Category: Justice

  • Michelle Taylor sat at the defense table during her sentencing hearing in St. Augustine, Florida, listening to a trio of forensic chemists lay out the scientific evidence to prove what she’d sworn for years: She had not set the fire that burned down her house and killed her own son.

    It was the last Friday in May, and the St. Johns County courthouse was mostly empty.

    The expert witnesses each testified via Zoom, their faces appearing on a pair of large monitors inside the wood-paneled courtroom. None of the experts knew Taylor personally. But they knew chemistry. And each made clear that the case against Taylor had been based on junk science: faulty analysis by a state lab worker who detected gasoline in fire debris samples where there was none.

    The testimony was vindicating for Taylor. But it also came too late to prevent what she insisted was a wrongful conviction. More than six years after the fire, she had reluctantly accepted a plea deal at the urging of her defense attorney. It allowed her to maintain her innocence — and avoid a mandatory life sentence had she gone to trial and lost. But it had not cleared her name. Now Taylor hoped the hearing might.

    Taylor’s home caught fire on the night of October 23, 2018. She and her 18-year-old daughter Bailey escaped through a window. But her 11-year-old son David went back for the family dog and died. Investigators became immediately suspicious of Taylor after a dog trained to detect accelerants alerted in several spots throughout the home. At the state fire marshal lab outside Tallahassee, fire debris analyst Dee Ann Turner examined samples collected from the scene and repeatedly found gasoline, a telltale sign of arson.

    But Turner was disastrously wrong, the witnesses said. According to the experts, she had misidentified gasoline in 12 different samples taken from Taylor’s home. The samples were “very clearly not gasoline,” testified John Lentini, a renowned fire scientist who first reviewed the data and submitted his findings in a defense report in January 2024. Turner’s erroneous analysis had gone undetected for so long because investigators had little reason to suspect such sweeping mistakes — “nor did they have the expertise to question it,” he testified.

    The faulty forensics became the basis for the entire case against Taylor, Lentini said. “Every time another possibility was considered, the [lead investigator] said, ‘Yeah but we’ve got gasoline here.’”

    Related

    The Arson Evidence Doesn’t Hold Up. Florida Is About to Convict Her for Murder Anyway.

    Prosecutors had long known that their forensic evidence was fatally flawed. Lentini’s report had been reviewed by a pair of chemists with the federal Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives, who agreed that the data did not show gasoline. Yet Seventh Judicial Circuit State Attorney R.J. Larizza had refused to drop the charges against Taylor, instead seizing on financial improprieties in her bank records as proof that she committed arson for profit. Taylor and her husband were behind in their mortgage at the time of the fire. Despite having money to pay for it, there was evidence that Taylor had defrauded area churches to cover the payments instead.

    Such circumstantial evidence did not prove anything on its own. But Taylor’s attorney, John Rockwell, worried it may be enough for a jury to convict his client anyway. He worked out a plea deal with prosecutors, who agreed to drop the arson charge if Taylor pleaded no contest to manslaughter. Rockwell, a former prosecutor, began to prepare for the sentencing hearing the way he would for a criminal trial. If he could prove that the scientific evidence did not hold up, he could convince the judge to impose the lowest possible sentence.

    The stakes remained high. Under the plea deal, Seventh Judicial Circuit Judge Lee Smith could still sentence her to as many as 13 years in prison. And while the scientific evidence was certainly on Taylor’s side, there was no guarantee Smith would be moved by it. At the start of the hearing, Lee asked Taylor: “And you still want to proceed today with the sentencing knowing the possible range of possible sentences that you’re facing?”

    “Yes, sir,” Taylor said.

    No Gray Area

    I first wrote about Taylor in March, delving into the fire investigation in her case as well as the Florida lab, which had a record of faulty fire debris analysis. At that time, Taylor was scheduled to go to trial over the summer — and prosecutors had asked the judge to limit what Lentini would be allowed to say to the jury about the lab, arguing that its history was irrelevant.

    Lentini had been raising alarm over the lab for years. The lab’s flawed gasoline findings had led numerous people to be wrongly accused of arson — including in a death penalty case. In 2016, he filed an ethics complaint against the lab, which led to an audit by a team of independent experts. The results were abysmal: Of 26 cases they selected for reanalysis, lab analysts had wrongly reported gasoline in 14 of them. The lab temporarily lost its professional accreditation but regained it after agreeing to a remedial plan, which included a self-review of work dating back to 2009. But the review was never completed, leaving some 8,000 cases unexamined.

    “There is no gasoline in these samples.”

    At the heart of the problem, Lentini argued, was that state lab analysts were not following the professional standards for fire debris analysis that had been in place for decades. Rules for identifying ignitable liquids in fire debris were developed in the 1990s by the American Society for Testing and Materials. A standard known as ASTM E1618 laid out specific parameters for identifying gasoline. The auditors had previously found that lab analysts were not following the standard, instead using an “unvalidated protocol that is not generally accepted in the scientific community.” Although the lab claimed to abide by ASTM E1618, Turner’s work showed that, in Taylor’s case, this was not true.

    In a statement to The Intercept, a spokesperson for the Florida Division of Criminal Investigations’ Bureau of Forensic Services said: “BFS adheres to industry standards, including ASTM E1618, to detect trace levels of ignitable liquids and ensure reliable, science-based conclusions. Moreover, the lab maintains a culture of continuous improvement, regularly evaluating its procedures, investing in advanced training, and participating in proficiency testing to uphold the highest integrity of its work.”

    The evidence taken from Taylor’s home in the fall of 2018 had gone through a common procedure for testing fire debris. Samples were collected in metal cans, which were brought to the lab and heated in an oven. The resulting vapors were captured on charcoal strips suspended from the top of each can, which were then rinsed with a solvent, producing a solution to be injected into a machine called a gas chromatograph/mass spectrometer. The GCMS, as it is commonly known, produced a chromatogram: an electronic signature made of up peaks and valleys.

    This process is straightforward until it comes to interpreting the data. The peaks on a chromatogram that indicate gasoline can easily be mistaken for peaks indicating other petroleum-based products. For this reason, ASTM E1618 dictates that lab analysts start their examination by ensuring there are five specific peaks on a chromatogram, which must appear at certain ratios in order to be labeled positive for gasoline.

    According to Reta Newman, a veteran chemist and one of the independent auditors who uncovered problems at the state lab in 2016, the samples in Taylor’s case had not passed this first step. Testifying at the sentencing hearing that afternoon, she agreed with Lentini’s blunt assessment. “There is no gasoline in these samples,” she testified.

    “There is no gasoline in these samples.”

    Newman, the director of the Pinellas County Forensic Lab, gave a quick chemistry lesson. “Gasoline is a blended product,” she explained, full of components that are added to improve performance in internal combustion engines. These include a class of hydrocarbons known as aromatic compounds, which are ubiquitous in petroleum-based products, including materials used to furnish modern homes. Newman motioned toward the green courtroom carpet as an example. When such synthetic materials burn in a fire, they “unfortunately break down into aromatic products — the same compounds that we see in gasoline.”

    On a chromatogram from a gasoline sample, aromatic compounds form a specific pattern that can be hard to differentiate from those produced by aromatics in burned synthetic materials. “Fortunately for us,” Newman said, there is another kind of hydrocarbon that analysts use to identify gasoline in a fire debris sample. “I apologize for being so nerdy. But isoalkanes are also added to gasoline,” she said. And unlike aromatics, isoalkanes generally do not turn up in burned synthetic material.

    Turner had correctly identified aromatic compounds in the fire debris taken from Taylor’s home, Newman said, although the peak patterns “were much more consistent” with the burning of synthetic material rather than gasoline. But the data showed an absence of isoalkanes. Under ASTM E1618, this should have been disqualifying. Yet Turner had reported the samples positive.

    Rockwell, Taylor’s attorney, asked whether this was a plain fact or a subjective opinion. “If two different scientists look at this, is it very easy to tell that this is either gasoline or not gasoline?” he asked. Newman acknowledged that many cases present samples where there are gray areas. But not here. “There is no gray area.”

    A metal can used to collect fire debris samples from the Taylor home in 2018. The samples were tested at the Bureau of Forensic Services lab in Havana, Fla. Photo: Florida Bureau of Fire, Arson, and Explosives Investigations

    The third and last expert witness for the defense was Laurel Mason, a veteran chemist and director of a Georgia lab called Analytical Forensic Associates. Unlike Lentini or Newman, who had only reviewed Turner’s reports and chromatographic data, Mason had actually reexamined the carbon strips used to test the fire debris from Taylor’s home. She found no proof of gasoline or any other ignitable liquid.

    There was a haunting irony to Mason’s testimony. She had actually first encountered Taylor’s case in 2018, when one of her lab analysts had examined fire debris samples taken from the home on behalf of Taylor’s homeowner’s insurance company. That analyst found no evidence of an ignitable liquid. The insurance investigator concluded that the cause of the fire was undetermined — and Taylor’s insurance company paid the claim in full. Had Mason been the analyst first assigned to examine the evidence on behalf of the state rather than the insurance company, Taylor would almost certainly have never been arrested for arson.

    Mason had found a number of things alarming about Turner’s work. There was the analysis itself, which was clearly flawed. But she was also concerned about the lab’s handling of evidence. Rockwell had asked for permission to retest the carbon strips after discovering that the fire debris samples themselves had been destroyed by the lab. But the lab resisted providing the strips, offering instead to cut them in two and allow the defense to test one half of each. Posting on a listserv for fire debris analysts in late January, Turner had solicited recommendations for any scientific literature that might support this plan. She was not successful, perhaps because, according to Mason, altering the carbon strips went against best practices for preserving evidence.

    Rockwell asked Mason about a strange turn of events that followed her examination of the carbon strips. Shortly after Mason submitted her defense report in February 2025, Turner herself issued an amended report on behalf of the state lab, suddenly altering four of her original findings without explanation. Of the samples she had originally determined to be positive for gasoline, four were now negative. “The curious thing to me was the documentation,” Mason testified. On the data sheet accompanying the report, where Turner had crossed out four of the original findings, she had written her initials, along with the date: February 26, 2025. Yet the report itself was dated January 2025.

    To Rockwell, it seemed clear that the amended report had been deliberately backdated to make it appear as if it had preceded Mason’s report — a stealth correction designed to circumvent any accountability for the lab’s mistakes.

    The lab did not respond to specific questions about the backdated report, but said in a statement its “technicians are extensively trained and conduct rigorous reviews of their findings, often re-examining evidence in preparation for depositions or expert testimony.”

    Whatever the truth of the timing, it was clearly unusual for an expert to go back and change their conclusions six and a half years later. “I have never seen that before,” Mason said.

    “I Hope This Can Be Corrected”

    In a teal blouse and freshly colored hair, 41-year-old Taylor listened to the expert testimony without expression. She’d lost weight since her last court date, the effect of stress, according to her most vocal advocate Megan Wallace, who Taylor had met at the county jail, and who wept in the back of the courtroom for much of the hearing.

    Taylor’s arrest had made her a villain in the press. Yet almost no local media had shown up at the hearing. Though a TV reporter sat in the jury box alongside a cameraman, her subsequent report would make no mention of the flawed forensics at the center of the case.

    Taylor’s husband Dennis and their daughter Bailey sat in the front of the gallery. The fire and its aftermath had torn their family apart. Dennis’s mother Lillian had blamed Taylor for David’s death, telling a police detective in an interview that she believed her daughter-in-law had set the fire for insurance money. But she had since disavowed her statements. In an email to the judge, she wrote, “I strongly disagree and contradict anything I said,” adding that she was “heavily medicated” at the time. “I hope this can be corrected and we can have a satisfactory outcome and closure to all parties involved.”

    Related

    Facing Life in Prison Based on Shoddy Evidence, a Florida Mother Makes a Deal 

    Other family members had written character letters on Taylor’s behalf, along with friends, neighbors, and co-workers who described Taylor as generous, hardworking, and completely committed to her children. David’s football coach described Taylor as “the most supportive and involved parent,” sharing an anecdote about David I had previously heard in my interviews. “I vividly remember moments in the middle of games when he’d run over to give her a kiss, not caring if his teammates saw,” he wrote. “Their bond was pure and inspiring.”

    Several of the letters begged the judge to let Taylor go free. Although her supporters understood the plea deal in theory, they could not comprehend why she should serve any more time behind bars for a crime she did not commit.

    Representing the state was Assistant State Attorney Sarah Thomas, who flatly rejected the notion that Taylor was innocent, telling the judge at the start of the hearing that prosecutors had agreed to the plea deal because they did not believe she had meant to kill her son. Thomas called a series of witnesses whose brief testimony seemed mainly aimed at casting Taylor in a suspicious light, from a uniformed sheriff’s deputy who said that Taylor had told Bailey not to speak to investigators at the hospital on the night of the fire, to a fraud expert who described the scam Taylor appeared to have been running against local churches — including, it turned out, his own.

    With no witness to discredit the scientific testimony of the defense experts, Thomas instead sought to reframe the problem. It wasn’t that the lab had reported gasoline where there was none, she suggested. Rather, the necessary components in the contested samples were simply too low to fulfill the “threshold” necessary to report it as gasoline. This was highly misleading; as the experts had testified, the fire debris samples were actually missing the necessary components to be accurately classified as gasoline. And the whole purpose of a standard is to ensure accurate interpretation of forensic evidence. If the indicators were too low to report gasoline, a sample had to be classified as negative.

    Nevertheless, Thomas cast this as a mere technicality. She called the former K-9 handler whose accelerant detection dog had alerted at the site of the fire — and who explained that just because a dog’s alerts are not always confirmed by a lab analyst, it does not mean that there is nothing there. “The lab has a level that they have to meet,” he said. “The experts will tell you that what the dog is picking up is below what they can call by their standards. It is gasoline. Everyone at the lab people kept telling us, ‘It is gasoline but it does not meet our level to be able to call it that for court.’”

    Thousands of Samples

    The last person to testify for the state was Dee Ann Turner herself. Her name had been visible on the TV monitors since the start of the hearing, suggesting that she’d heard the defense experts’ critiques of her work and would be well-positioned to respond. But this was not the case. “I’ve been sitting waiting to be let in,” she chuckled.

    Turner had worked at the lab for a decade. She was hired in 2015, the year before the lab temporarily lost its accreditation. As the state’s sole scientific expert, she was the only witness who could conceivably rehabilitate the state’s case against Taylor. Instead, her testimony was unpersuasive and off-putting. She was awkward and halting, fumbling basic questions and laughing at uncomfortable moments. When Thomas asked when she submitted her amended lab report — a critical chance to clear up any suspicions that it had been purposefully backdated as Rockwell claimed — Turner shuffled clumsily through her paperwork for more than two minutes. She finally answered that she submitted the report in January 2025, explaining that her notes were dated February 2025 because she’d forgotten to date and initial them.

    Thomas asked Turner why she had gone back to revise her 2018 findings to begin with. “After reading Mr. Lentini’s deposition I went back and looked at the data,” Turner replied. “I decided, you know, this data really isn’t sufficient for a positive call.”

    The answer seemed to catch the prosecutor off guard. Thomas had cast Lentini as hopelessly biased — a man with a “vendetta” against the state lab. Now her own expert was saying that Lentini’s opinion had prompted her to reexamine her own work. In her closing argument, Thomas would go on to insist that, in fact, Turner had changed her findings on the basis of the other experts, who were more worthy of respect — never mind what Turner herself said on the stand.

    On cross-examination, Rockwell probed further into the question of what had prompted Turner to revisit her analysis from 2018. Did anything change about her approach to fire debris analysis between 2018 and 2025? Turner said that the lab’s reporting requirements had become stricter after its accreditation was temporarily suspended. “We’re being more conservative in our calls,” she said. But Rockwell pointed out that the accreditation had been suspended and restored in 2016. Turner’s analysis in the case had taken place two years later. Turner was forced to concede that, in fact, nothing had changed.

    Rockwell asked Turner if she was aware of Laurel Mason’s retesting of the carbon strips. Did it surprise her that Mason found no proof of an ignitable liquid in the fire debris samples? Yes, “I’m actually quite surprised,” Turner said. Would it surprise her to know that Reta Newman, “one of the preeminent authorities in the fire debris chemistry field also has the same opinion as Mr. Lentini and Ms. Mason?” Yes, Turner said. “I’m surprised by that as well.”

    Rockwell pointed out that, in a total of 22 samples she’d examined in the case, Turner had reversed her determinations in four. This came out to 18 percent. Wasn’t this an unacceptable error rate for an expert like her? Turner hesitated. “It’s not wrong,” she said. “I still think that there’s gasoline in those samples that I changed. It’s just — the data’s just not sufficient for me to report it.”

    Rockwell asked the question again, over the objection of the state. When her lab analysis is used by investigators “to arrest somebody for first-degree murder and arson, when that can change the course of someone’s life forever, do you think that’s an appropriate standard of error?” he asked.

    “No,” Turner finally said.

    Still, she objected to the characterization of her work. “This is one case,” she said. Over the course of her career, “I’ve analyzed thousands of samples.”

    A view of the living room in the back of the Taylor home, believed to be the area where the fire started on Oct. 23, 2018. Photo: Florida Bureau of Fire, Arson, and Explosives Investigations

    The Most Important Evidence

    The last round of testimony came from Taylor’s family. Her mother tried to read a letter to the court but left the stand after becoming too emotional, leaving Rockwell’s co-counsel to read it instead. Bailey and her father, Dennis, both spoke briefly, holding their emotions at bay. But the trauma of the fire and its aftermath was written on their faces.

    When Taylor stood to address the court, her words quickly gave way to anguished sobs. She talked about her three children, one of whom had died in a tragic accident just a few years before David. In the months leading to the fire, she said, her grandmother had died of cancer, which had led to Taylor’s financial problems. “When she didn’t have the money, I used my money,” she said. “I would’ve gave her every last dime I had to save her life.” Above all, she wanted the judge to know that she did everything she could to save David from the fire. “I lived for my son.”

    Before delivering his closing argument, Rockwell flagged one last piece of evidence for the judge: a polygraph test given to Taylor in early May. Taylor had been asked three variations of a single question: Did she set a fire in her home in October 2018? Taylor had passed every time.

    Polygraphs have long been known to be unreliable and thus inadmissible in criminal trials. Although the rules of evidence governing the sentencing hearing were different, Thomas was suddenly concerned about junk science, objecting to the polygraph, and arguing that the judge had to find “some reliability of the evidence” before it could be introduced. But Smith said that the polygraph results had been included in the binder he’d received prior to the hearing. She had not objected then. Besides, he said, “I’ve already reviewed it.”

    In his closing, Rockwell called the case “the most difficult case I think I’ve ever worked on in my career.” He decried Turner’s laughter and “cavalier attitude” upon being confronted with her errors. Thomas countered that Turner’s laughter had been due to nerves, blaming Rockwell for pummeling her with the same question over and over again. She reiterated that Lentini was too biased to be believed. But when Smith asked Thomas whether she had any response to the other experts — or to the ATF chemists who had agreed with Lentini more than a year earlier — the prosecutor had little to say.

    Smith was quiet for a few moments, then cleared his throat. “The most important piece of evidence, I think, in any arson case is the science,” the judge said. He was not an expert himself, he added, and declined to say which side was correct. But he was going to impose the lowest sentence: three years in prison, with credit for time served.

    Taylor was taken into custody moments later. She embraced her lawyers, thanking Rockwell profusely, then hastily took off her watch to give to her family with the rest of her belongings before being handcuffed. Her mother asked a sheriff’s deputy permission to give her a hug but was denied.

    On June 11, Taylor was transferred to the Florida Women’s Reception Center in Ocala. In an email this week, she said she would discuss her case after she gets out of prison, which should be in a matter of weeks given the nearly three years she spent in jail. She is scheduled for release in August.

    The post Top Scientists Debunked the Arson Case Against Michelle Taylor. She’s in Prison Anyway. appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • By Bryan Manabat in Saipan

    Advocacy groups in the Commonwealth of the Northern Mariana Islands (CNMI) disrupted the US Department of Defense’s public meeting this week, which tackled proposed military training plans on Tinian, voicing strong opposition to further militarisation in the Marianas.

    Members of the Marianas for Palestine, Prutehi Guahan and Commonwealth670 burst into the public hearing at the Crowne Plaza hotel in Garapan, chanting, “No build-up! No war!” and “Free, free, Palestine!”

    As the chanting echoed throughout the venue on Wednesday, the DOD continued the proceedings to gather public input on its CNMI Joint Military Training proposal.

    The US plan includes live-fire ranges, a base camp, communications infrastructure, and a biosecurity facility. Officials said feedback from Tinian, Saipan and Rota communities would help shape the final environmental impact statement.

    Salam Castro Younis, of Chamorro-Palestinian descent, linked the military expansion to global conflicts in Gaza and Iran.

    “More militarisation isn’t the answer,” Younis said. “We don’t need to lose more land. Diplomacy and peace are the way forward – not more bombs.”

    Saipan-born Chamorro activist Anufat Pangelinan echoed Younis’s sentiment, citing research connecting climate change and environmental degradation to global militarisation.

    ‘No part of a war’
    “We don’t want to be part of a war we don’t support,” he said. “The Marianas shouldn’t be a tip of the spear – we should be a bridge for peace.”

    The groups argue that CJMT could make Tinian a target, increasing regional hostility.

    “We want to sustain ourselves without the looming threat of war,” Pangelinan added.

    In response to public concerns from the 2015 draft EIS, the DOD scaled back its plans, reducing live-fire ranges from 14 to 2 and eliminating artillery, rocket and mortar exercises.

    Mark Hashimoto, executive director of the US Marine Corps Forces Pacific, emphasised the importance of community input.

    “The proposal includes live-fire ranges, a base camp, communications infrastructure and a biosecurity facility,” he said.

    Hashimoto noted that military lease lands on Tinian could support quarterly exercises involving up to 1000 personnel.

    Economic impact concerns
    Tinian residents expressed concerns about economic impacts, job opportunities, noise, environmental effects and further strain on local infrastructure.

    The DOD is expected to issue a Record of Decision by spring 2026, balancing public feedback with national security and environmental considerations.

    In a joint statement earlier this week, the activist groups said the people of Guam and the CNMI were “burdened by processes not meant to serve their home’s interests”.

    The groups were referring to public input requirements for military plans involving the use of Guam and CNMI lands and waters for war training and testing.

    “As colonies of the United States, the Mariana Islands continue to be forced into conflicts not of our people’s making,” the statement read.

    “ After decades of displacement and political disenfranchisement, our communities are now in subservient positions that force an obligation to extend our lands, airspace, and waters for use in America’s never-ending cycle of war.”

    They also lamented the “intense environmental degradation” and “growing housing and food insecurity” resulting from military expansion.

    “Like other Pacific Islanders, we are also overrepresented disproportionately in the military and in combat,” they said.

    “Meanwhile, prices on imported food, fuel, and essential goods will continue to rise with inflation and war.”

    Republished from Pacific Island Times.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • COMMENTARY: By Ahmad Ibsais

    On June 22, American warplanes crossed into Iranian airspace and dropped 14 massive bombs.

    The attack was not in response to a provocation; it came on the heels of illegal Israeli aggression that took the lives of more than 600 Iranians.

    This was a return to something familiar and well-practised: an empire bombing innocents across the orientalist abstraction called “the Middle East”.

    That night, US President Donald Trump, flanked by his vice-president and two state secretaries, told the world: “Iran, the bully of the Middle East, must now make peace”.

    There is something chilling about how bombs are baptised with the language of diplomacy and how destruction is dressed in the garments of stability. To call that peace is not merely a misnomer; it is a criminal distortion.

    But what is peace in this world, if not submission to the West? And what is diplomacy, if not the insistence that the attacked plead with their attackers?

    In the 12 days that Israel’s illegal assault on Iran lasted, images of Iranian children pulled from the wreckage remained absent from the front pages of Western media. In their place were lengthy features about Israelis hiding in fortified bunkers.

    Victimhood serving narrative
    Western media, fluent in the language of erasure, broadcasts only the victimhood that serves the war narrative.

    And that is not just in its coverage of Iran. For 20 months now, the people of Gaza have been starved and incinerated. By the official count, more than 55,000 lives have been taken; realistic estimates put the number at hundreds of thousands.

    Every hospital in Gaza has been bombed. Most schools have been attacked and destroyed.

    Leading human rights groups like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have already declared that Israel is committing genocide, and yet, most Western media would not utter that word and would add elaborate caveats when someone does dare say it live on TV.

    Presenters and editors would do anything but recognise Israel’s unending violence in an active voice.

    Despite detailed evidence of war crimes, the Israeli military has faced no media censure, no criticism or scrutiny. Its generals hold war meetings near civilian buildings, and yet, there are no media cries of Israelis being used as “human shields”.

    Israeli army and government officials are regularly caught lying or making genocidal statements, and yet, their words are still reported as “the truth”.

    Bias over Palestinian deaths
    A recent study found that on the BBC, Israeli deaths received 33 times more coverage per fatality than Palestinian deaths, despite Palestinians dying at a rate of 34 to 1 compared with Israelis. Such bias is no exception, it is the rule for Western media.

    Like Palestine, Iran is described in carefully chosen language. Iran is never framed as a nation, only as a regime. Iran is not a government, but a threat — not a people, but a problem.

    The word “Islamic” is affixed to it like a slur in every report. This is instrumental in quietly signalling that Muslim resistance to Western domination must be extinguished.

    Iran does not possess nuclear weapons; Israel and the United States do. And yet only Iran is cast as an existential threat to world order.

    Because the problem is not what Iran holds, but what it refuses to surrender. It has survived coups, sanctions, assassinations, and sabotage. It has outlived every attempt to starve, coerce, or isolate it into submission.

    It is a state that, despite the violence hurled at it, has not yet been broken.

    And so the myth of the threat of weapons of mass destruction becomes indispensable. It is the same myth that was used to justify the illegal invasion of Iraq. For three decades, American headlines have whispered that Iran is just “weeks away” from the bomb, three decades of deadlines that never arrive, of predictions that never materialise.

    Fear over false ‘nuclear threat’
    But fear, even when unfounded, is useful. If you can keep people afraid, you can keep them quiet. Say “nuclear threat” often enough, and no one will think to ask about the children killed in the name of “keeping the world safe”.

    This is the modus operandi of Western media: a media architecture not built to illuminate truth, but to manufacture permission for violence, to dress state aggression in technical language and animated graphics, to anaesthetise the public with euphemisms.

    Time Magazine does not write about the crushed bones of innocents under the rubble in Tehran or Rafah, it writes about “The New Middle East” with a cover strikingly similar to the one it used to propagandise regime change in Iraq 22 years ago.

    But this is not 2003. After decades of war, and livestreamed genocide, most Americans no longer buy into the old slogans and distortions. When Israel attacked Iran, a poll showed that only 16 percent of US respondents supported the US joining the war.

    After Trump ordered the air strikes, another poll confirmed this resistance to manufactured consent: only 36 percent of respondents supported the move, and only 32 percent supported continuing the bombardment

    The failure to manufacture consent for war with Iran reveals a profound shift in the American consciousness. Americans remember the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq that left hundreds of thousands of Afghans and Iraqis dead and an entire region in flames. They remember the lies about weapons of mass destruction and democracy and the result: the thousands of American soldiers dead and the tens of thousands maimed.

    They remember the humiliating retreat from Afghanistan after 20 years of war and the never-ending bloody entanglement in Iraq.

    Low social justice spending
    At home, Americans are told there is no money for housing, healthcare, or education, but there is always money for bombs, for foreign occupations, for further militarisation. More than 700,000 Americans are homeless, more than 40 million live under the official poverty line and more than 27 million have no health insurance.

    And yet, the US government maintains by far the highest defence budget in the world.

    Americans know the precarity they face at home, but they are also increasingly aware of the impact US imperial adventurism has abroad. For 20 months now, they have watched a US-sponsored genocide broadcast live.

    They have seen countless times on their phones bloodied Palestinian children pulled from rubble while mainstream media insists, this is Israeli “self-defence”.

    The old alchemy of dehumanising victims to excuse their murder has lost its power. The digital age has shattered the monopoly on narrative that once made distant wars feel abstract and necessary. Americans are now increasingly refusing to be moved by the familiar war drumbeat.

    The growing fractures in public consent have not gone unnoticed in Washington. Trump, ever the opportunist, understands that the American public has no appetite for another war.

    ‘Don’t drop bombs’
    And so, on June 24, he took to social media to announce, “the ceasefire is in effect”, telling Israel to “DO NOT DROP THOSE BOMBS,” after the Israeli army continued to attack Iran.

    Trump, like so many in the US and Israeli political elites, wants to call himself a peacemaker while waging war. To leaders like him, peace has come to mean something altogether different: the unimpeded freedom to commit genocide and other atrocities while the world watches on.

    But they have failed to manufacture our consent. We know what peace is, and it does not come dressed in war. It is not dropped from the sky.

    Peace can only be achieved where there is freedom. And no matter how many times they strike, the people remain, from Palestine to Iran — unbroken, unbought, and unwilling to kneel to terror.

    Ahmad Ibsais is a first-generation Palestinian American and law student who writes the newsletter State of Siege.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Since President Donald Trump’s first day back in office, Republicans in Congress have been desperate to gut federal judges’ power to block his administration’s unlawful executive orders, policies, and threats. On Friday, the Supreme Court’s conservative supermajority gave them what they wanted, further weakening the judiciary as an effective check on a White House that was already ignoring court orders with impunity. 

    “No right is safe in the new legal regime the Court creates,” wrote liberal Justice Sonia Sotomayor, in a dissent she read from the bench, calling the ruling “an attack on our system of law.”

    The case stems from the Trump administration’s attempt to eliminate birthright citizenship via an executive order issued hours after Trump was sworn in. Three different district court judges quickly blocked the executive order as unconstitutional under both the text of the Constitution and more than a century of Supreme Court precedent.

    Friday’s decision did not address the merits of the executive order, but instead how the judges went about ensuring the core constitutional guarantee of birthright citizenship. In a ruling written by Justice Amy Coney Barrett, the Supreme Court’s six-member conservative wing drastically limited courts’ authority to issue injunctions even in the face of galling illegality affecting millions of people. 

    The three judges had issued a “universal” injunction against the birthright citizenship executive order, which meant the Trump administration could not enforce it anywhere in the country. A more limited injunction would have protected just the rights of the specific plaintiffs who sued — leaving the Trump regime free to target anyone who hadn’t gone to court themselves. 

    But from today forward, district courts can no longer issue nationwide injunctions, which conservatives gleefully sought and obtained during the Biden administration to block student loan forgiveness and other policies.

    “Curiously, this same Supreme Court never thought to say all the injunctions it upheld and stays it granted against Biden administration actions were outside its power,” observed Stanford Law professor Mark Lemley on social media. “But now apparently they are.”

    Instead, federal courts may only use injunctions to block presidents and their administrations from violating the rights of the specific parties that filed suit. In effect, judges will have no ability to offer immediate relief to however many people outside the courtroom are suffering from illegal actions of the executive branch. The ruling is certain to spur more class-action lawsuits against the federal government, which are still allowed but carry significant procedural hurdles and additional costs.

    “Today’s ruling allows the Executive to deny people rights that the Founders plainly wrote into our Constitution, so long as those individuals have not found a lawyer or asked a court in a particular manner to have their rights protected,” wrote Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson in a fiery dissent. Eliminating universal injunctions “requires judges to shrug and turn their backs to intermittent lawlessness,” Jackson wrote.

    “This decision is devastating for U.S. families who are not protected by the limited injunction the Supreme Court left in place,” said Monica, a pregnant mother, asylum-seeker, and named plaintiff challenging the birthright citizenship executive order, in an emailed statement. “Hundreds of thousands of other U.S.-born children are in danger of not receiving U.S. citizenship. I know that every pregnant mother cannot file a lawsuit to make sure their children have U.S. citizenship — that is why I filed this lawsuit to not only protect my child’s rights, but the constitutional rights of all U.S.-born children of immigrants.”

    Related

    The Clear and Present Danger to the American Rule of Law

    The conservative supermajority framed the ruling as grounded in history and ancient principles about the limits of judicial authority. Jackson called this “legalese” a “smokescreen” that “obscures a far more basic question of enormous legal and practical significance: May a federal court in the United States of America order the Executive to follow the law?”

    The court’s three liberal dissenters — Justices Elena Kagan, Jackson, and Sotomayor — framed the decision in catastrophic terms.

    “Perhaps the degradation of our rule-of-law regime would happen anyway,” wrote Jackson. “But this Court’s complicity in the creation of a culture of disdain for lower courts, their rulings, and the law (as they interpret it) will surely hasten the downfall of our governing institutions, enabling our collective demise.”

    Michael C. Dorf, a constitutional law professor at Cornell University, wrote that the conservative wing of the Supreme Court failed to recognize that the “current administration is a unique threat to the rule of law,” and that it was disastrous to remove such “a useful tool for the judiciary to constrain the president at this particular moment.” 

    “It empowers an administration of lawbreakers led by a convicted criminal and insurrectionist to further evade the law.”

    “It’s such a threat because it empowers an administration of lawbreakers led by a convicted criminal and insurrectionist to further evade the law,” Dorf wrote.

    The plaintiffs challenging the birthright citizenship order vowed to continue fighting the Trump administration. In one of the cases, the plaintiffs quickly filed a motion in Maryland district court to certify their lawsuit as a class action.

    “Even without a universal injunction, we will continue to litigate this case to ensure that every child born in the United States receives the citizenship that the Fourteenth Amendment promises them, regardless of their parents’ immigration status,” said William Powell, an attorney representing the plaintiffs, in an emailed statement. “The Executive Order is unconstitutional, and nothing in the Supreme Court’s decision today calls that ultimate conclusion into question.”

    The post “No Right Is Safe.” SCOTUS Bars Judges From Reining in Trump appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • Since President Donald Trump’s first day back in office, Republicans in Congress have been desperate to gut federal judges’ power to block his administration’s unlawful executive orders, policies, and threats. On Friday, the Supreme Court’s conservative supermajority gave them what they wanted, further weakening the judiciary as an effective check on a White House that was already ignoring court orders with impunity. 

    “No right is safe in the new legal regime the Court creates,” wrote liberal Justice Sonia Sotomayor, in a dissent she read from the bench, calling the ruling “an attack on our system of law.”

    The case stems from the Trump administration’s attempt to eliminate birthright citizenship via an executive order issued hours after Trump was sworn in. Three different district court judges quickly blocked the executive order as unconstitutional under both the text of the Constitution and more than a century of Supreme Court precedent.

    Friday’s decision did not address the merits of the executive order, but instead how the judges went about ensuring the core constitutional guarantee of birthright citizenship. In a ruling written by Justice Amy Coney Barrett, the Supreme Court’s six-member conservative wing drastically limited courts’ authority to issue injunctions even in the face of galling illegality affecting millions of people. 

    The three judges had issued a “universal” injunction against the birthright citizenship executive order, which meant the Trump administration could not enforce it anywhere in the country. A more limited injunction would have protected just the rights of the specific plaintiffs who sued — leaving the Trump regime free to target anyone who hadn’t gone to court themselves. 

    But from today forward, district courts can no longer issue nationwide injunctions, which conservatives gleefully sought and obtained during the Biden administration to block student loan forgiveness and other policies.

    “Curiously, this same Supreme Court never thought to say all the injunctions it upheld and stays it granted against Biden administration actions were outside its power,” observed Stanford Law professor Mark Lemley on social media. “But now apparently they are.”

    Instead, federal courts may only use injunctions to block presidents and their administrations from violating the rights of the specific parties that filed suit. In effect, judges will have no ability to offer immediate relief to however many people outside the courtroom are suffering from illegal actions of the executive branch. The ruling is certain to spur more class-action lawsuits against the federal government, which are still allowed but carry significant procedural hurdles and additional costs.

    “Today’s ruling allows the Executive to deny people rights that the Founders plainly wrote into our Constitution, so long as those individuals have not found a lawyer or asked a court in a particular manner to have their rights protected,” wrote Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson in a fiery dissent. Eliminating universal injunctions “requires judges to shrug and turn their backs to intermittent lawlessness,” Jackson wrote.

    “This decision is devastating for U.S. families who are not protected by the limited injunction the Supreme Court left in place,” said Monica, a pregnant mother, asylum-seeker, and named plaintiff challenging the birthright citizenship executive order, in an emailed statement. “Hundreds of thousands of other U.S.-born children are in danger of not receiving U.S. citizenship. I know that every pregnant mother cannot file a lawsuit to make sure their children have U.S. citizenship — that is why I filed this lawsuit to not only protect my child’s rights, but the constitutional rights of all U.S.-born children of immigrants.”

    Related

    The Clear and Present Danger to the American Rule of Law

    The conservative supermajority framed the ruling as grounded in history and ancient principles about the limits of judicial authority. Jackson called this “legalese” a “smokescreen” that “obscures a far more basic question of enormous legal and practical significance: May a federal court in the United States of America order the Executive to follow the law?”

    The court’s three liberal dissenters — Justices Elena Kagan, Jackson, and Sotomayor — framed the decision in catastrophic terms.

    “Perhaps the degradation of our rule-of-law regime would happen anyway,” wrote Jackson. “But this Court’s complicity in the creation of a culture of disdain for lower courts, their rulings, and the law (as they interpret it) will surely hasten the downfall of our governing institutions, enabling our collective demise.”

    Michael C. Dorf, a constitutional law professor at Cornell University, wrote that the conservative wing of the Supreme Court failed to recognize that the “current administration is a unique threat to the rule of law,” and that it was disastrous to remove such “a useful tool for the judiciary to constrain the president at this particular moment.” 

    “It empowers an administration of lawbreakers led by a convicted criminal and insurrectionist to further evade the law.”

    “It’s such a threat because it empowers an administration of lawbreakers led by a convicted criminal and insurrectionist to further evade the law,” Dorf wrote.

    The plaintiffs challenging the birthright citizenship order vowed to continue fighting the Trump administration. In one of the cases, the plaintiffs quickly filed a motion in Maryland district court to certify their lawsuit as a class action.

    “Even without a universal injunction, we will continue to litigate this case to ensure that every child born in the United States receives the citizenship that the Fourteenth Amendment promises them, regardless of their parents’ immigration status,” said William Powell, an attorney representing the plaintiffs, in an emailed statement. “The Executive Order is unconstitutional, and nothing in the Supreme Court’s decision today calls that ultimate conclusion into question.”

    The post “No Right Is Safe”: SCOTUS Bars Judges From Reining in Trump appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • By Isaac Nellist of Green Left Magazine

    Australian-Lebanese journalist and commentator Antoinette Lattouf’s unfair dismissal case win against the public broadcaster ABC in the Federal Court on Wednesday is a victory for all those who seek to tell the truth.

    It is a breath of fresh air, after almost two years of lies and uncritical reporting about Israel’s genocide from the ABC and commercial media companies.

    Lattouf was unfairly sacked in December 2023 for posting on her social media a Human Rights Watch report that detailed Israel’s deliberate starvation of Palestinians in Gaza.

    Justice Darryl Rangiah found that Lattouf had been sacked for her political opinions, given no opportunity to respond to misconduct allegations and that the ABC breached its Enterprise Agreement and section 772 of the Fair Work Act.

    The Federal Court also found that ABC executives — then-chief content officer Chris Oliver-Taylor, editor-in-chief David Anderson and board chair Ita Buttrose — had sacked Lattouf in response to a pro-Israel lobby pressure campaign.

    The coordinated email campaign from Zionist groups accused Lattouf of being “antisemitic” for condemning Israel’s genocide and ethnic cleansing of Gaza.

    The judge awarded Lattouf A$70,000 in damages, based on findings that her sacking caused “great distress”, and more than $1 million in legal fees.

    ‘No Lebanese’ claim
    Lattouf had alleged that her race or ethnicity had played a part in her sacking, which the ABC had initially responded to by claiming there was no such thing as a “Lebanese, Arab or Middle Eastern Race”, before backtracking.

    The court found that this did not play a part in the decision to sack Lattouf.

    The ABC’s own reporting of the ruling said “the ABC has damaged its reputation, and public perceptions around its ideals, integrity and independence”.

    Outside the court, Lattouf said: “It is now June 2025 and Palestinian children are still being starved. We see their images every day, emaciated, skeletal, scavenging through the rubble for scraps.

    “This unspeakable suffering is not accidental, it is engineered. Deliberately starving and killing children is a war crime.

    “Today, the court has found that punishing someone for sharing facts about these war crimes is also illegal. I was punished for my political opinion.”

    Palestine solidarity groups and democratic rights supporters have celebrated Lattouf’s victory.

    An ‘eternal shame’
    Palestine Action Group Sydney said: “It is to the eternal shame of our national broadcaster that it sacked a journalist because she opposed the genocide in Gaza.

    “There should be a full inquiry into the systematic pro-Israel bias at the ABC, which for 21 months has acted as a propaganda wing of the Israeli military.”

    Racial justice organisation Democracy in Colour said the ruling “exposes the systematic silencing taking place in Australian media institutions in regards to Palestine”.

    Democracy in Colour chairperson Jamal Hakim said Lattouf was punished for “speaking truth to power”.

    “When the ABC capitulated to pressure from the pro-Israel lobby . . .  they didn’t just betray Antoinette — they betrayed their own editorial standards and the Australian public who deserve to know the truth about Israel’s human rights abuses.”

    Noura Mansour, national director for Democracy in Colour, said the ABC had been “consistently shutting down valid criticism of the state of Israel” and suppressing the voices of people of colour and Palestinians. She said the national broadcaster had “worked to manufacture consent for the Israeli-US backed genocide”.

    Media, Entertainment and Arts Alliance chief executive Erin Madeley said: “Instead of defending its journalists, ABC management chose to appease powerful voices . . . they failed in their duty to push back against outside interference, racism and bullying.”

    Win for ‘journalistic integrity’
    Australian Greens leader Larissa Waters said the ruling was a win for “journalistic integrity and freedom of speech” and that “no one should be punished for speaking out about Gaza”.

    Green Left editor Pip Hinman said the ruling was an “important victory for those who stand on the side of truth and justice”.

    “It is more important than ever in an increasingly polarised world that journalists speak up and report the truth without fear of reprisal from the rich and powerful.

    “Traditional and new media have the reach to shape public opinion. They have had a clear pro-Israel bias, despite international human rights agencies providing horrific data on Israel’s genocide in Gaza.

    “Meanwhile, tens of thousands of people around Australia continue to call for an end to the genocide in Gaza in protests every week. But the ABC and corporate media have largely ignored this movement of people from all walks of life. Disturbingly, the corporate media has gone along with some political leaders who claim this anti-war movement is antisemitic.

    “As thousands continue to march every week for an end to the genocide in Gaza, the ABC and corporate media organisations have continued to push the lie that the Palestine solidarity movement, and indeed any criticism of Israel, is antisemitic.

    Green Left also hails those courageous mostly young journalists in Gaza, some 200 of whom have been killed by Israel since October 2023.

    “Their livestreaming of Israel’s genocide cut through corporate media and political leaders’ lies and today makes it even harder for them to whitewash Israel’s crimes and Western complicity.

    Green Left congratulates Lattouf on her victory. We are proud to stand with the movement for justice and peace in Palestine, which played a part in her victory against the ABC management’s bias.”

    Republished from Green Left Magazine with permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • The Supreme Court moved to limit access to health care for over 1.3 million South Carolinians on Thursday by allowing the state to block Medicaid recipients from getting care at Planned Parenthood. The tight restriction on reproductive rights will likely pave the way for similar bans in other states, as ongoing attacks on abortion providers further impinge on access to maternal, gynecological, and other basic forms of health care. 

    In a 6-3 decision, the court determined that Planned Parenthood clinics and patients in South Carolina may not sue the state for denying Medicaid funding to the reproductive care provider. The ruling overturns repeated lower court decisions that affirmed Medicaid recipients’ rights to visit a provider of their choosing that accepts the program. It comes against the backdrop of looming federal cuts to Medicaid, which would further restrict health care access for millions of low-income Americans.

    In South Carolina, abortion is already subjected to a near-total ban. State law prohibits abortion after six weeks with limited exceptions — which is often before someone would be aware that they’re pregnant. Republican South Carolina Gov. Henry McMaster has been direct about wanting to target Planned Parenthood because the network of clinics is known as an abortion provider.

    “South Carolina has made it clear that we value the right to life,” McMaster said in a February statement. “Therefore, taxpayers should not be forced to subsidize abortion providers who are in direct opposition to their beliefs.” 

    Related

    Trump Puts Lives at Risk by Revoking Emergency Abortion Guidelines for Hospitals

    The idea that Medicaid is subsidizing abortion care in South Carolina is incredibly misleading, said Susanna Birdsong, general counsel and vice president of compliance at Planned Parenthood South Atlantic. 

    “Medicaid does not cover abortion except in very narrow circumstances of rape, incest in life of the pregnant person,” Birdsong said. “That’s been a federal rule since the 1970s.”

    Planned Parenthood provides care for a host of other sexual and reproductive wellness concerns — meaning that low-income South Carolinians will lose access to “health care that has nothing to do with abortion,” Birdsong said. She pointed to things like testing for sexually transmitted infections, cancer screening, and birth control.

    In its ruling, the court made clear that it was aware of the other services Planned Parenthood provides.

    “Planned Parenthood South Atlantic operates two clinics in South Carolina, offering a wide range of services to Medicaid and non-Medicaid patients,” reads a summary of the decision. “It also performs abortions.”

    The court noted that Planned Parenthood and a patient sued under the any-qualified-provider provision, which allows Medicaid patients to seek care from a provider of their choosing, but the majority determined they did not necessarily have an “enforceable” right to do so.

    Experts expect that this decision will open the floodgates for other states to pass similar bans, limiting access to the largest provider of reproductive and sexual health care in the United States for millions of lower-income Americans.

    “Other states certainly have tried it before,” said Dr. Jamila Perritt, an OB-GYN and president of the nonprofit Physicians for Reproductive Health. “Much in the same way that abortion bans really swept this country, I think we’re going to see similar effects.” 

    The decision to limit where Medicaid patients can access care disproportionately affects women of color, said Perritt. As of 2023, the majority of people enrolled in Medicaid in South Carolina were nonwhite, and roughly 39 percent of Medicaid enrollees were Black, according to health policy research nonprofit KFF. 

    Even before the decision, access to health care — particularly reproductive and sexual health care — in South Carolina was a challenge for lower-income residents. Roughly 41 of the state’s 46 counties are considered federally designated “Health Professional Shortage Areas,” and Medicaid recipients are disproportionately likely to live in communities with provider shortages. 

    “We’re talking about communities that are already marginalized from care, communities that already have disproportionately poor reproductive and sexual health outcomes,” said Perritt, who predicted the decision would have “significant negative health consequences.”

    Aside from having one of the strictest abortion bans in the country, South Carolina is one of only 10 states not to expand Medicaid coverage since the Affordable Care Act was passed in 2010. South Carolina also has the eighth-highest maternal mortality rate in the country, hovering around 47.2 pregnancy-related deaths per 100,000 live births, and some of the highest rates of sexually transmitted infections in the nation. 

    “It’s really a state that should be investing more in its public health infrastructure and making sure that people who live in the state have access to the care that they need,” said Birdsong. 

    Jennifer Driver, senior director of reproductive rights for State Innovation Exchange, said, like the state’s abortion ban, lower-income people in South Carolina will bear the brunt of the burden of this decision. 

    “It targets people who are already limited on resources to say, “You know what? On top of that, you actually don’t get to have a decision on the care that you get and the provider you get it from,” she said.

    At the same time, the Trump administration and Congress are seeking to further restrict health coverage for low-income Americans. A Congressional Budget Office report found that the House of Representatives’ version of the “Big, Beautiful, Bill” would leave 16 million Americans without health insurance and kick 7.8 million people off of Medicaid. Senate Republicans are considering their own set of Medicaid cuts, though they’ve been snarled by political opposition.

    “This is a clear and obvious attack on people with low income, people who rely on Planned Parenthood clinics to get life-saving health services,” said Perritt. She described the decision as part of the government’s broader efforts “to eliminate access to comprehensive health care for folks, really across the country. This has to also be understood as an attack that reaches far beyond the borders of South Carolina.” 

    The post South Carolina Can Deny Medicaid Patients Planned Parenthood Care, SCOTUS Rules appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • The Supreme Court moved to limit access to health care for over 1.3 million South Carolinians on Thursday by allowing the state to block Medicaid recipients from getting care at Planned Parenthood. The tight restriction on reproductive rights will likely pave the way for similar bans in other states, as ongoing attacks on abortion providers further impinge on access to maternal, gynecological, and other basic forms of health care. 

    In a 6-3 decision, the court determined that Planned Parenthood clinics and patients in South Carolina may not sue the state for denying Medicaid funding to the reproductive care provider. The ruling overturns repeated lower court decisions that affirmed Medicaid recipients’ rights to visit a provider of their choosing that accepts the program. It comes against the backdrop of looming federal cuts to Medicaid, which would further restrict health care access for millions of low-income Americans.

    In South Carolina, abortion is already subjected to a near-total ban. State law prohibits abortion after six weeks with limited exceptions — which is often before someone would be aware that they’re pregnant. Republican South Carolina Gov. Henry McMaster has been direct about wanting to target Planned Parenthood because the network of clinics is known as an abortion provider.

    “South Carolina has made it clear that we value the right to life,” McMaster said in a February statement. “Therefore, taxpayers should not be forced to subsidize abortion providers who are in direct opposition to their beliefs.” 

    Related

    Trump Puts Lives at Risk by Revoking Emergency Abortion Guidelines for Hospitals

    The idea that Medicaid is subsidizing abortion care in South Carolina is incredibly misleading, said Susanna Birdsong, general counsel and vice president of compliance at Planned Parenthood South Atlantic. 

    “Medicaid does not cover abortion except in very narrow circumstances of rape, incest in life of the pregnant person,” Birdsong said. “That’s been a federal rule since the 1970s.”

    Planned Parenthood provides care for a host of other sexual and reproductive wellness concerns — meaning that low-income South Carolinians will lose access to “health care that has nothing to do with abortion,” Birdsong said. She pointed to things like testing for sexually transmitted infections, cancer screening, and birth control.

    In its ruling, the court made clear that it was aware of the other services Planned Parenthood provides.

    “Planned Parenthood South Atlantic operates two clinics in South Carolina, offering a wide range of services to Medicaid and non-Medicaid patients,” reads a summary of the decision. “It also performs abortions.”

    The court noted that Planned Parenthood and a patient sued under the any-qualified-provider provision, which allows Medicaid patients to seek care from a provider of their choosing, but the majority determined they did not necessarily have an “enforceable” right to do so.

    Experts expect that this decision will open the floodgates for other states to pass similar bans, limiting access to the largest provider of reproductive and sexual health care in the United States for millions of lower-income Americans.

    “Other states certainly have tried it before,” said Dr. Jamila Perritt, an OB-GYN and president of the nonprofit Physicians for Reproductive Health. “Much in the same way that abortion bans really swept this country, I think we’re going to see similar effects.” 

    The decision to limit where Medicaid patients can access care disproportionately affects women of color, said Perritt. As of 2023, the majority of people enrolled in Medicaid in South Carolina were nonwhite, and roughly 39 percent of Medicaid enrollees were Black, according to health policy research nonprofit KFF. 

    Even before the decision, access to health care — particularly reproductive and sexual health care — in South Carolina was a challenge for lower-income residents. Roughly 41 of the state’s 46 counties are considered federally designated “Health Professional Shortage Areas,” and Medicaid recipients are disproportionately likely to live in communities with provider shortages. 

    “We’re talking about communities that are already marginalized from care, communities that already have disproportionately poor reproductive and sexual health outcomes,” said Perritt, who predicted the decision would have “significant negative health consequences.”

    Aside from having one of the strictest abortion bans in the country, South Carolina is one of only 10 states not to expand Medicaid coverage since the Affordable Care Act was passed in 2010. South Carolina also has the eighth-highest maternal mortality rate in the country, hovering around 47.2 pregnancy-related deaths per 100,000 live births, and some of the highest rates of sexually transmitted infections in the nation. 

    “It’s really a state that should be investing more in its public health infrastructure and making sure that people who live in the state have access to the care that they need,” said Birdsong. 

    Jennifer Driver, senior director of reproductive rights for State Innovation Exchange, said, like the state’s abortion ban, lower-income people in South Carolina will bear the brunt of the burden of this decision. 

    “It targets people who are already limited on resources to say, “You know what? On top of that, you actually don’t get to have a decision on the care that you get and the provider you get it from,” she said.

    At the same time, the Trump administration and Congress are seeking to further restrict health coverage for low-income Americans. A Congressional Budget Office report found that the House of Representatives’ version of the “Big, Beautiful, Bill” would leave 16 million Americans without health insurance and kick 7.8 million people off of Medicaid. Senate Republicans are considering their own set of Medicaid cuts, though they’ve been snarled by political opposition.

    “This is a clear and obvious attack on people with low income, people who rely on Planned Parenthood clinics to get life-saving health services,” said Perritt. She described the decision as part of the government’s broader efforts “to eliminate access to comprehensive health care for folks, really across the country. This has to also be understood as an attack that reaches far beyond the borders of South Carolina.” 

    The post SCOTUS Gives States a Path to Strip Poor Patients’ Planned Parenthood Access appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • By Richard Larsen, RNZ News producer — 30′ with Guyon Espiner

    The former head of Human Rights Watch — and son of a Holocaust survivor — says Israel’s military campaign in Gaza will likely meet the legal definition of genocide, citing large-scale killings, the targeting of civilians, and the words of senior Israeli officials.

    Speaking on 30′ with Guyon Espiner, Ken Roth agreed Hamas committed “blatant war crimes” in its attack on Israel on October 7 last year, which included the abduction and murder of civilians.

    But he said it was a “basic rule” that war crimes by one side do not justify war crimes by the other.

    There was indisputable evidence Israel had committed war crimes in Gaza and might also be pursuing tactics that fit the international legal standard for genocide, Roth said.


    30′ with Guyon Espiner Kenneth Roth    Video: RNZ

    “The acts are there — mass killing, destruction of life-sustaining conditions. And there are statements from senior officials that point clearly to intent,” Roth said.

    The accusation of genocide is hotly contested. Israel says it is fighting a war of self-defence against Hamas after it killed 1200 people, mostly civilians. It claims it adheres to international law and does its best to protect civilians.

    It blames Hamas for embedding itself in civilian areas.

    But Roth believes a ruling may ultimately come from the International Court of Justice, especially if a forthcoming judgment on Myanmar sets a precedent.

    “It’s very similar to what Myanmar did with the Rohingya,” he said. “Kill about 30,000 to send 730,000 fleeing. It’s not just about mass death. It’s about creating conditions where life becomes impossible.”

    ‘Apartheid’ alleged in Israel’s West Bank
    Roth has been described as the ‘Godfather of Human Rights’, and is credited with vastly expanding the influence of the Human Rights Watch group during a 29-year tenure in charge of the organisation.

    In the full interview with Guyon Espiner, Roth defended the group’s 2021 report that accused Israel of enforcing a system of apartheid in the occupied West Bank.

    “This was not a historical analogy,” he said, implying it was a mistake to compare it with South Africa’s former apartheid regime.

    “It was a legal analysis. We used the UN Convention against Apartheid and the Rome Statute, and laid out over 200 pages of evidence.”

    Kenneth Roth appears via remote link in studio for an interview on season 3 of 30 with Guyon Espiner.
    Kenneth Roth appears via remote link in studio for an interview on season 3 of 30′ with Guyon Espiner. Image: RNZ

    He said the Israeli government was unable to offer a factual rebuttal.

    “They called us biased, antisemitic — the usual. But they didn’t contest the facts.”

    The ‘cheapening’ of antisemitism charges
    Roth, who is Jewish and the son of a Holocaust refugee, said it was disturbing to be accused of antisemitism for criticising a government.

    “There is a real rise in antisemitism around the world. But when the term is used to suppress legitimate criticism of Israel, it cheapens the concept, and that ultimately harms Jews everywhere.”

    Roth said Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had long opposed a two-state solution and was now pursuing a status quo that amounted to permanent subjugation of Palestinians, a situation human rights groups say is illegal.

    “The only acceptable outcome is two states, living side by side. Anything else is apartheid, or worse,” Roth said.

    While the international legal process around charges of genocide may take years, Roth is convinced the current actions in Gaza will not be forgotten.

    “This is not just about war,” he said. “It’s about the deliberate use of starvation, displacement and mass killing to achieve political goals. And the law is very clear — that’s a crime.”

    Roth’s criticism of Israel saw him initially denied a fellowship at Harvard University in 2023. The decision was widely seen as politically motivated, and was later reversed after public and academic backlash.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Asia Pacific Report

    A West Papuan independence movement leader has warned the Melanesian Spearhead Group after its 23rd leaders summit in Suva, Fiji, to not give in to a “neocolonial trade in betrayal and abandonment” over West Papua.

    While endorsing and acknowledging the “unconditional support” of Melanesian people to the West Papuan cause for decolonisation, OPM chair and commander Jeffrey P Bomanak
    spoke against “surrendering” to Indonesia which was carrying out a policy of “bank cheque diplomacy” in a bid to destroy solidarity.

    Fiji Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka took over the chairmanship of the MSG this week from his Vanuatu counterpart Jotham Napat and vowed to build on the hard work and success that had been laid before it.

    He said he would not take the responsibility of chairmanship lightly, especially as they were confronted with an increasingly fragmented global landscape that demanded more from them.

    PNG Prime Minister James Marape called on MSG member states to put West Papua and Kanaky New Caledonia back on the agenda for full MSG membership.

    Marape said that while high-level dialogue with Indonesia over West Papua and France about New Caledonia must continue, it was culturally “un-Melanesian” not to give them a seat at the table.

    West Papua currently holds observer status in the MSG, which includes Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, Vanuatu, and Fiji — and Indonesia as an associate member.

    PNG ‘subtle shift’
    PNG recognises the West Papuan region as five provinces of Indonesia, making Marape’s remarks in Suva a “subtle shift that may unsettle Jakarta”, reports Gorethy Kenneth in the PNG Post-Courier.

    West Papuans have waged a long-standing Melanesian struggle for independence from Indonesia since 1969.

    The MSG resolved to send separate letters of concern to the French and Indonesian presidents.

    The OPM letter warning the MSG
    The OPM letter warning the MSG. Image: Screenshot APR

    In a statement, Bomanak thanked the Melanesians of Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, Vanuatu and the Kanak and Socialist National Liberation Front (FLNKS) of Kanaky New Caledonia for “unconditionally support[ing] your West Papuan brothers and sisters, subjected to dispossession, enslavement, genocide, ethnocide, infanticide, and ethnic cleansing, [as] the noblest of acts.”

    “We will never forget these Melanesian brothers and sisters who remain faithfully loyal to our cultural identity no matter how many decades is our war of liberation and no matter how many bags of gold and silver Indonesia offers for the betrayal of ancestral kinship.

    “When the late [Vanuatu Prime Minister] Father Walter Lini declared, ‘Melanesia is not free unless West Papua is free,”’ he was setting the benchmark for leadership and loyalty across the entire group of Melanesian nations.

    “Father Lini was not talking about a timeframe of five months, or five years, or five decades.

    “Father Lini was talking about an illegal invasion and military occupation of West Papua by a barbaric nation wanting West Papua’s gold and forests and willing to exterminate all of us for this wealth.

    ‘Noble declaration’
    “That this noble declaration of kinship and loyalty now has a commercial value that can be bought and sold like a commodity by those without Father Lini’s courage and leadership, and betrayed for cheap materialism, is an act of historic infamy that will be recorded by Melanesian historians and taught in all our nations’ universities long after West Papua is liberated.”

    OPM leader Jeffrey Bomanak
    OPM leader Jeffrey Bomanak . . . his letter warns against surrendering to Indonesian control. Image: OPM

    Bomanak was condemning the decision of the MSG to regard the “West Papua problem” as an internal issue for Indonesia.

    “The illegal occupation of West Papua and the genocide of West Papuans is not an internal issue to be solved by the barbaric occupier.

    “Indonesia’s position as an associate member of MSG is a form of colonial corruption of the Melanesian people.

    “We will continue to fight without MSG because the struggle for independence and sovereignty is our fundamental right of the Papuan people’s granted by God.

    “Every member of MSG can recommend to the United Nations that West Papua deserves the same right of liberation and nation-state sovereignty that was achieved without compromise by Timor-Leste — the other nation illegally invaded by Indonesia and also subjected to genocide.”

    Bomanak said the MSG’s remarks stood in stark contrast to Father Lini’s solidarity with West Papua and were “tantamount to sharing in the destruction of West Papua”.

    ‘Blood money’
    It was also collaborating in the “extermination of West Papuans for economic benefit, for Batik Largesse. Blood money!”

    The Papua ‘problem’ was not a human rights problem but a problem of the Papuan people’s political right for independence and sovereignty based on international law and the right to self-determination.

    It was an international problem that had not been resolved.

    “In fact, to say it is simply a ‘problem’ ignores the fate of the genocide of 500,000 victims.”

    Bomanak said MSG leaders should make clear recommendations to the Indonesian government to resolve the “Papua problem” at the international level based on UN procedures and involving the demilitarisation of West Papua with all Indonesian defence and security forces “leaving the land they invaded and unlawfully occupied.”

    Indonesia’s position as an associate member in the MSG was a systematic new colonialisation by Indonesia in the home of the Melanesian people.

    Indonesia well understood the weaknesses of each Melanesian leader and “carries out bank cheque diplomacy accordingly to destroy the solidarity so profoundly declared by the late Father Walter Lini.”

    “No surrender!”

    MSG members in Suva
    MSG leaders in Suva . . . Jeremy Manele (Solomon Islands, from left), James Marape (PNG), Sitiveni Rabuka (Fiji), Jotham Napat (Vanuatu), and Roch Wamytan (FLNKS spokesperson). Image: PNG Post-Courier

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • By Kaya Selby, RNZ Pacific journalist

    Amid uncertainty in the Middle East, one thing remains clear — most Pacific governments continue to align themselves with Israel.

    Dr Steven Ratuva, distinguished professor of Pacific Studies at Canterbury University, told RNZ that island leaders are likely to try and keep their distance, but only officially speaking.

    “They’d probably feel safer that way, rather than publicly taking sides. But I think quite a few of them would probably be siding with Israel.”

    With Iran and Israel waging a 12-day war earlier this month, Dr Ratuva said that was translating into deeper divisions along religious and political lines in Pacific nations.

    “People may not want to admit it, but it’s manifesting itself in different ways.”

    Pacific support for Israel runs deep

    The United Nations General Assembly adopted a resolution on 13 June calling for “an immediate, unconditional and permanent ceasefire in the war in Gaza”, passing with 142 votes, or a 73 percent majority.

    Among the 12 nations that voted against the resolution, alongside Israel and the United States, were Fiji, Micronesia, Nauru, Palau, Papua New Guinea and Tuvalu.

    Israel and Iran two folded flags together 3D rendering
    The flags of Iran – a strong supporter of Palestine, along with a 73 percent support for a ceasefire at the United Nations – and Israel, backed by the United States. Image: 123rf/RNZ Pacific

    Pacific support for Israel runs deep
    The UN General Assembly adopted a resolution on June 13 calling for “an immediate, unconditional and permanent ceasefire in the war in Gaza”, passing with 142 votes, or a 73 percent majority.

    Among the 12 nations that voted against the resolution, alongside Israel and the United States, were Fiji, Micronesia, Nauru, Palau, Papua New Guinea and Tuvalu.

    Among the regional community, only Vanuatu and the Solomon Islands voted for the resolution, while others abstained or were absent.

    Last week, Fiji Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka, in an interview with The Australian, defended Israel’s actions in Iran as an “act of survival”.

    “They cannot survive if there is a big threat capability within range of Israel. Whatever [Israel] are doing now can be seen as preemptive, knocking it out before it’s fired on you.”

    In February, Fiji also committed to an embassy in Jerusalem — a recognition of Israel’s claimed right to call the city their capital — mirroring Papua New Guinea in 2023.

    Dr Ratuva said that deep, longstanding, religious and political ties with the West are what formed the region’s ties with Israel.

    “Most of the Pacific Island states have been aligned with the US since the Cold War and beyond, so the Western sphere of influence is seen as, for many of them, the place to be.”

    He noted the rise in Christian evangelism, which is aligned with Zionism and the global push for a Jewish homeland, in pockets throughout the Pacific, particularly in Fiji.

    “Small religious organisations which have links with or model selves along the lines of the United States evangelical movement, which has been supportive of Trump, tend to militate towards supporting Israel for religious reasons,” Dr Ratuva said.

    “And of course, religion and politics, when you mix them together, become very powerful in terms of one’s positioning [in the world].”

    Anti-war protest at Parliament on Israel-Iran conflict.
    An anti-war protest at Parliament over Israel-Iran conflict. Image: RNZ/Mark Papalii

    Politics or religion?
    In Fijian society, Dr Ratuva said that the war in Gaza has stoked tensions between the Christian majority and the Muslim minority.

    According to the CIA World Factbook, roughly 64.5 percent of Fijians are Christian, compared to a Muslim population of 6.3 percent.

    “It’s coming out very clearly, in terms of the way in which those belonging to the fundamentalist political orientation tend to make statements which are against non-Christians” Dr Ratuva said.

    “People begin to take sides . . . that in some ways deepens the religious divide, particularly in Fiji which is multiethnic and multireligious, and where the Islamic community is relatively significant.”

    A statement from the Melanesian Spearhead Group Secretariat, released on Wednesday, said that the Pacific wished to be an “ocean of peace”.

    “Leaders also reaffirmed their commitment to the “Friends to All, Enemy to None” foreign policy to guide the MSG members’ relationship with countries and development partners.”

    It bookends a summit that brought together leaders from Fiji, Papua New Guinea, and other Melanesian nations, where the Middle East was discussed, according to local media.

    But the Pacific region had been used in a deceptive strategy as the US prepared for the strikes on Iran. On this issue, Melanesian leaders did not respond to requests for comment.

    The BBC reported on Monday that B-2 planes flew to Guam from Missouri as a decoy to distract from top-secret flights headed over the Atlantic to Iran.

    This sparked outrage from civil society leaders throughout the region, including the head of the Pacific Conference of Churches, Reverend James Bhagwan.

    “This use of Pacific airspace and territory for military strikes violates the spirit of the Treaty of Rarotonga, our region’s declaration for being a nuclear, free peace committed zone,” he said.

    “Our region has a memory of nuclear testing, occupation and trauma . . .  we don’t forget that when we talk about these issues.”

    Reverend Bhagwan told RNZ that there was no popular support in the Pacific for Israel’s most recent actions.

    “This is because we have international law . . .  this includes, of course, the US strikes on Iran and perhaps, also, Israel’s actions in Gaza.”

    “It is not about religion, it is about people.”

    Reverend Bhagwan, whose organisation represents 27 member churches across 17 Pacific nations, refused to say whether he believed there was a link between Christian fundamentalism and Pacific support for Israel.

    “We can say that there is a religious contingency within the Pacific that does support Israel . . .  it does not necessarily mean it’s the majority view, but it is one that is seriously considered by those in power.

    “It depends on how those [politicians] consider that support they get from those particular aspects of the community.”

    Pacific Islanders in the region
    For some, the religious commitment runs so deep that they venture to Israel in a kind of pilgrimage.

    Dr Ratuva told RNZ that there was a significant population of islanders in the region, many of whom may now be trapped before a ceasefire is finalised.

    “There was a time when the Gaza situation began to unfold, when a number of people from Fiji, Tonga and Samoa were there for pilgrimage purposes.”

    “At that time there were significant numbers, and Fiji was able to fly over there to evauate them. So this time, I’m not sure whether that might happen.”

    Reverend Bhagwan said that the religious ties ran deep.

    “They go to Jerusalem, to Bethlehem, to the Mount of Olives, to the Golan Heights, where the transfiguration took place. Fiji also is stationed in the Golan Heights as peacekeepers,” he said.

    “So there is a correlation, particularly for Pacific or for Fijian communities, on that relationship as peacekeepers in that region.”

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • By Margot Staunton, RNZ Pacific senior journalist

    Police in Papua New Guinea say the country’s overrun courts and prisons are behind mass breakouts from police custody.

    Chief Superintendent Clement Dala made the comment after 13 detainees escaped on Tuesday in Simbu Province, including eight who were facing murder charges.

    Dala said an auxiliary policeman who had the keys to a holding cell at Kundiawa Police Station is also on the run.

    Police are investigating a claim by local media that he is the partner of a female escapee who was facing trial for murder.

    Six police officers on duty at the time have been suspended for 21 days while investigations continue.

    “The auxiliary officer is not a recognised police officer and should not have had the key, but it appears he was helping the sole police officer on cell duties,” said Dala, who is the acting assistant commissioner for three Highlands provinces.

    Dala said it appeared the auxiliary officer wandered off for a meal and left the cell door open at the entrance to the police station.

    “He may have played a role in assisting the escapees, but we are still trying to find out exactly what happened.”

    ‘Probably hiding somewhere’
    “If we find it was deliberate then he will definitely be arrested. He is probably hiding somewhere nearby and we’ll get to him as soon as we can,” he said.

    As of yesterday, none of the escapees had been caught. Police are relying on community leaders to encourage them to surrender.

    But this could take a month or longer and police fear some could reoffend.

    He said the police have previously been told not to use auxiliary officers in any official capacity as they were community liaison officers.

    “This is a symptom of our severe staff shortages, but I have reissued an instruction banning them from frontline duties,” he said.

    Dala said PNG’s courts and prisons were completely overrun, and this was the main reason detainees in police custody escape.

    Up to 200 people on remand
    He said on any given day there could be up to 200 people on remand in police cells under his command and many brought in weapons and drugs.

    “We have different cells for different remandees, but if we are overcrowded we have to keep prisoners in the main corridor, especially those who have committed minor crimes,” he said.

    Dala said some remand prisoners were being kept in police holding cells for more than a month.

    He said the police had faced a lack of political will to deal with severe staff shortages, a lack of training across the force and outdated infrastructure.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • BEARING WITNESS: By Cole Martin in occupied Bethlehem

    Kia ora koutou,

    I’m a Kiwi journo in occupied Bethlehem, here’s a brief summary of today’s events across the Palestinian and Israeli territories from on the ground.

    At least 79 killed and 391 injured by Israeli forces in Gaza over the last 24 hours, including 33 killed and 267 injured while seeking aid at the US-Israel “humanitarian” centres.

    *

    Three killed and 7 injured by settler pogrom on the town of Kafr Malik, northeast of Ramallah; setting fire to houses and cars, and protected by soldiers. Israeli forces shot and killed 15-year-old Rayan Houshia west of Jenin as they retreated from resistance fighters, after using a civilian home as military barracks; also invading several towns across the West Bank, firing teargas into al-Fawar refugee camp south of Hebron, sound-bombs near the Jenin Grand Mosque in the north, and arresting several Palestinians.

    Al Quds/Jerusalem’s old city faced low visitor numbers even after restrictions were lifted by the Israeli occupation. Jerusalem Governate reported 623 homes and facilities demolished by Israel since October 2023.

    *

    Palestinian political prisoner Amar Yasser Al-Amour was released after 2.5 years without charge or trial in Israeli prisons. Thousands remain detained illegally in this way. Another freed prisoner Fares Bassam Hanani mourned his mother who passed away while he was imprisoned. Mohammad al-Ghushi, also freed, was taken to hospital to have his kidney removed due to torture and medical neglect he faced in Israeli prisons.

    *

    The unexpected ceasefire between Israel, America, and Iran appears to be holding for now. Iranian officials say the US “torpedoed diplomacy” and have passed a bill to halt cooperation with the UN nuclear watchdog IAEA.

    Cole Martin is an independent New Zealand photojournalist based in the Middle East and a contributor to Asia Pacific Report.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • The U.S. Supreme Court on Monday ruled that the Trump administration could resume deporting immigrants to countries other than their own without any chance to object on the grounds that they might be tortured. This may clear a legal path for the government to send men held at a U.S military base in Djibouti to the war-ravaged nation of South Sudan where they face an uncertain future, including the possibility of indefinite detention. Three justices, in a dissent, said the ruling exposes “thousands to the risk of torture or death.”

    That may be a best-case scenario.

    An Intercept investigation finds that the Trump administration has been hard at work trying to expand its global gulag for expelled immigrants, exploring deals with a quarter of the world’s nations to accept so-called third-country nationals — deported persons who are not their citizens.

    To create this archipelago of injustice, the U.S. government is employing strong-arm tactics with dozens of smaller, weaker, and economically dependent nations. The deals are being conducted in secret, and neither the State Department nor U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement will discuss them. With the green light from the Supreme Court, thousands of immigrants are in danger of being disappeared into this network of deportee dumping grounds.

    “The Supreme Court’s ruling leaves thousands of people vulnerable to deportation to third countries where they face torture or death, even if the deportations are clearly unlawful,” said Leila Kang, a staff attorney at Northwest Immigrant Rights Project, a group that represents immigrants who filed suit.

    The Supreme Court gave no explanations for its decision, which paused enforcement of a federal judge’s ruling that immigrants facing deportation must be given an opportunity to show that they may be tortured at their destination. Later Monday, a district judge in Massachusetts ruled that the order didn’t apply to the deportees in Djibouti. The Trump administration urged the Supreme Court on Tuesday to allow it to immediately expel the men to South Sudan, claiming that U.S. District Judge Brian Murphy was acting in “defiance” of the Supreme Court’s order.

    The majority on the Supreme Court did not publish any explanation for their Monday ruling. In a 19-page dissent, Justice Sonia Sotomayor, joined by Justices Elena Kagan and Ketanji Brown Jackson, wrote that the majority had disregarded a federal law that requires due process.

    “Congress expressly provided noncitizens with the right not to be removed to a country where they are likely to be tortured or killed,” Sotomayor wrote, adding that the majority had endorsed a policy of lawlessness. “The Government has made clear in word and deed that it feels itself unconstrained by law, free to deport anyone anywhere without notice or an opportunity to be heard.” She pointed to the cases of 13 immigrants who “narrowly escaped being the target of extraordinary violence in Libya”; another who “spent months in hiding in Guatemala,” and the men who “face release in South Sudan, which the State Department says is in the midst of ‘armed conflict’ between ‘ethnic groups.’”

    Tricia McLaughlin, a spokesperson for ICE’s parent organization, the Department of Homeland Security, called the ruling “a victory for the safety and security of the American people.”

    Lawyers representing the immigrants at risk of being sent to countries — or even continents — that they have never visited in their lives disagree. “The ramifications of the Supreme Court’s order will be horrifying; it strips away critical due process protections that have been protecting our class members from torture and death,” said Trina Realmuto, executive director of the National Immigration Litigation Alliance.

    Realmuto is representing some of the men whom the government attempted to expel to South Sudan, a nation that may, again, be teetering on the brink of civil war. Their rendition flight to South Sudan was diverted to Djibouti, when Murphy, the U.S. district judge, intervened in the case. The eight men — all previously convicted of violent crimes — have been detained on a U.S military base, Camp Lemonnier, ever since.

    A top ICE official earlier this month detailed the appalling and unsafe conditions — including illnesses brought on by the environment — that deportees and the government officials guarding them face at Camp Lemonnier in a sworn legal declaration.

    A recent memo by Secretary of State Marco Rubio revealed that the Trump administration threatened dozens of nations with a travel ban while dangling third-country deportation deals to avoid the restrictions. An investigation by The Intercept finds that, with this new gambit, the U.S. has reportedly pursued deals with at least 53 countries, including many that are beset by conflict or terrorist violence or that the State Department has excoriated for human rights abuses. 

    The State Department refused to provide a list of countries with which the U.S. has made agreements to accept deportees from third countries, citing the sensitivity of diplomatic communications.

    Related

    She Exposed Government Abuse. Now She’s Locked Up in an El Salvador Prison. 

    The Trump administration began using the notorious Terrorism Confinement Center in Tecoluca, El Salvador, as a foreign prison to disappear Venezuelan immigrants in March. The Intercept — using open-source information — found that the U.S. has also explored, sought, or struck agreements with AngolaAntigua and Barbuda, BeninBhutan, Burkina Faso, Cabo Verde, Cambodia, Cameroon, Costa RicaDemocratic Republic of Congo, Djibouti, Dominica, EgyptEswatini, Equatorial Guinea, Ethiopia, Gabon, Gambia, Ghana, Guatemala, Guyana, Honduras, Ivory Coast, Kosovo, Kyrgyzstan, Liberia, Libya, Malawi, Mauritania, MexicoMoldova, Mongolia, Niger, Nigeria, Panama, Rwanda, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, São Tomé and Príncipe, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, South Sudan, Syria, Tanzania, Tonga, Tuvalu, Uganda, Ukraine, Uzbekistan, Vanuatu, Zambia, and Zimbabwe.

    “The sheer number of countries is absolutely unprecedented, as is including so many countries with problematic human rights records,” Yael Schacher, the director for the Americas and Europe at Refugees International, told The Intercept. “The transactional deals the Trump administration is offering up turn migrants and refugees into pawns whose rights are of no concern. This just shows what is evident from other Trump administration policies: It does not believe the migrants have any rights.”

    The nations targeted by the Trump administration recently expanded as a result of a memo, signed by Rubio, which was sent on June 14 to U.S. diplomats who work in 36 countries whose citizens may soon be restricted from entry into the United States. The cable, first reported by The Washington Post, castigated countries for failing to meet various criteria — from having “no competent or cooperative central government authority to produce reliable identity documents or other civil documents” to being state sponsors of terrorism. Rubio stated, however, that concerns with such nations could be “mitigated” if that country is willing to accept deportees from other countries.

    The State Department did not comment on the memo or the impetus behind it, but provided a disingenuous statement that framed the U.S. efforts to forge third-country deportation deals in hypothetical terms. “In some cases, we might work with other countries to facilitate the removal of individuals, via third countries, who have no legal basis to remain in the United States,” a State Department spokesperson told The Intercept by email.

    Many observers — and a minority of Supreme Court justices — noted that the push to send immigrants to far-flung detention facilities appears to be as bizarre as it is cruel.

    “Apparently, the Court finds the idea that thousands will suffer violence in far-flung locales more palatable than the remote possibility that a District Court exceeded its remedial powers when it ordered the Government to provide notice and process to which the plaintiffs are constitutionally and statutorily entitled,” Sotomayor wrote in her dissent.

    Anwen Hughes, the senior director of legal strategy for refugee programs at Human Rights First, noted that there were Mexican nationals held in south Texas set to be deported to both Libya and South Sudan. “The Mexican border is right there. I’ve been doing immigration detention work for a very long time. I’ve never in my life seen Mexico refuse to take back one of its nationals, ever,” she told The Intercept. “The U.S. appears to be looking for really implausible destinations to send people. It’s not just punitive, it’s deliberately terrifying and honestly perverse.”

    “Pressuring nations that are in a vulnerable situation vis-à-vis U. S. power and diplomacy to take nationals of countries they have nothing to do with is worrisome because it obviously sets the stage for some very serious abuses,” said Hughes.

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    CECOT Is What the Bukele Regime Wants You to See

    The Trump administration is paying President Nayib Bukele’s government in El Salvador $6 million to imprison the Venezuelan nationals. A May federal court filing by Rubio referred to deportation negotiations between the Trump administration and both Libya and South Sudan.

    Schacher said the Trump administration’s policies highlight its “disdain for immigrants,” and the premium in places on expelling them. “If it has to allow for some immigration from Africa, it will only allow it in exchange for deportation,” she noted. “It truly sees immigration as in the interest of sending countries and not in the interests of the U.S.— so it will demand an exchange.”

    Due to the secret nature of agreements, it’s unclear what fate awaits people deported to these nations. The question of whether they would be deported again to their nation of origin, or another unrelated nation, where they face the possibility of persecution or abuse; be allowed to remain in the third country and under what circumstances; or be held in detention or prison, as in El Salvador, remains unknown.

    Schacher noted that while almost all African countries and nations in the Americas are parties to the U.N. Refugee Convention, countries like Kosovo, Moldova, Mongolia, Saudi Arabia, Syria, and Uzbekistan are not. If they were to expel immigrants they received as part of a deal with the Trump administration, they would have no obligation under international law to screen deportees to ensure they are not sent to a country where they face threats to their life or freedom.

    Earlier this month, the U.S. struck a deal with Kosovo, Europe’s youngest country, to accept 50 deportees from other countries. The landlocked Balkan nation said the expelled immigrants would be “temporarily relocated” to Kosovo, while officials facilitate “their safe return to their home country.”

    “I truly worry these places will become way stations or bridges for deportation from the U.S. to home countries,” Schacher told The Intercept. “Bhutan, not a signatory, has already accepted Nepalese from the U.S. and basically dumped them at the Indian border.” 

    “In matters of life and death, it is best to proceed with caution. In this case, the Government took the opposite approach,” wrote Sotomayor, detailing the efforts of the government to dump deportees in far-flung and unsafe locales. “It wrongfully deported one plaintiff to Guatemala, even though an Immigration Judge found he was likely to face torture there. Then, in clear violation of a court order, it deported six more to South Sudan, a nation the State Department considers too unsafe for all but its most critical personnel. An attentive District Court’s timely intervention only narrowly prevented a third set of unlawful removals to Libya.”

    The post Trump’s Global Gulag Search Expands to 53 Nations appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • As an attorney, Bill Essayli represented two January 6 defendants, arguing that men accused of crimes outside the U.S. Capitol were merely expressing their First Amendment rights. Now that he’s representing the Trump administration as the top federal prosecutor in Los Angeles, he has a very different perspective on some of the protesters opposing mass deportation.

    “They are injuring our officers. It is out of control, and since the state of California, the governor, can’t control his state, then yes, the federal government is going to step in. The National Guard is on its way, and we will have peace and order in Los Angeles,” said Essayli, who is serving as Donald Trump’s interim U.S. attorney in Los Angeles.

    Elected in 2022 as a Republican state assembly member representing California’s Inland Empire, the junior legislator rose quickly to a prized Justice Department post. Despite passing little legislation in his two terms in Sacramento, Essayli elevated his profile in the MAGA world by introducing bills seemingly designed to grab the attention of the far-right media world — and defending these extreme proposals loudly on Fox News.

    Now he represents Trump administration’s interests in federal court in Los Angeles, where Essayli has hit demonstrators who took to the streets to protest Trump’s deportation campaign with conspiracy charges that carry stiff sentences, while claiming that he supports the right to peaceful protest.

    Trump has yet to formally nominate anyone to serve as the U.S. attorney on a permanent basis. If he does tap Essayli, whose temporary appointment expires at the end of July, activists in California are calling on the state’s two U.S. senators to block his confirmation using an obscure privilege known as the “blue slip” process.

    “This tradition was made for exactly these kinds of things, where an attorney is just not acceptable as an appointee. He’s not there for justice but for partisan purposes,” said Jacob Daruvala, the director of the Stop Essayli campaign and a former constituent involved in LGBTQ+ advocacy.

    Essayli did not respond to a request for comment sent through his office.

    Steep Charges

    Essayli was sworn in as the interim U.S. attorney in Los Angeles on April 2, following his appointment by Attorney General Pam Bondi under a federal statute that allows him to stay in the post for 120 days.

    He brought to the post more experience than some of the administration’s other interim appointments — such as Ed Martin in Washington, D.C. — having previously participated in the office’s prosecutions of the 2015 San Bernardino mass shooting attack as an assistant U.S. attorney.

    Since his appointment, however, Essayli has quickly alienated career prosecutors, protesters in Los Angeles, and top politicians across the state.

    One of his first moves was to sign his name to a rare post-trial plea deal for a sheriff’s deputy who had already been convicted of excessive force for pepper-spraying a woman outside a supermarket. Soon thereafter, several federal prosecutors withdrew from the case and resigned from the office, according to the Los Angeles Times.

    Related

    Trump’s Dangerous Decision to Suppress Anti-ICE Protests With Troops

    As the demonstrations over ICE raids in Los Angeles heated up over the past month, Essayli was out front on local media defending the administration’s aggressive response.

    At one press conference, Essayli said the administration had “no choice” but to send in the National Guard.

    “Our agents and our law enforcements were overwhelmed,” he said.

    He also made charging decisions that riled up elected officials and grassroots protesters alike. His office slapped union leader David Huerta, the state SEIU chief, with charges that carry a six-year maximum for confronting federal agents at a worksite raid on June 6.

    The charges against Huerta galvanized state Democrats, including U.S. Sen. Alex Padilla, who was briefly detained after attempting to question Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem at a June 12 press conference. Essayli was present as Secret Service agents ejected and handcuffed Padilla, who was released without being arrested. In an interview this week, Essayli accused Padilla of perpetrating a “stunt” and blamed him for the incident.

    “He’s a very large person,” Essayli told Fox 11. “He’s very tall, he’s got a big demeanor. And he started charging, pushing his way through the security, shouting. We didn’t know he was here. We didn’t know who he was at the time. And then he started shouting, and then he was dragged out.”

    Federal prosecutors have cast their eye well beyond powerbrokers such as Huerta. Another high-profile charge came against a member of a community organizing group called Centro CSO who was allegedly spotted on news cameras handing out face shields to demonstrators in downtown Los Angeles.

    The man, Alejandro Orellana, faces charges of conspiracy to commit civil disorders and aiding and abetting civil disorders that carry up to five years in prison. As Fox News and other outlets whipped up an online frenzy about the face shield distribution — seeing it as evidence of a well-funded conspiracy behind the immigration protests — FBI agents zeroed in on Orellana and raided his house.

    In a statement, a group supporting Orellana said he was guilty only of “providing aid to the community being tear-gassed.” Essayli defended the charges in the same interview with Fox 11.

    “He wasn’t handing them out at the beach. He was there in downtown Los Angeles, and he’s handing them out to people who are dressed and behaving similarly to the people who have been committing riots. These are people hiding their faces, wearing black from top to bottom,” Essayli said. “Why would a peaceful protester need a face shield?”

    Seeking to diminish the popular outrage over ICE raids, national Republicans have floated claims that various groups are the hidden hand funding the protests. Essayli sounded a similar note in his interview, promising that prosecutors would go after protest funders.

    “We’ll get to the bottom of that,” he said.

    Essayli said last week that he has already brought about 20 charges.

    Defending J6

    In a prior life as an attorney in private practice, Essayli espoused radically different views about the protesters who gathered around the U.S. Capitol on January 6, 2021, to block Congress from certifying Joe Biden’s victory in the 2020 election.

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    For a time he represented Alan Hostetter, a former police chief who came to the Capitol with a hatchet in his backpack and joined protesters who pushed through a line of police officers defending the building.

    Essayli criticized prosecutors after Hostetter was charged, noting that the indictment did not directly accuse him of violence.

    “He was there to support the objection to the election, which members of Congress did do. I am concerned because we are getting to a dangerous place where we’re trying to criminalize political differences,” Essayli said.

    Hostetter would go on to represent himself at trial. He was convicted and sentenced to more than 11 years in prison.

    Essayli made similar arguments in defense of Brandon Straka, a social media influencer charged with misdemeanor disorderly conduct in connection with the Capitol riot.

    “Defendant and others present on January 6 were engaged in a protest to express their dissatisfaction with the manner in which the 2020 presidential election was conducted and certified,” he wrote in one legal brief. “Doing so in a peaceful manner was well within their First Amendment rights.”

    Prosecutors never accused Straka of entering the Capitol, but they said he helped whip up the crowd with statements on social media and in person. In a sentencing memo, Essayli accused federal prosecutors of trying to load far too much responsibility for the breach of the Capitol onto his client’s shoulders.

    “There was no conspiracy. This was a demonstration that unfortunately spiraled out of control,” Essayli said.

    Straka and Hostetter would go on to receive pardons from Trump.

    Targeting Trans Rights

    Essayli served only two and a half years in the California State Assembly, where he represented Corona and other suburbs east of Los Angeles and became the body’s first Muslim member.

    During his time in the state capitol, Essayli raised his public profile despite little legislative success.

    He recorded one of the highest rates in the Legislature for missed votes. Explaining his own meager track record of legislation, Essayli said he used his bills to “communicate issues” and spark debate.

    His style, as much as his conservative beliefs, rankled colleagues across the aisle. He once called some Democrats in the state Legislature “pedophile protectors” for blocking his bill to end sanctuary state protections for people convicted of sex crimes against minors.

    “If he can use it for political theater, he is going to do it, no matter who it hurts.”

    In the Assembly, Essayli also pursed a forced outing bill for transgender students that had little chance of passing. When it went nowhere, he went on a tour of southern California school districts urging them to impose similar policies requiring staffers to inform parents if their children use names or pronouns that differ from their sex assigned at birth.

    It was during the debate over that bill that Essayli and another lawmaker, Democratic Assembly Member Corey Jackson, got into a verbal confrontation that resulted in another lawmaker physically preventing Jackson from moving toward Essayli, the Sacramento Bee reported.

    In an interview last week, Jackson said he had heard from some of Essayli’s Republican colleagues that they were glad to have him gone.

    “At the end of the day, this guy is an ideologue, and all of his decisions are based upon ideology,” Jackson said. “It’s based upon key MAGA principles. It is that that guides his actions, not the law.”

    “If he can use it for political theater, he is going to do it, no matter who it hurts,” Jackson added.

    Lacking in power in the Democrat-controlled Assembly, Essayli turned to Fox News, where he became a frequent late-night guest. Weeks after Trump’s election to a second term, he appeared in the 11 p.m. slot denouncing Democratic jurisdictions that were promising not to cooperate with mass deportations.

    Rare Power for Senate Democrats

    Under Senate tradition, members of the home-state delegation are given an effective veto over U.S. attorney nominees via the “blue slip” process. That means Essayli’s chance of winning the nomination could rest on convincing Padilla and his fellow Democratic Sen. Adam Schiff, according to University of Richmond law school professor Carl Tobias, an expert on the confirmation process.

    “If either senator says no from California, it’s over for this nominee. That may be the hardest obstacle,” Tobias said. “That’s what the White House has to work with: Padilla.”

    Padilla, Schiff, and the White House did not respond to requests for comment.

    “I think Donald Trump was trying to choose the most anti-California person he could, and that was Bill Essayli.”

    LGBTQ+ activists have been among those urging Padilla and Schiff to block Essayli if Trump formally nominates him for the job on a permanent basis.

    Daruvala, the Inland Empire resident mounting the Stop Essayli campaign, said he was motivated by Essayli’s position on trans kids’ rights. He believes Essayli received the interim appointment essentially to anger state Democrats.

    “I think Donald Trump was trying to choose the most anti-California person he could, and that was Bill Essayli,” he said.

    Even if Essayli never receives Senate confirmation, however, he could find himself rewarded by Trump. Martin, the short-lived U.S. attorney in Washington, D.C., received an appointment as the Justice Department’s top pardon attorney after receiving pushback in the U.S. Senate.

    The post Trump Appointee Prosecuting LA Protesters Defended Jan. 6 Suspects appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • Asia Pacific Report

    The Palestine Solidarity Network Aotearoa has called on New Zealanders to condemn the US bombing of Iran.

    PSNA co-chair Maher Nazzal said in a statement that he hoped the New Zealand government would be critical of the US for its war escalation.

    “Israel has once again hoodwinked the United States into fighting Israel’s wars,” he said.

    “Israel’s Prime Minister has [been declaring] Iran to be on the point of producing nuclear weapons since the 1990s.

    “It’s all part of his big plan for expulsion of Palestinians from Palestine to create a Greater Israel, and regime change for the entire region.”

    Israel knew that Arab and European countries would “fall in behind these plans” and in many cases actually help implement them.

    “It is a dreadful day for the Palestinians. Netanyahu’s forces will be turned back onto them in Gaza and the West Bank.”

    ‘Dreadful day’ for Middle East
    “It is just as dreadful day for the whole Middle East.

    “Trump has tried to add Iran to the disasters of US foreign policy in Iraq, Syria and Afghanistan. The US simply doesn’t care how many people will die.”

    New Zealand’s Foreign Minister Winston Peters “acknowledged the development in the past 24 hours”, including President Trump’s announcement of the US strikes on Iran’s nuclear facilities.

    He described it as “extremely worrying” military action in the Middle East, and it was critical further escalation was avoided.

    “New Zealand strongly supports efforts towards diplomacy. We urge all parties to return to talks,” he said.

    “Diplomacy will deliver a more enduring resolution than further military action.”

    The Australian government said in a statement that Canberra had been clear that Iran’s nuclear and ballistic missile programme had been a “threat to international peace and security”.

    It also noted that the US President had declared that “now is the time for peace”.

    “The security situation in the region is highly volatile,” said the statement. “We continue to call for de-escalation, dialogue and diplomacy.”

    Iran calls attack ‘outrageous’
    However, the Iranian Foreign Minister, Abbas Araghchi, said the “outrageous” US attacks on Iran’s “peaceful nuclear installations” would have “everlasting consequences”.

    His comments come as an Iranian missile attack on central and northern Israel wounded at least 23 people.

    In an interview with Al Jazeera, Dr Mehran Kamrava, a professor of government at Georgetown University in Qatar, said the people of Iran feared that Israel’s goals stretched far beyond its stated goal of destroying the country’s nuclear and missile programmes.

    “Many in Iran believe that Israel’s end game, really, is to turn Iran into Libya, into Iraq, what it was after the US invasion in 2003, and/or Afghanistan.

    “And so the dismemberment of Iran is what Netanyahu has in mind, at least as far as Tehran is concerned,” he said.

    US attack ‘more or less guarantees’ Iran will be nuclear-armed within decade

    ‘No evidence’ of Iran ‘threat’
    Trita Parsi, the executive vice president of the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft, said there had been “absolutely no evidence” that Iran posed a threat.

    “Neither was it existential, nor imminent,” he told Al Jazeera.

    “We have to keep in mind the reality of the situation, which is that two nuclear-equipped countries attacked a non-nuclear weapons state without having gotten attacked first.

    “Israel was not attacked by Iran — it started that war; the United States was not attacked by Iran — it started this confrontation at this point.”

    Dr Parsi added that the attacks on Iran would “send shockwaves” throughout the world.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Pacific Media Watch

    BEARING WITNESS: By Cole Martin in occupied Bethlehem

    Kia ora koutou,

    I’m a Kiwi journo in occupied Bethlehem, here’s a brief summary of today’s events across the Palestinian and Israeli territories from on the ground.

    Israeli forces killed over 200 Palestinians in Gaza over the last 48 hours, injuring over 1037. Countless more remain under the rubble and in unreachable zones. 450 killed seeking aid, 39 missing, and around 3500 injured at the joint US-Israeli humanitarian foundation “death traps”.

    Forty one  killed by Israeli forces since dawn today, including three children in an attack east of Gaza City. Gaza’s Al-Quds brigades destroyed a military bulldozer in southern Gaza.

    *

    Settlers, protected by soldiers, violently attacked Palestinian residents near the southern village of Susiya last night, including children. The West Bank siege continues with Israeli occupation forces severely restricting movement between Palestinian towns and cities. Continued military/settler assaults across the occupied territories.

    *

    Iranian strikes targeted Ben Gurion airport and several military sites in the Israeli territories. Israeli regime discuss a 3.6 billion shekel defence budget increase.

    *

    400 killed and 3000 injured by Israel’s attacks on Iran, in the nine days since Israel’s aggression began. Iranian authorities have arrested dozens more linked to Israeli intelligence, and cut internet for the last three days to prevent internal drone attacks from agents within their territories.

    Israeli strikes have targeted a wide range of sites; missile depots, nuclear facilities, residential areas, and reportedly six ambulances today.

    Cole Martin is an independent New Zealand photojournalist based in the Middle East and a contributor to Asia Pacific Report.


    This content originally appeared on Asia Pacific Report and was authored by Pacific Media Watch.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Anya was hiding. Crouched behind the counter at a car wash in Westchester, just outside Los Angeles International Airport, she kept quiet while her co-workers scattered outside. Some ran toward the In-N-Out Burger, others behind the Ralphs. One worker drove away in the car he was detailing. “La Migra” was here.

    Federal immigration agents managed to take five of her colleagues into custody, said Anya, a Ukrainian Russian asylum-seeker who asked to have her name changed to protect her pending case. And less than 24 hours later — with the car wash short-staffed and shaken — plain-clothed, undercover agents surrounded the business in unmarked white SUVs.

    “You guys came yesterday,” Anya’s boss said in a video of the raid reviewed by The Intercept. 

    “Did we get car washes?” an agent joked in return. They left with two more workers in handcuffs.

    Across Los Angeles County, ICE’s operations played out differently. When combat-ready federal agents gathered in large numbers at staging areas in Paramount and Compton on June 8, protesters swiftly mobilized collective resistance efforts and emergency patrols. Agents responded to large crowds with tear gas, flash bangs, and so-called “less-lethal” weapons. Organizers maintain that this grassroots mobilization sabotaged enforcement operations, putting agents on the defensive and preventing them from conducting raids for the rest of the day.

    As ICE raids escalated across Los Angeles in early June, sending protesters into the streets and immigrant communities into hiding, the contrast between how the consequential weekend unfolded in different parts of the city was stark. Divergent outcomes in majority Latino areas further east with a long history of organizing and those largely disconnected from grassroots support highlighted the crucial role of community-led defense in the absence of meaningful government protection.

    Unlike Compton or Paramount, the airport-adjacent Westchester is geographically and socially isolated from more established community organizing networks. And while LA’s sanctuary laws prohibit local police from working with ICE, organizers argue that the local law enforcement agencies can’t be trusted to keep immigrants safe.

    Related

    Going Out to a Protest? Here’s How Not to Get Arrested.

    “Workers need to know their rights, whether it’s at the workplace or at their home, and they feel empowered to exercise those rights,” said Flor Melendrez, executive director of the labor advocacy group CLEAN Carwash Worker Center. Car wash workers, street vendors, and day laborers working in high-visibility, outdoor spaces face heightened risk for arrests as “easy targets” for ICE raids, while often lacking access to critical resources and workplace protections. Organizers said more than 26 car wash workers were arrested across at least six businesses in the set of raids began on June 6.

    According to the owner of the car wash, agents pressured workers into answering questions like where they were born. 

    “They didn’t read their rights or anything at all. They just took them away immediately,” Anya said. She told The Intercept the second raid was over in a matter of minutes.

    Miles away from Anya, in a predominantly Latino neighborhood east of the Los Angeles River, a middle school teacher named Ruth was on her way to her school’s graduation ceremony when she noticed a group of day laborers running in her direction from the Home Depot parking lot.

    “I started taking off my heels and putting on my flats. I got my megaphone and ran out of my car,” she told The Intercept. “I was ready.” 

    Abandoned food stands and belongings scattered the parking lot. Ruth confirmed with witnesses that a handful of federal agents made a brief appearance but left without making arrests.

    Ruth, who asked to be identified only by her first name so she wouldn’t be identified at school, is a member of the Community Self-Defense Coalition, a volunteer-led group that patrols neighborhoods for ICE activity. She’s trained to identify undercover agents and vehicles; document raids; collect names and contact information to notify family members; and locate the detained and connect them to resources and legal assistance. 

    Ruth has embraced organizing as a way to defend her community when existing institutions meant to protect people instead facilitate their persecution.

    Related

    LAPD Won’t Do Immigration Enforcement — But Will Shoot You With Rubber Bullets for Protesting ICE

    While California Gov. Gavin Newsom and Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass, both Democrats, have condemned the Trump administration’s draconian crackdown on immigration, community organizers and local immigrant rights groups point to a discrepancy between rhetoric and reality. So-called sanctuary policies prohibit local officials from assisting with federal immigration enforcement, but observers have called these into question after seeing members of the Los Angeles Police Department cracking down on protests against ICE and seemingly protecting federal agents during raids.

    To Ruth and other community defense organizers, LA’s sanctuary laws are a “myth.” The LAPD and the sheriff’s department “are working with ICE,” she said. “They’re protecting them. They’re not protecting us.”

    While the LAPD has dismissed these allegations, a senior Department of Homeland Security official credited the increase in ICE arrests in part to “enhanced cooperation from local law enforcement partners.”

    The Community Self Defense Coalition steps in to provide the protection that local law enforcement agencies won’t. When Ruth encounters ICE agents, she also notifies the Rapid Response Network hotline, which operates as an early warning system for community members to report ICE activity. If necessary, the network alerts the surrounding community so that those who are vulnerable to arrest can avoid the area, while others can mobilize in defense.

    “If we don’t stand up and organize to defend our communities,” Ruth said, “who’s gonna do it?”

    A ripped piece of paper taped on top of an advertisement says "Please take what you need and share" with instructions for dealing with ICE.
    Bilingual information for dealing with ICE taped up in Los Angeles in June 2025. Photo: Claudia Villalona for The Intercept

    ICE’s mass raids across Los Angeles County have led to the arrest of at least 300 people since June 6, according to immigrants’ rights groups. But immigration lawyers and rights advocates maintain that the number is likely much higher, as groups continue to gather information from witnesses and family members. The detained have seemingly disappeared into the immigration detention system, as families and immigrant rights organizations struggle to locate them.

    Related

    ICE Agent Fled From Angry Residents Outside New York School — and Got in a Car Crash

    The enforcement tactics on display at Anya’s car wash and across Los Angeles are part of ICE’s latest push to meet a steep daily quota of 3,000 arrests nationwide. Since late May, arrests have increased dramatically from an average of 600 to over 2,000 per day, according to the Department of Homeland Security. 

    In a statement released June 8, the Department of Homeland Security claimed that ICE has arrested the “worst of the worst illegal alien criminals in Los Angeles.”

    There is little reason to believe DHS.

    “These are warrantless arrests targeting workers with no criminal background. We have laws that protect people’s rights, regardless of whether or not we’re documented, and those aren’t being respected,” said Aquilina Soriano Versoza, executive director of the Pilipino Workers Center, a member organization of the Rapid Response Network. ICE agents — undercover, masked, or in tactical gear — have targeted working-class immigrants conducting raids in previously banned “sensitive areas” without judicial warrants. They’re separating families and instilling fear, Soriano Versoza said, for political theater. People are afraid to go to work, drive their kids to school, or even seek medical care.

    Soriano Versoza noted that many of the detained continue to be denied access to legal assistance, particularly those being held in the federal detention center in downtown LA. Even elected officials, exercising their power of congressional oversight, have been refused entry into detention centers.

    “I was present during the raid. I saw with my own eyes the pains of the families, crying, screaming, not knowing what to do, just like me,” said the daughter of Jorge Arrazola, a car wash worker taken in a raid at a press conference organized by CLEAN. Like many of those arrested in the raids, Arrazola was his household’s sole breadwinner, leaving his loved ones economically devastated and forced to fend for themselves.

    CLEAN Carwash Worker Center, along with other groups and unions, have organized rights workshops and distributed red cards, or “Know Your Rights” cards, which outline how to assert rights in an encounter with federal immigration agents.

    CLEAN and another group, the National Day Laborer Organizing Network, have also implemented “adopt a car wash” or “adopt a corner” programs to set up volunteers to warn workers of approaching ICE agents or provide direct support and documentation during raids.

    Anya’s car wash is now receiving support from CLEAN. But it was too late to protect against the initial raids. She and her bosses have located some but not all of her co-workers. One of her colleagues has already been deported to Mexico, and another has since been transferred to an ICE detention center in Texas. “I’ve known these people and seen them every day for two years,” Anya told The Intercept. Some had worked at the car wash since it opened in the early 2000s.

    They have families, she said, who are desperately trying to find them. 

    “I don’t know where they are. I don’t know how they’re being treated,” Anya said. “I feel helpless and hopeless.”

    The post Community Defense Groups Take the Last Stand Against ICE in LA appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • a federal judge on Friday ordered the Trump administration to immediately release Mahmoud Khalil, the former Columbia University graduate student activist who has been held in a Louisiana detention center since his arrest in early March.

    The judge had previously ruled that Khalil could not be held by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement based on a vague federal statute focused on potential “adverse foreign policy consequences” of his presence in the country. The latest ruling rejected the government’s arguments that Khalil, who missed the birth of his son while in detention, posed a flight risk, much less a danger to the community.

    “No one should fear being jailed for speaking out in this country,” said Alina Das, co-director of the Immigrant Rights Clinic at New York University School of Law, who represented Khalil in court, in an emailed statement. “We are overjoyed that Mr. Khalil will finally be reunited with his family while we continue to fight his case in court.”

    Khalil’s case is just the latest instance in which federal courts have ruled against the Trump administration’s dogged efforts to detain and deport noncitizens who protested Israel’s war in Gaza, many of them students who are in the U.S. on visas or green cards.

    One under-scrutinized federal agency has been crucial to this effort: Homeland Security Investigations, the investigative arm of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, which markets itself as an elite force that targets human traffickers, drug smugglers, and war criminals. But under the second Trump administration, HSI has turned its surveillance apparatus on a different kind of target: noncitizens on college campuses with critical views of Israel.

    As it built dossiers on Khalil and others, HSI deployed its full suite of investigative tools and techniques to “identify individuals within the parameters” of President Donald Trump’s executive orders about rooting out purported antisemitism, as one HSI agent explained in an affidavit.

    For each target, HSI agents used surveillance tools to build a dossier, which was then passed to the State Department to confirm that the target was, in the eyes of the U.S. government, sufficiently antisemitic to be deported.

    “The government hasn’t made a plausible argument that these students actually pose a threat to the national security of the United States.”

    To track down protesters for arrest, HSI agents conducted “pattern of life” surveillance, The Intercept found, which meant monitoring targets’ movements and associates. HSI agents executed search warrants on college dorms based on flimsy affidavits, issued subpoenas for financial records and other data, and even put a trace on one target’s WhatsApp account.

    “It’s notable that these components, which purportedly focus on threats to national security and public safety, are spending their time hunting down student protesters for their protected speech,” said Carrie DeCell, senior staff attorney at the Knight First Amendment Institute at Columbia University, which is suing the Trump administration for targeting pro-Palestinian campus activists. “From what I’ve seen, the government hasn’t made a plausible argument that these students actually pose a threat to the national security of the United States.”

    For years, watchdogs have warned that Congress needs to rein in HSI. During the first Trump administration, HSI monitored protest plans, called in aerial surveillance of the George Floyd demonstrations, and helped compile a database of journalists and immigration advocates to target at the border.

    When Trump returned to the White House in January, HSI wasted little time in using its broad, fuzzy authority to target and track down critics of Israel’s war on Gaza.

    “HSI has a really broad, often unchecked authority that in moments like these can allow them to turn it into a weapon,” said Spencer Reynolds, senior counsel at the Brennan Center for Justice, who previously worked as senior intelligence counsel in the Department of Homeland Security.

    “The Department does little to promote oversight and accountability of its operations,” Reynolds said of HSI, pointing to the Trump administration’s efforts to eliminate or defang DHS’s civil liberties office as amplifying the risks of abuse.

    “We’ve seen this happen in the past,” Reynolds said, “and it can result in abusive targeting.”

    ICE did not respond to The Intercept’s questions for this story.

     

    HSI sprang into action in late January, after Trump issued an executive order purportedly aimed at antisemitism, according to an affidavit filed by a high-ranking HSI official in the case of Momodou Taal, a Cornell University grad student.

    HSI investigators launched a “proactive” review of “open-source information to identify individuals subject to the Executive Order,” wrote Roy M. Stanley III, who leads the counterterrorism unit within HSI’s Office of Intelligence. As part of this review, HSI conducted “targeted analysis to substantiate aliens’ alleged engagement of antisemitic activities.”

    In the Knight Institute’s lawsuit, another official, Andre Watson, who leads HSI’s national security division, explained that “HSI Office of Intelligence proactively reviews open-source information to identify individuals within the parameters of” Trump’s executive order.

    “The HSI Office of Intelligence is typically focused on identifying actual security threats,” said DeCell of the Knight Institute.

    And just because the underlying information is open source, meaning available on the public internet, DeCell explained, “doesn’t mean the government isn’t using more advanced tech as part of its “boil the ocean” approach to surveillance.”

    Related

    ICE Searched LexisNexis Database Over 1 Million Times in Just Seven Months

    In fact, ICE officials’ references to “open-source” searches potentially refer to HSI’s massive database, called RAVEn, said Reynolds, of the Brennan Center. RAVEn uses large-language models to collate material from across ICE’s systems and the public internet, including social media posts and news stories.

    For Taal, HSI’s open-source trawl turned up online articles about his participation in Gaza protests and run-ins with the Cornell administration. In mid-March, HSI referred its findings to the State Department, which revoked Taal’s visa the same day, according to other court filings.

    After initially filing suit to challenge the revocation of his visa, Taal decided to leave the U.S. in late March rather than risk being detained like Khalil.

    Court records across multiple cases reflect this general workflow: HSI agents use surveillance tools to build a dossier — an “HSI Subject Profile,” as Secretary of State Marco Rubio referred to them in memos.

    “There seems to be a two-way street here” between HSI and the State Department, DeCell noted, by which HSI agents provide reports that “support the State Department’s decision to revoke a visa.”

    HSI drafted “subject profiles” on Khalil and at least two other Columbia students targeted for their ties to Gaza protests, court records show: Yunseo Chung and Mohsen Mahdawi.

    In many cases, Rubio quickly ratified HSI’s findings and ordered the targets should be deported under a rarely used provision for “adverse policy interests.” As in Taal’s case, Rubio signed off on the deportations of Khalil, Chung, and Mahdawi within 24 hours. He even did so in a single letter that gave ICE the green light to detain both Khalil and Chung.

    But in some cases, HSI’s intel was a stretch even for Rubio’s staff.

    Related

    Marco Rubio Is Attacking American Education. International Students Are His Pawns.

    HSI’s dossier on Rümeysa Öztürk, a Tufts University student, quoted from an op-ed she co-wrote calling on Tufts to “disclose its investments and divest from companies with direct or indirect ties to Israel,” the Washington Post reported. The State Department pushed back somewhat, determining the op-ed wasn’t sufficient evidence of antisemitic activity or support for a terrorism organization.

    The State Department did not respond to The Intercept’s questions about whether Rubio’s staff had disagreed with HSI’s determinations as to any other targets beside Öztürk.

    All the same, based on HSI’s threadbare findings, Öztürk’s visa could still be revoked at Rubio’s discretion, the State Department wrote in a reply memo later filed in court. “Due to ongoing ICE operational security, this revocation will be silent,” wrote John Armstrong of the State Department’s Bureau of Consular Affairs to Watson on March 21. “The Department of State will not notify the subject of the revocation.”

    Four days later, as Öztürk walked to a Ramadan dinner, six plain-clothed ICE agents surrounded her, placed her under arrest, and whisked her out of Massachusetts and ultimately to a detention center in Louisiana, where she was held for several weeks before a federal judge ordered her release in early May. 

    Mahdawi also won his release in May, which the federal government has appealed in tandem with Öztürk’s case. Despite HSI agents’ best efforts, Chung has never been detained, and earlier this month a federal judge issued an injunction that prohibits ICE from taking her into custody.

    HSI has not just taken lead on flagging people who criticized Israel on university campuses, but also in tracking down and arresting them through various surveillance tactics.

    In Khalil’s case, even before Rubio signed off on their findings, HSI placed Khalil under “pattern of life” surveillance, according to an immigration court filing. As an ICE attorney explained, this meant gathering information about Khalil’s “frequent locations, people he associates with, and various other information essential to law enforcement activities.”

    When Rubio gave the go-ahead, HSI agents were already parked outside Khalil’s campus apartment in New York City. Despite not having an arrest warrant, they took him into custody and quickly hustled him to a facility in Louisiana.

    Related

    U.S. Spy Agencies Are Getting a One-Stop Shop to Buy Your Most Sensitive Personal Data

    HSI special agents also staked out and arrested Badar Khan Suri, a scholar at Georgetown University, after Rubio determined he should be deported in mid-March. In May, a federal judge ordered his release.

    When HSI struggled to locate targets, they used legal processes like subpoenas and search warrants to try to track them down.

    In Chung’s case, ICE surveilled her campus apartment for five days and visited her parents’ home in Virginia but still couldn’t find her. So HSI agents sent administrative subpoenas to Columbia — seeking video footage from her dorm building and data showing when Chung swiped in and out of the building over an eight-day period, court records show.

    Citing student privacy laws, a Columbia spokesperson would not answer whether the university complied with ICE’s administrative subpoenas, which would not be legally enforceable without a separate court order. “The University seeks legal advice for any type of warrant or subpoena, judicial or administrative,” the spokesperson wrote by email to The Intercept, adding that decisions about compliance “are made by the University after legal review to ensure there is a lawful requirement and, if so, the University must then comply.”

    HSI agents also obtained and executed judicial search warrants for the dorm rooms of Chung and another Columbia student on the theory that Columbia was “harboring” them in violation of federal law.

    The search warrant application materials, which were unsealed in mid-May, showed an assistant special agent in charge of HSI’s New York office filed a wildly inaccurate affidavit.

    The affidavit misstated basic facts and federal law, attorneys told The Intercept, including that Chung, a lawful permanent resident with a green card, was in the country unlawfully.

    When Leqaa Kordia, a Palestinian woman who grew up in the West Bank, was arrested by New York City cops last spring at a Gaza demonstration at Columbia University, she was not a prominent activist or a recognizable leader in the student pro-Palestine movement like Khalil or Mahdawi.

    She wasn’t even a Columbia student or otherwise affiliated with the school. Kordia had gone into the city for the day from her home in Paterson, New Jersey, she says in a lawsuit challenging her detention at an ICE facility in Texas.

    Kordia was one of dozens of people arrested the same day in April 2024 that NYPD stormed Columbia’s Hamilton Hall. Kordia was not part of the contingent of students who occupied the hall, but was arrested outside the closed campus gates after police told the crowd to disperse.

    All charges against Kordia were later dropped without any court appearances. Her case was sealed, and her name did not make it into news coverage of the protest or onto lists by pro-Israel groups like Betar.

    But her low profile didn’t stop Kordia, whose student visa had expired while her green card application was in process, from being targeted by HSI.

    Early in March, HSI began investigating Kordia for “national security violations,” according to court records. And agents in HSI’s Newark office threw considerable investigative resources into profiling Kordia.

    Related

    How the FBI Sought a Warrant to Search Instagram of Columbia Student Protesters

    HSI agents subpoenaed her financial records, put a trace on her WhatsApp account, and asked NYPD for records about her arrest. They interviewed Kordia’s mother, who is an American citizen; several of her acquaintances; and even the tenants of an apartment Kordia once rented.

    In mid-March, the week after HSI agents arrested Khalil at his apartment on Columbia’s campus, they detained Kordia in New Jersey and flew her to the Texas detention center.

    After the Department of Homeland Security put out a gleeful statement, Kordia quickly became known as the “second Columbia student” arrested by ICE over Gaza protests — even as Columbia made clear she was never enrolled. It’s a basic error that ICE still can’t keep straight, claiming in a recent press release that Kordia is “another Columbia Student who actively participated in anti-American, pro-terrorist activities on campus.”

    Kordia remains in ICE detention thousands of miles from her family. Together with others targeted by HSI because of their ties to protests over Gaza, her case underscores the Trump administration’s commitment to targeting dissent with advanced surveillance tools and federal manpower.

    “The government is deploying resources that are purportedly focused on identifying threats” but instead “rounding up students protesting on their own college campuses,” summarized the Knight Institute’s DeCell. “That raises significant First Amendment concerns, and it raises a chilling effect for anyone here in the U.S. on a visa.”

    The post Mahmoud Khalil Won His Freedom Despite the Best Efforts of ICE’s Intelligence Unit appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • Jimmy Harmon, chief of the criminal division of the Oklahoma Attorney General’s Office, was standing in a courtroom packed with journalists and onlookers during a Tuesday afternoon bond hearing in Richard Glossip’s case, when he announced that the state would be calling a couple of witnesses.

    The announcement was unexpected; the state hadn’t notified Glossip’s attorneys that they planned to put anyone on the stand. When Harmon said his first witness’s name — Malissa West — the confusion appeared to deepen. No one, not Glossip, his attorneys, or supporters in the gallery, seemed to know who this woman was.

    After West introduced herself as the “resident communications specialist” at the Oklahoma County Detention Center, in charge of monitoring outgoing phone calls placed from the jail, it became clear that Harmon intended to introduce into evidence a recording of a call between Glossip and someone on the outside. Glossip glanced at his wife Lea, sitting in the front row. He looked confused and a bit nervous and shrugged, signaling he had no idea what this was about.

    Corbin Brewster, one of Glossip’s defense attorneys, objected. They hadn’t heard the recording in question and wanted a chance to listen to it. Judge Heather Coyle agreed, and the lawyers filed out of the courtroom.

    It was the second time in as many weeks that Glossip was back in Coyle’s Oklahoma County courtroom after the U.S. Supreme overturned his conviction for the 1997 murder of Barry Van Treese, who was killed at the rundown motel he owned on the outskirts of Oklahoma City. A 19-year-old maintenance man named Justin Sneed admitted to bludgeoning Van Treese to death but insisted Glossip had put him up to it. Prosecutors said that Glossip orchestrated the killing to cover up the fact that he’d been embezzling money from the motel, offering to split with Sneed any cash Van Treese had on him at the time of his death. Although the evidence to support the theory was thin, two different juries found Glossip guilty and sentenced him to death.

    Glossip faced nine execution dates and was served three last meals before the court ruled in February that his case had been tainted by false testimony and prosecutorial misconduct. The hard-won victory was due in no small part to Harmon’s own boss, Oklahoma Attorney General Gentner Drummond, who took unprecedented steps to prevent Glossip’s execution and fought alongside his attorneys to have the conviction tossed — only to announce in early June that he intended to try Glossip for murder a third time.

    Among the spectators in the eighth-floor courtroom were members of the Van Treese family, who sat in the front row. Until Harmon sought to introduce the recorded call, the hearing had been going as expected. Brewster had laid out the reasons why Coyle should release Glossip from jail pending a third trial for first-degree murder: Glossip didn’t have any meaningful criminal history before being sent to death row, is not a flight risk, and has a wealth of individuals ready to support him after release — including Lea, friends, and religious leaders, and at least one current Republican state lawmaker.

    But the most important reason why Coyle should grant bond, Brewster said, was that there is no reliable evidence that Glossip is guilty of murder. In order to keep Glossip in jail, Brewster pointed out, Coyle would have to find that the state was likely to win a third conviction — something Drummond had repeatedly acknowledged would be hard to do.

    In the decades since Glossip was sent to death row, explosive revelations have cast serious doubt on the state’s theory of the case — including the revelation that the state destroyed a key box of evidence prior to Glossip’s 2004 retrial. A slew of new witnesses have also come forward to challenge the state’s portrayal of Sneed as wholly under Glossip’s control, describing Sneed as violent, unpredictable, and entirely capable of killing on his own. Many of these revelations are contained in a series of reports by the private law firm Reed Smith, which investigated the case at the behest of a bipartisan group of Oklahoma lawmakers. The investigation revealed that Sneed repeatedly tried to recant his testimony implicating Glossip and unearthed records debunking Glossip’s supposed financial motive for wanting to kill Van Treese. The new evidence largely dismantled the state’s case and thoroughly discredited Sneed — the state’s “one indispensable witness,” as Drummond himself had previously argued.

    If there was any anticipation that the mysterious phone call might introduce some new evidence against Glossip, it was quickly dispelled when the lawyers returned to the courtroom. Harmon’s co-counsel, Senior Assistant Attorney General Jennifer Hinsperger, placed a laptop on the witness stand. Coyle leaned forward and craned her neck to listen to the recording, which was almost impossible to hear from the gallery. It was a clip of a conversation between Glossip and a woman identified as an anti-death penalty activist. “I haven’t seen my family in a long time,” Glossip told her.

    As it turned out, this was the point of playing the call — an attempted “gotcha” moment to challenge Brewster’s assertion that Glossip had a support structure outside prison. It didn’t appear to land as Harmon intended. “Would it be a surprise to anyone that Richard Glossip may be estranged from family members after serving 28 years incarcerated?” Brewster asked.

    Harmon moved on to his second witness: “The state calls Richard Glossip,” he announced. Glossip’s lawyers immediately asked to approach the bench. Glossip looked confused. “Wait, what — me?” he asked, looking at Lea. Before the judge, Brewster and co-counsel Andrea Miller argued that calling Glossip to testify was improper for a variety of legal reasons. Coyle agreed.

    With that, Harmon moved to the podium to argue his case for keeping Glossip in jail.

    Harmon questioned Glossip’s roots in Oklahoma, saying he had hoped to ask Glossip about this on the stand. “I think the evidence, as the court could hopefully hear through that phone call, is that Mr. Glossip has no ties to his biological family,” Harmon said. “All of Mr. Glossip’s family ties center around one person. And that’s his current spouse. And I don’t mean to diminish that,” he said, before questioning the sincerity of their bond. He suggested that Glossip was engaged in flirtatious conversations with other women and brought up allegations by Glossip’s ex-wife that he had used her over the course of their relationship. In fact, Harmon spent much of his time at the podium summarizing old affidavits by her and another woman who claimed Glossip manipulated them into giving him money.

    “I do have a couple questions,” Coyle told Harmon. In order to deny bond, she had to have “clear and convincing evidence” that Glossip was likely to be found guilty. “If you would please expand on the facts that support that for my consideration.” In other words, she was asking Harmon for some concrete proof that Glossip is a murderer.

    When it comes to Glossip’s case, the question on the minds of many in Oklahoma City these days — and certainly inside Coyle’s courtroom on Tuesday — is: What on earth is Genter Drummond doing?

    Until recently, there was every reason to believe that Glossip’s case would be resolved sooner rather than later. One potential scenario was that Glossip would agree to plead guilty to a lesser crime — specifically, of being an accessory to Van Treese’s murder. This is what Glossip was originally charged with in 1997, and arguably the only charge that ever had any basis in fact. On the night that he bludgeoned Van Treese, Sneed told Glossip that he’d killed the motel owner. Glossip didn’t immediately share this information with the police, he later told them, because he didn’t believe Sneed. In a 2023 letter asking the Oklahoma Pardon and Parole Board to spare Glossip’s life, Drummond wrote, “as supported by unimpeachable evidence, I believe that Mr. Glossip is guilty of accessory after the fact.”

    Related

    The “Power, Pride, and Politics” Behind the Drive to Execute Richard Glossip

    Over the last two years, Drummond had gone out of his way to spare Glossip’s life. Upon assuming office in 2023, after the release of the Reed Smith report, he announced that he was launching his own independent investigation into Glossip’s case. Several months later, Drummond concluded that Glossip’s conviction was rooted in prosecutorial misconduct and false testimony by Sneed and asked the Oklahoma Court of Criminal Appeals to overturn it. When the court refused, Drummond, alongside Glossip’s defense team, appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court, emphasizing the myriad problems with the case and arguing that “no evidence outside of Sneed’s saying so tied Glossip to the murder’s commission.” After oral arguments last fall, the justices ultimately sided with Drummond.

    Drummond, who is running for governor, made the rounds in the wake of the Supreme Court decision, boasting about his victory and publicly acknowledging that Glossip “didn’t murder the victim” in the case. This month, however, Drummond suddenly changed his tune. “My office thoroughly reviewed the merits of the case against Richard Glossip and concluded that sufficient evidence exists to secure a murder conviction,” he said in a press release announcing the decision to retry Glossip.

    But in a written motion and in front of Coyle, the state offered little more than old talking points about Glossip’s behavior after the crime, while pointing out that Sneed has never actually taken back his testimony. “Contrary to the defendant’s insinuations, Sneed has never recanted his testimony recounting how the defendant solicited him to murder Barry Van Treese, split the nearly $4,000 in case they stole from the victim’s vehicle, and then attempted to conceal the fact of the murder,” Drummond wrote in the motion. “In fact, to this day Sneed stands by his testimony.”

    In truth, Sneed’s own daughter told the state in 2014 that her dad wanted to recant his testimony. In a letter addressed to the pardon and parole board, she wrote that “for a couple of years now my father has been talking to me about recanting his original testimony,” but that he feared the consequences if he did so. Eight years later, the Reed Smith investigation found corroborating evidence. In a pair of letters Sneed wrote to his attorney about recanting his testimony; the attorney discouraged him, however, suggesting that if he did he would face the death penalty. Sneed, who is now 47, remains in prison serving a life sentence.

    Drummond also relies on a piece of circumstantial evidence that has long been used against Glossip: At the time of his arrest, Glossip was carrying about $1,700 — which was roughly half of the cash the state alleged that Van Treese had on the night he was killed. “Homicide detectives took note of the defendant’s possession of a large sum of cash not only because it appeared to correspond to half the value of the stolen cash, but also because the defendant was not known to have large quantities of money on him,” Drummond wrote.

    Glossip has repeatedly explained that this money was a combination of funds from his paycheck, savings, and the proceeds from several items he’d sold. He planned to use the money to hire a lawyer. (Glossip was arrested as he exited the office of an Oklahoma City attorney.)

    More importantly, recent investigations have discredited the state’s theory that Glossip had a financial motive to want Van Treese dead. Forensic accountants who reviewed the case determined not only that there was no evidence of embezzlement, but also that the motel funds on hand the night Van Treese was murdered would have been closer to $2,000 — roughly the amount of money in Sneed’s possession. Notably, the cash Sneed had was covered in blood; Glossip’s money was not.

    As the hearing came to a close, it seemed increasingly clear that Coyle would not be issuing an immediate ruling. In light of Drummond’s previous stance, she wanted Harmon to lay out exactly what evidence would support a first-degree murder charge and justify keeping Glossip in jail.

    “We have a plethora of evidence, actually,” he said. But rather than present anything new, Harmon urged Coyle to look at the transcripts of Glossip’s 1997 preliminary hearing and his two trials for the proof she needed.

    In his closing argument, Brewster reemphasized Drummond’s many statements arguing that the case against Glossip was fatally flawed. “I don’t know how the state can come in this courtroom and say, ‘The evidence is great,’” he said, “when they’re [on] the record before the U.S. Supreme Court saying the exact opposite.”

    “I don’t know how the state can come in this courtroom and say, ‘The evidence is great,’ when they’re [on] the record before the U.S. Supreme Court saying the exact opposite.”

    The state had “completely failed” to show that it was likely to win a new murder conviction against Glossip, Brewster said. While it isn’t unusual for judges to deny bond in first-degree murder cases, Brewster pointed out that this was not a typical case. “It would be an absolute travesty not to grant this man a bond.”

    Nevertheless, Coyle told the lawyers that she needed time to read the trial transcripts. Glossip sat at the defense table shackled at the waist and ankles as the lawyers conferred at the bench with Coyle to compare schedules and work out next steps. Coyle said she would make a decision about Glossip’s bond request by July 23. Surrounded by armed sheriff’s deputies, Glossip was led out of the courtroom, loaded into an elevator, and taken back to jail.

    The post Oklahoma Seeks New Conviction of Richard Glossip Using Old Evidence appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • Up until now, a narrative has been pushed in the local and international right-wing press that the council of the University of Cape Town had chosen to wilfully sacrifice R750-million in donor funding on the altar of its so-called Gaza resolutions. But new court papers submitted by an anti-Zionist Jewish group, as well as previously unreported sections of the UCT council’s answering affidavit, reveal a concerted effort by the pro-Israel lobby to shut down criticism of the Jewish state. Just like at Ivy League universities in the US, threats and intimidation have characterised the case.

    Illusions of safety

    On a Monday morning in March 2024, Professor Susan Levine, the head of the anthropology department at the University of Cape Town (UCT), received an email from a man who claimed to be “Benjy ‘Ben’ Steingold” of Tzfat, the famous “holy city” near the Sea of Galilee in northern Israel. Levine, who had never met or even heard of Steingold, was wary — the events of the previous weekend, when it came to the actions of her colleagues and fellow Jews, had shaken her badly. As she read from the top, her fears were confirmed.

    “This may be the most important email you have ever received in your life,” the message began. “Please read to the end as it could give you the opportunity to change your eternal future.”

    That “eternal future”, according to Steingold — or whatever the sender’s real name happened to be — would, unless Levine altered course, involve a particularly biblical form of punishment. Because she had allegedly “vilified Israel” by spreading “untruths and lies”, she was destined “in this incarnation or another reincarnation” to live under one of four enemy regimes: Hamas, Hezbollah, Isis or the Ayatollah’s Iran.

    For the next 10 paragraphs, as payback for the motion that Levine had brought before the UCT senate the previous Friday, Steingold quoted a potent mix of Torah and American literature. Through it all, an undercurrent of menace flowed in a steady and self-assured stream, as exemplified in a citation from the Midrash (ancient commentaries on the Hebrew scriptures): “If you are kind to the cruel, in the end, you will be cruel to the kind.”

    Two days later, on 13 March 2024, Levine would include these details in a sworn statement for the South African Police Service. At around the same time, the UCT authorities would deem the threat to her life significant enough to warrant full-time private security.

    In the third paragraph of her statement, Levine would succinctly explain the motion that she had proposed to the university senate on 8 March:

    “The motion was one which urged UCT to cut ties with Israeli institutions of higher education until such a time that they acknowledge the value of Palestinian lives in Gaza and [call] for an end to what the International Court of Justice calls ‘plausible’ [genocide].”

    As it turned out, despite her refusal to rescind — aside from the Steingold threat, there was an attempt by UCT staff to place pressure on members of Levine’s family, with one colleague even passing on the message that her life would be “ruined” — the motion for an academic boycott did not win the requisite votes.

    Still, although she could not know it at the time, Levine’s experience was fated to form a core part of one of the most significant court cases in the 195-year history of UCT.

    Lodged by Professor Adam Mendelsohn on 22 August 2024, the Western Cape Division of the High Court application would attempt to overturn a pair of momentous resolutions that had been passed by the UCT council, the university’s highest decision-making body, on 22 June of that same year: first, the resolution not to adopt the international definition of anti-Semitism that encompassed anti-Zionism; and, second, the resolution to prohibit collaboration with academics or research groups affiliated to the Israel Defense Forces or the broader Israeli military establishment.

    In its 150-page answering affidavit, the UCT council — represented by its chairperson, Norman Arendse — would refer to these resolutions jointly as the “Gaza resolutions,” thereby making it plain that they were a direct response to Israel’s ongoing military offensive and the rulings of the International Court of Justice (ICJ). On page 17 of the affidavit, shortly after reiterating UCT’s “zero-tolerance attitude to anti-Semitism” and acknowledging that the Jewish people had in the past been “victims of gross atrocities and genocide” themselves, Levine’s experience was mentioned for the first time.

    The context, as the UCT papers explicitly stated, was that “those who expressed views in support of the Gaza resolutions” were likely to face “threats, intimidation or reprisal” if their identities were revealed. Mendelsohn, the affidavit alleged, was “probably aware” of Levine’s experience, and therefore should not have disregarded the “safety and wellbeing” of council members by going public with the case.

    As examples of Mendelsohn’s alleged breach, UCT cited the publication of his founding and supplementary affidavits on Politicsweb, “with council members’ identities disclosed … regardless of the request [for anonymity]”. Also cited was reporting on the case “in pro-Israel and right-wing media in the United States”, specifically an article in Breitbart Media by its senior editor Joel Pollak, dated 15 March 2025.

    What was not cited was a lengthy feature published in Haaretz, Israel’s most progressive mainstream newspaper, on 24 September 2024. Titled “‘Scary Time to Be a Zionist’: Is Africa’s Top University No Longer a Welcoming Place for Jews?”, the piece, authored by South African journalist Tali Feinberg, quoted Mendelsohn extensively.

    With a link to the original founding affidavit, published on Politicsweb on 29 August 2024, Feinberg noted that the resolutions (which were — and are — yet to be implemented) “should be seen within the broader context of South Africa’s fraught relations with Israel”.

    Here, while Feinberg failed to mention the exceptionally close relationship in the 1970s and 1980s between the Israeli establishment and the white supremacist apartheid regime, she did observe that “the ruling African National Congress has long backed the Palestinians”. Likewise, while she failed to acknowledge the threats directed at Levine, the fears of certain members of UCT’s Zionist student body  — most of whom would only speak to her on condition of anonymity — were the central focus of her piece.

    As graduate student Esther (not her real name) told Feinberg: “If someone assaulted me for wearing a T-shirt that said ‘Am Yisrael Chai’ [‘The people of Israel live’], it wouldn’t be seen as anti-Semitic. It would be ‘anti-Zionist.’ The overlap between the two is no longer allowed to exist.”

    In these inherently contested words, by Daily Maverick’s reckoning, lay the essence of the case. Levine, who in the interests of academic freedom allowed us access to her story and her name, was for us an archetypal local representative of a deeply disturbing global phenomenon — the split in world Jewry, between Zionists and anti-Zionists, that was now violently shaking the foundations of some of the most prestigious universities on Earth.

    What if Einstein was an anti-Semite? 

    “I am an academic, writer and member of the organisation South African Jews for a Free Palestine (SAJFP), currently residing in Cape Town,” Jared Sacks testified. “I do not disclose my residential address because SAJFP members are often subject to harassment and threats from individuals who support Israel and the ideology of Zionism.”

    As the opening paragraph of the application for the admission of the SAJFP as amicus curiae (friends of the court) in the case of Mendelsohn versus the UCT council, an affidavit that Sacks deposed on behalf of his organisation on 9 June 2025, the assertion — like Levine’s story — was far from hyperbolic. A mere six weeks before, as reported, Sacks had been physically assaulted by an attendee of the Jewish Literary Festival in Cape Town, for the apparent offence of protesting Israeli war crimes in Gaza.

    The incident, it turned out, was nothing new to Sacks. As a PhD graduate in Middle Eastern Studies from Columbia University in New York, he had served as a teaching fellow on undergraduate courses that delved into the highly flammable terrain of Palestinian rights.

    “I have first-hand knowledge of the current climate of political repression related to pro-Palestine activism at universities in the United States,” Sacks declared in his affidavit, “including at Columbia, where a number of former colleagues and former students have been subject to harassment, doxxing, assaults, institutional pressure, procedurally unfair disciplinary processes, and unjust termination of employment due to their research and speech on Palestine.”

    By Daily Maverick’s understanding, this anchoring of the UCT case in the international context, a point that the affidavit would repeat from multiple angles, was one of the primary motivations for the SAJFP applying as amicus curiae — in disentangling the religion of Judaism from the ideology of Zionism, Sacks testified, his organisation aimed to “debunk the anti-Semitic notion” that there had ever been anything like a homogenous Jewish perspective, either globally or locally, on the actions of the State of Israel.

    Clearly, in emphasising “the role that anti-Zionist and non-Zionist Jews have played in shaping discourse on [the UCT campus]”, the affidavit was not only rejecting the attempt by Mendelsohn — director of the university’s Kaplan Centre for Jewish Studies — to speak on behalf of all Jewish students and staff; it was also affirming the SAJFP’s support for free speech and institutional autonomy, particularly in the form of the Gaza resolutions.

    But as important, “with billionaire philanthropists and politicians running roughshod over protected speech” at universities in the United States, the SAJFP was drawing attention to the “distinct possibility” that what had been playing out “at places like Harvard and Columbia” would “become an issue at South African universities as well”.

    The question for the Western Cape Division of the High Court, of course, would be whether the SAJFP was overstating its case. And here, to offset Mendelsohn’s opposition to the application, the organisation came armed with expert witnesses.

    At the top end, aside from the testimonies of Professor Steven Friedman and Professor Isaac Kamola, two local academics with deep knowledge of the issues, the SAJFP submitted an expert affidavit from Professor Joan Scott of the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton, New Jersey — the same institute that Albert Einstein had joined in the 1930s, after seeking refuge from Nazi Germany.

    Scott, as Sacks well knew, had long been a leading global critic of the definition of anti-Semitism as laid down by the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance, or IHRA — the very definition that the UCT council had rejected in its Gaza resolutions of June 2024, and the very definition, as articulated in his founding papers, that Mendelsohn appeared to be insisting upon.

    In paragraph 14 of her supporting affidavit, somewhat remarkably, Scott invoked the spirit of Einstein himself.

    “Under the IHRA definition,” she testified, “rejecting the idea of a Jewish state with borders and an army, as Einstein once did, could land even the most famous Jew of the 20th century in the position of being accused of anti-Semitism. Though he was sympathetic to Zionism, Einstein’s comparison of Menachem Begin’s Herut Party massacres during the Nakba to the Nazi Party would have fallen afoul of [the IHRA definition]. In today’s academic world, he could have been fired for making such a comparison.”

    In other words, according to Scott, a celebrated Jewish scholar in her mid-80s who had witnessed — and commented upon — some of the worst anti-democratic impulses of 20th-century America, the Zionist radicals of 2025 would have burnt no less a luminary than Einstein.

    It was for this reason, she continued in her affidavit, that one of the original authors of the IHRA definition, Professor Kenneth Stern, came to regret what he called the “weaponising” of the definition, arguing — in an opinion piece for the Guardian published in 2019 — that “its misuse undermines efforts to detect and combat real instances of anti-Semitism”.

    In the same vein, Scott added, this was also why more than a hundred Israeli and international civil society organisations, in April of 2023 — as reported, again, in the Guardian — “urged the United Nations to reject this definition”.

    Ultimately, for Scott — as for Friedman and Kamola — the IHRA definition had quickly become anathema to the very idea of academic freedom. Scott, however, had been watching its effects play out on US Ivy League campuses in real time. Republican politicians, she testified, “many of them anti-Semites themselves”, were now using the “expressions of discomfort” of Zionist students and faculty to foreground anti-Semitism at the expense of all other forms of racial discrimination.

    “[Zionist] students express their discomfort in terms of feeling ‘unsafe’ or ‘threatened,’” she added, “when there is little or no evidence of any physical danger they have experienced.”

    Was this also the reality of Zionist fears on the UCT campus, as reported by Feinberg in Haaretz? The answer, it appeared, would be for the Western Cape Division of the High Court to decide.

    For the moment, what could not be disputed was how things were turning out in the US. “The IHRA definition is now a political test for enjoying rights of free speech and academic freedom,” Scott testified. “Those who support Israel have rights of free expression, those who criticise it are punished and banned.”

    The money problem

    On a Saturday morning in mid-March 2025, almost a year to the day after UCT had assigned full-time security to Professor Levine, the university council was asked to make a difficult decision. With the threat of US federal funding cuts looming, most likely in the form of an abrupt halt to grants from the National Institutes of Health (NIH), the executive orders of President Donald Trump could no longer be ignored — for one thing, as the largest recipients of NIH grants outside of the US, the university’s medical researchers were now at serious risk.

    For another thing, as every member of the council was keenly aware, pro-Israel donors had already withdrawn funding — and more were threatening to withdraw — on the back of the Gaza resolutions of the previous year.

    Although it had not been placed on the agenda for discussion, a motion was therefore tabled that the university should rescind the resolutions and withdraw its opposition to Mendelsohn’s high court application. In a closely contested vote, the motion failed to pass.

    A few short hours later, as stated in the council’s answering affidavit, Joel Pollak of the right-wing US outlet Breitbart Media ran an article under the title, “South African university votes to keep boycott of Israel despite losing two-thirds of donor funding”. Before the end of the following week, in a similarly alarmist piece in the local Jewish Report (authored, like the Haaretz feature, by Feinberg), Rolene Marks of the South African Zionist Federation (SAZF) would also note her concerns.

    “This self-inflicted crisis threatens vital resources and undermines UCT’s global standing,” Marks stated on behalf of the SAZF. “It exposes the ideological capture of its leadership at the direct expense of academic freedom, financial stability and student welfare. Council members have a fiduciary duty to act in the best interests of the university, yet some are wilfully disregarding this obligation. Their hatred of Israel outweighs their responsibility for UCT’s future.”

    By Daily Maverick’s reading, this was an uncanny summary of one of the principal arguments from Mendelsohn’s founding affidavit of August 2024 — the notion that, by failing to take account of “UCT’s finances, existing relationships … and reputation”, the council had acted in an “irrational” manner.

    But if Mendelsohn was indeed the source of the leaks, as alleged in the UCT answering papers, he would not admit as much to us. In response to a series of questions sent on 12 June, in which Daily Maverick also sought clarification on the publication of the names of council members, he noted his “surprise” at our email — we should “surely know”, he wrote, that it would be “improper” for him to respond while legal proceedings were pending.

    Given Mendelsohn’s extensive interviews with Feinberg, we noted, we too were surprised. Still, irrespective of the source, the tenor of the media campaign against the UCT council was unmistakable — the underlying message was that the university had been financially punished for taking on the Zionists.

    The SAJFP, for its part, was unimpressed. Referring in a footnote to an attendant statement from Mendelsohn’s supplementary affidavit, the organisation pointed out the obvious: “The assumption that ‘Jewish connected’ donors would have a homogeneous reaction to resolutions against Israel’s actions in Palestine is not only incorrect … it also panders to historical anti-Semitic tropes of a Jewish cabal working in unison and employing financial power to promote its political agendas.”

    Of course, if the SAJFP was implying that there was no such cabal, the optics weren’t working in its favour.

    Further down in its application, the organisation got at the heart of the matter, noting that since 7 October 2023 the “risk to university autonomy and academic freedom” from private donor money had become extreme, “particularly at Ivy League universities” in the US.

    “Wealthy donors (with the support of politicians) have drawn on the IHRA’s conflation of anti-Zionism with anti-Semitism to pressure universities like Harvard and Columbia to ban student groups like Jewish Voices for Peace and Students for Justice in Palestine,” Sacks testified. “Donor pressure has also forced the suspension and expulsion of students for peaceful protests, the militarisation of campuses by armed police and the resignation of university presidents that sought to push back on their demands.”

    Unlike Harvard, the SAJFP noted, where philanthropic contributions “made up about 45 percent of all revenue in the 2024 financial year”, private donor funding made up “only ten percent” of UCT’s revenue in 2024. Still, with the overall trend in South Africa towards “increased reliance on such funding”, one of the dangers — as the SAJFP saw it — was that donors’ political views would soon play an outsized role at our universities too.

    A major milestone, according to the SAJFP, had been passed in the signing of a contract between UCT and the Donald Gordon Foundation (DGF) in 2023, wherein the latter had agreed to fund the creation of a neuroscience institute (at a cost of R200-million over a 10-year period) on the proviso that UCT’s “zero-tolerance attitude to anti-Semitism” was anchored in the IHRA definition.

    As the UCT council’s answering affidavit made clear, on 6 August 2024 — around six weeks after it had passed the Gaza resolutions — the DGF informed the university of its “decision to cancel … the donor agreement”. In total, the council devoted all of 24 paragraphs to the contract’s background, arguing that the IHRA clause had never been used or intended as a dealbreaker and expressing the hope that the relationship with the DGF could be restored.

    But Mendelsohn, in his own papers, had left no room for doubt — not only had the UCT council sacrificed the neuroscience institute on the altar of its Gaza resolutions, he testified, it had burnt the chances of a mooted “R400- to R500-million from the DGF” for a new academic hospital too.

    And likewise for the SAJFP (although from the diametrically opposed stance), there was nothing ambiguous about the DGF contract.

    “If the DGF donor agreement were to be enforced,” Sacks testified, “this would mean that Zionism’s adherents on campus would be protected by the IHRA in the same way as a racial group or religion. Meanwhile, the agreement would institutionalise discrimination against those who oppose Zionism by branding them with the false label of anti-Semitism.”

    The Western Cape Division of the High Court, then, was being asked to pass judgment on one of the most heated and divisive topics of the modern era — a touchpoint that was pitching students against professors, voters against politicians, Jews against Jews. For anti-Zionists like Levine and Sacks, the violence that their brethren were capable of was hardly a joke; but for Mendelsohn too, who in September 2024 had requested additional security from the university, the stakes were sky-high.

    On 23 and 24 October 2025, the matter would be heard before a full Bench. Arguing for the admission of the SAJFP as amicus curiae would be Geoffrey Budlender, a graduate of UCT and one of the most respected senior counsels in South Africa. According to Sacks, Budlender had agreed to take on the case pro bono.

    Given that Budlender, himself a Jew, had recently been honoured with the George Bizos Human Rights Award, it was likely to be an uncompromising show, a battle worthy of the oldest university in the country.

    Would South Africa, as in the ICJ case, offer the world a lesson in moral courage?

    Daily Maverick, for one, wasn’t betting against it.

    The post Zionism Untethered: Inside the Legal Battle for the Soul of UCT first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • SPECIAL REPORT: By Saige England in Ōtautahi and Ava Mulla in Cairo

    Hope for freedom for Palestinians remains high among a group of trauma-struck New Zealanders in Cairo.

    In spite of extensive planning, the Global March To Gaza (GMTG) delegation of about 4000 international aid volunteers was thwarted in its mission to walk from Cairo to Gaza to lend support.

    The land of oranges and pyramids became the land of autocracy last week as peace aid volunteers — young, middle-aged, and elderly — were herded like cattle and cordoned behind fences.

    Their passports were initially seized — and later returned. Several New Zealanders were among those dragged and beaten.

    While ordinary Egyptians showed “huge support” for the GMTG, the militant Egyptian regime showed its hand in supporting Israel rather than Palestine.

    A member of the delegation, Natasha*, said she and other members pursued every available diplomatic channel to ensure that the peaceful, humanitarian, march would reach Gaza.

    Moved by love, they were met with hate.

    Violently attacked
    “When I stepped toward the crowd’s edge and began instinctually with heart break to chant, ‘Free Palestine,’ I was violently attacked by five plainclothes men.

    “They screamed, grabbed, shoved, and even spat on me,” she said.

    Tackled, she was dragged to an unmarked van. She did not resist, posed no threat, yet the violence escalated instantly.

    “I saw hatred in their eyes.”

    Egyptian state security forces and embedded provocateurs were intent on dismantling and discrediting the Global March
    Egyptian state security forces and embedded provocateurs were intent on dismantling and discrediting the Global March activists. Image: GMTG screenshot APR

    Another GMTG member, a woman who tried to intervene was also “viciously assaulted”. She witnessed at least three other women and two men being attacked.

    The peacemakers escaped from the unmarked van the aggressors were distracted, seemingly confused about their destination, she said.

    It is now clear that from the beginning Egyptian State forces and embedded provocateurs were intent on dismantling and discrediting the GMTG.

    Authorities as provocateurs
    The peace participants witnessed plainclothed authorities act as provacateurs, “shoving people, stepping on them, throwing objects” to create a false image for media.

    New Zealand actor Will Alexander
    New Zealand actor Will Alexander . . . “This is only a fraction of what Palestinians experience every day.” GMTG

    New Zealand actor Will Alexander said the experience had inflated rather than deflated his passion for human rights, and compassion for Palestinians.

    “This is only a fraction of what Palestinians experience everyday. Palestinians pushed into smaller and smaller areas are murdered for wanting to stand on their own land,” he said.

    “The reason that ordinary New Zealanders like us need to put our bodies on the line is because our government has failed to uphold its obligations under the Genocide Convention.

    “Israel has blatantly breached international law for decades with total impunity.”

    While the New Zealanders are all safe, a small number of people in the wider movement had been forcibly ‘disappeared’,” said GMTG New Zealand member Sam Leason.

    Their whereabouts was still unknown, he said.

    Arab members targeted
    “It must be emphasised that it is primarily — and possibly strictly — Arab members of the March who are the targets of the most dramatic and violent excesses committed by the Egyptian authorities, including all forced disappearances.”

    The Global March to Gaza activists
    Global March to Gaza activists being attacked . . . the genocide cannot be sustained when people from around the world push against the Israeli regime and support the people on the ground with food and healthcare. Image: GMTG screenshot APR

    This did, however, continuously add to the mounting sense of stress, tension, anxiety and fear, felt by the contingent, he said.

    “Especially given the Egyptian authorities’ disregard to their own legal system, which leaves us blindsided and in a thick fog of uncertainty.”

    Moving swiftly through the streets of Cairo in the pitch of night, from hotel to hotel and safehouse to safehouse, was a “surreal and dystopian” experience for the New Zealanders and other GMTG members.

    The group says that the genocide cannot be sustained when people from around the world push against the Israeli regime and support the people on the ground with food and healthcare.

    “For 20 months our hearts have raced and our eyes have filled in unison with the elderly, men, women, and children, and the babies in Palestine,” said Billie*, a participant who preferred, for safety reasons, not to reveal their surname.

    “If we do not react to the carnage, suffering and complete injustice and recognise our shared need for sane governance and a liveable planet what is the point?”

    Experienced despair
    Aqua*, another New Zealand GMTG member, had experienced despair seeing the suffering of Palestinians, but she said it was important to nurture hope, as that was the only way to stop the genocide.

    “We cling to every glimmer of hope that presents itself. Like an oasis in a desert devoid of human emotion we chase any potential igniter of the flame of change.”

    Activist Eva Mulla
    Activist Eva Mulla . . . inspired by the courage of the Palestinians. Image: GMTG screenshot APR

    Ava Mulla, said from Cairo, that the group was inspired by the courage of the Palestinians.

    “They’ve been fighting for freedom and justice for decades against the world’s strongest powers. They are courageous and steadfast.”

    Mulla referred to the “We Were Seeds” saying inspired by Greek poet Dinos Christianopoulos.

    “We are millions of seeds. Every act of injustice fuels our growth,” she said.

    Helplessness an illusion
    The GMTG members agreed that “impotence and helplessness was an illusion” that led to inaction but such inaction allowed “unspeakable atrocities” to take place.

    “This is the holocaust of our age,” said Sam Leason.

    “We need the world to leave the rhetorical and symbolic field of discourse and move promptly towards the camp of concrete action to protect the people of Palestine from a clear campaign of extermination.”

    Saige England is an Aotearoa New Zealand journalist, author, and poet, member of the Palestinian Solidarity Network of Aotearoa (PSNA), and a contributor to Asia Pacific Report.

    *Several protesters quoted in this article requested that their family names not be reported for security reasons. Ava Mulla was born in Germany and lives in Aotearoa with her partner, actor Will Alexander. She studied industrial engineering and is passionate about innovative housing solutions for developing countries. She is a member of the Palestine Solidarity Network Aotearoa (PSNA).

    New Zealand and other activists taking part in the Global March to Gaza
    New Zealand and other activists with Tino Rangatiratanga and Palestine flags taking part in the Global March To Gaza. Will Alexander (far left) is in the back row and Ava Mulla (pink tee shirt) is in the front row. Image: GMTG screenshot APR
  • RNZ Pacific

    Fiji police have commenced investigations into a Commission of Inquiry report on the appointment of the country’s now sacked head of the anti-corruption office.

    Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka stood down Fiji Independent Commission Against Corruption (FICAC) commissioner Barbara Malimali last month after a months-long inquiry was completed.

    Malimali was appointed as FICAC chief in September last year despite being under investigation by the anti-corruption office.

    Opposition figures at the time slammed it as “unbelievable” but the government backed her appointment.

    The 648-page inquiry report, prepared by the Commissioner of Inquiry and Supreme Court Judge David Ashton-Lewis, has rocked Rabuka’s coalition government in recent weeks, with one political expert calling it a “full-blown crisis”.

    The report, which has now been leaked online, includes allegations not only against Malimali, but senior government officials and lawyers, including the nation’s highest judicial officer and the head of the Law Society.

    Local media are reporting that the inquiry found a “systematic failure of integrity” across Fiji’s governance and justice systems.

    They report that the inquiry states the appointment process for Malimali was “legally invalid” and “ethically reprehensible”.

    Investigations started
    Police Commissioner Rusiate Tudravu confirmed via a statement on Wednesday that investigations into the Commission of Inquiry Report findings commenced after the police received a formal letter of referral from President Ratu Naiqama Lalabalau.

    “A formal letter of referral was sent to the Fiji Police Force and the Fiji Independent Commission Against Corruption, to investigate the Final Report of the Commission of Inquiry and persons of interests, and where warranted, prosecution,” he said.

    Tudravu said he had met with the FICAC acting Commissioner Lavi Rokoika, alongside senior Fiji police officers “to discuss the specific areas of investigation to be undertaken by our respective institutions, to avoid duplication, and ensure efficiency of the investigation process”.

    He has given his assurance for a thorough independent investigation by the team of senior investigators from the Criminal Investigations Department.

    “A Commission of Inquiry report into the appointment of Barbara Malimali as head of the Fiji Independent Commission against Corruption has cost the country’s Attorney-General Graham Leung his job, embroiled Fiji’s Law Society in an acrimonious feud and exacerbated tensions in the governing coalition,” Victoria University of Wellington’s political science professor John Fraenkel wrote for the DevpolicyBlog on Tuesday.

    Among the accused
    “The country’s Chief Justice Salesi Temo is allegedly among those accused by the COI (though, at the time of writing, the report has not been publicly released).

    “Worryingly, given Fiji’s history of coups in 1987, 2000 and 2006, military chief Jone Kalouniwai has visited the Prime Minister’s office reminding the nation of his constitutionally-bequeathed responsibility for the ‘wellbeing of Fiji and its people’.”

    According to Fraenkel, the inquiry controversy comes at a critical juncture, with the Supreme Court due to rule on the legal status of the country’s 2013 Constitution in August and with Fiji drawing closer to the next election, scheduled for 2026 or, at the very latest, February 2027.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Asia Pacific Report

    Ninety-five New Zealand lawyers — including nine king’s counsel — have signed a letter demanding Prime Minister Christopher Luxon, Foreign Minister Winston Peters and two other ministers urge the government to take a stronger stand against Israel’s “catastrophic” actions in Gaza.

    The letter has been sent amid rising tensions in the region, following Israel’s surprise attacks on Iran last Friday, and Iran’s retaliatory attacks.

    A statement by the Justice For Palestine advocacy group said the letter’s signatories represented all levels of seniority in the legal community, including senior barristers, law firm partners, legal academics, and in-house lawyers.

    The letter cited the 26 July 2024 joint statement by the prime ministers of Canada, Australia and New Zealand which acknowledged: “The situation in Gaza is catastrophic. The human suffering is unacceptable. It cannot continue.”

    “But it has continued,” said the letter.  “The plight of the civilian population in Gaza has significantly deteriorated, featuring steadily escalating levels of bombardment, forced displacement of civilians, blockades of aid and deliberate targeting of hospitals, aid workers and journalists.”

    The same month, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) had declared Israel’s continued presence in the Occupied Palestinian Territory to be unlawful.

    Obligations under international law
    In September last year, New Zealand voted in favour of a UN General Assembly resolution calling on all UN member states to comply with their obligations under international law and take concrete steps to address Israel’s ongoing presence in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, said the Justice For Palestine statement.

    At the time, New Zealand had noted it expected Israel to take meaningful steps towards compliance with international law, including withdrawal from the Occupied Palestinian Territory. The letter stated that Israel had done nothing of the sort.

    Part of the lawyers' letter appealing to the NZ government
    Part of the lawyers’ letter appealing to the NZ government for a stronger stance over Israel. Image: J4P

    The letter points out that last month independent UN experts had demanded immediate international intervention to “end the violence or bear witness to the annihilation of the Palestinian population in Gaza.”

    UN experts have observed more than 52,535 deaths, of which 70 percent continue to be women and children, said the statement.

    The UN Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator, Tom Fletcher, had called for a response “as humanitarians” urging “Humanity, the law and reason must prevail”.

    The Justice For Palestine letter urged the government to consider a stronger response, including:

    • condemning Israel’s unlawful presence in the Occupied Palestinian Territory,
    • reviewing immediately all diplomatic and political and economic ties with Israel, and
    • imposing further sanctions after New Zealand had imposed sanctions on two extremist Israeli politicians.

    Rising concern over Israeli breaches
    One of the letter’s signatories, barrister Max Harris, said:

    “This letter reflects rising concern among the general community about Israel’s breaches of international law.

    “The Government has tried to highlight red lines for Israel, but these have been repeatedly crossed, and it’s time that the Government considers doing more, in line with international law,”

    Aedeen Boadita-Cormican, another barrister, who signed the letter, said: “The government could do more to follow through on how it has voted at the United Nations and what it has said internationally.”

    “This letter shows the depth of concern in the legal community about Israel’s actions,” she added.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Pacific Media Watch

    The Big Picture Podcast host, New Zealand-Egyptian journalist and author Mohamed Hassan, interviews Middle East Eye editor-in-chief David Hearst about the rapidly unfolding war between Israel and Iran, why the West supports it, and what it threatens to unleash on the global order.

    What does Israel really want to achieve, what options does Iran have to deescalate, and will the United States stop the war, or join it as is being hinted?

    Hearst says the war is “more dangerous than we imagine” and notes that while most Western leadership still backs Israel, there has been a strong shift in world public opinion against Tel Aviv.

    He says Israel has lost most of the world’s support, most of the Global South, most African states, Brazil, South Africa, China and Russia.

    Hearst says the world is witnessing the “cynical tailend of the colonial era” among Western states.


    The era of peace is over.             Video: Middle East Eye

    Iran ‘unlikely to surrender’
    Ali Vaez, the Iran project director at the International Crisis Group, says Iran is unlikely to “surrender to American terms” and that there is a risk the war on Iran could “bring the entire region down”.

    Vaez told Al Jazeera in an interview that US President Donald Trump “provided the green light for Israel to attack Iran” just two days before the president’s special envoy, Steve Witkoff, was due to meet with the Iranians in the Oman capital of Muscat.

    Imagine viewing, from the Iranian perspective, Trump giving the go-ahead for the attack while at the same time saying that diplomacy with Tehran was still ongoing, Vaez said.

    Now Trump “is asking for Iranian surrender” on his Truth Social platform, he said.

    “I think the only thing that is more dangerous than suffering from Israeli and American bombs is actually surrendering to American terms,” Vaez said.

    “Because if Iran surrenders on the nuclear issue and on the demands of President Trump, there is no end to the slippery slope, which would eventually result in regime collapse and capitulation anyway.”

    Most Americans oppose US involvement
    Meanwhile, a new survey has reported that most Americans oppose US military involvement in the conflict.

    The survey by YouGov showed that some 60 percent of Americans surveyed thought the US military should not get involved in the ongoing hostilities between Israel and Iran.

    Only 16 percent favoured US involvement, while 24 percent said they were not sure.

    Among the Democrats, those who opposed US intervention were at 65 percent, and among the Republicans, it was 53 percent. Some 61 percent of independents opposed the move.

    The survey also showed that half of Americans viewed Iran as an enemy of the US, while 25 percent said it was “unfriendly”.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • RNZ Pacific

    A renowned Samoan fashion designer was fatally shot at the “No Kings” protest in Salt Lake City on Saturday, the Salt Lake City Police Department (SLCPD) has confirmed.

    Arthur Folasa Ah Loo, known as Afa Ah Loo, an “innocent bystander” at the protest, died despite efforts by paramedics to save his life, police said.

    Ah Loo, a Utah resident, died at the hospital. The Utah Office of the Medical Examiner will determine the official cause and manner of death.

    The SLPCD said the incident began about 7.56pm local time when a sergeant assigned to the SLCPD Motor Squad reported hearing gunfire near 151 South State Street.

    It said the sergeant and his squad were working to facilitate traffic and help to ensure public safety during a permitted demonstration that drew an estimated 10,000 participants.

    “As panic spread throughout the area, hundreds of people ran for safety, hiding in parking garages, behind barriers, and going into nearby businesses.

    “The first officers on scene notified SLCPD’s incident management team using their police radios.”

    The SLCPD said officers quickly moved in to secure the scene and search for any active threats and found a man who had been shot and immediately began life-saving efforts.

    “Our thoughts are with the family and friends of the 39-year-old man who was killed, and with the many community members who were impacted by this traumatic incident,” Salt Lake City police chief Brian Redd said.

    “When this shooting happened, the response of our officers and detectives was fast, brave, and highly coordinated. It speaks to the calibre of this great department and our law enforcement partners.”

    Detectives working to thoroughly investigate
    The SLCPD said about 8pm, members of its Violent Criminal Apprehension Team (VCAT) and Gang Unit were flagged down near 102 South 200 East, where officers found a man crouching among a group of people with a gunshot wound.

    The man is identified as 24-year-old Arturo Gamboa, who was dressed in all black clothing and wearing a black mask.

    “As officers approached, community members pointed out a nearby firearm, which was described as an AR15-style rifle.

    “Officers also located a gas mask, black clothing, and a backpack in close proximity. The items were collected and processed by the SLCPD Crime Lab.

    “Paramedics took Gamboa to the hospital. Detectives later booked Gamboa into the Salt Lake County Metro Jail on a charge of murder.

    Police said officers also detained two men who were wearing high-visibility neon green vests and carrying handguns.

    Peacekeeping team
    These men were apparently part of the event’s peacekeeping team.

    According to the police, detectives learned during interviews that the two peacekeepers saw Gamboa move away from the crowd and move into a secluded area behind a wall — behavior they found suspicious.

    “One of the peacekeepers told detectives he saw Gamboa pull out an AR15-style rifle from a backpack and begin manipulating it.

    “The peacekeepers drew their firearms and ordered Gamboa to drop the weapon.

    “Witnesses reported Gamboa instead lifted the rifle and began running toward the crowd gathered on State Street, holding the weapon in a firing position.

    “In response, one of the peacekeepers fired three rounds. One round struck Gamboa, while another tragically wounded Mr Ah Loo.”

    “Our detectives are now working to thoroughly investigate the circumstances surrounding this incident,” Redd said.

    “We will not allow this individual act to create fear in our community.”

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

  • On the morning of April 23, around 7 a.m., the FBI, along with other local and state police, battered down the doors of four residences across Ann Arbor, Canton, and Ypsilanti, Michigan. The homes belonged to pro-Palestine student organizers at University of Michigan. 

    The raids were the latest move by the University of Michigan and the state against student organizers following the protest encampments last spring. The school has seen particularly harsh repression of campus protests against Israel’s war on Gaza. 

    While no arrests were made, all electronics were seized into FBI custody and at least two DNA samples were collected, according to local attorneys representing the subjects of the raids. The warrants were from Attorney General Dana Nessel’s office and signed by a judge in the 45th District Court in the small town of Oak Point, Michigan, but attorneys also say they have yet to see probable cause for the search and seizures. Nessel, a Democrat, still has not unsealed and shared the affidavits for the warrants with lawyers or the residents they raided.

    “These raids were very much seen as an escalation by the state attorney general.”

    “These raids were very much seen as an escalation by the state attorney general, who’s expressed quite a bit of an extreme reaction against the students’ activism on the University of Michigan campus,” said John Philo, executive and legal director of the Sugar Law Center for Economic and Social Justice, the group representing the targets of the raids. “In terms of probable cause for the warrants, it’s entirely unknown at the moment. The search warrants were issued based on a complaint and the judge has ordered for the affidavit to be suppressed. It’s a terribly unusual thing.”

    Nessel, who asked the FBI to carry out the raids, has positioned herself publicly as one of President Donald Trump’s biggest opponents. She also has extensive personal, political, and financial ties to the University of Michigan, which bypassed local prosecutors by enlisting Nessel to crack down on pro-Palestine protesters.

    According to Philo and Liz Jacob, also of the Sugar Law Center, the FBI presented warrants in Ann Arbor and Canton before entering the premises, but refused to show any at the Ypsilanti residence. 

    “Folks were shocked, especially to see that the FBI was executing an attorney general warrant,” Jacob told The Intercept in an interview. “I’ve never seen that in my experience, and we have not seen that in Michigan around pro-Palestine protests or on any other protests, to my knowledge.”

    Related

    Police Raid Pro-Palestine Students’ Home in FBI-Led Graffiti Investigation

    Following the raids, officials denied any connection to the students’ political protest, claiming the FBI was becoming involved in a “vandalism investigation.” In its official press release following the raids, Nessel’s office claimed the 12 “coordinated” vandalism incidents that occurred across the state — including graffiti that read “Free Palestine” — totaled to damages of $100,000.

    Student organizers have cast doubt on Nessel’s denial that the raids were not related to their pro-Palestine protest.

    “This is about the occupation and the genocide of Palestinians, and the fact that the state does not care about Americans in any way,” said Ira, a Muslim organizer with TAHRIR, a coalition that advocates against the University of Michigan’s complicity in the genocide against Palestinians, who asked to use only their first name for fear of retaliation from the school. “It’s not just about us being targeted right now. All of these people — not just the Trump administration, but these Democrats — who are claiming to fight for Americans are the ones who are attacking and repressing us.”

    “Shotgun Approach”

    Last October, Nessel filed felony criminal trespass charges against seven student protesters who were arrested last May at a University of Michigan encampment. Those charges were dropped in May, just before a judge was to decide whether or not to disqualify Nessel over alleged bias. Nessel cited “legal delays and controversies surrounding the case” as to why she dropped the charges. 

    Local organizers, however, fear that the FBI raids are only a stepping stone to something bigger — and that the dropping of the charges is only a temporary relief.

    Affidavits are typically sealed in cases when there is a confidential informant working with law enforcement who could be compromised. Philo said this would be difficult to understand in this case, especially considering that none of the students raided have any prior criminal activity or pending criminal charges or accusations against them. For what has been alleged, the warrants appeared to be an extreme measure for a vandalism investigation, according to both Sugar Law Center and student organizers who spoke with The Intercept.

    “The scope and scale of what is alleged does not seem to warrant three law enforcement agencies descending on the homes of students, who by all calculations and known facts, have been accused of a crime in the past,” said Philo, who describes his clients as “pretty diligent and responsible students.” 

    The attorney general’s raid executed a “shotgun approach” to further chill protest in solidarity with Palestine, he said. 

    “To do this in that context with the FBI, state troopers, and local law enforcement,” he said, “sends a clear message that this is well beyond trying to determine who committed spray painting incidents.”

    While it may be considered unusual for the FBI to become involved in a vandalism investigation, it is not uncommon for the FBI to join forces with local and state law enforcement agencies to work in a joint terrorism task force context, said Mike German, who worked as a special agent in the FBI for six years and is now a fellow at the Brennan Center’s liberty and national security program.

    “In that context, it’s not uncommon for a situation — where a person is alleged to have violated some state law — for them to use the state authorities to pursue that angle of investigation while also gathering evidence for a future terrorism investigation,” he explains. 

    While German does not have any specific information about the Michigan cases, he says this does follow a pattern aligned with the government’s increased surveillance of citizens coupled with the FBI’s lax approach to far-right violence. He added that the raids in Michigan appear to be part of a broader escalation and expansion of power of the FBI since the September 11 attacks, particularly with the passing of more and more domestic terrorism statutes at federal and state levels. Just having increased powers, German said, created a motivation for using them.

    “It has created an insatiable appetite for information,” he said. “Anywhere that they can get data and information to put into their databases, they’ll take those opportunities.”

    The post Democrat Michigan AG Asked FBI to Raid Protesters’ Homes — But Won’t Tell Students Why appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • Cities and towns throughout the United States are expected to see growing protests this weekend against President Donald Trump’s deportation regime and aggressive tactics to repress and intimidate protesters. After witnessing the Los Angeles Police Department’s use of tear gas, bean-bag munitions, and rubber bullets at recent protests, anyone planning to attend demonstrations this weekend likely knows they could encounter police aggression.

    But not all police forces opt for the same tactics — and protesters can keep themselves safer if they know what to expect. 

    Different cities’ police departments are, in theory, constrained by local and state laws, though that doesn’t mean police always follow them. Take California, where legislators passed a law in 2021 prohibiting police from shooting rubber bullets and pepper spray at protesters, except in response to a “reasonable,” objective threat to life or of serious injury. The LAPD still fired rubber bullets at protesters last weekend, and there’s little sign they’ll refrain in the days to come. 

    While it’s impossible to predict how exactly a police department or federal force will respond to a protest, past precedent and legal limitations can help demonstrators prepare to keep themselves safe. Beyond Los Angeles, The Intercept reviewed police practices in six major cities where protests are expected this weekend, plus best practices for attendees to defend themselves.

    Related

    LAPD Won’t Do Immigration Enforcement — But Will Shoot You With Rubber Bullets for Protesting ICE

    Rubber bullets are just one type of what’s called “less-than-lethal” ammunition — a misnomer, according to legal advocates who have represented protesters severely injured by police using them. Police might also shoot bean bags or water cannons, which are similarly not supposed to kill the person they hit, but can still inflict serious injury. Several cities temporarily banned tear gas, another popular choice, after protests against police brutality in 2020. It’s banned in war, but not for police responding to public demonstrations and showed up in response to recent protests against ICE and earlier protests against the genocide in Gaza. 

    Other departments rely more on tactics like kettling, when police encircle protesters and keep them from dispersing, often used in concert with curfews, which give law enforcement a pretext for making arrests for people who don’t comply, or are physically barred by police from doing so.

    “The key really no matter where you are or what you’re doing is situational awareness,” said Mickey H. Osterreicher, general counsel to the National Press Photographers Association. “When you start to see officers on bikes encircling you, you need to have probably thought of this before, but certainly at that point, look for a place to exit.”

    Osterreicher is also a uniform reserve sheriff’s deputy in Erie County, New York. He has trained police departments around the country in how to uphold constitutional rights, and his trainings have helped shape guidelines for how police should interact with the press. But in the event that police don’t follow those guidelines, Osterreicher said, press and protesters need to know how to protect themselves. 

    “I do understand the challenges of law enforcement, but I understand also that I took an oath to uphold the Constitution. The last time I looked, the First Amendment was still part of the Bill of rights,” he said. “So it’s really important that police understand you know what they should and shouldn’t be doing.” 

    Knowing your rights is essential, Osterreicher said. But knowledge won’t keep tear gas out of your eyes. For that, protest attendees should have the right protective gear — and know how and when to use it.

    Protective Equipment

    If you have a gas mask, you need to be sure you know how it works, how to put it on, and that it fits properly. “If it’s not fitting properly, it’s going to be worse getting gas inside the mask than not having a mask at all,” Osterreicher said. If you’re using eye goggles, be sure they meet safety standards and won’t shatter if police hit them

    Other gear, like ballistic helmets, can protect from projectiles — but eye-catching combat gear can cut both ways. Protest attendees should be aware of how they may be perceived by police. A gas mask or a combat helmet may protect you — but it could also make you a target, Osterreicher said. 

    Related

    The Intercept’s Press Freedom Defense Fund Launches Rapid Response Fund for Journalists Covering California Protests 

    Journalists in particular should find ways to distinguish themselves from other protesters, he added, like not wearing all black. “You really need to figure out a way to be safe, but distinguish yourself,” Osterreicher said. 

    To get the best sense of how to prepare, we took a look at precedents for police repression tactics across the country.

    Chicago

    Chicago Police have been notorious for using aggressive tactics to police protests for decades, going back to the 1968 Democratic National Convention. Ahead of the 2024 DNC, as protesters objecting to the United States’ arming Israel to commit genocide in Gaza prepared to fill the streets, Chicago’s inspector general warned that the police department’s crowd-control tactics like kettling, use of pepper spray, and general lack of knowledge of First Amendment rights could cause “escalating tensions” and violations of protesters’ constitutional rights. 

    “Such use of these tactics could also escalate police-crowd tensions. Indiscriminate use of containment tactics could trap both persons conducting crimes along with peaceful protestors, instigating resistant behavior from individuals who might have otherwise cooperated with police instructions,” the inspector general’s report noted. Police arrested more than 70 people at a demonstration outside of the Israeli Consulate during the convention, including several journalists.

    Philadelphia

    Police in Philadelphia tend to be quick to attack protesters one-on-one. Videos of Philadelphia Police pushing protesters to the ground and beating them with batons this week at anti-ICE protests went viral. Another video showed a police officer kneeling on the neck of a protester wearing a keffiyeh — a tactic prohibited in the city after 2020 protests. Police also reportedly threw bikes at protesters on Tuesday. Philadelphia police have also historically used flash-bang grenades, tear gas, pepper spray, rubber bullets, and bean-bag rounds to disperse crowds. 

    With more protests expected this weekend, Philadelphia Mayor Cherelle Parker said the police would maintain public safety and order during protests. District Attorney Larry Krasner said protesters would be protected but that those who violated the law would face consequences.

    New York City

    The New York City Police department settled a lawsuit in 2023 to reform protest tactics after its response to 2020 protests against police brutality. The settlement set up a system to reform the department’s protest response by reducing the number of officers sent to respond to protests, prioritizing deescalation, and banning the practice of kettling. The settlement also provided a pathway to enforce limits on the use of pepper spray, batons, and bicycle strikes that the department had not previously followed.

    Related

    NYPD to Pay Largest Protester Settlement Ever for Abuses During George Floyd Uprising

    That means those tactics should — in theory — be less prevalent in New York. The NYPD is less likely to use tear gas against protesters than police in many other major cities, but protest attendees should still be aware of their surroundings and maintain an exit plan for any situation. NYPD officers, too, are known for their long history of brutalizing protesters and using kettling tactics to trap demonstrators. A new bill introduced in March would bar the NYPD from deploying the militarized Strategic Response Group to protests and ban or restrict tactics including kettling, tear gas, pepper spray, and acoustic weapons — but it hasn’t been passed so far. 

    Seattle

    The Seattle Police Department has been known to use pepper spray and tear gas against protesters. They have also used long-range acoustic devices to communicate orders to crowds. But since protests in 2020, the use of tear gas has been effectively banned. Police are only supposed to use pepper spray or balls if an individual poses a threat, and it must be reported to a supervisor. 

    This week, Seattle’s chief of police said he expected to be arrested because he supports protesters’ and residents’ First Amendment rights. 

    Atlanta

    Atlanta Police officers demonstrated a unique form of violence and aggression against protesters in their response to protests against Cop City, an 85-acre police training complex for which the city of Atlanta destroyed large swaths of its forest. As demonstrators objected to the destruction in 2023, police carried out a multi-agency raid and killed Manuel “Tortuguita” Terán, shooting him at least 57 times. Atlanta Police also attacked protesters with garden tools after they tried to plant trees. 

    Police in Altanta used tear gas against protesters during campus protests against the genocide in Gaza last year. The Atlanta Police Department said that while other responding agencies used rubber bullets, their officers did not, though it did confirm the use of chemical irritants. Atlanta police have said they do not train officers in kettling, though they’ve been accused of kettling protesters in past demonstrations. 

    Houston

    During 2020 protests, Houston’s police chief said the department would avoid using tear gas or rubber bullets on protesters, and the city was one of the few to not have a curfew imposed as protests began— although the National Guard was deployed to the city in 2020. Houston was the only major city in Texas where police did not use rubber bullets or tear gas against protesters in 2020 — but they did use pepper spray, and one officer on horseback trampled a protester. Officers are also supposed to get permission from the chief to use tear gas or rubber bullets. 

    Last year, Houston Mayor John Whitmire called on police to crack down on protesters against the genocide in Gaza who demonstrated outside of his house. Whitmire has rejected federal aid to manage protests this weekend and applauded organizers for working with Houston Police to prepare. But Texas Gov. Gregg Abbott was the first governor to request National Guard assistance in quelling the recent anti-ICE protests, deploying the troops throughout Texas on Thursday. Police responding to protests this week in Austin and Dallas used tear gas and pepper spray against demonstrators.

    What About the Feds?

    The deployment of federal troops in U.S. cities has shocked observers and drawn fears of martial law — but in many cases, it’s local police departments that have the most prominent role in repressing protests. Still, it’s important to know if federal agents in your city will appear at protests alongside police this weekend.

    Several other major cities anticipating protests this weekend have received notice that federal agents are being deployed. ICE is also reportedly planning to deploy teams in New York City, Philadelphia, Chicago, Seattle, and Northern Virginia ahead of expected protests.

    The post How to Stay Safe Protesting ICE — and What to Expect From Cops in Your City appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • What are your rights at a protest? If you’re going out to protest the Trump administration’s deportation regime, Israel’s genocide in Gaza, or any other affront to justice, you should know your rights. We asked an attorney who has litigated First Amendment cases, Isabella Salomão Nascimento, for a rundown. She is an associate attorney in the media and entertainment group at Ballard Spahr LLP. Before joining Ballard, she was a staff attorney at the American Civil Liberties Union of Minnesota.

    This interview has been lightly edited for length and clarity.

    Protest Rights

    Isabella Nascimento: We have a fundamental right in this country, and it’s rooted in the First Amendment to the Constitution that we have a right to protest, a right to speech, a right to bring grievances to our government. We have a long history of this in the United States through protest. 

    When going to a protest, consider if you are in a public space. If you are in what we call traditional public fora — things like streets and sidewalks — those are widely recognized as the traditional and historical areas in which we expect people to speak out and protest. Provided that things remain peaceful, you have a protected First Amendment right to lift your voice and use your voice to go out and protest in this country. 

    Now, where things get a little dicey is when you are protesting on government property, but it’s not open to the public. You don’t have the same rights unless the government has indicated that it is an open area to the public. 

    The other area that you don’t necessarily have rights to go onto and protest is on private property. 

    First Amendment rights are at their zenith when you’re on public property like sidewalks, roads, or other open to the public government areas. If otherwise, the right is a bit more curtailed. 

    What Can Get You Arrested 

    Isabella Nascimento: It’s difficult to draw a hard line between absolutely protected activity and absolutely not protected activity. If you think of the First Amendment on somewhat of a spectrum, we think of traditional peaceful protests — where folks are marching in the streets or marching on the sidewalks — as your quintessential one side of the spectrum that is a clearly protected First Amendment activity.

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    Two Brooklyn Lawyers Accused of Throwing Molotov Cocktails Are the Public Face of Trump Administration’s Crackdown on Dissent

    Something like lighting cars on fire or destroying property would not necessarily be protected, and would fall on the other side of the spectrum in which that action traditionally gets law enforcement involved.

    Where things fall in between is more of a grayscale, and it really depends on the circumstances involved. For example, you have a protest, and for the most part, the gathering is peaceful and just involves speaking out and lifting voices. But where you have folks on the fringes throwing things at officers or at buildings or whatever it may be, the line is a little fuzzy on whether at that point officers should just be targeting those discrete actors and removing them from the situation versus whether they can declare the entire assembly unlawful — and issue a dispersal order. At that point, the First Amendment kind of has to relent to public safety issues.

    It is not clear, and I think as a First Amendment advocate, as someone who has litigated these cases, generally we would say you have to go and target the quote unquote bad actors before you can shut down everybody else’s right to free speech and to protest. But courts don’t always necessarily agree, so it does get murky in those situations.

    Attending a Protest: Safety Plan, What to Bring, and What to Consider Leaving at Home

    Isabella Nascimento: I definitely recommend sticking with a buddy, having somebody that you’re going out there with. That way if something happens to you or if you are arrested, someone else is aware that you were there and they can reach out to someone for help on your behalf.

    Be mindful of what you are going to wear. Are you going to want to wear something that is really distinctive and calls attention to yourself and can make you easily identifiable in a crowd? Or do you want to wear something that blends in more so that you’re not necessarily the one that they pluck out, for example?

    I would definitely go and in indelible ink — or Sharpie, whatever it may be — write down key numbers in case you get arrested, in case they take your stuff, your phone, whatever it may be. If you don’t have those numbers memorized, you want them on your arm or somewhere else on you so that if you need to make a phone call later, you have those contacts available to you.

    Related to that, figure out what you actually want to bring with you to a protest. If you have stuff that is on you and you are arrested, law enforcement will probably seize it and inventory it. 

    Do you want to take an ID? Do you want to take your cellphone? Do you want to take a backpack? Do you want to take a camera, equipment, or whatever else that may be damaged or seized and you might not have access to it for a while? 

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    Crossing the U.S. Border? Here’s How to Protect Yourself

    If you are bringing some of these items, especially a cellphone, in today’s day and age where we can open cellphones with our fingerprints or our faces, I recommend disabling those settings when you’re going out to a protest. So that if you are arrested, law enforcement can’t just hold up your phone or apply your thumbprint and be able to unlock and access everything that is in your phone. Even though they are not supposed to, I would definitely take precautions against that on the front end.

    Your Right to Record 

    Isabella Nascimento: You have a right to be anywhere that the public is allowed to be, and you have a right to record anything anywhere that is publicly visible, open to the public, and where you have a right to be. So if you are standing on public property, you can record anything that is public around you in that area. That can include law enforcement. It can include fellow protesters. All of that is fair game. Every state and, in particular, every federal court that has considered the question so far about whether you can record law enforcement activity in public has concluded that there is a First Amendment right to that.

    I’m not aware of any case in which they have found that you are not allowed to record what’s happening in public, on public property. So, if you are going to record something while you are out in public, particularly at a protest, just make sure you’re mindful of your surroundings and standing in an area that you’re legally allowed to be.

    Where things get trickier is where you are somewhere that might not be open to the public — in which case, you do want to be mindful of whether you are in a state, a location, for example, that has different recording laws like requirement for consent, a two-party consent state.

    Some states are two-party or all-party consent states, where the other people that are part of the conversation have to agree that if you’re recording, they know about it and they’ve agreed to it. Other states are one-party consent states. For example, New York is a one-party consent state. So as long as you agree that you can record the communication and the conversation that you’re a part of, then that’s fine. 

    What to Do If You are Not Willing to Risk Arrest

    Isabella Nascimento: There are a few things that you should avoid doing when you are going out to protest. Number one, anything that could be considered, for example, vandalism or destruction of property, you definitely want to avoid it to the extent that you want to maximize your First Amendment right to protest.

    You also want to avoid interfering with an arrest. You have a right to record what is going on in public, and particularly law enforcement activity in public spaces. That being said, to the extent that you are interfering with their ability to make the arrest because you are too close to them or you’re getting in between them and the potential arrestee — that can open you up to arrest yourself for anything that could be considered, for example, obstruction, interference with legal or law enforcement activities. 

    Be mindful of what a lot of states deem “disorderly conduct.” That can often be a catchall. It’s often used as a hook for saying, “Oh, well this person was out late at night,” or “We got noise complaints,” or “They were jaywalking and interfering with traffic,” or “They were rousing the crowd and started tossing stuff at us or in our direction, even though we didn’t get hit” — disorderly conduct. So that’s a very typical charge that we see coming out of protest arrests.

    If You’re Not a Citizen 

    Isabella Nascimento: This is a really tough question to know what rights undocumented individuals have to participate in protest. You have a First Amendment right to free speech. You can absolutely participate. It is not without risk.

    If you go and you are arrested, particularly if you are arrested and undocumented, ICE could come and pick folks up. It is something that you want to be aware of. You still have a First Amendment right to go and to participate in that protest if you want to, but I would definitely say to the extent that you are either not a citizen, not a citizen yet — maybe a lawful permanent resident — I would definitely carry information on you and ideally in electronic form. I would also leave copies with folks that you trust who are not necessarily going to the protest, or someone who might be there at the protest with you so that if you are [detained] or arrested, they can show the authorities your documents and ID. 

    It is a really tough question. It’s definitely going to be a very personal one. You have to make the decision: Is the right to speak out worth putting in jeopardy your safety and security in this country? And that’s especially hard in this moment.

    Dispersal Orders and Your Rights 

    Isabella Nascimento: It’s a little tricky about what the rights and obligations are when officers issue a dispersal order. Legally, a dispersal order has to actually be lawful in order to be effective. That being said, that’s determined by a court of law down the road and hasn’t been adjudicated at that moment. For safety purposes, the best practice is to disperse and to abide by officer instructions. 

    Related

    Human Rights Watch Details NYPD Attack on Peaceful Protesters

    Unfortunately, dispersal orders are not always only given when they are lawful or when an assembly is deemed unlawful properly. So, it would be at personal risk if you wanted to stand firm and assert your First Amendment right and take that head-on right there and on the ground with those officers. 

    At the end of the day, personal safety is also really important. So the best thing I can recommend in that moment is to comply. But I totally understand why others would want to stand firm and plant themselves there and continue exercising their First Amendment rights. 

    Dispersal Orders and Journalists 

    With respect to the media, dispersal orders are a little different and tricky. In many areas of the country, there has not necessarily been any distinction between the rights of the press versus the rights of the public. So, if you are actively covering a protest and a dispersal order is issued and they say everyone in this area has to disperse, in many parts of the country, that dispersal is unfortunately going to apply to the media even though they weren’t necessarily part of the assembly.

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    The Intercept’s Press Freedom Defense Fund Launches Rapid Response Fund for Journalists Covering California Protests 

    Interestingly in Minnesota, which is where I am, there was a preliminary injunction entered by a court here that recognized that a dispersal order issued to an assembly — as part of an unlawful assembly declaration — does not apply to the media. The media does not have to disperse, provided that they are identifiable as journalists. So it’s important again to know where you are at — which geographic region you’re in — and if you have questions, to reach out to a lawyer ahead of time who can help advise you on that.

    Your Rights, If Arrested

    Isabella Nascimento: When you are arrested, typically what will happen is they will search you and seize what you have on your person. If you have backpacks, cellphones, ID, whatever else, they will seize those at that time.

    Generally that is done for two reasons. One is officer safety. They’ll say that they are searching you so that they can make sure that you don’t have anything on your person that could harm them. The second reason is to inventory your stuff. That way, when you are ultimately released, if you are released, they can give back everything that was in your possession.

    So what are your rights in those moments? You have the right to remain silent. You have the right to request an attorney. I would definitely encourage folks to exercise those two rights. 

    If you are arrested, please don’t try to talk your way out of it. I would exercise your right to remain silent, and I would tell them that you’re only planning on talking to them with an attorney present and that you want an attorney.

    “I would not offer any consent for them to search you, search your belongings, particularly if they ask for it.”

    Once you are in custody, if they have your things and they want to go through your phone and go through your backpack — other than to check if you have a weapon or something that could hurt them — if they want to go into your things, particularly your cellphone, they need a search warrant. The only way that they could get around that is if you give them consent to search your stuff. They might ask for it, and they might ask for it in various tricky ways. You do not have an obligation to consent. You do not have to consent. 

    Do not offer your consent. I know that it is a natural inclination for people to want to be helpful in those moments, especially to show that you didn’t do anything wrong. That is not to your benefit in that moment. I would not offer any consent for them to search you, search your belongings, particularly if they ask for it. That includes your vehicle. If they ask you, for example, to take you back to where your vehicle is, you do not have to do that.

    Upholding the First Amendment 

    All of our rights here in the U.S. flow from the First Amendment, from our ability to speak truth to power, to bring things to light, and to hold the government to account.

    When that goes, we have to be worried that the rest of those constitutional rights and everything else in the Bill of Rights will go too. It is imperative that people are exercising and fighting for that First Amendment right. You have a right to go out to protest, to lift your voice, to hold your government accountable. And you should because we can preserve democracy provided that we can continue to fight for that First Amendment.

    The post Going Out to a Protest? Here’s How Not to Get Arrested. appeared first on The Intercept.

    This post was originally published on The Intercept.

  • COMMENTARY: By Eugene Doyle

    I have visited Iran twice. Once in June 1980 to witness an unprecedented event: the world’s first Islamic Revolution. It was the very start of my writing career.

    The second time was in 2018 and part of my interest was to get a sense of how disenchanted the population was — or was not — with life under the Ayatollahs decades after the creation of the Islamic Republic.

    I loved my time in Iran and found ordinary Iranians to be such wonderful, cultured and kind people.

    When I heard the news today of Israel’s attack on Iran I had the kind of emotional response that should never be seen in public. I was apoplectic with rage and disgust, I vented bitterly and emotively.

    Then I calmed down. And here is what I would like to say:

    Just last week former CIA officer Ray McGovern, who wrote daily intelligence briefings for the US President during his 27-year career, reminded me when I interviewed him that the assessment of the US intelligence community has been for years that Iran ceased its nuclear weapons programme in 2003 and had not recommenced since.

    The departing CIA director William Burns confirmed this assessment recently.  Propaganda aside, there is nothing new other than a US-Israeli campaign that has shredded any concept of international laws or norms.

    I won’t mince words: what we are witnessing is the racist, genocidal Israeli regime, armed and encouraged by the US, Germany, UK and other Western regimes, launching a war that has no justification other than the expansion of Israeli power and the advancement of its Greater Israel project.

    This year, using American, German and British armaments, supported by underlings like Australia and New Zealand, the Israelis have pursued their genocide against the Palestinians in both the West Bank and Gaza, and attacked various neighbours, including Lebanon, Syria, Yemen, Iraq and Iran.

    They represent a clear and present danger to peace and stability in the region.

    Iran has operated with considerable restraint but has also shown its willingness to use its military to keep the US-Israeli menace at bay. What most people forget is that the project to secure Iran’s borders and keep the likes of the British, Israelis and Americans out is a multi-generational project that long predates the Islamic Revolution.

    I would recommend Iran: A modern history by the US-based scholar Abbas Amanat that provides a long-view of the evolution of the Iranian state and how it has survived centuries of pressure and multiple occupations from imperial powers, including Russia, Britain, the US and others.

    Hard-fought independence
    The country was raped by the Brits and the Americans and has won a hard-fought independence that is being seriously challenged, not from within, but by the Israelis and the Western warlords who have wrecked so many countries and killed millions of men, women and children in the region over recent decades.

    I spoke and messaged with Iranian friends today both in Iran and in New Zealand and the response was consistent. They felt, one of them said, 10 times more hurt and emotional than I did.

    Understandable.

    A New Zealand-based Iranian friend had to leave work as soon as he heard the news.  He scanned Iranian social media and found people were upset, angry and overwhelmingly supportive of the government.

    “They destroyed entire apartment buildings! Why?”, “People will be very supportive of the regime now because they have attacked civilians.”

    “My parents are in the capital. I was so scared for them.”

    Just a couple of years ago scholars like Professor Amanat estimated that core support for the regime was probably only around 20 percent.  That was my impression too when I visited in 2018.

    Nationalism, existential menace
    Israel and the US have changed that. Nationalism and an existential menace will see Iranians rally around the flag.

    Something I learnt in Iran, in between visiting the magnificent ruins of the capital of the Achaemenid Empire at Persepolis, exploring a Zoroastrian Tower of Silence, chowing down on insanely good food in Yazd, talking with a scholar and then a dissident in Isfahan, and exploring an ancient Sassanian fort and a caravanserai in the eastern desert, was that the Iranians are the most politically astute people in the region.

    Many I spoke to were quite open about their disdain for the regime but none of them sought a counter-revolution.

    They knew what that would bring: the wolves (the Americans, the Israelis, the Saudis, and other bad actors) would slip in and tear the country apart. Slow change is the smarter option when you live in this neighbourhood.

    Iranians are overwhelmingly well-educated, profoundly courteous and kind, and have a deep sense of history. They know more than enough about what happened to them and to so many other countries once a great power sees an opening.

    War is a truly horrific thing that always brings terrible suffering to ordinary people. It is very rarely justified.

    Iran was actively negotiating with the Americans who, we now know, were briefed on the attack in advance and will possibly join the attack in the near future.

    US senators are baying for Judeo-Christian jihad. Democrat Senator John Fetterman was typical: “Keep wiping out Iranian leadership and the nuclear personnel. We must provide whatever is necessary — military, intelligence, weaponry — to fully back Israel in striking Iran.”

    We should have the moral and intellectual honesty to see the truth:  Our team, Team Genocide, are the enemies of peace and justice.  I wish the Iranian people peace and prosperity.

    Eugene Doyle is a writer based in Wellington. He has written extensively on the Middle East, as well as peace and security issues in the Asia Pacific region. He contributes to Asia Pacific Report and Café Pacific, and hosts the public policy platform solidarity.co.nz.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.