Confinement

    “We need to see the public and private sectors recognize the value of blowing the whistle on wrongdoing as something that inherently works in their favor, too,” said Margaux Ewen, the whistleblower protection program director of the Signals Network, an independent nonprofit organization which supports whistleblowers and journalists’ sources. “Otherwise individuals who wish to speak out will continue to face significant hurdles, and information that is in the public interest will continue to be suppressed.”

    Jimenez concluded his email to the DOGE Caucus by invoking Trump’s vow to end corruption within the government and pursue accountability. “Under President Trump’s administration,” Jimenez wrote, “he does not tolerate federal government corruption. Sadly, the unlawful demotion occurred 2 years ago this month, February, and both officials who knowingly used lies in a decision letter still work at ICE.”

    The post Weapons Violations, Misconduct, and Whistleblower Retaliation at ICE appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • As COVID raged across northern California in March 2020, a pair of farm industry groups were worried about a different threat: animal rights activists.

    Citing an FBI memo warning that activists trespassing on factory farms could spread a viral bird disease, the groups wrote a letter to Gov. Gavin Newsom to argue that their longtime antagonists were more than a nuisance. They were potentially terrorists threatening the entire food chain.

    “The safety of our food supply has never been more critical, and we must work together to prevent these clear threats of domestic terrorism from being realized,” the groups wrote.

    A coalition of transparency and animal rights groups on Monday released that letter, along with a cache of government documents, to highlight the tight links between law enforcement and agriculture industry groups.

    Activists say those documents show an unseemly relationship between the FBI and Big Ag. The government–industry fearmongering has accelerated with the spread of bird flu enabled by the industry’s own practices, they say.

    The executive director of Property of the People, the nonprofit that obtained the documents via public records requests, said in a statement that the documents paint a damning picture.

    “Transparency is not terrorism, and the FBI should not be taking marching orders from industry flacks.”

    “Factory farms are a nightmare for animals and public health. Yet, big ag lobbyists and their FBI allies are colluding to conceal this cruelty and rampant disease by shifting blame to the very activists working to alert the public,” Ryan Shapiro said. “Transparency is not terrorism, and the FBI should not be taking marching orders from industry flacks.”

    Industry groups did not respond to requests for comment. In a statement, the FBI defended its relationship with “members of the private sector.”

    “Our goal is to protect our communities from unlawful activity while at the same time upholding the Constitution,” the agency said in an unsigned statement. “The FBI focuses on individuals who commit or intend to commit violence and activity that constitutes a federal crime or poses a threat to national security. The FBI can never open an investigation based solely on First Amendment protected activity.”

    A Federal Focus

    The dozens of documents trace the industry’s relationship with law enforcement agencies over a period stretching from 2015, during James Comey’s tenure as FBI director, to the onset of the Covid-19 pandemic and the more recent outbreak of bird flu, also known as avian influenza.

    Animal rights activists have long said that federal law enforcement seems determined to put them in the same category as Al Qaeda. In the 2000s, a wave of arrests of environmental and animal rights activists — who sometimes took aggressive actions such as burning down slaughterhouses and timber mills — was dubbed “the Green Scare.”

    Related

    How the Prosecution of Animal Rights Activists as Terrorists Foretold Today’s Criminalization of Dissent

    The law enforcement focus on animal rights groups continued well after Osama bin Laden’s death, news clippings and documents obtained by Property of the People show.

    In 2015, a veterinarian with the FBI’s Weapons of Mass Destruction Directorate told a trade publication, Dairy Herd Management, that eco-terrorists were a looming threat.

    “The domestic threat in some ways is more critical than international,” Stephen Goldsmith said. “Animal rights and environmental groups have committed more acts of terrorism than Al Qaeda.”

    Four years later, emails obtained by Property of the People show, Goldsmith met with representatives of a leading farm trade group, the Animal Agriculture Alliance, at a government–industry conference.

    The meeting happened in April 2019, and within weeks the AAA’s president was warning Goldsmith in an email about planned protests by “by the extremist group Direct Action Everywhere,” a Berkeley-based group that conducts “open rescues” of animals.

    Related

    The FBI’s Weapons of Mass Destruction Program Has a New Target: Animal Rights Activists

    Within months, the FBI was touting the threat from animal rights groups in stark terms in an official communication: the intelligence note partially produced by Goldsmith’s Weapons of Mass Destruction Directorate.

    The August 2019 note written with the FBI Sacramento field office said activists were accelerating the spread of Virulent Newcastle disease, a contagious viral disease afflicting poultry and other birds.

    The note claimed that activists were failing to follow proper biosafety protocols as they targeted different farms, and could spread the disease between farms on their clothes or other inanimate objects. While the note did not point to genetic testing or formal scientific analysis to back up this assertation, it said the FBI offices had “high confidence” in their assessment.

    Activists have rejected the idea that they are not following safety protocols, pointing to protests where they have donned full-body disposable suits.

    The most withering criticism of the FBI note may have come from another law enforcement agency, however. Four months after the FBI document came out, the Northern California Regional Intelligence Center rebutted the idea that activists were spreading disease.

    Those activists, the Bay Area-based fusion center said in the note to local law enforcement, were nonviolent and posed a “diminishing threat to law enforcement.”

    Citing the activists’ use of safety precautions and U.S. Department of Agriculture research, the fusion center said that “animal rights activists are probably not responsible” for any of the Virulent Newcastle disease outbreaks.

    Emails obtained by Property of the People suggest that the FBI regularly shared information with the Animal Agriculture Alliance, as both sought to spotlight the threat of animal rights activists. As new animal disease outbreaks occurred, the activists were regularly cast as potential vectors.

    The nonprofit trade group, based in Washington, D.C., describes itself as an organization that defends farmers, ranchers, processors, and other businesses along the food supply chain from animal rights activists, on whom it regularly distributes monitoring reports to its members.

    The industry’s concerns grew in 2020, as activists created a nationwide map of farms, dubbed Project Counterglow, that served as reference for locating protest sites.

    The AAA’s president, Hannah Thompson-Weeman, sent out an email to industry leaders hours after the map was published.

    “This is obviously extremely troubling for a lot of reasons. We are contacting our FBI and DHS contacts to raise our concerns but we welcome any additional input on anything that can be done,” she said.

    Related

    Iowa Quietly Passes Its Third Ag-Gag Bill After Constitutional Challenges

    In multiple emails, Goldsmith, the FBI veterinarian, distributed to other FBI employees emails from the AAA warning about upcoming protests by the activist outfits, including Direct Action Everywhere.

    Another email from a local government agency in California showed that the AAA sent out a “confidential” message to members in June 2023 asking them to track and report “animal rights activity.”

    The trade group provided members with a direct FBI email address for reporting what it called ARVE: “animal rights violent extremists.”

    The AAA was not the only industry group using the FBI as a resource. The March 2020 letter to Newsom casting activists as potential terrorists was penned by the leaders of the California Farm Bureau Federation and Milk Producers Council. Those groups did not respond to requests for comment.

    As the bird flu outbreak ramped up in 2022 and beyond, the industry’s claims that animal rights activists could spread disease were echoed by government officials, emails obtained by Property of the People show.

    The Fallout

    Animal rights activists say the claims by law enforcement and industry groups that activists are spreading disease have had real-world consequences.

    In California, college student Zoe Rosenberg faces up to 5-and-a-half years in prison for taking part in what movement members describe as an “open rescue” of four chickens from a Sonoma County farm.

    “It’s always a shocking thing when nonviolent activists are called terrorists.”

    Rosenberg, a member of Direct Action Everywhere, has been identified by name in monitoring reports from the Animal Agriculture Alliance. For the past year and a half, she has been on an ankle monitor and intense supervision after prosecutors alleged in a December 2023 court hearing that she was a “biosecurity risk” because of ongoing bird flu outbreaks.

    Rosenberg said last week she was taken aback by the similar allegations contained in previously private emails between law enforcement and industry.

    “Instead of taking responsibility for what they are doing, they are trying to blame us. Of course, it’s always a shocking thing when nonviolent activists are called terrorists or framed as terrorists,” she said. “It just all feels backwards.”

    The post How the FBI and Big Ag Started Treating Animal Rights Activists as Terrorists appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • As COVID raged across northern California in March 2020, a pair of farm industry groups were worried about a different threat: animal rights activists.

    Citing an FBI memo warning that activists trespassing on factory farms could spread a viral bird disease, the groups wrote a letter to Gov. Gavin Newsom to argue that their longtime antagonists were more than a nuisance. They were potentially terrorists threatening the entire food chain.

    “The safety of our food supply has never been more critical, and we must work together to prevent these clear threats of domestic terrorism from being realized,” the groups wrote.

    A coalition of transparency and animal rights groups on Monday released that letter, along with a cache of government documents, to highlight the tight links between law enforcement and agriculture industry groups.

    Activists say those documents show an unseemly relationship between the FBI and Big Ag. The government–industry fearmongering has accelerated with the spread of bird flu enabled by the industry’s own practices, they say.

    The executive director of Property of the People, the nonprofit that obtained the documents via public records requests, said in a statement that the documents paint a damning picture.

    “Transparency is not terrorism, and the FBI should not be taking marching orders from industry flacks.”

    “Factory farms are a nightmare for animals and public health. Yet, big ag lobbyists and their FBI allies are colluding to conceal this cruelty and rampant disease by shifting blame to the very activists working to alert the public,” Ryan Shapiro said. “Transparency is not terrorism, and the FBI should not be taking marching orders from industry flacks.”

    Industry groups did not respond to requests for comment. In a statement, the FBI defended its relationship with “members of the private sector.”

    “Our goal is to protect our communities from unlawful activity while at the same time upholding the Constitution,” the agency said in an unsigned statement. “The FBI focuses on individuals who commit or intend to commit violence and activity that constitutes a federal crime or poses a threat to national security. The FBI can never open an investigation based solely on First Amendment protected activity.”

    A Federal Focus

    The dozens of documents trace the industry’s relationship with law enforcement agencies over a period stretching from 2015, during James Comey’s tenure as FBI director, to the onset of the Covid-19 pandemic and the more recent outbreak of bird flu, also known as avian influenza.

    Animal rights activists have long said that federal law enforcement seems determined to put them in the same category as Al Qaeda. In the 2000s, a wave of arrests of environmental and animal rights activists — who sometimes took aggressive actions such as burning down slaughterhouses and timber mills — was dubbed “the Green Scare.”

    Related

    How the Prosecution of Animal Rights Activists as Terrorists Foretold Today’s Criminalization of Dissent

    The law enforcement focus on animal rights groups continued well after Osama bin Laden’s death, news clippings and documents obtained by Property of the People show.

    In 2015, a veterinarian with the FBI’s Weapons of Mass Destruction Directorate told a trade publication, Dairy Herd Management, that eco-terrorists were a looming threat.

    “The domestic threat in some ways is more critical than international,” Stephen Goldsmith said. “Animal rights and environmental groups have committed more acts of terrorism than Al Qaeda.”

    Four years later, emails obtained by Property of the People show, Goldsmith met with representatives of a leading farm trade group, the Animal Agriculture Alliance, at a government–industry conference.

    The meeting happened in April 2019, and within weeks the AAA’s president was warning Goldsmith in an email about planned protests by “by the extremist group Direct Action Everywhere,” a Berkeley-based group that conducts “open rescues” of animals.

    Related

    The FBI’s Weapons of Mass Destruction Program Has a New Target: Animal Rights Activists

    Within months, the FBI was touting the threat from animal rights groups in stark terms in an official communication: the intelligence note partially produced by Goldsmith’s Weapons of Mass Destruction Directorate.

    The August 2019 note written with the FBI Sacramento field office said activists were accelerating the spread of Virulent Newcastle disease, a contagious viral disease afflicting poultry and other birds.

    The note claimed that activists were failing to follow proper biosafety protocols as they targeted different farms, and could spread the disease between farms on their clothes or other inanimate objects. While the note did not point to genetic testing or formal scientific analysis to back up this assertation, it said the FBI offices had “high confidence” in their assessment.

    Activists have rejected the idea that they are not following safety protocols, pointing to protests where they have donned full-body disposable suits.

    The most withering criticism of the FBI note may have come from another law enforcement agency, however. Four months after the FBI document came out, the Northern California Regional Intelligence Center rebutted the idea that activists were spreading disease.

    Those activists, the Bay Area-based fusion center said in the note to local law enforcement, were nonviolent and posed a “diminishing threat to law enforcement.”

    Citing the activists’ use of safety precautions and U.S. Department of Agriculture research, the fusion center said that “animal rights activists are probably not responsible” for any of the Virulent Newcastle disease outbreaks.

    Emails obtained by Property of the People suggest that the FBI regularly shared information with the Animal Agriculture Alliance, as both sought to spotlight the threat of animal rights activists. As new animal disease outbreaks occurred, the activists were regularly cast as potential vectors.

    The nonprofit trade group, based in Washington, D.C., describes itself as an organization that defends farmers, ranchers, processors, and other businesses along the food supply chain from animal rights activists, on whom it regularly distributes monitoring reports to its members.

    The industry’s concerns grew in 2020, as activists created a nationwide map of farms, dubbed Project Counterglow, that served as reference for locating protest sites.

    The AAA’s president, Hannah Thompson-Weeman, sent out an email to industry leaders hours after the map was published.

    “This is obviously extremely troubling for a lot of reasons. We are contacting our FBI and DHS contacts to raise our concerns but we welcome any additional input on anything that can be done,” she said.

    Related

    Iowa Quietly Passes Its Third Ag-Gag Bill After Constitutional Challenges

    In multiple emails, Goldsmith, the FBI veterinarian, distributed to other FBI employees emails from the AAA warning about upcoming protests by the activist outfits, including Direct Action Everywhere.

    Another email from a local government agency in California showed that the AAA sent out a “confidential” message to members in June 2023 asking them to track and report “animal rights activity.”

    The trade group provided members with a direct FBI email address for reporting what it called ARVE: “animal rights violent extremists.”

    The AAA was not the only industry group using the FBI as a resource. The March 2020 letter to Newsom casting activists as potential terrorists was penned by the leaders of the California Farm Bureau Federation and Milk Producers Council. Those groups did not respond to requests for comment.

    As the bird flu outbreak ramped up in 2022 and beyond, the industry’s claims that animal rights activists could spread disease were echoed by government officials, emails obtained by Property of the People show.

    The Fallout

    Animal rights activists say the claims by law enforcement and industry groups that activists are spreading disease have had real-world consequences.

    In California, college student Zoe Rosenberg faces up to 5-and-a-half years in prison for taking part in what movement members describe as an “open rescue” of four chickens from a Sonoma County farm.

    “It’s always a shocking thing when nonviolent activists are called terrorists.”

    Rosenberg, a member of Direct Action Everywhere, has been identified by name in monitoring reports from the Animal Agriculture Alliance. For the past year and a half, she has been on an ankle monitor and intense supervision after prosecutors alleged in a December 2023 court hearing that she was a “biosecurity risk” because of ongoing bird flu outbreaks.

    Rosenberg said last week she was taken aback by the similar allegations contained in previously private emails between law enforcement and industry.

    “Instead of taking responsibility for what they are doing, they are trying to blame us. Of course, it’s always a shocking thing when nonviolent activists are called terrorists or framed as terrorists,” she said. “It just all feels backwards.”

    The post How the FBI and Big Ag Started Treating Animal Rights Activists as Bioterrorists appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • ANALYSIS: By Scott Waide, RNZ Pacific PNG correspondent

    Papua New Guinea has five months remaining to fix its anti-money laundering and counter-terrorist financing (AML/CTF) systems or face the severe repercussions of being placed on the Financial Action Task Force’s (FATF) “grey list”.

    The FATF has imposed an October 2025 deadline, and the government is scrambling to prove its commitment to global partners.

    Speaking in Parliament, Prime Minister James Marape said Treasury Minister, Ian Ling-Stuckey had been given the responsibility to lead a taskforce to fix PNG’s issues associated with money laundering and terrorist financing.

    “I summoned all agency heads to a critical meeting last week giving them clear direction, in no uncertain terms, that they work day and night to avert the possibility of us getting grey listed,” Marape said.

    “This review comes around every five years.

    “We have only three or four areas that are outstanding that we must dispatch forthwith.”

    PNG is no stranger to the FATF grey list, having been placed under increased monitoring in 2014 before successfully being removed in 2016.

    Deficiencies highlighted
    However, a recent assessment by the Asia Pacific Group on Money Laundering (APG) highlighted ongoing deficiencies, particularly in the effectiveness of PNG’s AML/CTF regime.

    While the country has made strides in establishing the necessary laws and regulations (technical compliance), the real challenge lies in PNG’s implementation and enforcement.

    The core of the problem, according to analysts, is a lack of effective prosecution and punishment for money laundering and terrorism financing.

    High-risk sectors such as corruption, fraud against government programmes, illegal logging, illicit fishing, and tax evasion, remain largely unchecked by successful legal actions.

    Capacity gaps within key agencies like the Royal Papua New Guinea Constabulary and the Office of the Public Prosecutor have been cited as significant hurdles.

    Recent drug hauls have also highlighted existing flaws in detection in the country’s financial systems.

    The implications of greylisting are far-reaching and potentially devastating for a developing nation like PNG, which is heavily reliant on foreign investment and international financial flows.

    Impact on economy
    Deputy Opposition leader James Nomane warned in Parliament that greylisting “will severely affect the economy, investor confidence, and make things worse for Papua New Guinea with respect to inflationary pressures, the cost of imports, and a whole host of issues”.

    If PNG is greylisted, the immediate economic fallout could be substantial. It would signal to global financial institutions that PNG carries a heightened risk for financial crimes, potentially leading to a sharp decline in foreign direct investment.

    Critical resource projects, including Papua LNG, P’nyang LNG, Wafi-Golpu, and Frieda River Mines, could face delays or even be halted as investors become wary of the increased financial and reputational risks.

    Beyond investment, the cost of doing business in PNG could also rise. International correspondent banks, vital conduits for cross-border transactions, may de-risk by cutting ties or scaling back operations with PNG financial institutions.

    This “de-risking” could make it more expensive and complex for businesses and individuals alike to conduct international transactions, leading to higher fees and increased scrutiny.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • ANALYSIS: By Scott Waide, RNZ Pacific PNG correspondent

    Papua New Guinea has five months remaining to fix its anti-money laundering and counter-terrorist financing (AML/CTF) systems or face the severe repercussions of being placed on the Financial Action Task Force’s (FATF) “grey list”.

    The FATF has imposed an October 2025 deadline, and the government is scrambling to prove its commitment to global partners.

    Speaking in Parliament, Prime Minister James Marape said Treasury Minister, Ian Ling-Stuckey had been given the responsibility to lead a taskforce to fix PNG’s issues associated with money laundering and terrorist financing.

    “I summoned all agency heads to a critical meeting last week giving them clear direction, in no uncertain terms, that they work day and night to avert the possibility of us getting grey listed,” Marape said.

    “This review comes around every five years.

    “We have only three or four areas that are outstanding that we must dispatch forthwith.”

    PNG is no stranger to the FATF grey list, having been placed under increased monitoring in 2014 before successfully being removed in 2016.

    Deficiencies highlighted
    However, a recent assessment by the Asia Pacific Group on Money Laundering (APG) highlighted ongoing deficiencies, particularly in the effectiveness of PNG’s AML/CTF regime.

    While the country has made strides in establishing the necessary laws and regulations (technical compliance), the real challenge lies in PNG’s implementation and enforcement.

    The core of the problem, according to analysts, is a lack of effective prosecution and punishment for money laundering and terrorism financing.

    High-risk sectors such as corruption, fraud against government programmes, illegal logging, illicit fishing, and tax evasion, remain largely unchecked by successful legal actions.

    Capacity gaps within key agencies like the Royal Papua New Guinea Constabulary and the Office of the Public Prosecutor have been cited as significant hurdles.

    Recent drug hauls have also highlighted existing flaws in detection in the country’s financial systems.

    The implications of greylisting are far-reaching and potentially devastating for a developing nation like PNG, which is heavily reliant on foreign investment and international financial flows.

    Impact on economy
    Deputy Opposition leader James Nomane warned in Parliament that greylisting “will severely affect the economy, investor confidence, and make things worse for Papua New Guinea with respect to inflationary pressures, the cost of imports, and a whole host of issues”.

    If PNG is greylisted, the immediate economic fallout could be substantial. It would signal to global financial institutions that PNG carries a heightened risk for financial crimes, potentially leading to a sharp decline in foreign direct investment.

    Critical resource projects, including Papua LNG, P’nyang LNG, Wafi-Golpu, and Frieda River Mines, could face delays or even be halted as investors become wary of the increased financial and reputational risks.

    Beyond investment, the cost of doing business in PNG could also rise. International correspondent banks, vital conduits for cross-border transactions, may de-risk by cutting ties or scaling back operations with PNG financial institutions.

    This “de-risking” could make it more expensive and complex for businesses and individuals alike to conduct international transactions, leading to higher fees and increased scrutiny.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • By Muhammad Shehada

    Since the onset of its genocide, Israel has persistently pushed a narrative that the famine devastating Gaza is not of its own making, but the result of “Hamas looting aid”.

    This claim, repeated across mainstream media and parroted by officials, has been used to deflect responsibility for what many human rights experts have called a deliberate starvation campaign.

    Even after Israel fully banned the entry of food, water, fuel, and medicine on March 2, Tel Aviv continued to maintain that Hamas looting, not Israeli policy, was to blame for the humanitarian catastrophe.

    But that narrative has now been discredited by Israel’s internal reporting. Last week, the Israeli military admitted internally that out of 110 looting incidents they documented, none were carried out by Hamas.

    Instead, the looting was done by “armed gangs, organised clans” and, to a lesser extent, starved civilians.

    Those very gangs and clans are backed by Israel; they enjoy full Israeli army protection and operate in areas Israel deems “extermination zones”, where any Palestinian trying to enter would be killed or kidnapped on the spot.

    The gangs had vanished during the two-month ceasefire but conveniently re-emerged as soon as Israel was pressured into allowing a limited trickle of aid to enter. The timing is no coincidence; Israeli policy has deliberately weaponised anarchy to preserve the conditions for starvation.

    This pushed even the UAE to strongly condemn Israel after the army forced an Emirati aid convoy to drive through a “red zone” where Israel-backed gangs looted 23 out of 24 trucks.

    So why does Israel continue to cling to a demonstrably false narrative while openly engineering a looting crisis through its proxies? Because the myth of “Hamas looting” serves a critical strategic purpose: to whitewash and legitimise a new plan that institutionalises starvation for blackmail, ethnic cleansing, collective punishment, and mass internment through a shell Israeli organisation.

    This is coupled with another alarming tactic of recruiting warlords, drug dealers, and criminals to create a puppet “anti-terror” force.

    Israel’s looting myth
    The “looting” talking point is devoid of any logic, as Hamas would be able to do very little with thousands of tons of looted aid.

    Israel and US Ambassador Mike Huckabee both claim Hamas uses the looted aid to buy new weaponry. But where would they buy such weapons from when Gaza is fully sealed off by Israel, and Rafah — the city of smuggling tunnels — is under full Israeli control?

    Israel claims Hamas sells looted aid on the black market. But, again, what would they do with the money? Virtually nothing is allowed into Gaza except a trickle of food.

    Israel also claims Hamas uses looted aid to recruit new militants, but Hamas doesn’t operate this way. The group depends on utmost secrecy and discipline in its operations.

    Each new member passes through a long process of vetting, training, and tests to minimise the risk of infiltration. It would compromise Hamas to recruit people openly, whose only attachment to the group is bread rather than ideological commitment.

    Perhaps most damning is that Israel has never captured a single instance of Hamas looting aid, despite subjecting Gaza to the most meticulous surveillance on earth. Israeli predator drones cover every inch of the enclave every minute of the day, yet there is nothing to show for Israel’s claims.

    Hamas is also aware that hijacking and looting aid trucks could lead to Israel bombing the vehicles and diverting them from their predetermined route.

    The Israeli army has done this on countless occasions when it fired at or bombed humanitarian convoys under the pretext that Hamas policemen came near the trucks. Ironically, those law enforcement officials were actually trying to prevent looting when they were targeted.

    Israel’s allies reject the narrative
    Israel’s strongest supporters have refuted the “Hamas looting” claim. President Joe Biden’s humanitarian envoy, David Satterfield, admitted in February of last year that “no Israeli official has . . . come to the administration with specific evidence of diversion or theft of assistance delivered by the UN”.

    Satterfield reiterated last Tuesday that Israel has never privately alleged or offered evidence of Hamas stealing aid from the UN and INGO channels. Israel’s ambassador to the EU, Haim Regev, said in mid-October 2023 that “there’s no evidence EU aid went to Hamas”.

    Cindy McCain, World Food Programme’s chief and widow of one of the most pro-Israeli GOP senators, forcefully rejected Israel’s narrative on Sunday, saying that looting “doesn’t have anything to do with Hamas . . .  it has simply to do with the fact these people are starving to death”.

    The Washington Post, meanwhile, reported last week that “Israel has never presented evidence publicly or privately to humanitarian organisations or Western government officials to back up claims that Hamas had systematically stolen aid brought into Gaza”.

    An internal memo jointly drafted by UN agencies and 20 INGOs in April, and viewed by The New Arab, stated that “there is no evidence of large-scale aid diversion”.

    Gangs and scarcity are responsible for looting
    While Israel failed to show any evidence of Hamas stealing aid, the only documented organised systematic looting happening in Gaza right now is by Israeli-backed criminal gangs who enjoy full protection from the Israeli army, according to the Washington Post, Financial Times, Ha’aretz, and the UN.

    A UN memo said these gangs established a “military complex” in the heart of Rafah after Israel fully depopulated the city. Humanitarian officials say the looting often happens right in front of Israeli troops and tanks, less than 100m away, who take no action until the local police arrive, with Israeli troops then opening fire at them.

    Israel not only provides protection and backing to these criminal gangs but has created the perfect conditions for looting to thrive through scarcity and a collapsing state of law and order.

    Currently, a single bag of wheat flour sells for about 1,500 NIS ($425), which makes it profitable for gangs to loot and sell on the market. These astronomical prices are driven by scarcity after Israel banned all food from entering Gaza for nearly 80 days, then allowed less than 20 percent of what Gaza needs on a normal day for basic survival after intense international pressure.

    During the ceasefire, however, when Israel was allowing 600 trucks to enter per day, prices went back to normal and looting disappeared because it was no longer profitable due to the abundance of food, and because the police were able to resume their work.

    Manufactured crisis to advance genocide
    The engineered looting crisis has long served as a convenient excuse to cover up the deliberate weaponisation of starvation against Gaza’s entire population, allowing Israel to distract from its restrictions on the entry of aid and the spread of famine by saying Hamas is to blame for stealing aid.

    But now, this manufactured crisis is serving a second objective: to justify a dystopian ‘aid plan’ Israel is implementing in Gaza that has been condemned and boycotted by every UN agency and humanitarian organisation working in the enclave, as well as donor countries.

    A joint UN-INGO memo warned that the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation would facilitate the use of aid for forcible expulsion, by telling Gazans the only way they can receive food is by moving south to Rafah on Egypt’s border.

    GHF, which Israeli opposition leaders said was an Israeli shell funded by Mossad, began its operations last Tuesday after being rocked by two scandals in one day.

    GHF’s CEO had resigned on Sunday in protest of the organisation violating the principles of humanitarianism, while the organisation shut down its registered headquarters in Switzerland as soon as Swiss authorities launched an investigation.

    Images coming out of the GHF’s militarised aid distribution site were immediately likened to concentration camps, where hundreds of emaciated Gazans were crowded into metal cages like cattle under the boiling sun, surrounded by armed US mercenaries, Israeli troops, and sand dunes.

    Alarmingly, people who received aid noted the presence of Arabic speakers in addition to American mercenaries. Last week, the Israel-backed Islamic State-linked gang leader Yasser Abu Shabab emerged in Rafah again after a long disappearance.

    Abu Shabab, a drug dealer and wanted criminal previously arrested multiple times by the local police, was the primary suspect in the systematic looting of aid under Israeli protection. This time, however, he emerged in a brand new uniform and military gear and started a Facebook page promoting himself in English and Arabic to mark a new “anti-terror” force operating in Israel-controlled Rafah.

    Additional pictures viewed by The New Arab showed multiple armed men dressed in the same uniform as Abu Shabab armed with M-16s standing in front of a humanitarian convoy.

    The unravelling of Israel’s “Hamas looting” narrative lays bare a chilling truth: starvation in Gaza is not collateral damage — it is a calculated weapon in a broader campaign of collective punishment and displacement.

    By cultivating chaos, empowering criminal gangs, and then manipulating the humanitarian crisis they manufactured, Israel seeks to maintain extreme restrictions on aid, while externalising blame and avoiding accountability.

    It is the machinery of genocide disguised in bureaucratic language and carried out under the watchful eyes of the world.

    Muhammad Shehada is a Palestinian writer and analyst from Gaza and the European Union affairs manager at Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor. The article was first published by The New Arab. On X at: @muhammadshehad2

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Robert Jenrick, Shadow Lord Chancellor and wannabe vigilante, has caused a stir on social media. He is releasing a video showing him on a weird caped crusader warpath about ‘fare-dodgers’ on the London underground. All he’s missing is a cape:

    ‘I’m both Robert and Jenrick. Not because I have to be, now because I choose to be’

    Robert Jenrick is claiming the reaction to his video shows the Left are “out of touch with the public on crime”. Which, by the way, he filmed without permission from TfL.

    However, crime is something he’s all too familiar with.

    Previously, he admitted helping a Conservative Party donor avoid a £45m tax bill by rushing through Richard Desmond’s luxury housing development, a day before a community infrastructure levy came into force.

    He claimed the scheme would not be viable if the developer had to pay the tax. Importantly, authorities would have used the money to fund public services in Tower Hamlets, one of the country’s most deprived areas.

    You either die a villain or live long enough to see yourself become one

    So, Robert Jenrick is okay with Tory donors avoiding £45m tax bills. But if working-class Bob avoids a £3 tube fare, he should be locked up?

    This is the same man who, in 2020, claimed over £100,000 in expenses for a third home in his constituency of Newark.

    In the same year, the Public Accounts Committee claimed that Robert Jenrick had awarded his constituency funding as part of an “opaque” and “not impartial” process.

    He also ignored government lockdown restrictions during the pandemic by travelling 150 miles to his second home in Hertfordshire.

    He’s worrying too much about people not paying train fares. Especially for a man with so many homes, and at least one car (which cameras caught him speeding in).

    Fear is a tool to Robert Jenrick

    Of course, the rules don’t apply to Tories. And no one is falling for Robert Jenrick pretending to find a moral compass.

    Jenrick’s constituency, Newark, has a higher crime rate than London. Which begs the question, why is he not focusing his apparent excess of time and energy on solving problems for the people who (stupidly) elected him?

    What’s next? Will he show up and start enforcing unpaid TV licenses?

    The rules only apply when there is a political point to make. Otherwise? Do what you want. As long as Robert Jenrick and his rich pals get away with millions in tax avoidance, while poor people get locked up for petty crimes.

    Feature image via the Canary

    By HG

    This post was originally published on Canary.


  • This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Seg3 pardon

    President Donald Trump has signed a wave of pardons for people convicted of fraud, including a Virginia sheriff who took tens of thousands of dollars in bribes and a reality TV couple who evaded millions in taxes after defrauding banks. Last month, Trump pardoned a Florida healthcare executive convicted of tax evasion for stealing nearly $11 million in payroll taxes from the paychecks of doctors and nurses. Many of Trump’s pardons have gone to supporters of his or those who made political donations to the president.

    “These pardons are not indiscriminate,” says constitutional lawyer Bruce Fein. “They’re targeted to help people who are politically his supporters, raise money for him or otherwise.”


    This content originally appeared on Democracy Now! and was authored by Democracy Now!.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • By Patrick Decloitre, RNZ Pacific correspondent French Pacific desk

    French national politicians have been in New Caledonia as the territory’s future remains undecided.

    Leaders from both right-wing Les Républicains (LR) and Rassemblement National (RN), — vice-president François-Xavier Bellamy and Marine Le Pen respectively — have been in the French Pacific territory this week.

    They expressed their views about New Caledonia’s political, economic and social status one year after riots broke out in May 2024.

    Since then, latest attempts to hold political talks between all stakeholders and France have been met with fluctuating responses, but the latest round of discussions earlier this month ended in a stalemate.

    This was because hardline pro-France parties regarded the project of “sovereignty with France” offered by French Overseas Minister Manuel Valls was not acceptable. They consider that three self-determination referendums held in 2018, 2020 and 2021 rejected independence.

    However, the last referendum, in December 2021, was largely boycotted by the pro-independence movement and its followers due to indigenous Kanak cultural concerns around the covid-19 pandemic.

    The pro-France camp is accusing Valls of siding with the pro-independence FLNKS bloc and other more moderate parties such as PALIKA (Kanak Liberation Party) and UPM (Union Progressiste en Mélanésie), who want independence from France.

    Transferring key powers
    Valls is considering transferring key French powers to New Caledonia, introducing a double French/New Caledonian citizenship, and an international standing.

    The pro-France camp is adamant that this ignores the three no referendum votes.

    Speaking to a crowd of several hundred supporters in Nouméa on Tuesday evening, Bellamy said he now favoured going ahead with modifying conditions of eligibility for voters at local provincial elections.

    The same attempts to change the locked local electoral roll — which is restricted to people residing in New Caledonia from before November 1998 — was widely perceived as the main cause for the May 2024 riots, which left 14 dead.

    Bellamy said giving in to violence that erupted last year was out of the question because it was “an attempt to topple a democratic process”.

    Les Républicains, to which the Rassemblement-LR local party is affiliated, is one of the major parties in the French Parliament.

    Its newly-elected president Bruno Retailleau is the Minister for Home Affairs in French President Emmanuel Macron’s coalition government.

    Nouméa Accord ‘now over’
    Bellamy told a crowd of supporters in Nouméa that in his view the decolonisation process prescribed by the 1998 Nouméa Accord “is now over”.

    “New Caledonians have democratically decided, three times, that they belong to France. And this should be respected,” he told a crowd during a political rally.

    In Nouméa, Bellamy said if the three referendum results were ignored as part of a future political agreement, then LR could go as far as pulling out of the French government.

    Marine Le Pen, this week also expressed her views on New Caledonia’s situation, saying instead of focusing on the territory’s institutional future, the priority should be placed on its economy, which is still reeling from the devastation caused during the 2024 riots.

    The efforts included diversifying the economy.

    A Paris court convicted Le Pen and two dozen (RN) party members of embezzling European Union funds last month, and imposed a sentence that will prevent her from standing in France’s 2027 presidential election unless she can get the ruling overturned within 18 months.

    The high-profile visits to New Caledonia from mainland French leaders come within two years of France’s scheduled presidential elections.

    And it looks like New Caledonia could become a significant issue in the pre-poll debates and campaign.

    LFI (La France Insoumise), a major party in the French Parliament, and its caucus leader Mathilde Panot also visited New Caledonia from May 9-17, this time mainly focusing on supporting the pro-independence camp’s views.

    Macron invites all parties for fresh talks in Paris
    On Tuesday, May 27, the French President’s office issued a brief statement indicating that it had decided to convene “all stakeholders” for fresh talks in Paris in mid-June.

    The talks would aim at “clarifying” New Caledonia’s economic, political and institutional situation with a view to reaching “a shared agreement”.

    Depending on New Caledonia’s often opposing political camps, Macron’s announcement is perceived either as a dismissal of Valls’ approach or a mere continuation of the overseas minister’s efforts, but at a higher level.

    New Caledonia’s pro-France parties are adamant that Macron’s proposal is entirely new and that it signifies Valls’ approach has been disavowed at the highest level.

    Valls himself wrote to New Caledonia’s political stakeholders last weekend, insisting on the need to pursue talks through a so-called “follow-up committee”.

    It is not clear whether the “follow-up committee” format is what Macron has in mind.

    But at the weekend, Valls made statements on several French national media outlets, stressing that he was still the one in charge of New Caledonia’s case.

    “The one who is taking care of New Caledonia’s case, at the request of French Prime Minister François Bayrou, that’s me and no one else,” Valls told French national news channel LCI on May 25.

    “I’m not being disavowed by anyone.”

    Local parties still willing to talk
    Most parties have since reacted swiftly to Macron’s call, saying they were ready to take part in further discussions.

    Rassemblement-LR leader Virginie Ruffenach said this was “necessary to clarify the French state’s position”.

    She said the clarification was needed, since Valls, during his last visit, “offered an independence solution that goes way beyond what the pro-independence camp was even asking”.

    Local pro-France figure and New Caledonia’s elected MP at the French National Assembly, Nicolas Metzdorf, met Macron in Paris last Friday.

    He said at the time that an “initiative” from the French president was to be expected.

    Pro-independence bloc FLNKS said Valls’ proposal was now “the foundation stone”.

    Spokesman Dominique Fochi said the invitation was scheduled to be discussed at a special FLNKS convention this weekend.

    Valls’ ‘independence-association’ solution worries other French territories
    Because of the signals it sends, New Caledonia’s proposed political future plans are also causing concern in other French overseas territories, including their elected MPs in Paris.

    In the French Senate on Wednesday, French Polynesia’s MP Lana Tetuanui, who is pro-France, asked during question time for French Foreign Affairs Minister Jean-Noël Barrot to explain what France was doing in the Pacific region in the face of growing influence from major powers such as China.

    She told the minister she still had doubts, “unless of course France is considering sinking its own aircraft carrier ships named New Caledonia, French Polynesia and Wallis and Futuna”.

    French president Emmanuel Macron has been on a southeast Asian tour this week to Vietnam, Indonesia and Singapore, where he will be the keynote speaker of the annual Shangri-La Dialogue.

    He delivers his speech today to mark the opening of the 22nd edition of the Dialogue, Asia’s premier defence summit.

    The event brings together defence ministers, military leaders and senior defence officials, as well as business leaders and security experts, from across the Asia-Pacific, Europe, North America and beyond to discuss critical security and geopolitical challenges.

    More specifically on the Pacific region, Macron also said one of France’s future challenges included speeding up efforts to “build a new strategy in New Caledonia and French Polynesia”.

    As part of Macron’s Indo-Pacific doctrine, developed since 2017, France earlier this year deployed significant forces in the region, including its naval and air strike group and its only aircraft carrier, the Charles de Gaulle.

    The multinational exercise, called Clémenceau 25, involved joint exercises with allied forces from Australia, Japan and the United States.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Months after the collision between a U.S. Army helicopter and a passenger jet that killed 67 people in Washington, D.C., Congress and federal aviation safety regulators are still investigating what happened.

    In the immediate aftermath, as the Trump administration scrambled to blame the tragedy on diversity, equity, and inclusion policies, authorities took swift action against two men they accused of leaking dramatic footage of the crash to CNN, which aired videos that appeared to come from Ronald Reagan Washington National Airport’s security cameras.

    The charges, filed by local authorities in Virginia, came as President Donald Trump and his allies vowed to crack down on journalists and their sources.

    But on Wednesday, local prosecutors in Virginia dropped charges entirely against one of the men, Jonathan Savoy, who worked at the Metropolitan Washington Airports Authority. The second MWAA employee, Mohamed Mbengue, indicated he would not contest the charges, according to court records, reportedly as part of a pretrial diversion agreement with prosecutors.

    In early February, the MWAA announced that Mbengue and Savoy had been charged with “computer trespass,” a misdemeanor under a Virginia law, for making an “unauthorized copy” of airport records. An MWAA press statement issued on February 4 specified that Savoy was charged “following further police investigation” of the leak.

    Weeks after both men were arraigned in Arlington County court, prosecutors dropped the charge against Savoy through a filing called a “nolle prosequi,” according to the court docket.

    “Mr. Savoy is grateful for the complete dismissal of the criminal charge filed against him,” his attorney, Robert L. Jenkins Jr., wrote in an emailed statement to The Intercept. “It was clear from the facts that he never violated the law.”

    Related

    Army Helicopter Accidents Are Occurring at Near Record Rates

    The Arlington County Office of the Commonwealth’s Attorney did not respond to The Intercept’s request for comment about why charges were dropped against Savoy.

    Also on Wednesday, Mbengue entered a plea of no contest, which local media reported was part of a pretrial diversion agreement that will expunge the charge after a year of good behavior.

    Mbengue’s attorney did not respond to The Intercept’s request for comment.

    Since February, The Intercept has been trying to get arrest reports for both Savoy and Mbengue. The MWAA denied a public records request on the grounds that the records might interfere with the ongoing court proceedings against them.

    On Thursday, the MWAA notified The Intercept that, since charges were dropped against Savoy, its “basis for withholding the records in full is no longer applicable,” and withheld records about Savoy would be processed.

    “It appears that the case against Mr. Mbengue may also be concluded early next week, which would similarly affect the basis for withholding them in full,” an attorney for the MWAA wrote by email.

    The post Prosecutors Quietly Drop Charge Over Leaked Video of D.C. Plane Crash appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • ANALYSIS: By Ian Powell

    When I despairingly contemplate the horrors and cruelty that Palestinians in Gaza are being subjected to, I sometimes try to put this in the context of where I live.

    I live on the Kāpiti Coast in the lower North Island of Aotearoa New Zealand.

    Geographically it is around the same size as Gaza. Both have coastlines running their full lengths. But, whereas the population of Gaza is a cramped two million, Kāpiti’s is a mere 56,000.

    The Gaza Strip
    The Gaza Strip . . . 2 million people living in a cramped outdoor prison about the same size as Kāpiti. Map: politicalbytes.blog

    I find it incomprehensible to visualise what it would be like if what is presently happening in Gaza occurred here.

    The only similarities between them are coastlines and land mass. One is an outdoor prison while the other’s outdoors is peaceful.

    New Zealand and Palestine state recognition
    Currently Palestine has observer status at the United Nations General Assembly. In May last year, the Assembly voted overwhelmingly in favour of Palestine being granted full membership of the United Nations.

    To its credit, New Zealand was among 143 countries that supported the resolution. Nine, including the United States as the strongest backer of Israeli genocide  outside Israel, voted against.

    However, despite this massive majority, such is the undemocratic structure of the UN that it only requires US opposition in the Security Council to veto the democratic vote.

    Notwithstanding New Zealand’s support for Palestine broadening its role in the General Assembly and its support for the two-state solution, the government does not officially recognise Palestine.

    While its position on recognition is consistent with that of the genocide-supporting United States, it is inconsistent with the over 75 percent of UN member states who, in March 2025, recognised Palestine as a sovereign state (by 147 of the 193 member states).

    NZ Prime Minister Christopher Luxon
    NZ Prime Minister Christopher Luxon . . . his government should “correct this obscenity” of not recognising Palestinians’ right to have a sovereign nation. Image: RNZ/politicalbytes.blog/

    Prime Minister Christopher Luxon’s government does have the opportunity to correct this obscenity as Palestine recognition will soon be voted on again by the General Assembly.

    In this context it is helpful to put the Hamas-led attack on Israel in its full historical perspective and to consider the reasons justifying the Israeli genocide that followed.

    7 October 2023 and genocide justification
    The origin of the horrific genocide of Palestinians in Gaza and the associated increased persecution, including killings, of Palestinians in the Israeli occupied West Bank (of the River Jordan) was not the attack by Hamas and several other militant Palestinian groups on 7 October 2023.

    This attack was on a small Israeli town less than 2 km north of the border. An estimated 1,195 Israelis and visitors were killed.

    The genocidal response of the Israeli government that followed this attack can only be justified by three factors:

    1. The Judaism or ancient Jewishness of Palestine in Biblical times overrides the much larger Palestinian population in Mandate Palestine prior to formation of Israel in 1948;
    2. The right of Israelis to self-determination overrides the right of Palestinians to self-determination; and
    3. The value of Israeli lives overrides the value Palestinian lives.

    The first factor is the key. The second and third factors are consequential. In order to better appreciate their context, it is first necessary to understand the Nakba.

    Understanding the Nakba
    Rather than the October 2023 attack, the origin of the subsequent genocide goes back more than 70 years to the collective trauma of Palestinians caused by what they call the Nakba (the Disaster).

    The foundation year of the Nakba was in 1948, but this was a central feature of the ethnic cleansing that was kicked off between 1947 and 1949.

    During this period  Zionist military forces attacked major Palestinian cities and destroyed some 530 villages. About 15,000 Palestinians were killed in a series of mass atrocities, including dozens of massacres.

    Nakba Day in Auckland this week
    The Nakba – the Palestinian collective trauma in 1948 that started ethnic cleansing by Zionist paramilitary forces. Image: David Robie/APR

    During the Nakba in 1948, approximately half of Palestine’s predominantly Arab population, or around 750,000 people, were expelled from their homes or forced to flee. Initially this was  through Zionist paramilitaries.

    After the establishment of the State of Israel in May this repression was picked up by its military. Massacres, biological warfare (by poisoning village wells) and either complete destruction or depopulation of Palestinian-majority towns, villages, and urban neighbourhoods (which were then given Hebrew names) followed

    By the end of the Nakba, 78 percent of the total land area of the former Mandatory Palestine was controlled by Israel.

    Genocide to speed up ethnic cleansing
    Ethnic cleansing was unsuccessfully pursued, with the support of the United Kingdom and France, in the Suez Canal crisis of 1956. More successful was the Six Day War of 1967,  which included the military and political occupation of the West Bank and Gaza.

    Throughout this period ethnic cleansing was not characterised by genocide. That is, it was not the deliberate and systematic killing or persecution of a large number of people from a particular national or ethnic group with the aim of destroying them.

    Israeli ethnic cleansing of Palestinians
    Israeli ethnic cleansing of Palestinians began in May 1948 and has accelerated to genocide in 2023. Image: politicalbytes.blog

    In fact, the acceptance of a two-state solution (Israel and Palestine) under the ill-fated Oslo Accords in 1993 and 1995 put a temporary constraint on the expansion of ethnic cleansing.

    Since its creation in 1948, Israel, along with South Africa the same year (until 1994), has been an apartheid state.   I discussed this in an earlier Political Bytes post (15 March 2025), When apartheid met Zionism.

    However, while sharing the racism, discrimination, brutal violence, repression and massacres inherent in apartheid, it was not characterised by genocide in South Africa; nor was it in Israel for most of its existence until the current escalation of ethnic cleansing in Gaza.

    Following 7 October 2023, genocide has become the dominant tool in the ethnic cleansing tool kit. More recently this has included accelerating starvation and the bombing of tents of Gaza Palestinians.

    The magnitude of this genocide is discussed further below.

    The Biblical claim
    Zionism is a movement that sought to establish a Jewish nation in Palestine. It was established as a political organisation as late as 1897. It was only some time after this that Zionism became the most influential ideology among Jews generally.

    Despite its prevalence, however, there are many Jews who oppose Zionism and play leading roles in the international protests against the genocide in Gaza.

    Zionist ideology is based on a view of Palestine in the time of Jesus Christ
    Zionist ideology is based on a view of Palestine in the time of Jesus Christ. Image: politicalbytes.blog

    Based on Zionist ideology, the justification for replacing Mandate Palestine with the state of Israel rests on a Biblical argument for the right of Jews to retake their “homeland”. This justification goes back to the time of that charismatic carpenter and prophet Jesus Christ.

    The population of Palestine in Jesus’ day was about 500,000 to 600,000 (a little bigger than both greater Wellington and similar to that of Jerusalem today). About 18,000 of these residents were clergy, priests and Levites (a distinct male group within Jewish communities).

    Jerusalem itself in biblical times, with a population of 55,000, was a diverse city and pilgrimage centre. It was also home to numerous Diaspora Jewish communities.

    In fact, during the 7th century BC at least eight nations were settled within Palestine. In addition to Judaeans, they included Arameans, Samaritans, Phoenicians and Philistines.

    A breakdown based on religious faiths (Jews, Christians and Muslims) provides a useful insight into how Palestine has evolved since the time of Jesus. Jews were the majority until the 4th century AD.

    By the fifth century they had been supplanted by Christians and then from the 12th century to 1947 Muslims were the largest group. As earlier as the 12th century Arabic had become the dominant language. It should be noted that many Christians were Arabs.

    Adding to this evolving diversity of ethnicity is the fact that during this time Palestine had been ruled by four empires — Roman, Persian, Ottoman and British.

    Prior to 1948 the population of the region known as Mandate Palestine approximately corresponded to the combined Israel and Palestine today. Throughout its history it has varied in both size and ethnic composition.

    The Ottoman census of 1878 provides an indicative demographic profile of its three districts that approximated what became Mandatory Palestine after the end of World War 1.

    Group Population Percentage
    Muslim citizens 403,795 86–87%
    Christian citizens 43,659 9%
    Jewish citizens 15,011 3%
    Jewish (foreign-born) Est. 5–10,000 1–2%
    Total Up to 472,465 100.0%

    In 1882, the Ottoman Empire revealed that the estimated 24,000 Jews in Palestine represented just 0.3 percent of the world’s Jewish population.

    The self-determination claim
    Based on religion the estimated population of Palestine in 1922 was 78 percent Muslim, 11 percent Jewish, and 10 percent Christian.

    By 1945 this composition had changed to 58 percent Muslim, 33 percent Jewish and 8 percent Christian. The reason for this shift was the success of the Zionist campaigning for Jews to migrate to Palestine which was accelerated by the Jewish holocaust.

    By 15 May 1948, the total population of the state of Israel was 805,900, of which 649,600 (80.6 percent) were Jews with Palestinians being 156,000 (19.4 percent). This turnaround was primarily due to the devastating impact of the Nakba.

    Today Israel’s population is over 9.5 million of which over 77 percent are Jewish and more than 20 percent are Palestinian. The latter’s absolute growth is attributable to Israel’s subsequent geographic expansion, particularly in 1967, and a higher birth rate.

    Palestine today
    Palestine today (parts of West Bank under Israeli occupation). Map: politicalbytes.blog

    The current population of the Palestinian Territories, including Gaza, is more than 5.5 million. Compare this with the following brief sample of much smaller self-determination countries —  Slovenia (2.2 million), Timor-Leste (1.4 million), and Tonga (104,000).

    The population size of the Palestinian Territories is more than half that of Israel. Closer to home it is a little higher than New Zealand.

    The only reason why Palestinians continue to be denied the right to self-determination is the Zionist ideological claim linked to the biblical time of Jesus Christ and its consequential strategy of ethnic cleansing.

    If it was not for the opposition of the United States, then this right would not have been denied. It has been this opposition that has enabled Israel’s strategy.

    Comparative value of Palestinian lives
    The use of genocide as the latest means of achieving ethnic cleansing highlights how Palestinian lives are valued compared with Israeli lives.

    While not of the same magnitude appropriated comparisons have been made with the horrific ethnic cleansing of Jews through the means of the holocaust by Nazi Germany during the Second World War. Per capita the scale of the magnitude gap is reduced considerably.

    Since October 2023, according to the Gaza Health Ministry (and confirmed by the World Health Organisation) more than 54,000 Palestinians have been killed. Of those killed over 16,500 were children. Compare this with less than 2000 Israelis killed.

    Further, at least 310 UNRWA (United Nations Relief and Works Agency) team members have been killed along with over 200 journalists and media workers. Add to this around 1400 healthcare workers including doctors and nurses.

    What also can’t be forgotten is the increasing Israeli ethnic cleansing on the occupied West Bank. Around 950 Palestinians, including around 200 children, have also been killed during this same period.

    Time for New Zealand to recognise Palestine
    The above discussion is in the context of the three justifications for supporting the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians strategy that goes back to 1948 and which, since October 2023, is being accelerated by genocide.

    • First, it requires the conviction that the theology of Judaism in Palestine in the biblical times following the birth of Jesus Christ trumps both the significantly changing demography from the 5th century at least to the mid-20th century and the numerical predominance of Arabs in Mandate Palestine;
    • Second, and consequentially, it requires the conviction that while Israelis are entitled to self-determination, Palestinians are not; and
    • Finally, it requires that Israeli lives are much more valuable than Palestinian lives. In fact, the latter have no value at all.

    Unless the government, including Foreign Affairs Minister Winston Peters, shares these convictions (especially the “here and now” second and third) then it should do the right thing first by unequivocally saying so, and then by recognising the right of Palestine to be an independent state.

    Ian Powell is a progressive health, labour market and political “no-frills” forensic commentator in New Zealand. A former senior doctors union leader for more than 30 years, he blogs at Second Opinion and Political Bytes, where this article was first published. Republished with the author’s permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • After a two-week trial, a jury at Bradford Crown Court has acquitted members of the Bradford 4 Palestine Action activists of trumped-up burglary charges. However, due to the judge ruling out all legal defences, activists have still left the court with convictions for ‘criminal damage’.

    Palestine Action Bradford 4: Teledyne weapons factory shut down on Nakba Day 2024

    Activists had occupied the roof of the Teledyne weapons factory at Shipley near Bradford, on 15 May 2024 for several hours. They timed to action to commemorate Nakba Day. The group successfully scaled the roof of the weapons plant, and painted it with anti-Genocide slogans, breaking windows, and causing damage to the structure, including making a hole in the roof. The cost of damage to the factory, which they successfully shut down for the day, was put at £60,000.

    The court began the trial a year after the action.

    Activists have repeatedly targeted Teledyne because the company manufactures components that the Israeli military have used to genocidal effect against the Palestinian population of Gaza. Teledyne is known to have made shipments to Israel in November and December 2023. The company has received 28 weapons export licenses to Israel since 2021.

    Products that Teledyne has manufactured include filters for Israeli-user missiles AGM-Harpoon, AIM 120 AMRAAM, and AGM-114 Hellfire missiles. They also produce components for Israel’s killer drone fleet, and for F35 jets. A Teledyne manager testified that it was “probable” the Israeli military were using Teledyne components in Gaza. However, he caveated this, saying that exports to Israel represented only 5% of Teledyne’s total.

    Activists acquitted for burglary, but convicted for criminal damage

    The jury acquitted three of the Palestine Action Bradford 4 activists of burglary, but convicted them of criminal damage. They convicted a fourth activist named Ricky on both counts.

    Describing herself as a “Proud Bradfordian”, Serena Fenton was the first of the activists to give evidence. She told the Jury:

    It’s terrifying to think that export licenses are being granted to export these missiles right here in Bradford.

    Next to give evidence was Francesca Nadin, who refused to accept that they had broken the law by stopping production at Teledyne. She told the court:

    Innocent people are being murdered every day, and that is thanks, in part, to the components made by Teledyne.

    The final Defendant was Amareen, who stated in court that:

    When the state fails to uphold international law, when the regulatory bodies look away, what are ordinary people supposed to do?

    After the jury had heard all the evidence however, Judge Smith ruled out all defences in the case. These included defences like Necessity, Prevention of Intentional Cruelty, Preventing Crime Abroad, and Consent. Because of this, the defendants took a collective decision to discharge three of the four barristers.

    Instead, they decided to address the jury themselves. By the time the court reached a verdict on Thursday, Israel had already killed 51 Palestinians in Gaza on that day
    alone.

    A spokesperson for Palestine Action stated:

    The Bradford Four risked their liberties to attempt to prevent the flow of arms and the facilitation of genocide. Despite being stripped of these defences by the judge, they know that those aiding and abetting the massacres in Gaza should have been the ones in the dock. As the government continues to make record arms sales to Israel, direct action remains a necessary tool to resist this complicity.

    Featured image via the Canary

    By The Canary

  • RNZ Pacific

    A United Nations committee is being urged to act over human rights violations committed by illegal loggers in Papua New Guinea.

    Watchdog groups Act Now! and Jubilee Australia have filed a formal request to the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination to consider action at its next meeting in August.

    “We have stressed with the UN that there is pervasive, ongoing and irreparable harm to customary resource owners whose forests are being stolen by logging companies,” Act Now! campaign manager Eddie Tanago said.

    He said these abuses were systematic, institutionalised, and sanctioned by the PNG government through two specific tools: Special Agriculture and Business Leases (SABLs) and Forest Clearing Authorities (FCAs) — a type of logging licence.

    “For over a decade since the Commission of Inquiry into SABLs, successive PNG governments have rubber stamped the large-scale theft of customary resource owners’ forests by upholding the morally bankrupt SABL scheme and expanding the use of FCAs,” Tanago said.

    He said the government had failed to revoke SABLs that were acquired fraudulently, with disregard to the law or without landowner consent.

    “Meanwhile, logging companies have made hundreds of millions, if not billions, in ill-gotten gains by effectively stealing forests from customary resource owners using FCAs.”

    Abuses hard to challenge
    The complaint also highlights that the abuses are hard to challenge because PNG lacks even a basic registry of SABLs or FCAs, and customary resource owners are denied access to information to the information they need, such as:

    • The existence of an SABL or FCA over their forest;
    • A map of the boundaries of any lease or logging licence;
    • Information about proposed agricultural projects used to justify the SABL or FCA;
    • The monetary value of logs taken from forests; and
    • The beneficial ownership of logging companies — to identify who ultimately profits from illegal logging.

    “The only reason why foreign companies engage in illegal logging in PNG is to make money,” he said, adding that “it’s profitable because importing companies and countries are willing to accept illegally logged timber into their markets and supply chains.”

    ACT NOW campaigner Eddie Tanago
    ACT NOW campaigner Eddie Tanago . . . “demand a public audit of the logging permits – the money would dry up.” Image: Facebook/ACT NOW!/RNZ Pacific

    “If they refused to take any more timber from SABL and FCA areas and demanded a public audit of the logging permits — the money would dry up.”

    Act Now! and Jubilee Australia are hoping that this UN attention will urge the international community to see this is not an issue of “less-than-perfect forest law enforcement”.

    “This is a system, honed over decades, that is perpetrating irreparable harm on indigenous peoples across PNG through the wholesale violation of their rights and destroying their forests.”

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Asia Pacific Report

    New Zealand humanitarian aid for Gaza worth up to $29 million is being blocked by Israel on the border of the besieged enclave, says the Palestine Solidarity Network Aotearoa.

    PSNA co-chair John Minto said in a statement today that this aid was loaded on some of the 9000 aid trucks sitting ready on the border with Gaza to try to lift the Israeli created famine.

    Israel cut off all food, medicine, fuel, and nearly all water supplies entering Gaza three months ago and the Gaza Health Ministry reports that the Palestinian death toll has now topped 54,000 since the war on the enclave began.

    New Zealand’s Foreign Minister Winston Peters said last week that the humanitarian situation in Gaza was “simply intolerable”.

    Minto said that since then — while Israel had refused to allow more than a trickle of aid into Gaza, and escalated its already horrific military onslaught — the only public statement by Peters had been to offer condolences for the shooting of two Israeli diplomats in Washington.

    “Our government’s selective indifference to mass murder is making all of us complicit,” Minto said.

    Famine has begun and the UN has cited 14,000 babies are at imminent risk of starving to death.

    UN officials estimate 600 truckloads of aid a day are needed to feed the people in Gaza.

    Gaza’s own local food production has been destroyed by Israel.

    Some 70 percent of Gaza is already occupied by Israel or under Israeli evacuation orders.

    NZ ‘must take lead again’
    Minto said New Zealand had taken a lead in the past and must do so again.

    “Our government should be advocating internationally for the enforcement of a protective no-fly zone over Gaza, and a multinational military protection for aid convoys so they can go into Gaza whether Israel approves them or not,” he said.

    “At home we should be sending Israel an equally clear message. We must send the Israeli ambassador packing and immediately sanction Israel by ending all trade and other links.

    “As each day passes with no concrete action from New Zealand, our government is linking us with the most massive and ongoing war crime of the 21st century.

    “Our government will never live down it’s complicity but might salvage some credibility by acting now.”

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • By Stanley Simpson in Suva

    I am saddened by the death of one of the most inspirational Pacific women and leaders I have worked with — Motarilavoa Hilda Lini of Vanuatu.

    She was one of the strongest, most committed passionate fighter I know for self-determination, decolonisation, independence, indigenous rights, customary systems and a nuclear-free Pacific.

    Hilda coordinated the executive committee of the women’s wing of the Vanuatu Liberation Movement prior to independence and became the first woman Member of Parliament in Vanuatu in 1987.

    Hilda became director of the Pacific Concerns Resource Centre (PCRC) in Suva in 2000. She took over from another Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific (NFIP) giant Lopeti Senituli, who returned to Tonga to help the late ‘Akilisi Poviha with the pro-democracy movement.

    I was editor of the PCRC newsletter Pacific News Bulletin at the time. There was no social media then so the newsletter spread information to activists and groups across the Pacific on issues such as the struggle in West Papua, East Timor’s fight for independence, decolonisation in Tahiti and New Caledonia, demilitarisation, indigenous movements, anti-nuclear issues, and sustainable development.

    On all these issues — Hilda Lini was a willing and fearless chief taking on any government, corporation or entity that undermined the rights or interests of Pacific peoples.

    Hilda was uncompromising on issues close to her heart. There are very few Pacific leaders like her left today. Leaders who did not hold back from challenging the norm or disrupting the status quo, even if that meant being an outsider.

    Banned over activism
    She was banned from entering French Pacific territories in the 1990s for her activism against their colonial rule and nuclear testing.

    She was fierce but also strategic and effective.

    "Hilda Lini was a willing and fearless chief taking on any government, corporation or entity
    “Hilda Lini was a willing and fearless chief taking on any government, corporation or entity that undermined the rights or interests of Pacific peoples.” Image: Stanley Simpson/PCRC

    We brought Jose Ramos Horta to speak and lobby in Fiji as East Timor fought for independence from Indonesia, Oscar Temaru before he became President of French Polynesia, West Papua’s Otto Ondawame, and organised Flotilla protests against shipments of Japanese plutonium across the Pacific, among the many other actions to stir awareness and action.

    On top of her bold activism, Hilda was also a mother to us. She was kind and caring and always pushed the importance of family and indigenous values.

    Our Pacific connections were strong and before our eldest son Mitchell was born in 2002 — she asked me if she could give him a middle name.

    She gave him the name Hadye after her brother — Father Walter Hadye Lini who was the first Prime Minister of Vanuatu. Mitchell’s full name is Mitchell Julian Hadye Simpson.

    Pushed strongly for ideas
    We would cross paths several times even after I moved to start the Pacific Network on Globalisation (PANG) but she finished from PCRC in 2004 and returned to Vanuatu.

    She often pushed ideas on indigenous rights and systems that some found uncomfortable but stood strong on what she believed in.

    Hilda had mana, spoke with authority and truly embodied the spirit and heart of a Melanesian and Pacific leader and chief.

    Thank you Hilda for being the Pacific champion that you were.

    Stanley Simpson is director of Fiji’s Mai Television and general secretary of the Fijian Media Association. Father Walter Hadye Lini wrote the foreword to Asia Pacific Media editor David Robie’s 1986 book Eyes Of Fire: The Last Voyage of the Rainbow Warrior.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.