Category: kazakhstan

  • SPECIAL REPORT: By Ella Kelleher

    The violent protests which erupted in major cities across Kazakhstan over the past week, fueled by the people’s fury over high gas prices, has grown into a monumental anti-corruption movement with the hopes of changing the country’s direction.

    The Kazakh people are reportedly fed up with the country’s immense wealth, owed to large oil reserves, being held by a small number of corrupt elites.

    However, as with so many revolutions, the battle has intensified into a bloody clash between the people and the military.

    Last Sunday, the rebellion began in western Kazakhstan, a region known for its natural resources and oil richness, against a significant surge in fuel prices. Despite the Kazakh government’s promise to lower them­­, the protests spread throughout the country with a broader demand for better social benefits and less governmental corruption.

    The Kazakh president, Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, issued a statement on Wednesday night calling, without offering evidence, protesters “a band of terrorists” who had been “trained abroad” – alluding to possible foreign interference.

    Tokayev declared a state of emergency in Kazakhstan and requested the intervention from Russia’s version of NATO, the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), to which Kazakhstan and Russia are members. Others include Armenia, Belarus, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan.

    The chairman of the CSTO, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, also blames “outside interference” for the mass protests.

    Russian-led troops
    As promised by the military pact between Russia and Kazakhstan, Russian-led CSTO troops have stormed into Kazakhstan’s largest city, Almaty, and were being met by large groups of demonstrators setting fire to trucks, police cars, and barricading themselves.

    Some protesters wielding firearms were caught on camera looting shops and malls and setting government buildings on fire (including Almaty’s City Hall and the president’s former office).

    President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev
    President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev … claimed huge crowds of protesters were “a band of terrorists” without offering evidence. Image: Wikidata

    Local demonstrators also captured the Almaty airport. Flights in and out of airports in Almaty, Aktau, and Aktobe were suspended until further notice.

    Much of the violence and scale of the chaos can be witnessed on social media applications such as Instagram, Facebook, and Tik Tok. However, with the government’s internet shutdown on the entire country, many current reports are unconfirmed.

    Kazakh locals, such as Galym Ageleulov, who has been witnessing the events of the past few days, states that throngs of criminals had co-opted the “movement that was calling for peaceful change”.

    Suddenly, the protesters morphed into groups of primarily young men posing with riot shields and helmets captured from police officers.

    According to Ageleulov, these groups of men had replaced the Almaty police force and were “highly organised and managed by gang leaders”.

    Three police beheaded claim
    Further unconfirmed reports sent in by locals on the ground in Almaty have stated that these men have beheaded up to three police officers.

    The Kazakh interior ministry stated that at least eight police officers and national guard troops were killed during the protests while 300 were injured and more than 3800 protesters were arrested.

    Kazakh Americans have flocked to social media to spread awareness of what is going on in the influential Central Asian nation.

    One source on Tik Tok powerfully declared that “the revolution has started” and that the Kazakh people are calling for President Tokayev to “step down”.

    In response to the people’s demands for a sincere governmental anti-corruption, Tokayev simply sacked the country’s cabinet — and this did little to ease dissent and infuriated the protesters.

    Tokayev’s request for foreign military troops to help quell the protests has only further angered the Kazakh people, who feel deeply betrayed that their government would beckon foreign military groups to gun down Kazakh protestors chanting for their country’s freedom.

    The nation’s fury with their authoritarian leader is exacerbated by Tokayev’s recent statement in a televised address that “whoever does not surrender will be destroyed. I have given the order to law enforcement agencies and the army to shoot to kill without warning”.

    Locals line up for bread
    Almaty’s commercial banks have been ordered to shut down, forcing Kazakhs to withdraw all their cash from ATMs. Stores and markets have been forcibly closed as well, causing locals to line up for rations of bread — a heartbreaking sight that has been unseen in Kazakhstan since the country’s independence from the Soviet Union in 1991.

    Almaty’s City Hall, a famous white building that once served as the Communist Party headquarters, is charred black from protestors’ flames set on it.

    Kazakhstan has been long been praised as being one of the most successful post-Soviet republics. The country has by far the highest GDP per capita in the Central Asian region and plenty of oil reserves, driven mostly by its western region.

    Additionally, Kazakhstan accounted for more than 50 percent of the global uranium exports in 2020.

    Kazakhstan is also the second largest country for bitcoin mining. Due to the Kazakh government’s shutdown of the internet, crypto markets have seen a considerable loss.

    Despite the country’s abundance of natural resources, most of Kazakhstan’s enormous wealth has not been equally spread among the populace.

    Corrupt elites live in style
    Since the country’s independence, corrupt elites and officials have been living in luxury while the vast majority of the Kazakh people survive on paltry salaries.

    The current dire situation in Kazakhstan can be interpreted as a significant warning for neighbouring Russia. Presidential succession creates unrest in authoritarian countries.

    In 2019, former president Nursultan Nazarbayev hand-picked his successor, Tokayev. While this change may have seemed refreshing on the surface, the Kazakh people are well aware of Nazarbayev’s shadow-emperor hold on the country’s political power.

    An invaluable lesson must be learned from Kazakhstan’s present state: a raging sea of anger and discontent might be storming beneath a thin veil of regional stability.

    A petition posted on Change.org, which 36,000+ people have signed, calls to remove foreign military troops from Kazakhstan.

    Ella Kelleher is a Kazakh American at English major graduate at Loyola Marymount University, Los Angeles, US. She is the book review editor-in-chief and a contributing staff writer for Asia Media International.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • A roundup of the coverage of the struggle for human rights and freedoms, from Mexico to Hong Kong

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • RAND lists economical, geopolitical, ideological and informational as well as military measures the U.S. should take to weaken Russia. Since the report came out the first four of the six ‘geopolitical measures’ listed in chapter 4 of the report have been implemented. The U.S. delivered lethal weapons to Ukraine, it increased its support for ‘rebels’ in Syria. It attempted a regime change in Belarus and instigated a war between Azerbaijan and Armenia. The U.S. is now implementing measure 5 which aims to ‘reduce Russia’s influence in Central Asia’.

    The post The U.S. Directed Rebellion In Kazakhstan May Well Strengthen Russia appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • The Russian-led Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) announced Wednesday that it is sending peacekeeping forces to Kazakhstan after the country’s president requested help to deal with massive protests.

    The CSTO is a six-member military alliance made up of six former Soviet states. Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, the CSTO’s current chair, announced the deployment and said the peacekeepers would be sent to Kazakhstan “for a limited period with the aim of stabilization and normalization of the situation in this country.” Pashinyan didn’t specify how many peacekeepers were being deployed.

    The post Russian-Led Security Bloc Sending Peacekeepers To Kazakhstan appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • Kazakhstan Paramount Engineering (KPE), the joint venture between the global aerospace and technology company, Paramount Group and one of Kazakhstan’s leading defence and engineering companies, Kazpetromash, has announced that its flagship and next generation 8×8 Infantry Combat Vehicle (ICV), the Barys 8×8, has successfully completed a four-year series of trials conducted by the Ministry of Defence of Kazakhstan, […]

    The post Kazakhstan Paramount Engineering 8×8 Combat Vehicle Successfully Completes Grueling Four-year Trial appeared first on Asian Military Review.

    This post was originally published on Asian Military Review.

  • QAPSHAGHAI, Kazakhstan — A court in Kazakhstan has again rejected an early-release request for ailing activist Kenzhebek Abishev, who has been recognized by domestic human rights organizations as a political prisoner.

    Abishev’s lawyer, Gulnar Zhuaspaeva, told RFE/RL that the court ruled on May 11 that Abishev cannot be granted early release, again rejecting his argument for time off due to good behavior and concerns over his health.

    Last week, the chairwoman of the Aman-Saulyq Human Rights Foundation, Bakhyt Tumenova, said that Abishev’s condition was worrisome, as he suffers from multiple medical conditions and should be released as soon as possible.

    In mid-April, Abishev was rushed from prison to the hospital in Qapshaghai as his condition word due to a hunger strike that he started to protest the cancellation of his release in February on parole and prison conditions.

    Physicians then diagnosed Abishev with coronary heart disease. It is not clear at the moment if Abishev is still on his hunger strike.

    On February 1, the Qapshaghai court ruled that Abishev could be released on February 16, more than three years early, for good behavior while in prison, a procedure allowed by Kazakh law.

    However, the Almaty regional prosecutor’s office appealed the ruling at the very last moment, arguing that the 53-year-old activist’s good behavior in custody was not enough to secure his early release, since he still had more than three years to serve.

    The court then scrapped the move, leaving Abishev in prison.

    Abishev was sentenced to seven years in prison in December 2018 after he and two other activists were found guilty of planning a “holy war” because they were spreading the ideas of the banned Democratic Choice of Kazakhstan (DVK) movement. His prison term was later cut by eight months.

    Abishev pleaded not guilty, calling the case against him politically motivated.

    The DVK was founded by Mukhtar Ablyazov, an outspoken critic of the Kazakh government who has been living in France for several years.

    Ablyazov has been organizing unsanctioned anti-government rallies in Kazakhstan via the Internet in recent years.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • When hostilities broke out along the Kyrgyz-Tajik border at the end of April, many countries and organizations were quick to call for an end to the fighting and a peaceful resolution to the long-running border conflict.

    No one wanted to openly side with either Kyrgyzstan or Tajikistan, let alone comment on the violence that left more than 50 people dead.

    But in the days following an agreement between Kyrgyz and Tajik officials that halted the fighting, there have been hints of the positions of some leaders through their statements and actions.

    Tajik President Emomali Rahmon was fortunate to have accepted an invitation months ago to make an official visit to Moscow for the May 9 Victory Day celebrations. Rahmon was the only head of state to attend the Moscow ceremonies but the trip allowed him an opportunity to meet with Russian President Vladimir Putin on May 8 and again the next day during the parade on Red Square.

    Reports on the meetings of the two presidents did not mention any discussion of the April 28-30 fighting on the border, though Putin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said days earlier it would be on the agenda, and Putin had offered on April 30 to act as a mediator in the conflict.

    Where Moscow Stands

    Putin’s comments were interesting, as they seemed to indirectly address the problem between Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan.

    The topic of Russia’s bases in Tajikistan, where Russia’s 201st Division has been stationed since shortly after the end of World War II, is a perennial whenever Putin and Rahmon meet and with U.S. and other foreign forces withdrawing from Afghanistan. Putin said Russia would “work on strengthening [the bases] and on strengthening the armed forces of Tajikistan.”

    The part about strengthening Tajikistan’s military was certainly noticed in Kyrgyzstan, even if Putin said the strengthening was needed because of increased fighting in Afghanistan. Though both sides in the border fighting took substantial losses, the casualty figures show that Kyrgyz took a worse beating in the fighting with the Tajiks.

    The Kremlin has made many statements about the need for stability in Kyrgyzstan, where Russia also has a military base and where there have been three revolutions since 2005.

    In July 2019, then-Kyrgyz President Almazbek Atambaev met with Putin in Moscow. Atambaev was in the midst of a feud with his successor, President Sooronbai Jeenbekov, but despite technically being under house arrest, Atambaev left Kyrgyzstan on a plane that departed from the Russian military base in Kant.

    At the end of the meeting with Atambaev, Putin referred to the 2005 and 2010 revolutions in Kyrgyzstan: “Kyrgyzstan has endured several serious internal political shocks…at least two,” adding, “the country needs political stability.”

    Putin also said that as part of achieving stability, the people in Kyrgyzstan should “unite around the current president and help him in developing the state.”

    The feud between Atambaev and Jeenbekov did not end and barely two weeks later, elite troops of Kyrgyzstan’s Interior Ministry raided Atambaev’s compound outside Bishkek. After a deadly standoff, Atambaev surrendered and was eventually put in prison.

    Then in October 2020, protests over the results of rigged parliamentary elections ousted Jeenbekov. But Moscow’s relations with the new government of President Sadyr Japarov have been icy.

    Rahmon, on the other hand, has been in power in Tajikistan for nearly 29 years and, for the Kremlin, he represents stability in a country that borders Afghanistan. Russia has put a lot of effort and money into making Tajikistan a country that could hold the line against spillover from Afghanistan.

    However, in his meeting with Rahmon on May 8, Putin also spoke about Tajik migrant laborers in Russia. “I know this is a sensitive issue for Tajikistan,” he said. “A significant volume of support for the families [of migrant laborers] is sent from Russia back home [to Tajikistan].”

    That is true also for Kyrgyzstan. Hundreds of thousands of citizens of Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan work in Russia and send money back to their families. Without these funds the economies of both countries would collapse, and the resulting economic decline would fuel social unrest.

    By promising to lend further help to Tajikistan’s military, Putin might be sending a message to Kyrgyz authorities to forget about any thoughts of renewing aggression along the border with Tajikistan, and by mentioning the billions of dollars migrant laborers send back, he sends a message to both countries about the potential leverage Russia can employ against Tajikistan — or Kyrgyzstan — if either side takes measures along their common border that destabilize the situation.

    Offering Condolences, Aid

    While the Kremlin needs to maintain some sort of balancing act, other countries do not. Again, no country or international organization has come out on the side of either Kyrgyzstan or Tajikistan. But some have sent messages of sympathy over losses from the fighting.

    Kazakh President Qasym-Zhomart Toqaev phoned President Japarov on May 1 to express his condolences to the victims of the fighting in the southern Batken Province, and to say Kazakhstan was ready to render humanitarian aid to Kyrgyzstan.

    Toqaev also spoke with Rahmon, who reportedly “informed [Toqaev] in detail” about the history of the border conflict and the current situation. Toqaev also offered to help mediate between Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan and is scheduled to visit Dushanbe on May 19-20.

    On May 4, Turkmen Foreign Minister Rashid Meredov phoned Kyrgyz counterpart Ruslan Kazakbaev to offer Turkmenistan’s condolences “to family and friends of the deceased citizens of Kyrgyzstan.”

    That same day, Armenian Foreign Minister Ara Ayvazyan phoned Kazakbekov with the same message. Ayvazyan also spoke with Tajik Foreign Minister Sirojiddin Muhriddin on May 4, but reports did not mention if Ayvazyan expressed any condolences for Tajik losses.

    Japarov spoke with Putin on May 10 and the two reportedly discussed the recent fighting.

    Putin promised to provide humanitarian aid for Kyrgyzstan, but a phone call is not the same as two days of meetings in Moscow, even though many of the details of the Putin-Rahmon talks — particularly their discussion of the fighting along the border — remain unknown.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • It was one of the most sophisticated digital fraud operations in the history of the Internet, by some accounts scamming between $10 million and $30 million over the roughly four years it existed.

    Dubbed “Methbot” by security researchers, the operation used thousands of infected computers around the world to falsely inflate web traffic to dummy websites and defraud advertisers. A related, overlapping scam, dubbed “3ev,” used infected residential computers linked to real human users.

    This week in a U.S. federal court in New York City, the Russian man accused by U.S. authorities of being a ringleader of the group, Aleksandr Zhukov, went on trial for wire fraud, money laundering, and other charges.

    One cybercrime researcher described the setup used to run the Methbot network as “the most costly botnet fraud in history.”

    Extradited to the United States after being arrested in Bulgaria in November 2018, Zhukov has pleaded innocent. Seven other people, mainly Russians, have also been indicted.

    “The cybercrime in my indictment is just [the] imagination of [the] FBI, and I wish to go to jury,” Zhukov told the U.S. court in April 2019.

    The case is the latest example of U.S. law enforcement going after alleged Russian cybercriminals around the world, a trend that has infuriated the Kremlin, which has accused the United States of hunting Russian citizens.

    But written into the code of the Methbot case, there’s also technical intrigue: The network of servers that was allegedly used by the hackers has been under scrutiny to determine whether it was used by Russian state-backed hackers, or intelligence agencies, to hack into U.S. political parties

    “Differentiating between what is ‘cybercrime’ and what is nation-state activity, such as espionage, is getting increasingly difficult, especially concerning Russia,” Mathew Schwartz, executive editor of the industry journal DataBreachToday, told RFE/RL. “In part, this is because some individuals who have day jobs as government hackers — or contractors — seem to hack the West in their spare time — for fun, patriotism or profit.”

    ‘Are You Gangsters? No, We Are Russians’

    According to U.S. court records, the Methbot scam first took form in September 2014, when Zhukov and five other men from Russia and Kazakhstan allegedly rented more than 1,900 computer servers at commercial data centers in Texas and elsewhere and used them to simulate humans viewing ads on fabricated webpages.

    Eventually, the scam grew to include more than 850,000 Internet addresses, supported by hundreds of dedicated servers located in the United States and in Europe, mainly in the Netherlands.

    In a September 2014 text message obtained by U.S. investigators and published by prosecutors, Zhukov, who had moved to Bulgaria in 2010, allegedly bragged about the scope of the scheme to another man who was part of the effort: “You bet! King of fraud!”

    “Are you gangsters? No, we are Russians,” the other man responds, according to a U.S. transcript.

    In December 2016, White Ops, a U.S. cybersecurity company that specializes in digital ad fraud and botnets, published a report that pinpointed much of the technical information about the operation and its financial damages. Those findings were later corroborated by researchers at Google.

    Differentiating between what is ‘cybercrime’ and what is nation-state activity, such as espionage, is getting increasingly difficult, especially concerning Russia.”

    Methbot, White Ops concluded, “was the largest and most profitable advertising fraud operation to strike digital advertising to date.”

    On November 6, 2018, Bulgarian police raided the apartment in the Black Sea port of Varna where Zhukov was living and, with U.S. law enforcement present, questioned, then arrested, Zhukov, seizing his computer hardware and cell phones. U.S. authorities unsealed a 13-count indictment against him and seven other Russian and Kazakh nationals later that month.

    Zhukov was extradited to the United States two months later, in January 2019.

    Another key player was a Kazakh man named Sergei Ovysannikov, who allegedly was involved in the overlapping botnet scheme called 3ve. The scheme was tied to at least $29 million in fraud and allegedly involved more than 1.7 million infected computers. Because the infected computers were in homes, they were linked to real human beings, making it harder to detect.

    “However you want to look at it, from an illicit profit-generating perspective, that counts as super lucrative,” Schwartz said.

    Ovysannikov was arrested on a U.S. warrant in Malaysia in October 2018. He later pleaded guilty in U.S. federal court.

    Yevgeny Timchenko, another Kazakh national who was also allegedly linked to the 3ve scheme, was arrested in Estonia the same month as Zhukov and later extradited. The other men named in the indictment are still at large, according to U.S. officials.

    The Steele Dossier

    Though the fraud allegedly committed in the Methbot and 3ve schemes was lucrative, the underlying technologies and infrastructure used have interested security researchers and experts tracking state-sponsored hacking efforts, particularly those involving Russia, Iran, North Korea, China, and other countries with developed hacking capabilities.

    The complicated setup used to run the Methbot network was extensive and expensive, according to one cybercrime researcher, who described it as “the most costly botnet fraud in history.”

    A sizable number of the servers that the Methbot operation rented and utilized were owned and maintained by companies affiliated with XBT Holding S.A., which is owned by a Russian venture capitalist named Aleksei Gubarev.

    Russian tech entrepreneur Aleksei Gubarev arrives at the High Court in London in July 2020.


    Russian tech entrepreneur Aleksei Gubarev arrives at the High Court in London in July 2020.

    That holding includes a group of web-hosting businesses also known as Webzilla, which has operations in Dallas, Texas, as well as in Russia, and which has specialized in services aimed at Internet advertisers, gaming companies, software developers, and e-commerce businesses. Among its web-hosting domains are DDoS.com, 1-800-HOSTING, and SecureVPN.com.

    A series of reports by the McClatchy newspaper network and the Miami Herald documented how major web viruses have spread via XBT’s infrastructure.

    While known within the tech industry, Gubarev’s name and his companies burst into wider public view in January 2017 with the publication of a collection of memos written by a former British spy named Christopher Steele.

    The memos, which were written in 2016, included salacious, unverified allegations against then-U.S. presidential candidate Donald Trump. It later emerged that the work was commissioned by a Washington law firm on behalf of the Democratic Party.

    The collected memos, which had circulated among reporters in Washington but were published first by BuzzFeed, were known as the Steele Dossier.

    One memo alleged that XBT/Webzilla and affiliated companies played a key role in the hack of Democratic Party computers in the spring of 2016, which resulted in the leak of e-mails that many believe helped harm former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton’s campaign against Trump. The memo also alleged Gubarev had been coerced into providing services to Russia’s main domestic security agency, known as the FSB.

    Subsequent U.S. intelligence reports and law enforcement indictments blamed the hack on Russia’s military intelligence agency, known as the GRU. Russia’s foreign intelligence agency, called the SVR, has been implicated both in that hack and the more recent SolarWinds intrusion of U.S. government and corporate servers.

    Gubarev has denied the allegations and sued BuzzFeed in U.S. court for publishing the Steele Dossier. That lawsuit was ultimately thrown out, but during the process, a technical expert who had served as chief of staff of the FBI’s Cyber Division in Washington, D.C., testified on behalf of BuzzFeed’s lawyers.

    The expert, Anthony Ferrante, said that Russian cyberespionage groups had used XBT servers to conduct “spear-phishing” campaigns against Democratic politicians, and XBT-owned infrastructure had been used to support Russian state-sponsored cybercampaigns.

    Ferrante asserted that the size of the Methbot operation, and the fact that a large number of IP addresses were first added to XBT-affiliated servers in late 2015 and then suddenly shut off in December 2016, meant an XBT employee would have had to do that manually.

    That, he said, pointed to the likelihood that XBT managers knew the company’s infrastructure was being used for illegal activity.

    “Additionally, the operation was a large scale ‘botnet,’ which is consistent with statements made in the [Steele] Dossier,” Ferrante wrote.

    ‘Unsung Heroes’

    A press spokesman for Ferrante’s Boston-based consulting company declined to comment further on the case.

    Gubarev, who reportedly lives in Cyprus, could not be immediately located for comment.

    In an e-mail to RFE/RL, however, his U.S. lawyer confirmed that XBT had hosted some of the Methbot operation. But, he said, Gubarev and XBT executives were in fact “unsung heroes” because, he said, they canceled the account and preserved hard drives as evidence.

    “The reason that the government is able to make its case now is because of the fast action by Mr. Gubarev and Webzilla,” Val Gurvits, a lawyer based in the Boston suburb of Newton, told RFE/RL.

    Gurvits also said that while “bad actors” misused Webzilla’s network, “not a single reputable source found that Webzilla was at fault for any such misuse.”

    “The truth is that my clients have always taken extraordinary measures to ensure that its networks are not misused,” he said.

    Schwartz, of DataBreachToday, said the Methbot case shows how blurred the line has become between run-of-the-mill online criminal activity and state-sponsored cybercampaigns of the sort used not only by Russian intelligence, but also the Central Intelligence Agency, the U.S. National Security Agency, and intelligence agencies around the world.

    He also said agencies are increasingly using commonly available malware, and even criminal-run infrastructure, as part of “the cybercrime-as-service ecosystem.”

    “For spies, using infrastructure built by — and for — criminals makes sense, because it’s more difficult for victims or foreign intelligence agencies to tell if any given activity is criminal or government run,” he said.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • NUR-SULTAN — The fact that it hasn’t completed its clinical trials hasn’t stopped thousands of Kazakh citizens from getting their first shot of the domestically developed coronavirus vaccine QazVac.

    The two-dose vaccine is still in its third stage of studies, which are expected to be completed in July. But QazVac’s developers — the state-backed Research Institute for Biological Safety Problems — insists the vaccine is safe and effective.

    The institute claims QazVac has shown a 96 percent efficacy against the virus during second-phase testing.

    No serious side effects have been reported among the vaccine recipients since the QazVac rollout began on April 26. The Health Ministry says 50,000 doses of QazVac have been distributed across the Central Asian country of nearly 19 million people.

    I’d support vaccination with QazVac once I see enough published data [that backs the developers’ claims].”

    But some independent experts have expressed skepticism due to what they describe as insufficient testing information, as well as the relatively small number of participants in QazVac testing thus far.

    By the QazVac developers’ own admission, some 3,000 people took part in the trials that began in September. For comparison, the study for the Pfizer-BioNTech vaccine involved more than 43,000 participants.

    Lesbek Kutymbetov, a QazVac developer, said the team is “fully confident that the vaccine is harmless.” He added that the research institute has been involved in vaccine production for decades.

    QazVac was developed using the traditional method of taking a dead virus to spur an immune response from the body, Kutymbetov explained. After testing the vaccine on animals, Kutymbetov was the first person to get a QazVac jab in its early trials.

    According to the QazVac manufacturer, it doesn’t need to be stored in freezers like the prominently used Pfizer and Moderna vaccines. QazVac can be kept in regular refrigerators.

    Like the other coronavirus vaccines, it’s not yet clear how long QazVac will give immunity from the coronavirus to someone. Early research showed “antibodies lasted about half-a-year and then their numbers decreased in the seventh month,” Kutymbetov said.

    ‘No Time To Write Articles’

    QazVaq developers haven’t published much information about their research on the vaccine, with Kutymbetov saying that they “don’t have time…to write articles.”

    Asel Musabekova, a French-based expert on cellular and molecular biology, said a lack of information makes it impossible to assess the vaccine’s safety and efficacy.

    “They could at least publish the results of the first and second phases of the clinical trials,” she said. “I’d support vaccination with QazVac once I see enough published data [that backs the developers’ claims].”

    Asel Musabekova, a French-based expert on cellular and molecular biology, wants to see more published data about the QazVac vaccine.


    Asel Musabekova, a French-based expert on cellular and molecular biology, wants to see more published data about the QazVac vaccine.

    Musabekova also said QazVac developers should have recruited a much larger pool of participants during the trials.

    “Rare side effects can only be seen in large-scale clinical trials involving tens of thousands of people,” the Kazakh-born expert explained.

    Limited Choice

    The lack of information, however, hasn’t dampened the mood among many Kazakhs who stood in line to get injections across the country.

    Aigul Nurlybekova, a 27-year-old resident of the capital, Nur-Sultan, received her first QazVac shot on April 28. The second dose should be taken three weeks later.

    “I contracted coronavirus last summer. Six months later, when I heard about QazVac, I decided to get inoculated with it,” Nurlybekova said, adding that she trusts the domestically made vaccine.

    People wait their turn before entering a vaccination center located at a shopping mall in Almaty. More than 1 million people in Kazakhstan -- about 5.7 percent of the population -- have received at least one dose of a coronavirus vaccine.


    People wait their turn before entering a vaccination center located at a shopping mall in Almaty. More than 1 million people in Kazakhstan — about 5.7 percent of the population — have received at least one dose of a coronavirus vaccine.

    Five days since getting the injection, Nurlybekova said she hasn’t experienced any major side effects.

    Almaty resident Ardak Bukeeva did her homework before opting for QazVac over the Russian-made Sputnik V, a second vaccine option that is offered in Kazakhstan.

    A journalist by profession, Bukeeva visited the research institute in February and spoke with the QazVac team to inquire about the vaccine they were developing.

    Bukeeva told RFE/RL that at the end it was the institute’s “years of expertise” as well as the tried-and-tested vaccine ingredient — “the fully neutralized virus” — that convinced her to choose QazVac for herself and her family. She received her first dose on April 27.

    “I hope it will be effective against the various coronavirus strains that we hear about every day, in India and elsewhere,” Bukeeva said.

    Both women say many of their friends and acquaintances who have received QazVac injections haven’t had any serious side effects and are content with the vaccine.

    But some Kazakhs took to social media to share their reservations about the sparse information on QazVac.

    “Where are the research results? Where is the evaluation by foreign scientists? Not much is known about the components of the vaccine — there is almost no data,” Nur-Sultan resident Viktoria Murzintseva wrote on Facebook.

    “I can’t even find decent domestically produced underwear anywhere, [let alone a coronavirus vaccine],” wrote a more skeptical Nur-Sultan resident, Aigul Fort.


    So far, more than 1 million people in the Central Asian country — about 5.7 percent of the population — have received at least one dose of a coronavirus vaccine, mostly Sputnik V.

    The resource-rich nation has also placed an order with Beijing for a million doses of the Chinese-made Sinopharm vaccine.

    Some Kazakhs say they’re patiently waiting until more is known about the coronavirus vaccines in general before deciding whether to get one or not.

    “I will wait. I’m in no hurry,” wrote Kazakh social-media user Zhanargul Omarova. “I will continue to wear a mask, wash my hands. I’m not going to weddings or parties and I have no plans to travel abroad anytime soon.”

    There has been an official total of some 332,000 cases of the coronavirus in Kazakhstan, with 3,796 deaths as of May 5. Many observers and media outlets say those figures are grossly underreported due to government officials trying to hide the actual numbers.

    Written by Farangis Najibullah in Prague based on reporting by RFE/RL’s Kazakh Service

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Kazakhstan has extended until December the suspension of visa-free visits for citizens of 54 countries that were introduced last year to prevent the spread of the coronavirus.

    The Central Asian nation’s Foreign Ministry announced on May 4 that the suspension, which expired three days ago, had been prolonged as the country tries to continue to limit the spread of COVID-19.

    Kazakhstan introduced visa-free visits in 2012 to 57 nations, including the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom, Australia, European Union members, Japan, South Korea, and several countries in Asia, the Middle East, and the Persian Gulf.

    The suspension continues for all of those countries, with the exception of Turkey, the United Arab Emirates, and South Korea.

    As of May 4, the number of registered coronavirus cases in the former Soviet republic with the population of 18.8 million people was 330,071, including 3,762 deaths.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • A young Uyghur man says he has turned his dream into reality by opening a popular coffee house at the heart of Kashgar’s historic Old City to “blend the old and the new.”

    A young Muslim woman moves from her remote village to the city for a “well-paid” factory job that enables her to provide a comfortable life for her family.

    A Uyghur businesswoman challenges stereotypes to help young women in her community to pick Western-style wedding dresses for their big day.

    They all purport to be content with prosperous lives, freedom of choice, and abundant opportunities they say they enjoy in their home region of Xinjiang in China’s northwest.

    That is how a new Chinese documentary, Beyond The Mountains: Life In Xinjiang, depicts the lives of ethnic Uyghur and other Muslim minorities — mostly ethnic Kazakh and Kyrgyz — in the region.

    The film makes no mention of China’s brutal crackdown on Xinjiang’s Muslims that has seen more than 1 million people forced into a notorious network of massive internment camps, often run in prison-like conditions, since 2017.

    The documentary was released by the state-owned China Global Television Network in mid-April in several languages — including English and Russian — in a bid to push Beijing’s narrative of Xinjiang to global audiences.

    It seeks to counter multiple accounts by natives of Xinjiang who say Muslims live in a climate of fear and oppression as authorities target their culture, religion, family life, and traditions.

    The documentary emphasizes opportunities the government has allegedly created for young people to pursue their dreams in sports, music, business, and other areas.

    Xinjiang activists who spoke to RFE/RL condemned the documentary as blatant Chinese propaganda that is a gruesome distortion of reality.

    The Kashgar Coffee House Tale

    The documentary depicts a coffee shop in a traditional two-story building with a flat rooftop on the backdrop of Kashgar’s scenic Old City.

    Kashgar Corner Coffee & Tea is a startup business owned by young Muslim entrepreneur Mardan Ablimit, who describes himself as a “genuine Kashgar boy” with a big dream.

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    Ablimit says his idea of a coffee shop was to mix his community’s history and culture with modern elements.

    He describes his drinks as a perfect “blend of Western coffee and local herbs.”

    The coffeehouse features colorful cushions and carpets along with traditional teahouse-style furniture.

    Ablimit calls his coffeehouse a “miniature version of Kashgar” where “the older generation is trying new things” and young people like him “are pursuing their dreams.”

    “I don’t see any conflicts or contradictions here,” he says, alluding to the official Chinese line of “peace and harmony” in the region.

    People in Kashgar are “discarding the old way of thinking” and embracing change, Ablimit claims.

    It’s difficult to verify Ablimit’s story of success in a business that he says pays tribute to his community’s history, culture, and traditions.

    In reality, the Chinese government has shut down Xinjiang Muslims’ cultural centers, damaged or razed thousands of mosques and historical Muslim structures, and imprisoned community leaders.

    Muslims are barred in many areas from entering mosques until they reach the age of 18.

    Mardan Ablimit talks about his coffeeshop in the propaganda film.


    Mardan Ablimit talks about his coffeeshop in the propaganda film.

    Thousands have been jailed for performing Islamic prayers, celebrating holidays, or having traditionally large families.

    Many Muslim children have been separated from their families and placed in special boarding schools — a move activists say is aimed at brainwashing the younger generation.

    Beijing has also reportedly embedded more than 1 million civil servants from the country’s majority Han Chinese population to live with Muslim families in Xinjiang as part of the assimilation effort as well as to monitor their movements and contacts.

    The U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom wrote in its International Religious Freedom Annual Report issued on April 28, 2020, that “individuals have been sent to the camps for wearing long beards, refusing alcohol, or other behaviors authorities deem to be signs of ‘religious extremism.’”

    ‘Grateful To My Factory’

    A large segment of the Chinese documentary is dedicated to young Muslim women who — according to the video — have challenged their conservative community’s stereotypes to embrace modern life.

    Zileyhan Eysa is introduced as a farmer from the rural county of Kuqa who gets a job at a factory in Bole in the relatively affluent northern part of Xinjiang.

    Eysa makes about $600 a month, enough to support her impoverished family in Kuqa and her own life in the city.

    With Eysa’s remittances, her mother, Tursungul Rejep, has paid her medical bills while her father is able to buy a car.

    “I’m grateful to my factory,” Eysa says.

    Eysa has “learnt many new things” in the city, the video says. She has no intention of moving back to her village and doesn’t think of getting married anytime soon.

    In traditional Uyghur families, marriages are usually arranged by the parents. But Eysa’s family “will accept whomever she chooses to marry,” says Rejep, speaking in her native Uyghur.

    Eysa — like all other young Muslims depicted in the documentary — speaks Mandarin.

    The film shows the family’s spacious house in Kuqa, with Eysa, her parents, and two younger siblings — all exceptionally well dressed — happily chatting as they eat watermelon.

    Samira Arkin is another Muslim woman who has broken with her community’s traditions and “set an example for many other young people.”

    Arkin owns a bridal shop in Kashgar where she helps Muslim brides to choose fashionable white dresses for their wedding.

    Arkin recalls how she decided to wear a Western-style gown for her own wedding in 2010 despite misgivings by her relatives.

    Modern wedding dresses were frowned upon in her community, she explains.

    Like many others in the documentary, she doesn’t say words like Muslims, Islam, or Uyghur.

    Arkin says she was unhappy to see how some women “covered their faces” and didn’t even have “the right to go out” on their own.

    The film depicts affluent migrants sending money back home.


    The film depicts affluent migrants sending money back home.

    She says she turned her protest into a business opportunity and opened her shop.

    “I wanted to change how [Kashgar] brides dress and how they think about it,” Arkin says. The businesswoman claims she enjoys support from many people who tell her she has “made the right choices.”

    China has banned the Islamic veil as a sign of religious extremism.

    In vaguely worded legislation, Beijing has also outlawed certain Islamic names and other unspecified “extremism signs.”

    Some Muslim women have reported being harassed by police for wearing long dresses.

    Forced To Speak?

    It’s impossible to know if Arkin, Eysa, Rejep, and others in documentary were speaking their minds or were ordered to repeat what authorities told them to say.

    People are forced to “follow orders” from the Communist Party, says Qairat Baitolla, an activist from Xinjiang who lives in Kazakhstan.

    “If they refuse, they face imprisonment, harassment, and even being shot dead,” Baitolla says.

    Locked Up In China: The Plight Of Xinjiang’s Muslims

    Radio Free Radio/Radio Liberty is partnering with its sister organization, Radio Free Asia, to highlight the plight of Muslims living in China’s western province of Xinjiang.

    One ethnic Kazakh man, who currently lives in Altay in Xinjiang’s Ili Kazakh Autonomous Prefecture, has told his relatives abroad that authorities were forcing him to denounce on video former U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo’s condemning comments about Xinjiang.

    In January, Pompeo declared that China was committing “ongoing” genocide against Muslims in Xinjiang.

    The man from Altay also said that Chinese police demanded he denounce and divorce his wife, Altynai Arasan. Arasan lives in Kazakhstan and attends anti-Beijing protests in front of Chinese diplomatic offices.

    According to Arasan, police warned her husband he would be killed if he refused to make the video statement.

    But “there are also many people” among the Muslim minorities who “blindly trust the Communist Party,” says Bekzat Maqsutkhan, an activist from Xinjiang.

    “Authorities select ignorant, trusting, and low-educated people who have never seen the outside world to participate in such propaganda,” he told RFE/RL.

    Maqsutkhan, who now lives in Kazakhstan, says some members of Muslim communities take part in the state propaganda for financial gain or to advance their careers.

    But the activists say the majority, including many children, have no choice but to read into the camera the scripted texts that proclaim support for Beijing’s version of events.

    China denies all of the reports of widespread rights abuses in Xinjiang and insists that the internment camps are educational and vocational training centers aimed at preventing religious extremism.

    But many survivors say many of the detainees at the internment camps are subjected to torture, rape, and forced labor — mainly working in textile factories and picking cotton. Some women have reported being forced to undergo an abortion and others say they were forcibly sterilized.

    The documentary comes as the United States, Britain, Canada, and the European Union imposed sanctions on several Chinese officials over the reported rights abuses in Xinjiang.

    On April 22, the British House of Commons approved a parliamentary motion declaring crimes against humanity and genocide are being committed against Uyghurs and other mostly Muslims in Xinjiang.

    RFE/RL Kazakh Service correspondent in Almaty, Nurtay Lakhanuly, contributed to this report

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • A Kazakh court has sentenced a blogger and journalist to one year of “restricted freedom” — a parole-like limitation — and 100 hours of forced labor on what the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) called “trumped-up charges.”

    The court in the capital, Nur-Sultan, also banned Aigul Otepova on April 29 from conducting “public and political activities” for three years, including working in the media, after convicting her of participating in banned political groups.

    Otepova, who has denied the charges, said she plans to appeal the ruling.

    She and her lawyer said they believe the case is an attempt to silence her reporting that is critical of state authorities.

    The conviction “once again demonstrates how the country’s laws banning so-called extremist groups are routinely used to stifle political dissent,” said Gulnoza Said, CPJ’s Europe and Central Asia program coordinator.

    Said urged the authorities to “overturn this baseless sentence on appeal” and ensure that Otepova’s “rights to conduct investigative journalism and express critical opinions are fully respected.”

    Otepova was detained in mid-September and put under house arrest after she placed a post on Facebook criticizing official efforts to curb the coronavirus outbreak.

    In November, she was placed in a psychiatric clinic for 18 days for a mandatory mental-health evaluation. The journalist was released on December 11 and remained under house arrest.

    Human rights groups have criticized the Kazakh government for years for persecuting independent and opposition journalists.

    Rights activists in Kazakhstan have criticized authorities for using Soviet-era methods of stifling dissent by placing opponents in psychiatric clinics.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • TURKISTAN, Kazakhstan — A group of inmates in a penitentiary in Kazakhstan’s southern Turkistan region have maimed themselves to protest conditions and are refusing to follow guards’ orders.

    The chief of the State Penitentiary Service (QAZh) in the region, Talghat Abdiranbaev, said late on April 28 that six inmates at the ICh-167/9 maximum-security correctional colony had inflicted cuts on their bodies after a confrontation with guards.

    According to Abdiranbaev, the incident took place after the inmates protested searches of their belongings by the prison guards, QAZh officials, and National Guard troops.

    “The inmates were provided with medical assistance right away. Their health condition is more or less stable, there is no need for hospitalizations,” Abdiranbaev said, adding that internal investigations were under way in the penitentiary, which houses 485 inmates convicted of serious and very serious crimes.

    Abdiranbaev’s statement came three days after two inmates in the western region of Manghystau swallowed spoons to protest against prison conditions, prompting an inspection of the facility by representatives of the Public Monitoring Commission and the National Preventive Mechanism — groups created to prevent torture and rights abuse in the Central Asian country’s penitentiaries.

    Inmates in Kazakh prisons often maim themselves to protest brutality from guards or abuses of their rights. They usually slit their wrists or cut their abdomens. Swallowing spoons or other objects is very rare.

    With reporting by Informburo

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • SHYMKENT, Kazakhstan — An activist arrested in January in Kazakhstan’s southern city of Shymkent for alleged ties with two banned opposition groups has started a hunger strike.

    Nurzhan Mukhammedov’s wife, Baghila Tekebaeva, told RFE/RL that her husband started the hunger strike on April 27, demanding that the charges against him — of being associated with the Democratic Choice of Kazakhstan (DVK) movement and the Koshe (Street) party — be dropped.

    “My husband has insisted that he has no ties with the DVK and the Koshe party. He is angry that he has been kept under arrest for four months now,” Tekebaeva said.

    Separately on April 27, a court in Kazakhstan’s southern town of Qapshaghai rejected a request for early release filed by the activist Almat Zhumaghulov, who was sentenced to seven years in prison in December 2018 after a court convicted him and two others of planning a “holy war” because they were spreading the ideas of DVK.

    Several activists in the Central Asian nation have been handed prison sentences or parole-like sentences in recent years for their support or involvement in the activities of the DVK and its associate, Koshe party, as well as for taking part in unsanctioned rallies organized by the two groups.

    DVK is led by Mukhtar Ablyazov, the fugitive former head of Kazakhstan’s BTA Bank and an outspoken critic of the Kazakh government.

    Kazakh authorities labeled the DVK extremist and banned the group in March 2018.

    Human rights groups have said Kazakhstan’s law on public gatherings contradicts international standards as it requires preliminary permission from authorities to hold rallies and envisions prosecution for organizing and participating in unsanctioned rallies even though the nation’s constitution guarantees its citizens the right of free assembly.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • TARAZ, Kazakhstan — A court in Kazakhstan’s southern Zhambyl region has handed down sentences to 51 defendants in a case over deadly ethnic clashes that shocked the Central Asian country in February 2020.

    The court on April 27 sentenced eight defendants to prison terms of between 15 and 20 years after finding them guilty of murder and taking part in mass disorder.

    Another defendant was sentenced to 11 years in prison, one to seven years in prison, and seven men were sentenced to five years in prison each. One defendant was acquitted while the remainder were handed parole-like “freedom-limitation” sentences for periods of between two and six years.

    The defendants, according to their roles in the clashes between Kazakhs and Kazakh citizens from the ethnic Dungan minority — a Muslim group of Chinese origin — were found guilty of various crimes including murder, organizing and participating in mass disorder, illegal arms and ammunition possession, robbery, separatism, threatening the lives of military personnel, armed mass disorder, and hooliganism.

    The high-profile trial started in December and was held inside a detention center in the regional capital, Taraz.

    The violence in the villages of Sortobe, Masanchi, Auqatty, and Bulan-Batyr that erupted in early February 2020 following a road-rage brawl left 11 people dead and dozens injured, including 19 police officers.

    In September, seven ethnic Kazakhs were tried separately in the case and sentenced to prison terms ranging between three years and four years.

    Four of them were released from prison in November after a military court in Almaty replaced their prison terms with freedom-limitation sentences.

    In April 2020, an ethnic Dungan involved in the case was found guilty of hooliganism and inflicting bodily harm and sentenced to 30 months in prison. Another Dungan was handed a suspended prison sentence on the same charges.

    More than 30 houses, 17 commercial buildings, and 47 vehicles were destroyed or damaged in the clashes, and more than 20,000 people, mostly Dungans, fled the villages where the violence erupted.

    Many of the Dungans who fled the violence ended up in the neighboring Kyrgyz region of Chui, where the majority of Central Asia’s Dungans reside.

    Kazakh officials said at the time that the majority of the displaced Dungans returned to Kazakhstan several days later.

    Many senior regional officials, including the Zhambyl region’s governor, Asqar Myrzakhmetov, and local police chief, were fired by the central government in the aftermath of the clashes.

    Dungans, also known as Hui, are Sunni Muslims who speak a dialect of Mandarin that also uses words and phrases borrowed from Arabic, Persian, and Turkic.

    Their ancestors fled China in the late 19th century after the Chinese government’s violent crackdown of the Dungan Revolt of 1862-77, and settled in Central Asia, then part of the Russian empire.

    The total number of Dungans now living in former Soviet republics is about 120,000.

    Most reside in Kyrgyzstan’s northern region of Chui and Kazakhstan’s neighboring region of Zhambyl.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • AQTAU, Kazakhstan — Two inmates in a prison in Kazakhstan’s western region of Manghystau have swallowed spoons to protest against prison conditions, prompting an inspection of the facility by representatives of the Public Monitoring Commission and the National Preventive Mechanism — groups created to prevent torture and rights abuses in the Central Asian nation’s penitentiaries.

    The regional State Penitentiary Service said on April 25 that the incident had taken place four says earlier, adding that the two inmates were provided with medical assistance and their “current health state is satisfactory.”

    “We visited the penitentiary at the invitation of the administration of the facility. We talked to the inmates in a group and individually. We listened to all sides. All the statements will be thoroughly investigated,” the leader of the National Preventitive Mechanism in the region, Aleksandr Mukha, said.

    No more details were provided.

    Inmates in Kazakhstan’s penitentiaries often maim themselves to protest brutality from guards or abuses of their rights. They usually slit wrists or cut their abdomens. Swallowing spoons or other objects is very rare.

    With reporting by Lada.kz

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Kazakhstan has rolled out its locally developed vaccine against COVID-19, with Health Minister Aleksei Tsoi receiving the first injection.

    Tsoi said that 50,000 doses of the QazVac vaccine developed by the state-backed Research Institute for Biological Safety Problems have been distributed across the country of nearly 19 million people.

    QazVac requires two doses three weeks apart and can be stored in a regular refrigerator.

    The vaccine is currently in its third stage of clinical trials, which are expected to be completed in July. Its developers claim the vaccine had a 96 percent efficacy in the second stage.

    Tsoi said that 1-in-20 Kazakhstanis have been vaccinated against the coronavirus since the Central Asian country’s vaccination drive kicked off in February.

    The Russian-developed Sputnik V vaccine is dominating the vaccination effort in Kazakhstan, which earlier this year became the first foreign country to produce a vaccine.

    As of April 26, Kazakh health authorities have registered more than 309,000 coronavirus cases, including 3,570 deaths. A total of 755 more deaths were registered as caused by atypical pneumonia with COVID-19 symptoms.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • The United States Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) just released its annual report that named Tajikistan and Turkmenistan as “countries of particular concern” and recommended Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan be placed on the U.S. State Department’s Special Watch List, a list Uzbekistan was removed from in December 2020.

    Governments in Central Asia have worked since independence to increase control over religion in their countries and many groups and members of different faiths have been persecuted and denied registration. Some believers have been imprisoned, particularly Muslims, whom the governments of these countries seem to fear the most.

    On this week’s Majlis podcast, RFE/RL Media-Relations Manager Muhammad Tahir moderates a discussion about religious freedom and the lack thereof in Central Asia.

    This week’s guests are: from Washington, Nury Turkel, commissioner at the USCIRF and also a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute; from Oslo, Norway, Felix Corley, the editor of the Forum 18 News Service, an agency monitoring religious freedom in the former Soviet republics and Eastern Europe; from Warsaw, Poland, Muhamadjon Kabirov, the president of the Foundation for Intercultural Integration, the chief editor at Azda TV, and formerly the personal assistant of the chairman of the Islamic Renaissance Party of Tajikstan; and Bruce Pannier, the author of RFE/RL’s Qishloq Ovozi blog.

    Listen to the podcast above or subscribe to the Majlis on iTunes or on Google Podcasts.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • The United States Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) just released its annual report that named Tajikistan and Turkmenistan as “countries of particular concern” and recommended Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan be placed on the U.S. State Department’s Special Watch List, a list Uzbekistan was removed from in December 2020.

    Governments in Central Asia have worked since independence to increase control over religion in their countries and many groups and members of different faiths have been persecuted and denied registration. Some believers have been imprisoned, particularly Muslims, whom the governments of these countries seem to fear the most.

    On this week’s Majlis podcast, RFE/RL Media-Relations Manager Muhammad Tahir moderates a discussion about religious freedom and the lack thereof in Central Asia.

    This week’s guests are: from Washington, Nury Turkel, commissioner at the USCIRF and also a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute; from Oslo, Norway, Felix Corley, the editor of the Forum 18 News Service, an agency monitoring religious freedom in the former Soviet republics and Eastern Europe; from Warsaw, Poland, Muhamadjon Kabirov, the president of the Foundation for Intercultural Integration, the chief editor at Azda TV, and formerly the personal assistant of the chairman of the Islamic Renaissance Party of Tajikstan; and Bruce Pannier, the author of RFE/RL’s Qishloq Ovozi blog.

    Listen to the podcast above or subscribe to the Majlis on iTunes or on Google Podcasts.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Several hundred protesters gathered in Almaty on April 24 for an unsanctioned rally to oppose a draft law on land ownership that they say poses a threat to Kazakh sovereignty and national security. According to RFE/RL’s Kazakh Service, the event was organized by the unregistered Democratic Party. Protesters called on the parliament to stop considering amendments to the land ownership legislation that would enable long-term leasing by foreign entities. Opponents fear the amendments would open the door to land ownership for local oligarchs as well as further increase Chinese influence in the country. A strong police presence prevented protesters from marching through the city.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Around 200 protesters gathered in Almaty on April 24 for an unsanctioned rally to oppose a draft law on land ownership that they say poses a threat to Kazakh sovereignty and national security.

    Rallies were planned in other cities, too, but many of the organizers abandoned the protests after authorities blocked permits to gather, citing COVID-19 risks.

    The Kazakh parliament’s lower chamber, the Mazhilis, earlier this month approved the first reading of a bill banning the purchase and rental of farmland by foreigners in the Central Asian nation ahead of the expiration of a moratorium on land sales this summer.

    The five-year moratorium was introduced in 2016 after thousands demonstrated in unprecedented rallies across the tightly controlled nation, protesting the government’s plan to attract foreign investment into the agriculture sector by opening up the market.

    Agriculture Minister Saparkhan Omarov said at a session of parliament on April 7 that current agreements on farmlands rented by some foreign companies or joint ventures with foreign capital will expire in the 2022-25 period and will not be extended.

    The move comes after President Qasym-Zhomart Toqaev proposed the ban in late February.

    The protests stopped after the government withdrew the plan, but two men who organized the largest rally in the western city of Atyrau, Talghat Ayan and Maks Boqaev, were sentenced to five years in prison each after being found guilty of inciting social discord, knowingly spreading false information, and violating the law on public assembly.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • NUR-SULTAN — Prosecutors have asked a court in Nur-Sultan to sentence six defendants in the high-profile case of the killing of the teenage son of late Kazakh civil rights activist Dulat Aghadil.

    Zhanbolat Aghadil, 17, was stabbed to death in a Nur-Sultan suburb in November, just 10 months after his father mysteriously died while in police custody.

    Prosecutors on April 22 asked the Inter-District Court on Criminal Cases in the Kazakh capital to find defendant Omirzhan Rakhmet guilty of murdering Zhanbolat Aghadil and sentence him to 18 years in prison.

    Sentences for the other five defendants in the case, who were charged with concealing a crime and failing to report a crime, should range between four and five years in prison, they added.

    Rakhmet’s lawyer told reporters his client pleaded not guilty.

    In February 2020, Zhanbolat Aghadil’s father, a well-known 43-year-old civil rights activist, died while being held in pretrial detention in Nur-Sultan just hours after being arrested for failing to comply with a court order to report to local police.

    Authorities said Aghadil died from a heart attack, but his family and fellow rights defenders say he had no history of heart issues and suspected the real cause of death was being covered up.

    Rallies were held in Nur-Sultan and other cities in February and March to demand a thorough investigation into his death.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • An independent, bipartisan advisory body has reiterated its call for the U.S. State Department to add Russia to its register of the world’s “worst violators” of religious freedom, a blacklist that already includes Iran, Pakistan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and six other countries.

    The U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF), created by Congress to make recommendations about global religious freedom, proposes in its annual report released on April 21 that Russia, India, Syria, and Vietnam be put on the “countries of particular concern” list, a category reserved for those that carry out “systematic, ongoing, and egregious” violations of religious freedoms.

    The blacklisting paves the way for sanctions if the countries included do not improve their records.

    Countries recommended for the State Department’s special watch list, meaning there are still “severe” violations of religious freedom there, include Afghanistan, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Uzbekistan.

    The USCIRF report says that “religious freedom conditions in Russia deteriorated” last year, with the government targeting religious minorities deemed to be “nontraditional” with fines, detentions, and criminal charges.

    A total of 188 criminal cases alone were brought against the banned Jehovah’s Witnesses, while there were 477 searches of members’ homes, with raids and interrogations including “instances of torture that continue to go uninvestigated and unpunished.”

    For decades, the Jehovah’s Witnesses have been viewed with suspicion in Russia, where the dominant Orthodox Church is championed by President Vladimir Putin.

    In 2017, Russia outlawed the religious group and labeled it “extremist,” a designation the State Department has called “wrongful.”

    ‘Made-Up Charges’

    Russia’s anti-extremism law was also used to “persecute religious minorities, particularly Muslims,” the report added.

    In Russia’s region of the North Caucasus, “security forces acted with impunity, arresting or kidnapping persons suspected of even tangential links to Islamist militancy as well as for secular political opposition,” it said.

    In occupied Crimea, the enforcement of Russia’s “repressive” laws and policies on religion resulted in the prosecution of peaceful religious activity and bans on groups that were legal in the peninsula under Ukrainian law. At least 16 Crimean Muslims were sentenced to prison terms on “made-up charges of extremism and terrorism,” the report said.

    In Iran, the government escalated its “severe repression”” of religious minorities and continued to “export religious extremism and intolerance abroad,” according to the report, which cites “scores” of Christians being “arrested, assaulted, and unjustly sentenced to years in prison.”

    The government also continued to arrest Baha’is and impose lengthy prison sentences on them, with between 50 and 100 followers of the Baha’i sect reported to be in prisons in Iran during the past year.

    The USCIRF says religious freedom conditions also worsened in Pakistan, with the government “systematically” enforcing blasphemy laws and failing to protect religious minorities from “abuses by nonstate actors.”

    It cites a “sharp rise in targeted killings, blasphemy cases, forced conversions, and hate speech targeting religious minorities” including Ahmadis, Shi’a, Hindus, Christians, and Sikhs.

    Abduction, forced conversion to Islam, rape, and forced marriage “remained an imminent threat for religious minority women and children,” particularly among the Hindu and Christian faiths.

    In Turkmenistan, religious freedom conditions “remained among the worst in the world and showed no signs of improvement,” according to the report.

    The government continued to “treat all independent religious activity with suspicion, maintaining a large surveillance apparatus that monitors believers at home and abroad.”

    “Restrictive state policies have ‘virtually extinguished’ the free practice of religion in the country, where the government appoints Muslim clerics, surveils and dictates religious practice, and punishes nonconformity through imprisonment, torture, and administrative harassment,” the report said.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • A 27-year-old Kazakh woman is fighting traditional attitudes in seeking justice against five men she accuses of trying to kidnap and force her into marriage.

    Bride kidnapping is a common practice in Kyrgyzstan and parts of Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, even though the long-standing practice is prohibited by law.

    Among the men that Aruzhan — who asked that her real name not be used to protect her privacy — accuses of trying to abduct her in July 2020 is a co-worker at a military unit in the southeastern Almaty Province.

    “I got a phone call from my colleague who asked me to make a cake for his brother’s birthday,” says Aruzhan, who supplements her income as a civilian contractor by baking cakes. “I didn’t have time as I was going to visit a friend, but my colleague insisted that he would give me a lift to my friend’s house if I made the cake.”

    Aruzhan’s colleague picked her up at a village bus stop near her home. As they drove to an intersection near the Kulzhin highway, four other men got into the car.

    The colleague said they were friends of his “who happened to be hitchhiking.” Aruzhan says she became suspicious when the car “took a wrong turn.”

    She immediately demanded the man stop the vehicle. “He pulled over to the side of the road and said, ‘We’re going to snatch you.’”

    “Snatching a bride” — or bride kidnapping — is a banned but widespread custom in some parts of southern Kazakhstan in which a man, usually with the help of a few friends, captures a woman of his choice for marriage.

    Aruzhan says she was left traumatized by the incident and is disappointed in the authorities' attitude toward her case.


    Aruzhan says she was left traumatized by the incident and is disappointed in the authorities’ attitude toward her case.

    In some cases, it’s just a pre-wedding ritual performed by the groom and his friends after getting the woman’s consent. But many cases involve nonconsensual kidnappings, with the victims targeted and forced into marriage against their will.

    Most bride-kidnapping cases in Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan go unreported. The victims often stay in these marriages because returning home would bring shame to the woman and her family in the conservative societies in which they live.

    Dreading such an outcome, Aruzhan says she tried to fight back. “I jumped out of the car but the men tried to force me back into it.” She says she resisted their attempts by holding tight onto some racks atop the car, crying, and pleading with the men to let her go.

    Hundreds of vehicles passed by on a busy highway leading to Almaty, Kazakhstan’s largest city, but no one “stopped to help me,” Aruzhan says. “I was begging them for help, but people just recorded me on their mobile phones as they drove by.”

    Finally, Aruzhan’s colleague got a phone call from the police, who demanded the men report to the nearest police station. “We found out later that someone called the police and gave the license plate number of my colleague’s car, and police found his name and phone number,” Aruzhan says.

    The men took Aruzhan to the Talgar district police station. Despite the bruises and scratches on Aruzhan’s arms, police let the men go free.

    Aruzhan filed a formal complaint against the men.

    Police Inaction

    Aruzhan was summoned to the police station two days later. An investigator assigned to the case advised her to withdraw the complaint to avoid “being summoned thousands of more times.” She rejected his advice — but the case was still closed.

    According to documents obtained by RFE/RL, the district police concluded that the suspects in the kidnapping case were not “subject to criminal liability” because they “voluntarily decided to abandon their intended act [of kidnapping].”

    RFE/RL contacted the Almaty regional police office about Aruzhan’s case. The regional police said they supported the Talgar officials’ decision to close the case.

    In September, Aruzhan submitted a complaint to the district prosecutor’s office, accusing police of mishandling her case. A new probe was launched in November. But in March she found out that the authorities had again decided to close it without pressing charges. She was again told the men had not committed a crime.

    The victims often stay in these marriages because returning home would bring shame to the woman and her family in the conservative societies in which they live.


    The victims often stay in these marriages because returning home would bring shame to the woman and her family in the conservative societies in which they live.

    Aruzhan says she was left traumatized by the incident and is disappointed in the authorities’ attitude toward her case. She fears her kidnappers might come back for revenge after her multiple complaints. Since the death of her father three years ago, Aruzhan lives with her mother.

    Many people in that small rural community are aware of the kidnapping attempt and Aruzhan believes police inaction toward her abductors sets a bad precedent. She says it emboldens other potential bride kidnappers who see that men can get away with trying to snatch a woman for marriage.

    Despite her fears and failure thus far, Aruzhan is determined to continue her fight until the perpetrators face trial. In Kazakhstan, nonconsensual bride-kidnapping is a criminal offense punishable by up to seven years in prison.

    “What happened to me can happen to any other young woman here,” she says. “The offenders must be punished for their actions so they don’t try the same thing with other women in the future.”

    Written by Farangis Najibullah based on an interview conducted by Ayan Kalmurat of RFE/RL’s Kazakh Service

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • QYZYLORDA, Kazakhstan — A court in southern Kazakhstan has handed a parole-like sentence to an activist for supporting the banned Democratic Choice of Kazakhstan (DVK) movement, one of several activists sentenced for supporting the opposition group in recent years.

    The Court No. 2 in the southern city of Qyzylorda on April 20 sentenced Muratbai Baimaghambetov to two years of “freedom limitation” and 170 hours of community work.

    Baimaghambetov, who was arrested in September 2020, told RFE/RL that he will appeal the sentence.

    The activist is known for his rights activities in the region.

    While in pretrial detention, human rights organizations in Kazakhstan recognized Baimaghambetov as a political prisoner.

    Several activists in the Central Asian nation have been handed “freedom limitation” and prison sentences in recent years for their support or involvement in the activities of DVK and its associate, Koshe (Street) party, as well as for taking part in unsanctioned rallies organized by the two groups.

    DVK is led by Mukhtar Ablyazov, the fugitive former head of Kazakhstan’s BTA Bank and outspoken critic of the Kazakh government. Kazakh authorities labeled DVK as extremist and banned the group in March 2018.

    Human rights groups have said Kazakhstan’s law on public gatherings contradicts international standards as it requires preliminary permission from authorities to hold rallies and envisions prosecution for organizing and participating in unsanctioned rallies even though the nation’s constitution guarantees its citizens the right of free assembly.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Two Russian cosmonauts and a U.S. astronaut have landed safely in the Central Asian country of Kazakhstan following their six-month stint at the International Space Station (ISS).

    Cosmonauts Sergei Ryzhikov and Sergei Kud-Sverchkov and astronaut Kathleen Rubins touched down as scheduled in the early morning hours of April 17, according to a live broadcast on the television channel of Russia’s Roskosmos space agency.

    It was the first ISS mission for Kud-Sverchkov and the second for Ryzhikov and Rubins.

    On April 22, the private firm SpaceX is scheduled to launch a four-person mission to the ISS, made up of astronauts from the United States, France, and Japan. It will be the first manned SpaceX mission to reuse the Falcon rocket and the Dragon crew capsule.

    NASA recently began using U.S. private companies for transport to the ISS after years of relying on the Russian space program to reach the orbiting laboratory.

    NASA has chosen SpaceX to build a lunar lander that the U.S. space agency says will return Americans to the moon. SpaceX beat out proposals by Blue Origin and Dynetics to win the $2.89 billion contract, NASA said on April 16.

    NASA declined to provide a target launch date for the mission, known as Artemis.

    SpaceX is developing a vehicle called Starship that will be used for the moon mission. A number of prototypes of the bullet-shaped 50-meter-tall rocket have exploded or crashed during test flights with no crew.

    But CEO Elon Musk has been undeterred, saying Starship will succeed at carrying people and other tasks such as putting satellites into orbit.

    Based on reporting by AFP, AP, and TASS

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Any farmer can explain the problems that come with being dependent on generous rain clouds to water the crops.

    It seems there is often either too little or too much.

    Many people in Kyrgyzstan are about to face the consequences of too little water. In a country where 90 percent of the electricity is generated by hydropower facilities, the problems caused by a long drought do not end in the farmers’ fields but could extend to neighboring countries.

    Kyrgyzstan’s Toktogul hydropower plant (HPP) was opened in 1975, during the Soviet era. It took some 15 years to prepare the massive reservoir and fill it before the four 300 megawatt (MW) units could start producing energy.

    It was one of the earliest attempts to tap into Kyrgyzstan’s hydropower potential, which even today is only being used at 10 percent of its capability.

    The plant has suffered several problems in recent years associated with its aging equipment.

    In December 2015, one of the turbines shut down and, in less than a week, three of the four units had stopped functioning, forcing authorities to ration electricity during the coldest part of winter. The HPP is currently undergoing renovation work that aims to replace or rehabilitate the old equipment and bring the total output up to 1440 MW.

    While the Toktogul reservoir is a source of domestic power for Kyrgyzstan, its water is needed in two other countries.


    While the Toktogul reservoir is a source of domestic power for Kyrgyzstan, its water is needed in two other countries.

    The Toktogul reservoir is in the western Kementub Valley, along the Naryn River that eventually flows into Uzbekistan and merges into one of the two great rivers of Central Asia, the Syr Darya (the other is the Amu Darya), before snaking into Kazakhstan.

    The Toktogul HPP provides some 40 percent of Kyrgyzstan’s electricity, but the water level at the reservoir has been falling in recent years, which will soon result in the reduction and maybe the suspension of operations.

    In August 2017, the reservoir was filled to the maximum, with 19.5 billion cubic meters (bcm) of water. But on March 30, 2021, Kyrgyz Energy Minister Kubanychbek Turdubaev said the level had dropped to 8.7 bcm.

    The new leadership in Kyrgyzstan has been promising to decrease the country’s debt and any additional financial burden is especially unwelcome at the moment.

    Turdubaev called 8.5 bcm the “critical level” where the operation of the Toktagul HPP would be affected. The water level might reach this critical level very soon, judging by the rate it is falling.

    On March 22, Kyrgyzstan’s main electricity provider, Elektricheskiye Stantsii, said the water level at Toktogul was 8.83 bcm.

    Turdubaev noted that the amount of water spilling out of the reservoir has exceeded the amount coming into it for several years and “every year the volume of water is decreasing by 1.5-1.8 bcm.”

    The simplest way to correct the problem would be to close the spillways out of the reservoir for brief periods and allow water to accumulate. But while Toktogul is a source of domestic power for Kyrgyzstan, its water is needed in two other countries.

    Some 80 percent of the water that leaves the Toktogul reservoir goes into Uzbekistan, where it joins the Syr Darya.

    This water is desperately needed for agriculture in both of the downstream countries. Kazakhstan has promised to send up to 1 billion kilowatt hours (kWh) of electricity exports, with Uzbekistan offering 750 million kWh to help Kyrgyzstan with its power problem.

    The idea is that this will allow Kyrgyzstan to cut back on the water used for the Toktogul HPP. All three parties seem to be counting on melting snow and spring rain to raise the water level at Toktogul, though there is no guarantee this will happen.

    Toktogul

    Toktogul

    In the meantime, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan also want to ensure sufficient water from the reservoir for this year’s crops.

    As for electricity imports, there was reportedly a deal with Uzbekistan for a swap, whereby Uzbekistan will export electricity to Kyrgyzstan from March to October and again in March and April next year.

    In return, Kyrgyzstan has pledged to send electricity to Uzbekistan during the June-August period for 2021-2023. But Turdubaev indicated Kyrgyzstan will have to pay both countries for electricity imports and said his cash-strapped country cannot immediately make those payments.

    “We explained the situation to them and asked for [electricity supplies] on credit,” Turdubaev said.

    Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan have pledged to charge low rates for the electricity, but the new leadership in Kyrgyzstan has been promising to decrease the country’s debt and any additional financial burden is especially unwelcome at the moment.

    Besides that, electricity imports from Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan will not be enough to cover the shortfall from the low water level at the Toktogul HPP.

    Turdubaev said other power plants that normally reduce their output during the warm months when HPPs operate will have to keep operating at or near winter capacity, and he specifically named the Bishkek thermal power plant (TPP).

    The coal-burning Bishkek TPP is thought to be a major contributor to air pollution in the Kyrgyz capital, which at times during this winter had some of the worst air pollution of any major city in the world.

    This year, the summer skies above Kyrgyzstan’s capital, Bishkek, might be even browner than usual.


    This year, the summer skies above Kyrgyzstan’s capital, Bishkek, might be even browner than usual.

    The clean electricity produced by Toktogul helps ease pollution problems in Bishkek and other areas of Kyrgyzstan during the warmer months of the year, but this year the summer skies above Kyrgyzstan’s capital might be even browner than usual.

    Longer term, the current drought is something Kyrgyzstan needs to consider in its grand plans to become an electricity exporter. Kyrgyzstan has exported electricity to its immediate neighbors during years when there was sufficient water for all of the country’s HPPs.

    But the country has much bigger plans.

    President Sadyr Japarov attended a ceremony in Kyrgyzstan’s southern village of Kara-Bulak on April 3 to launch construction of the first high-voltage power transmission line for the Central Asia-South Asia project, better known as CASA-1000.

    CASA-1000 aims to bring some 1,300 MW of surplus electricity generated during the summer months from HPPs in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan to Afghanistan (300 MW) and Pakistan (1000 MW). The project is tentatively due to launch in 2023.

    But the current situation at the Toktogul reservoir is a reminder that the water needed to operate HPPs is not guaranteed to be constant. Some in Kyrgyzstan have also noted domestic demand for power is growing in the country and that that should be satisfied before any electricity is exported.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • ALMATY, Kazakhstan — Jailed Kazakh activist Kenzhebek Abishev, who started a hunger strike several days ago protesting the cancellation of his release on parole and prison conditions, was rushed overnight to hospital in a critical condition.

    Abishev’s lawyer, Gulnar Zhuaspaeva, told RFE/RL on April 15 that an ambulance brought her client to the Qapshaghai City Hospital overnight.

    According to her, physicians diagnosed Abishev, who was recognized by human rights groups as a political prisoner, with coronary heart disease.

    Zhuaspaeva quoted the hospital’s doctor, Zubaira Sarsenova, as saying that Abishev’s current condition had improved to “stable.”

    An opposition activist, Rysbek Sarsenbaiuly, told RFE/RL that Abishev did not stop his hunger strike, adding that he and other activists urged him via the hospital window to end it to stay alive.

    Sarsenbaiuly said he and his colleagues will demand authorities restore the court decision on Abishev’s early release on parole.

    Abishev, who was jailed for being linked to a political movement founded by a fugitive tycoon, launched the hunger strike on April 11 and wrote an open letter to President Qasym-Zhomart Toqaev asking him to intervene in his case.

    In his letter, Abishev called the cancellation of the court decision to release him on parole in February and the case against him “illegal,” adding that his medical conditions — heart and respiratory problems — had worsened due to the lack of proper medical treatment in prison.

    There have been no official statements regarding Abishev’s hunger strike either by Kazakhstan’s Penitentiary Service or the Prosecutor-General’s Office.

    On February 1, the Qapshaghai City Court in Kazakhstan’s south ruled that Abishev can be released on February 16, more than three years early, for good behavior while in prison, a procedure allowed by Kazakh laws.

    However, the Almaty regional prosecutor’s office appealed the ruling at the very last moment, arguing that the 53-year-old activist’s good behavior in custody was not enough for his release since he still has more than three years to serve. The court then scrapped the move, leaving Abishev in prison.

    Abishev was sentenced to seven years in prison in December 2018 after he and two other activists were found guilty of planning a “holy war” because they were spreading the ideas of the banned Democratic Choice of Kazakhstan (DVK) movement. His prison term was later cut by eight months.

    Abishev pleaded not guilty, calling the case against him politically motivated.

    The DVK was founded by Mukhtar Ablyazov, an outspoken critic of the Kazakh government who has been residing in France for several years.

    Ablyazov has been organizing unsanctioned anti-government rallies in Kazakhstan via the Internet in recent years.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.