Category: Labor

  • A wave of grassroots labor struggles is sweeping the country, with more and more workers bringing union organizing to their workplaces for the first time. Among the rank-and-file workers leading shopfloor struggles is Vince Quiles of Philadelphia, a longtime Home Depot employee. Although he had formerly been identified and groomed to move up the ranks of management, Quiles opted instead to try and join his coworkers in organizing the home improvement retail chain’s first unionized store. TRNN Editor-in-Chief Maximillian Alvarez travels to Philadelphia to speak with Quiles about his experiences. Shortly after this interview, Quiles was terminated from his position at Home Depot.

    Studio/Post-Production: Nick Grieves


    Transcript

    Maximillian Alvarez:  All right. Welcome, everyone, to another episode of Working People, a podcast about the lives, jobs, dreams, and struggles of the working class today. Brought to you in partnership with In These Times magazine and The Real News Network, produced by Jules Taylor, and made possible by the support of listeners like you. Working People is a proud member of the Labor Radio Podcast network. If you’re hungry for more worker and labor-focused shows like ours, follow the link in the show notes and go check out the other great shows in our network. And please, please, please support the work that we are doing here at Working People so we can keep growing and keep bringing y’all more important conversations every week. You can do that by leaving us a positive review on Apple Podcasts, and of course, you can share these episodes on your social media and share them with your coworkers, your friends, and family members.

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    My name is Maximillian Alvarez, and we’ve got a great episode for y’all today. As you no doubt have heard, the wave of grassroots worker organizing is spreading to different industries and businesses around the country, including those that have notoriously resisted any and all unionization efforts in the past. The Home Depot, the single largest home improvement retail company in the United States, is one of those businesses. And there is a union drive underway as we speak at a store in Northeast Philly. Now, friend of the show and one of the best labor journalists in the game, in my opinion, the great Jonah Furman wrote a really great piece on the union drive for More Perfect Union last month.

    And we’re going to link to this in the show notes, but just to sort of set the table for you guys, I’m going to read some passages from Jonah’s piece. So Jonah writes, “On Monday, September 19, workers filed a petition to organize a union among 267 workers at a Home Depot in Northeast Philadelphia. If successful, the independent union would be the first at the home repair chain, the fifth largest private employer in the US. Vince Quiles, who’s worked at the store for five years, says the union effort gathered over a hundred signatures for an election in just five weeks. With nearly 500,000 Home Depot workers nationwide, a successful win in Philadelphia could create an opportunity to rapidly grow the ranks of unionized workers in this country.

    “Home Depot has raked in record breaking profits during the pandemic, fueled by a surge of homeowners seeking to improve their properties. With demand rising, the company raised its prices, higher prices drove down transactions among lower-income customers, but higher-income customers more than made up for the loss. ‘In the second quarter of 2022, we delivered the highest quarterly sales and earnings in your company’s history,’ CEO Ted Decker recently announced.

    “Quiles began asking why the company couldn’t pay its workers more. Last year, Home Depot made $16 billion in profit. In a meeting with a regional vice president, Quiles questioned why the company couldn’t pay premiums for operating machinery like forklifts or for translating for Spanish-language customers or for working in multiple departments. The regional manager touted that the company had spent a billion dollars on employee compensation. ‘You spent one billion dollars over 500,000 employees,’ Quiles remembers saying, ‘And $15 billion in stock buybacks, not to mention $7 billion more on investor dividends.’

    “Meanwhile, workers at the Home Depot in Philadelphia routinely worry about paying bills, having enough food for both their kids and themselves or paying rent. The starting wage at the store is around $14.50. The Walmart they share a shopping center with pays more.”

    Now thanks to Jonah, I was actually able to connect with Vince, and we’ve been trying to find a time to record an episode for the past few weeks, which was, frankly, a pain in the ass, because Vince obviously works long shifts five days a week, he’s got a family to take care of, and I have been traveling for work for the past three weeks straight. But I am so glad that we were able to make it happen, and we actually recorded this incredible conversation that we’re going to share with y’all today while I was in my hotel room in Oakland last week. And man, I mean, I genuinely can’t say enough great things about Vince. I mean, he’s such an incredible, kind, genuine, caring person, but he’s also a fighter.

    He has a burning sense of right and wrong. And win, lose or draw, I think he and his coworkers have already made history by taking that incredibly brave step to say to themselves and to Home Depot that they deserve better and that they’re going to fight for it. I mean, that’s really all it takes. Our bosses, our landlords, our politicians, so many people in the order-giving class just bank on us accepting whatever we’re given and admitting that we are powerless to do anything to change our circumstances. But when working people like Vince refuse to take that crap, when we stand up for ourselves and our fellow workers, and when others see that and are inspired to do the same, that spark catches, and it rips through the status quo like a wildfire. And that is why the bosses have tried so hard for so long to convince us that what workers are doing right now is impossible.

    Now, eligible voters at the Roosevelt Boulevard store in Philly will be casting their union election ballots starting on November 2. And of course, Home Depot is putting up a fight every step of the way. We have included links in the show notes for today’s episode reporting that workers are experiencing surveillance, intimidation, and other forms of union busting that violate their basic rights. And as I keep saying on this show at The Real News and on Breaking Points and anywhere else anyone will listen to me, we all have a role to play here. We all need to help spread the word about this union drive, about any underhanded actions from Home Depot, and we need to all vocally and publicly let companies like Home Depot and Starbucks and Amazon know that we are watching them. And we also need to let workers know that we stand with them and we will be there for them no matter what the outcome. Workers like Vince. This is his story.

    Vince Quiles:  My name is Vince Quiles. I work at Home Depot Store 4112 in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. That’s on Roosevelt Boulevard. I’ve been working there for almost six years now, and I’ve worked in many various capacities, whether it be overnight, during the day as a supervisor, had a trajectory for management there. So a lot of the critiques that I make in what it is that we’re doing stems from that and just a lot of knowledge that I accrued over that time.

    Maximillian Alvarez:  Hell yeah. Well Vince, it is so great to chat with you, brother. And I imagine, like myself, everyone who listens to this show has been watching what y’all have been doing over there in Philly, and has been just pumped up seeing this incredible organizing effort. And, Jesus, I mean there’s so much in the world right now that doesn’t exactly inspire hope. We’ve got a lot of problems to work out. But I think that when we see working people like you and your coworkers banding together, standing up, saying, we deserve better than this. We can do better than this, and we’re going to do it together. That just is so important. And I think it really does inspire people to feel like they have the ability to change things. We don’t just all have to accept the world that’s presented to us. We can actually do something to make this place better.

    And that is exactly what you guys are doing over there in Philly at your Home Depot store. And since you made the announcement about the organizing effort, I know that even more stores have expressed interest. We’ve now got Lowe’s in the mix, with workers trying to organize there. The rank-and-file energy is still growing in places like Starbucks. I think even PetSmart, Chipotle. This is really important and really exciting. It’s just been incredible to watch from afar and now I’m honored to get to chat to you one-on-one about all of this stuff. So we’re going to dig into all of that. But of course, I just want to get to know more about you first, and I was wondering if we could dig a little into your backstory and walk our way up to how you came to work at Home Depot. So are you a Philly boy born and bred?

    Vince Quiles:  Yeah, no, so not born. I was born in Massachusetts. My dad was in the Coast Guard at the time, so we lived up there, but moved here when I was two. My mom’s side of the family grew up here, my dad’s side of the family grew up in Puerto Rico. Growing up in Philly, I actually grew up not too far from where it is that I’ve worked out at Home Depot, in that same neighborhood. I mean personally, the trajectory I had growing up… So both my parents came from very impoverished situations. My mom grew up in North Philly over on Allegheny Avenue. And then my dad grew up in Puerto Rico, I think it was, he grew up in Guaynabo, and they both just grew up very poor. So I feel like their experiences set a lot of the stage for what inspires and motivates me to try and do what it is that we’re doing now.

    And the struggles that they talked about, the hardship that they talked about, kind of seeing them – I had the opportunity and the privilege to go to private schools. I went to a school in Philly called Roman Catholic High School, which has got a lot of prestige with it. It’s a historic high school. It was the first Catholic boys’ school in the country. Actually, coming out of high school, I had the opportunity to go to the Air Force Academy Prep School. Unfortunately, I was not mature enough for that opportunity at the time. But I would say there’s a lot of things that I learned there that really helped me to understand the ideas that I have of leadership. We got to be around a lot of colonels, generals, a lot of people in the Air Force. And not just that, but experiences that we lived.

    I know one thing that pushes me along, a memory that I have, was being over there, and during our basic training, there would be these different runs and stuff like that that we would do. And I remember going through and one of the things that our team was really big on was when you finished, you would go back and you would find somebody that was in your squad and you would finish with them. So you might end up running it one-and-a-half times, two times maybe even, depending on how slow the person might have been and how long the run was. But the whole thing was you’re only as strong as your weakest link. And experiencing stuff like that, going back, helping people across the finish line, getting them across, realizing this is a team, this is what it’s about.

    And I feel like in something like that, it’s very obvious, especially if you go into the military, you’re so tethered to each other and your success. I think it’s the same thing with sports teams. You have to have that trust with each other, that connection with each other in order to have that success. So it’s a lot of stuff like that really helped to cater my mindset.

    A lot of the politics that my parents were into as well. My mom’s a super passionate person, and that I think helps me a lot in what it is that we’re doing now and trying to maintain that passion, that effort, and that care. My dad, he’s a computer programmer. He’s very into puzzles and he’ll break stuff down a lot like that. And so that’s how I try to analyze what it is we’re doing now. You kind of think of it like a chess match or something like that, which it’s just like, oh, how do you move? If you make this move, what’s going to come of that? If you make that move, what’s going to come of that?. So I think I’m definitely the culmination of the two of them.

    And then I think the thing that really tops me out personally is my sister. So my sister’s much braver than I am. Oh my goodness, this girl’s so outgoing and adventurous, and I feel like I had to channel a little bit of her energy when it came time to… Getting the signatures, filing the petition, because I’ve always been a little bit averse to change. And again, reflecting on her and the role that she’s played in my life, she’s always been very independent and outgoing and adventurous. So that’s what I think rounds me out in terms of what was very influential for me to get to this point and to try and help lead an organizing effort at Home Depot.

    And then I’d say, in between all that, growing up, volunteering a lot in church and stuff and those feelings of satisfaction that you get from helping people. I remember when, I think I was maybe 16, and they used to do this thing called the Family Fall Festival right over on Wyoming Ave over in North Philly. It was the pastor that married my parents, he would do this community event. And I remember one year working, it was this big boxing ring thing and people put on these giant gloves, they go to hit each other. And I remember my sister and I messed around with the kids, we’re having a lot of fun. We were, I guess the chaperones or whatever, the people manning that station. And people having so much fun and seeing the smiles on kids’ faces and understanding the importance of connection in your society and the world around you. And I think things like that were also super important and super imperative for me to really lean into trying, again, get to this point.

    But growing up in the city, growing up with those people in my life, a lot of friends that I have. So that’s what gave me some of the tools that I have now. And then the more important thing, if you want to dive into what it’s working at Home Depot, why it is that… I mean, how do I put this…. Right, so the trajectory that I was on with school was very different than where I ended up, and I kind of had this expectation of myself. My dad, like I said, he works at Comcast as a programmer, and that was that type of life that I had envisioned too. I wasn’t quite sure how… Like I said, at first I thought, oh I’ll go to law school, become a corporate lawyer, all that stuff, make a lot of money and get to do really cool shit. And then I would say –

    Maximillian Alvarez:  Yeah, I want to be a medical doctor for the first 18 years of my life. And then that went out the window.

    Vince Quiles:  Yeah, exactly. Right. Because I guess once you get a little bit of experience in the world, your views change. So, again, that was the trajectory that I was on. That’s the whole point of going to a place like the Air Force Academy, trying to take advantage of that opportunity. That didn’t work out. I ended up leaving, coming back home and started studying at CCP. So I was doing a dual enrollment between Community College of Philadelphia and Temple University. At first, I was going to do engineering and then I ended up switching over to economics. And so I’m thinking, okay, well maybe I’ll go some route like that. So I’m going along, I’m chugging along in school, making a lot of the mistakes a lot of people my age at that time were making, not really knowing what it is I want to do.

    I got real close to finishing the first two years for electrical engineering and I was just like, this isn’t me. I don’t want to do this. This is really, really difficult. Taking classes like calc III and linear algebra and physics II-dynamics. And it was a lot of stuff that I was just like, I’m not really into that. So that’s where I’m at. Home Depot, I’m working there. I just looked at it as a part-time gig. Actually, a lot of times what I would always say is I would use it as a reminder; that’s why you gotta finish school, because if you don’t finish school, you don’t get that college degree. You’re going to be stuck at a place like this. And that’s the culture that’s built in, especially that college culture. You go to private school, that’s what you got to do. So that was what was always in my mind and that was always the way that I thought. So for a long time, I wasn’t even engaged in Home Depot to the extent that I am now in terms of caring that much about the issues there.

    Because again, I kind of saw this as, hey, if other people do this, that’s cool. It’s nothing to them, but that’s not what I’m going to personally do. And then I had a life event. Many people have life events, and I had a kid. And so now you got a kid coming in, so got him, my girlfriend I got to take care of. So it’s like, all right, now we gotta make moves. I got a family coming. So I always knew that the opportunity to be a supervisor there was open to me. A lot of people in management would always approach me about it. Hey, if you ever decide college isn’t the thing for you and you want a company to move up in, you know you can do a lot of stuff here. So there was a lot of that. So I finally just took them up on it. I said, all right, cool. You know what, I’ll sit down for an interview.

    So I go to my interview, I end up getting the job. I mean, it was one of those, you kind of know you’re going to get it when you go into it because, again, people have been asking you for so long. There’s just certain skills that I have. I’ve always had a tendency to favor strong leadership. If you were to ever meet my family, my parents, my sister, and in terms of everything that I said about them, they also are all very strong leaders in their own respects, in their own walks of life. We’re a very strongly-opinionated family. We sit down, we debate, we talk about a lot of different things, talk about it very passionately. So –

    Maximillian Alvarez:  Yeah, the Puerto Rican family talking passionately? You must be joking, man.

    Vince Quiles:  You already know. That’s the thing. And then I also grew up in the household, my parents are very engaged in politics and stuff. So it’s very, very strong thinking like that. And then I feel like it’s that mixed in with the military, that helped to shape the mentality that I had. And when I say military, I also talk about… So both my dad and my uncle, they were career military. My dad retired after 16 years because he had an accident where he broke his back so he couldn’t stay in, and my uncle did the full 20. My cousin’s in the army, my dad’s whole side of the family, they’re very big with that. So you always hear a lot of stories, and you hear about these cool things. My dad would tell me stories about his uncle who was in the Vietnam War. And the point of these stories would always be the importance of showing strong leadership and buying in and understanding that you’re a piece to a whole, and all of these great things that you argue now currently in this labor movement.

    And these were ideas that I always took into whenever I had an opportunity to be in a leadership role. So as a supervisor, that was how I always tried to conduct myself. And I mean, before getting the supervisor position, whether it was when we used to work unloading the box trucks, I’ve always been that person that’s had a bit of a magnetic personality. I try to be that motivator, how we were talking about earlier how our homie, Tevita, is really good at motivating people and getting them to get up and to do something. That was always the role that I played, was the guy who was friends with everybody and knew how things were going in your life and how to push you along and knew how to motivate you.

    Maximillian Alvarez:  Hell yeah. Shout out to our brother Tevita Uhatafe.

    Vince Quiles:  Hell yeah, shout out to Tevita, bro. Much love. And so that’s what curried me favor into getting to that point in the supervisor position. And I remember once I made that decision, one thing that I would constantly hear that was really important for this was always, man, you can do whatever you want in this company. Your ability to speak to people, your ability to connect with people, how you handle problems and stuff, all the nice things you always want to hear. There was a lot of that. And I mean, I knew, again, the way that I felt, I was built a little bit different.

    So I was like, you know what? Okay, I’m going to try this out. I had experienced a lot of things within that building that had already started to change the way that I viewed retail work, and being an associate in a store, and my ideas had kind of started to change. And so I become a supervisor. And I remember coming in, man, that was a crazy time. So I got promoted in June 2020. So we’re like three months into the pandemic. Nobody showing up to work, everybody’s scared. Customers are frustrated. You’re having supply chain issues. You don’t have the stuff you need on the shelves. People are getting thrown all around the building. 

    I will never forget… So becoming the plumbing supervisor, before that, I never told anybody no at work. That was just because I always had the mentality of try and be helpful, help people wherever you can. So even if I didn’t know, I would try and help people find the answer. And I remember that I went from never saying no to saying no all the damn time, and it’s because you’re up to your eyeballs in the amount of work you have to do. You’re trying to get stuff done, they’re like, oh, go deal with this customer, over here in this department. You go do that, then you’ve got to go deal with another one. oh, there’s nobody driving in lumber, so you got to go drop a bunch of drywall. Okay, now you’ve got to go over to the service desk. You’re good at dealing with people, this customer’s freaking out, I don’t feel like dealing with them. Can you go deal with them? A bunch of stuff like that. And it’s just crazy when you reflect on the high levels of stress that you feel. I remember, not even just myself, but other people. You would just be…

    There were days where I was so overwhelmed that I’d be on the verge of tears, in my car once I got out of work because I was so stressed out the whole day that when I finally stopped and had time to process the day, it was just like, holy shit, why is a human being dealing with this? And then, I think it would be magnified. Because, obviously, you consider your own circumstance, your own situations that you have, but then, you start to look across your store and you see, oh shit, I’m not the only one going through this stuff. There are a lot of people in this building right now who are having insane amounts of bullshit thrown at them. And it’s just kind of the expectation like, oh, it just is what it is. The pandemic’s really bad. All we have to do is make it through this, and we’ll be fine on the other end.

    You kind of buy into that idea. Like we talked about before getting on, you buy into this, oh, people mean what they say, and if you just work hard, it’s a meritocracy. You’re going to move up, you’re going to be able to do your thing. And I would say, in some ways, that was kind of true of me. I was getting a lot of looks that other people had gotten in the store. I was basically on a fast track in the building.

    So, I’m in plumbing for six months, and then they go and they move me to receiving. And it was actually funny, because when they moved me from the plumbing department I was actually kind of mad. So, they put me in receiving basically to try and put me in a department where I was going to learn a lot of stuff, and that was going to help really push me through to the next level. But I was mad because I wanted to stay in plumbing, because I felt like the department hadn’t really been fixed. And I was like, I want to stay in this department and see this through, see it get it fixed, see it be a little bit easier for people to deal with. And, unfortunately, I was not given that opportunity.

    But I would say plumbing really helped to shape my view of the relationship between managers and employees, and to really see, from the management perspective, the struggle that employees would go through. Because, just like being in non-management, you always know your problems. But then once you start to go the other route, then you get a little bit more of a full picture. So, being a supervisor, I could see more of the manager’s perspective and some of the gripes that they had as opposed to always seeing it from the associate’s perspective. So that was how I was very binary in that. I never really thought past the manager level or the supervisory level. I mean, the associate level.

    So, I go to receiving, and that gets me even more of an understanding of how the building operates, because all of the problems in the building end up in the receiving. If somebody’s got a problem, more than likely we’re going to end up dealing with it in the back in some way, shape ,or form. And not only that, there just seems to not be that many people in each building that understand the department to that extent, so you kind of become part of this exclusive club, or then you go…

    And the skills you learn in that department also help you to be able to read through different scenarios and get a better understanding of the landscape of the store and some of the problems. Like my one coworker, she would always say, we’re the Scooby Doo crew, and it’s because we solve mysteries all day. We find out where missing things are, find out if something has shown up or not. It’s a lot of investigative work. And so that gave me the skillset that was needed in order to better understand this company.

    So I would say I had a couple things along the way that really rubbed me the wrong way in terms of how I viewed working in that company and how I viewed corporate America as a whole and understanding the mentality that they employ. But I had one instance when I was the plumbing supervisor, there was an associate, they were a really, really hard worker. They were by themselves. They were from another country, and they were here in the US by themselves. They worked really, really, really… I’m talking about they would go into the shelves, we call them bays, they would go into the bays, they come out all dusty trying to grab all the items behind the shelves.

    They would do a lot of my tasks as a supervisor because they knew that they were throwing me all around the store, so, they would say, oh, don’t worry, I got you. It’d be things like we would have to do what was called a smart list where you go through and you scan and you check high or important SKUs that the company – Or important items, sorry, that the company tells you to check out. And basically you check the inventory for it. So she would do a lot of stuff like that. So I remember one day we were talking and they started breaking down crying, talking about how they were having trouble paying for their bills, that they were here in the States by themselves and they didn’t really have much help, and that they were basically having to pick and choose what bills to pay. So, I’m over here…

    My company says, the inverted pyramid. The top line is customers, and next is frontline associates. Okay, well this frontline associate, who’s extremely important, they need help. They have to be compensated more in order to pay for their bills, and they more than deserve it. I, as their supervisor, can see that this person is very deserving of a raise. They work very, very hard. So I go and I talk to my immediate manager, and I’m like, look, like, you know this person. They deserve a raise. They work really, really hard. I think we could probably find it in the budget to be able to give that to them. They more than deserve it. We’re kind of going back and forth, and the manager was probably [inaudible], and I’m like, dude, even if I have to forego my raise, I don’t care. Just pay this lady. I’ll be able to pay my bills. I’m fine.

    I didn’t have my kids yet or anything, and I had a really sweet situation with my parents where they were letting me stay at the house and all I had to do was pay for car insurance and the phone bill. So at the time I was in a good situation. So I’m like, yo, just look out for this person. They work really hard. They’re one of the two people that I went to all the time for stuff in the department, and again, they just really deserved it. So, again, after going back and forth a little bit, they hit me with, oh, if you want to make it far in this company, you got to stop thinking about things like that. You have to start looking out for yourself and not getting so caught up on people. That’s not going to get you far. And I’m just like, holy shit, did this dude just say this shit?

    Especially when you have that inverted triangle. Like, what? That was one of the first things in my mind where I’m just like, this is shit is fucked. Like, hell no, that’s not right. I shake it off, I’m like, oh, it’s a one off. Maybe it’s just that person. Everybody’s got their own outlook on things. And I knew that that person was super pro Home Depot, that was where they were making their career so they were all the way bought in. I didn’t see it that way, whatever. And I brushed it off, kept going. So then receiving was where I really got to hit the culmination of just how fed up I was in that store, looking at the system, looking at how this store was treated. Because, again, you would just have these messes.

    Dude, there would be days where we would walk in and you just had this super thin path to walk through and to be able to get through the department and try to work, and every five seconds you got to stop to move some trash out the way. Man, it was super cluttered, super messy. It used to be really frustrating because whenever we would have our corporate walkthroughs what always happened is that people would just go, and they would clean up their department, they would get all of the shit that they didn’t want in their department, and they would just go and drop it off in my department and then close the door. So corporate people are walking around checking the store, and we’re just tucked away in the back corner of the store with all the trash. You know, you guys basically just get to deal. I would always say our receiving end is the toilet of the store.

    Maximillian Alvarez:  Yeah, that’s what it sounds like.

    Vince Quiles:  All the shit people don’t want just gets shuffled back there, and so, sometimes it would be… A lot of times they would always try and be like, oh, well, these associates, we have to hold the associates accountable. But when you take a step back and look at it, it’s like, well, they’re being told to go do that stuff. They’re being told to go drop this trash off here, to just leave it and to go worry about other things. And so then, of course, people would be like, oh, well then, it’s the managers, it’s their fault. And yes, they told the person to go and to take the trash back there, and yes, that is a problem. But again, why is that happening? Because they have so little resources in the store. They’re being told to play chess, but they’ve only got five pawns, the king, the queen, and maybe a bishop, and that’s it. And they’re being told, go win the chess match. And it’s like…

    Maximillian Alvarez:  Yeah, and a Cheeto that they’re saying, this is the rook.

    Vince Quiles:  Yeah, exactly. And, it’s like, well, some of these people, they do make decisions that piss me off, but at the same time, are they really being set up for success, though? Are they really put in a successful situation? Especially again, being back there, I bought into it. That manufactured butting of heads all the time, and that outrage. Management versus associates. It’s the daytime, it’s the nighttime. Everybody’s just blaming each other in the store. And so after working around everywhere, working back there, working in the receiving end, I take a step back, and I’m like, oh shit, this is not anybody in the store’s fault. This is the way that this place is fucking run. That’s the problem. That’s the actual issue. The way that this place operates and the way that this store is treated and the way that this company just views the people within the store as disposable.

    And I know some people would take apprehensions to that – I know I’ll probably get some funny looks when I go back to work after people see this. But, look, you can’t send people to work during a deadly pandemic, whether people agree with it or not, because I know people feel differently. But at the time nobody knows what’s going on. Home Depot’s even touting that this is a deadly pandemic. So, I say, by your standards, this is deadly. This is a problem. But you’re still sending people to work. And then you’ve got people that are struggling to pay their bills. You’ve got people that are stressed out, freaking out, paying with their emotional health, paying with their mental health, paying with their physical health. You have all of these things going on, and it’s like, yo, you guys are really not making any type of effort in order to fix it.

    And again, I don’t just say that willy-nilly. I could see, working the management side, seeing all of those issues. And again, just participating in that to the point where… I’ll never forget, it was the day that I was just like, I don’t think I can do this. So, I’m sitting down with one of my managers and we’re going through the profit and loss report. And they’re explaining everything to me, breaking down comp percentages, how you want to try and save money, what’s the best ways for the business to make money. Going through all of that stuff. And, generally, I’m a little bit more of a nerd. I’m always super engaged and super enthused, and I could just feel my eyes glazing over. And I’m just like, holy shit, how little do I care about making this company more money?. And then, I realized if I stay, if I go that route, that’s my life, and that’s what my life is centered around. That is the point. That is the purpose.

    And, it was almost like an existential crisis when I went on vacation a little bit after that, because they’re about to change their leadership program. So some supervisors are getting promoted, some people are going to be stepping down, whatever. There’s a couple people talking to me like, yo, this is your chance. There was this position called a night replenishment manager that they had just created that they were going to put me in. And then, essentially, from there, I was going to springboard to what’s called an overnight assistant manager position at another store. So, basically, it was going to be a double jump within, I think it was six months or something they were probably looking at, where I was going to go do that for a little bit and then bump onto the next one. Man, I’m telling you, I just remember sitting on the beach and being like, is this what I want for my life?

    I’m reflecting on the pandemic, I’m reflecting on all the issues I’ve seen. And, again, I kind of joke around, but it really did feel a little bit existential, because, holy crap. All of these things that I’m criticizing, in a way, I will somehow end up supporting if I go and I continue to grow within this company. And then, you look at ,why is it that I’m growing? It’s because of my people skills, it’s because of my ability to get people to do things. So I basically would become a frontline version of exploiting people, and I can’t do this. So I remember. That shit was crazy that day. I end up making up my mind, I go, I tell the manager, and I’m like, yo, I don’t want a promotion. I don’t even want to stay a supervisor. I want to step down. I want to be an associate. I had applied to the fire department. I was like, I just want to go. I don’t want to be in this company anymore.

    And I never want to say that in a disparaging way to the people who still work there, to the people who go and who take those positions, because everybody has their reasons for walking the path that they do. But, for me, personally, I couldn’t do it. And then the more that I learned about Home Depot, the more that I learned about how much money they make and where they spend their money, and some of the things that they do, I was just like… You hear about Amazon all the time. You hear about Starbucks all the time. Walmart now. Home Depot does the same shit. They are just really good at covering it up, and getting people to not talk about it. The stuff with stock buybacks, underpaying people, record profits, all of that stuff. I remember going through, and I still had access to a lot of things, so I was able to see a lot of information going through, looking at the profit and loss reports, looking at the earnings report for the company, looking at different videos talking about their business strategy, and I’m just like, man, these people have a plan.

    They basically want to be the Carnegie and the Rockefeller of the home improvement sector. 

    They want to corner that market, they want to try and control their supply chain, that horizontal, that vertical integration. That way then they become such a behemoth. And what I personally saw looking at that is I was like, oh, if you do that, it doesn’t matter how you treat your labor. You’ve got a government that doesn’t enforce its antitrust policies, or does a weak-ass job of doing it. You have such a head start on all of your other competitors. Now you’re figuring out how to control your supply chain. From a business perspective it’s absolutely genius. If your goal is to keep on pushing profits and that’s what you’re trying to do, that’s a plan, if there is one.

    But again, in all of that, you lose your humanity a bit. Where’s the humanity in that? What about the people that get you to that point? Then, you look at stuff like shareholders, man, it was just crazy. The amount of money that store makes, the amount of money that company makes, where they put the money… You hear one thing, right? We care about our associates. We care about our essential workers. And I, as a supervisor, I personally felt that. I was like, oh yes, I care about the people on my team, I care about the people in the building. My success goes as my team goes. That’s where my success is going to be driven, so as long as I make sure they’re good, they have what they need, they’re happy, they’re content, then they’re going to make sure I’m good.

    But then, I just realized it felt like it didn’t really matter where you were on that spectrum, especially closer to the entry level positions and the lower level management positions. You were never going to be given what you needed. And that’s because, ultimately, it’s a system in place. And it’s like, I’m sure you’ve probably heard it growing up, so many people have, if it ain’t broke, don’t fix it. And, the people at the top, they’re the ones in charge of this stuff, and for them, it’s not broken. So why are they going to fix it? They’re making record profits.

    Maximillian Alvarez:  No, I think that’s so perfectly put, because I think that was one of the things that really started to strike me, talking to different workers over the course of the pandemic, is a lot of this shit seems very, very broken. And a lot of workers in different stores, in different industries, totally different types of jobs are trying to do something to fix it. And then it kind of dawned on me, the realization that you just articulated, it was like, oh, but for the people who own these businesses, it’s not broken. This is how they want it to be. And, the example that I give people is, after it was a year into the pandemic, we started hearing on every fucking mainstream media outlet that no one wants to work anymore.

    Vince Quiles:  Oh my goodness, I love that video you did. It was back in… I can’t remember exactly when, but yes. Yes. I know exactly what you’re talking about.

    Maximillian Alvarez:  Was it the Breaking Points one?

    Vince Quiles:  Yeah, I think it was Breaking Points, and I think I might’ve seen… Yeah, as a matter of fact, I think that’s what it was. And, again, a lot of what you had to say in that, I felt as a worker on the front. I’m like, thank God somebody gets this shit. Because everybody’s like, oh, nobody wants to work anymore. And it’s like, yo, you got to add an asterisk there, because it’s like, nobody wants to work insane hours for very little money doing a bunch of extra work for free just to go make some other rich asshole even fucking richer while they’re struggling in their own personal life. That’s actually it. That’s the problem. Just because you may have a certain tolerance for the bullshit, it doesn’t mean everybody else does. Just because you’re not willing to make your employer pay you for that doesn’t mean that we should let that be the standard. It’s hard, because there’s people that I really fuck with that say that, and I’m just like, man, that hurts.

    Maximillian Alvarez:  I feel the same way, whether they’re in my family, or friends, and I had to take a step back. I was like, okay, are you just saying this because you’re, as we say, drinking the Kool-Aid? Are you just buying what the media’s telling you? Or is there something else going on here? And, I think, to be generous with the folks that I know who believe that, and maybe even still do, it’s because they’re just looking at what’s around them and matching it to what they’re hearing on the media. So when I went back home to Southern California for the first time in three years, this came up with some members of my family, because they were like, yeah, I drive around and I see help wanted signs everywhere, so it must be true that all of these businesses are trying to hire people but “no one wants to work.”

    And, at the time that I mentioned, a year into the pandemic, there was a very real political motivation behind this, because lawmakers and politicians in DC were, essentially, pissed off that working people had gotten a modicum of security with… I think our government could have done a whole fucking lot more. I think that our employers got off like bandits, by and large. But talk to anyone who got those stimulus checks, got the extended unemployment benefits or the extended child care tax credit, or the eviction moratorium, the pause on student loan payments. That shit mattered, because that’s the stuff that nickel and dimes us every goddamn month. It feels like every time we get a check, there’s just 10 hands that immediately reach in and take all of it, and I’ve got $200 at the end of it, and it’s just such a deflating feeling.

    This is something people told me when I was interviewing them for the book I had that just came out, which is 10 interviews with workers during COVID, they even said then, I feel guilty about saying this because this is such a horrible situation. People are dying, everyone’s scared. I’m still scared, but those extended unemployment benefits meant that I could actually, for a second, take a step back and actually not have to force myself into a job that I hate because I need to pay rent. It’s sad to think that we were all living so close to the bone that that’s all it took for us to have a little bit of breathing space to realize how much we were getting screwed over.

    But anyway, the point I’m getting at is, the whole “no one wants to work” bullshit narrative was directly targeted at ending those programs. And that’s what all these fucking state legislators were saying, it was all just anecdotes. It was like, oh yeah, I’ve heard from a McDonald’s franchise owner that they can’t get anyone to sign on to take these jobs. It’s because they’re all getting fat off the government money, and they’re being lazy. So, that was the narrative. And then I just kept talking to people, kept publishing these interviews, and it really stood out to me that so many people were saying, look, that’s bullshit. The workers are begging these companies to hire more people, and they can’t or they won’t. They are deliberately understaffing us. They are not really trying hard to hire people. They’re not making this kind of job attractive to potential employees.

    So then you get another side of the story and you realize that whether it’s Chipotle, Home Depot, the fucking freight railroads, anywhere in retail and service work, everyone’s seeing it. Everyone’s seeing dollar stores where there’s only one or two people working there, and again, they’re hearing on the media that it’s because no one wants to work. But if you look around and you start to see, well, so many of these stores are being understaffed while the businesses are raking in record profits, something’s not adding up here. And that’s when it really started to dawn on me and, I think, a lot of other people, it’s like, oh, well this is just bullshit.

    They basically have just realized that we can claim that the problem is that workers are lazy, because that’s always what they do, but really, what we’re doing is we’re piling more work onto fewer workers. We’re burning people out. The quality of the service across the board is going down, but we don’t fucking care because that means our operating costs are down, profits are up, and it’s nuts. And, I think that when you look at those numbers and you see, oh, well, Home Depot’s actually making a lot, and yet the receiving department is a mess. Everyone’s stressed out. Again, to go back to the way that you put it, which was so perfect, it’s like it’s broken for us, but not for them. This is the way that they want it to be.

    Vince Quiles:  Something I thought about… You had this one great video you also did talking about the importance of time, the battle of time and how important that is for people. And when you take some of the things that you just enumerated, talking about The Great Resignation and how people felt coming out of that in terms of, I don’t want to go to work. The job is not adapting. If I could put it into… So, I’m super into fitness. I go to the gym every morning. If I could turn it into an analogy like that, it’s like if I go in and I do the same exact routine every day, and it’s a half-assed routine. It’s barely putting in any effort. The routine sucks, my diet sucks. I’m not eating properly, but I’m still going to the gym every day, but I’m not making all the necessary changes, and then a year from now I look exactly the same, and I’m like, well, what the hell? Working out just doesn’t work. Going to the gym doesn’t work.

    And it’s like, no, tonto. [Max laughs] You have got to do something with yourself with that. It’s not just doing that. And that’s how I feel that companies act, whether it’s Home Depot, whether it’s Amazon. They are so caught up in the smell of their own shit and they think that everything that they create is gold and it’s just such a great idea, and it’s like, it’s not. It’s not. And, guess what? It’s not disrespectful for people to call that out. It’s not disrespectful. If you find that disrespectful, you are too arrogant. Because if there’s one thing that I learned that was super humbling, working in the work environment that I did, was to realize that intelligence isn’t what you know, it’s how quickly you can process the things you take in. 

    And the only difference between… Growing up in the inner city in Philadelphia, I grew up in a neighborhood called Frankfurt, all my family’s from North Philly. If there’s one thing, being in environments like that and being in environments like Home Depot, I realized the only difference between drug dealers down the way and people down the street in Wall Street, the only difference between them is the arena and the opportunity that’s afforded to them. A lot of the strategies, a lot of that stuff is actually super similar, but it’s just the perception that one has in society over the other. And that’s, again, where I think a lot of these problems are borne out is because these people control everything, they think like, oh well, this is just how it has to be. I sacrificed, so now you have to sacrifice.

    And that was something that I learned in my very short time up the ladder in that company, it was like… I remember sitting down and having a conversation with the store manager at the time and being like, look, dude, my brain does not function well in this type of environment. I need to do more. I’m not living up to my potential in the position that I’m in. And he just kept telling me, oh well, you have to be a store manager. You have to be a store manager, you have to be a store manager. Then from store manager you can go anywhere you want. And I’m just like, but why do I like…

    If I studied economics and I show an ability to understand numbers [inaudible], if I show propensity for that, why then would you not just say, hey, this guy’s being underutilized and let’s go put him over here. If it’s about putting people in the best position to succeed. And again, I’m talking about me because I live that, but there’s so many other people where that would be the case in that building where it’s like, these people’s skillsets are better catered to do other things, but you don’t put them there. Why?

    And the only conclusion that I could hit after that was it’s just like, this is an indoctrination process. That’s what it is. You have to make it to store manager because once you get to that point then we’re like, okay, they’re sufficiently on our team. They’re sufficiently bought in, now we can put them anywhere and they’re going to bleed orange. It’s like, look, man, not everybody wants to tether their life to what it is that they do. The things that always defined me, especially before I became a supervisor, is music, fitness, playing video games. That was the shit that I cared more about. I just went to work to pay my bills and save a little bit of money. Yes, most people, they just want to go to their job, do what they got to do and go back home, go back to their families.

    And for the people who want to tether their ambition and their life’s meaning to what it is that they do for work, okay, by all means. It’s your life to live. It’s whatever you want to do with it. But the problem is then you create a system. And if people want to have a decent life, then that’s what they have to do. And that’s my issue with, oh, nobody wants to work anymore and people are just lazy. And it’s like, no. When you spend too much time at work, when you spend too much time making somebody else money, putting yourself in emotionally taxing situations, physically taxing situations, spiritually taxing situations, that shit takes its toll on you. It starts to suck the life out of you.

    So I’ve been playing guitar since I was 13. I always used to hear music in my head, all the time. I became a supervisor, and like that [snaps fingers] it stopped. And then I went through for the next year, barely ever heard music in my head, barely even listened to music because I was just so absorbed with work. Step back down, guess what? [snaps fingers] Like that, the music comes back. Why? Because you’re so focused on what you’re doing and you’re like, so? And it’s like, for what? Like, why?

    At the end, I go, and I learn my store, and I learn how to work every department except for two, and I never say no. And I go and I deal with manager calls, and I go and I learn how to drive the machines, and I become a trainer, and I translate for people, and I take the time to learn about plumbing to tell people how to fix various plumbing projects, and I go and I get in a box truck that’s 120 degrees and for an hour and a half straight I’m just in the truck throwing boxes and I’m busting my… And like, why? Why are you doing that?

    For instance, at the time I was in the box trucks, those suckers would get up to 115, 120 degrees, and we would be in there for a full hour and a half, two hours straight just throwing boxes. It’s like a freaking sauna. And at the end, I was getting paid $11 an hour, $12 an hour. The same sweating my ass off, killing myself. I got scars on my body, I got this one cut on my leg that literally cut me all the way to my shinbone from these copper pipes. And you sit there and you ask yourself, why am I doing this? And it’s like, literally? Literally it’s so that somebody else who just happened to have a bunch of money for whatever reason, maybe they worked really hard for it, the more likely thing is they were probably born into it. Maybe they exploited somebody to get it.

    They parked their money somewhere and now they get to get the lion’s share just because they park their money there. Meanwhile, you got to go fucking toil at the bottom, earning, generating, producing that surplus. I think about a lot, like listening to Professor Richard Wolf and his podcast Economic Update and how he talks about the system of capitalism and how you have workers who create the surplus and then you have a bunch of people at the top who control the surplus, and you see that’s the fucking problem right there. And he would compare capitalism to feudalism and slavery and basically saying each thing is just an evolution of the previous system. And it’s like, yeah, man.

    Maximillian Alvarez:  [laughs] Yeah, that checks out.

    Vince Quiles:  It’s exactly right. Because I remember, my girlfriend told me, this shit was hilarious. So I forgot who the dude was, it’s this young kid, and he made this TikTok. So it was a response because I don’t know if [inaudible], somebody like that. They’re one of those, oh, it’s Halloween. This is what Halloween with socialism looks like. And they go and they do their whole freaking straw man bullshit. And they go, they have the kid trick or treating and then they say, okay, well here’s some for Sally, and here’s some for Billy, even though they did none of the work. And they do –

    Maximillian Alvarez:  Conservatives love that shit. I grew up on dumbass analogies like that, and it just pains me every time I hear one now.

    Vince Quiles:  Oh, my goodness. So my girlfriend shows me this. I think it was either TikTok or an Instagram. This kid had such a brilliant comeback to it. So he goes, oh yeah, because capitalism is better. And then he goes, he grabs a pillowcase and he tells the kid, all right, go trick or treating. And the kid fills out the fucking case and the guy goes, takes the fucking bag, takes 90% of the candy, gives the kid 10% of the candy, and says, well, because I own the bag, I get to take 90% [MAx laughs] of this, pal. Someone’s just like, dude, yes. That’s exactly the problem. And even in what it is that we’re fighting for and trying to do this, I’m not trying to sit here and say that your average Home Depot associate needs to be a fucking millionaire. What I’m saying instead is, and a point that you enumerated, and something that I could say that I personally lived like.

    Part of the reason why I ended up at Home Depot was because I was always just raised, you have to make sure you maintain a job, you have to make sure you hold a job no matter what. And I felt like I had a lot of skills that, had I had more of the courage to go and to try to market and to try and make a living in different ways, had I had that confidence, maybe things could have gone differently. But thus is kind of the problem in our economic system where it’s instead you’re told like, no, you have to hold a job, you have to get a steady paycheck, because if not you could be homeless. And if you want to do something better then you have to go to college. But then you go to college and then you’re saddled with all this debt, and then you still get the same job anyway.

    Oh, shit like, what the hell,. And it’s again, you sit back and you’re like, look at this. And it’s like, no. They benefit from a system like that. You talked about in your piece on time, if I have more time now to go and to figure out how to market my music-making ability or what I know in fitness, if I have more time to go do that now, I’m making more money for myself. Now that’s less money that goes to them. That’s also less time that’s spent with them. Now maybe their profits start to look a little bit different. And then especially, too, if you’re paying people properly and you’re giving them the time to go and to invest in themselves a little bit more, it’s like no, they don’t want none of that shit. They want your ass parked in a store for 40 hours out of the week.

    If it was up to them, they’d probably rescind some of the labor laws that were enacted back in the ’30s and say, no, make those motherfuckers work 70-hour fucking work weeks, and if they miss an hour, they weren’t miss a minute of work, get rid of them and put somebody else. But yeah, that’s the core of it. I feel like it’s a disservice to society to pigeonhole people into stuff like that, because it’s like, imagine. There’s somebody out there right now working a job that they don’t want to work that probably has this skill that would be so beneficial to humanity, but because they got to go fucking clock in for 40 hours a week at one job and part-time at another job in order to pay their bills, we’ll never get to experience that. Not because the person wasn’t qualified, sometimes it’s not even because they didn’t try. It’s just because we have a bullshit system that’s built off of exploitation.

    Maximillian Alvarez:  And it’s so goddamn wasteful of human potential. I think that the way that you put that is so powerful and perfect and depressing. There’s this great quote by Stephen Jay Gould that has always stuck in my head but just makes exactly the point that you’re talking about, where he said, “I am somehow less interested in the weight and convolutions of Einstein’s brain than in the near certainty that people of equal talent have lived and died in cotton fields and sweatshops.” And that’s the conditioning that we get in this country. And in so many places over the world, there’s so much human potential there that is wasted because these systems only see us as warm bodies to perform certain tasks, not as flesh and blood human beings with an infinite amount of creativity and passion and the ability for leadership, the ability to create something better out of this planet and out of this society than what we have now.

    But like you said, we’ve created this perfect mouse trap where the vast, vast majority of us have to toil to get by, to keep a roof over our heads, to provide some level of security for our family. And so we have to surrender our life for that. I know we always love to say, oh, work to live, don’t live to work. Well, motherfucker, most of us don’t have the choice to do that. And that’s by design. And I wanted to hook that back into something else you were saying. Because I think this is one of the things that I didn’t realize until much later in life, either, much like yourself. I realized how much social engineering happens in the workplace, how essential the workplace is for making us the subjects that capitalism needs us to be or that a corrupt political system needs us to be.

    You already pointed out some of them. In order to keep this system that we have in this country going, where… I don’t even know where to start. Where the rich have taken over everything, they’ve bought off all the politicians, they’ve stocked all the courts, they’ve adjusted all the laws to favor them and their commercial interests over the rights and needs of working people. The people in DC just flat out don’t listen to the vast majority of their constituents, especially those in the poor and working classes. There’s so much broken that doesn’t need to be, but the way you maintain that system is by convincing the vast majority of people that nothing can be done about it, especially nothing can be done by us to change it. The best we can hope for is some sort of change handed down from on high from this or that elected official, or this or that unaccountable genius tech billionaire like Elon fucking Musk or whatever the hell.

    When you live in a society where that is the best that you can hope for, that’s not a society worth maintaining in my opinion, because we can dream so much better than this. We have so much more potential than this. And it really, really hit me in the chest when you said that you would hear songs in your head, and then, when you became a supervisor, the music stopped. It speaks very much to my own experience as someone who wanted to be a writer my whole life and always had a love of reading and writing but never saw it as anything more than a hobby, but who still felt that creative desire. It was something that I needed to do to feel like myself, was just sit down and write, and that was so important to me. And I remember times when I was working nonstop and that part of me withered away, or it atrophied like a muscle when you got a cast on or something like that.

    And I think that, to the point about the workplace being this kind of factory where subjects are made – This is the bigger picture thing that I hope everyone listening thinks about – What does that engineering do? What exactly are we being taught or trained to be in these laboratories? I remember saying this, maybe in a past episode, but I feel like the “starter jobs”, the jobs you get out of high school, the jobs that you get while you’re in high school, low paying exploitative jobs that so many of us have to do as we find our way into adulthood. Yes, you’re doing service work, retail work, you’re working in shipping, cleaning, whatever you’re doing, you’re doing that to make a paycheck, get by, so on and so forth. But at the same time, you were being schooled in how to be powerless.

    You were being trained to accept being controlled by unelected managers and business owners who tell you what to do, who have so much control over your life. And you are essentially taught to accept the fact that you have really nothing that you can do about that. Then also, you accept that hierarchical arrangement. You accept, you’re like, well, this is the way it is, this is the way it’s always going to be. And that shit filters out into other realms of our lives, because we spend most of our lives in the workplace anyway, and so if that’s the f arrangement that we are experiencing on a day-to-day basis, then why would you clock out at work and think that… I don’t know, your relationship to the government’s going to be any different. Your relationship to any business entity is going to be any different.

    You carry over that sense that, all right, the people at the top are there because they deserve to be, I’m down here because I deserve to be, and there’s nothing I can really do to change this. And also, I don’t really have the time or strength to do anything about it anyway because I’m working my ass off and I’m exhausted. That is the training that we all get in this system, which is why… Oh well, actually, and just one more point on that, because I think that you’re absolutely right that you get a more targeted form of that kind of training when they start grooming you to be a manager. Because that also spoke to me. Because I remember when I was working at this one warehouse back in California, and I was a temp, but I was a hard worker, like you was very much raised on the belief that if you’re going to do a job, you gotta do it well. That’s what my dad told me.

    And I would always get pissed because I remember one time when I worked at this frozen yogurt place in Orange County, every night someone had to mop. And I realized at the end of one week I was like, wait, why am I the only one fucking mopping at the end of the day? And the manager was like, well, you’re the only one who tries at it. And I was like, so I’m being rewarded with the shit job that I don’t want to do because I’m the only one who’s doing it well? And I had my dad in my head it was like, goddamn you, dad, why didn’t you tell me to do a shitty job? But then when I was at this –

    Vince Quiles:  [inaudible]

    Maximillian Alvarez:  Yeah. So when I was at this warehouse, I was carrying that over. I hated being there, I was depressed, but I was like, whatever, I’m here. This is how I’m getting my money and I’m just going to do the job as best I can. And I remember as they started grooming me to be a manager and they started training me and to think the way that you described, and they started… Looking back on it now, I could see how they preyed upon those sort of… I don’t know, good intentions and good qualities that hardworking people have, but they turn it into something that they can use as a weapon against other workers. So they try to convince you that you’re more special than the other people on the shop floor, that you can see the bigger picture.

    And I remember one time this woman who had been there at the warehouse for a long time, but she was a little bit older, she didn’t really get a lot of respect, and she got a lot of shit from the younger managers. And so she was leading a team of us to get a big shipment done on time, and we were way behind. And the other managers and the VP were giving this woman a whole lot of shit. God, I feel gross about it now, but there was a point where I was standing around them, because again, they were grooming me to be a manager, so sometimes I was in those conversational circles, and they were like, we need this many pallets wrapped, stacked, tagged, and loaded onto this many trucks by this date, and we’re this far behind. And so, the one woman was like, well, this is the best that we can do. The VP was like, that’s not good enough. And I was like, well, I think we could do a little bit better.

    And so, he looks at me and points at me, he’s like, okay, you’re the lead on this now. And at the moment I thought, oh, shit, here’s my chance. But what I realized is what you just said is like, well, we’re all being set up to fail here. There is no way any of us can make that quota. This woman’s the only one who’s being honest about it, because we have so many temps who are untrained, a lot of mistakes are going to happen, and then they just blame those mistakes on the workers and fire them and bring in new people, yada, yada, yada. But I didn’t see that at the time, that I was walking into a trap, because that’s the way that they want it to be.

    Everyone is being set up to fail because this is, God, this is my long way of getting back to your point that it’s like… That was when I realized what you realized. And I was like, oh, even managers, the middle managers on the floor, it’s not their problem. The problem is the front office committing to a business model that is unsustainable or that we can’t humanly possibly do. And when we inevitably fail at it, they’re just going to fire us and replace us.

    Vince Quiles:  Exactly. Yeah, I mean, it’s funny, because as you speak about your experience at the Warehouse, I remember… So one thing from what we were told, the way that we unload our stock for the store was actually piloted at my store. So sorry everybody who works at Home Depot who works on the breakdown crew and absolutely hates that system, it’s probably our fault.

    Because in our store, we didn’t tell the truth. We didn’t tell the truth about the faults of the system. And I think, again, people’s first inclination is to get mad at store leadership and be like, oh, well they should have just told the truth. And it’s like, look, man, when you have conversations where you see your vice president, and then a store manager, watch that store manager disagree with the vice president and say, that might be a good idea, but you have to tweak it by doing this, this, and this because these things happen in our store. And the look of scorn that person is going to get.

    Who the hell are you to challenge me? And that’s the problem, is that nobody wants to tell the truth. Everybody just wants to kiss each other’s ass so that they can get what that person has. Because that’s always the goal, is I want to get to where that next guy is, then the next gal is. And as long as I get there, that’s going to be okay. That’s one of the things that I absolutely freaking hate with my store when they tell people, if you want to make more money, then you got to move up. Why? Because now you’re going to incentivize people who don’t belong in those positions to now be in those positions, not because they want to be there, but because it’s the only way for them to make more money. Because there’s so many people at my store, where I’m like, if I told you that you could make more money driving forklifts, translating, and working multiple departments, would you still want to be a supervisor? And the vast majority of people say, no, I would just go do those other things and make more money.

    It’s like, you go, and to your point, you create this culture that then becomes cancerous to itself. But where the major problem lies though is, again, it’s like when you hear people talk about pharma. They socialize the cost, but they privatize the gains. We socialize the cost of the success, and we all have to pay the price. We all gotta put some skin in the game. But when it comes time to break down on the rewards – Here’s a great way to put it in perspective of the numbers of my store. So this is going to be a little bit of a winded explanation, but I promise you I’ll be able to bring it home.

    Maximillian Alvarez:  Well, do it, baby.

    Vince Quiles:  So we have what’s called success sharing in the store. So it’s where they give bonus checks at the end of the year, and it’s based off of your sales plan. So the way that it’s calculated for stores is you get 0.75% of every dollar earned from 90% of your sales goal to 100% of your sales goal, and then you get 3% of every dollar earned from 100% on. So that netted us last year in 2021, it was about $521,000 between the two checks. And that was using those calculations, we had sold, I believe it was $99 billion. For the year, we were $7 million over, I believe, the first half, and I think $8 million over our sales plan the second half. And again, being $15 million over our sales plan, we got $521,000 in bonuses. And again, that’s just the sales part. That’s not even when you look at the profit.

    So I, being the numbers guy I am, bored one day, so I’m going to just play around with these numbers. So I took the cash dividends that were paid out to shareholders and I would equate that to the success sharing that’s given to associates in the store, because it’s a direct cash payout from the company for excess profit earned. So you take that $7 billion and you divide it by the $16.4 billion that was earned in profits in 2021, and that comes out to roughly 42% of profits that were made were paid out to shareholders in the form of cash dividends. If you take that 42% and you apply it to my store, my store last year made $30,170,052. If you want, look at that text message that I sent you, you’ll see it right there.

    But if you take that and you multiply it by the 42%, the associates in this store in 2021 got $521,000, and the shareholders got fucking $12.8 million. It’s like, bro, what? What? Well, my one friend goes up, they’re working the service desk, they’re working the registers, they’re working tool rental, oh, and their actual job title is Garden Associate. So they’re supposed to be working in the garden section. They’re going, they’re working, they’re doing all of that stuff, right? They’re getting pulled all over the store, they’re getting in trouble because things aren’t getting done in their department. Why aren’t you getting this done? Well, you’re sending me to tool rental, you’re sending me here. Well I don’t care. You still have to find a way to get it done. So they go, they’re very upset. You sit down and they say, hey, I’m doing all of these things. I have already done this, right? I have already committed to the work. What’s up with a raise? What’s up with something like that? And essentially what she’s told is, if you take the responsibility of one of the managers, maybe you’ll get a raise. Like, what?

    Maximillian Alvarez:  Wow, Jesus.

    Vince Quiles:  And that’s the whole thing. It’s because the gig is supposed to be if you go and you take on more work, you produce more value, you make more money. And what’s insane, what’s wild is I’ve had conversations with the union busters that come through the store. Other people have had conversations with union busters [at the store] talking about this stuff, and they’re just basically like, yeah, we had to do that. Why shouldn’t you? And it’s like, what? Are you serious? Oh, it was crazy. The one guy’s over here talking about, if you want to get paid to translate and to speak Spanish, go to school for it. My boy, what? Like, 35% of the people, 30, 35% of the people that roll through that store only speak Spanish. You don’t make those dollars if your Spanish speaking associates aren’t there to help you. And he’s, oh, well I don’t get paid to speak Spanish. My boy, you make a six figure salary, what are you talking about?

    Maximillian Alvarez:  Geez, man.

    Vince Quiles:  Seriously? And then there’s another person and they’re talking about somebody who’s in school and they’re learning Spanish and they’re real excited and, oh, I can’t wait to get into the workforce because I’m going to get paid for that. And it’s like, so fuck the rest of us then that could speak Spanish, huh?

    Maximillian Alvarez:  Mm-hmm (affirmative).

    Vince Quiles:  I guess we can just selectively apply when it is that… And it’s like, it’s crazy, right? And in a way it almost makes me sympathetic to those people because it’s like, come on, you can’t have those types of inconsistencies presented in your arguments and think what’s going on is acceptable. That’s why, again, I try very, very hard, and I don’t know, maybe I’m just too diplomatic in this approach, but it’s like… It’s the system, man. It’s the system, it’s the core rot. It’s not even just Home Depot, it’s companies in general that think this shit is acceptable and it’s not. And the thing is this, you live off in these ivory towers, you never have to deal with the consequences of it.

    The people who run big box stores, they never have to deal with the consequences of those big box stores. They don’t have to go drive up Venango Street down North Philly where there used to be a bunch of factories and they got run out of business. Why? Because of big box stores like that, so now they’re just huge eyesores in these densely packed inner city… They don’t have to deal with that. They don’t have to deal with the people who are sitting there stressed out trying to figure out how they’re going to pay for their bills, how they’re going to pay for their kids… They don’t have to deal with any of that.

    That person who now has a two hour commute to work every day because they had a problem with their car and now that shit don’t work. But they still have to get to work so now they have to take the bus. Nah, instead those people roll through in $80,000 Mercedes-Benzes trying to tell you why you shouldn’t unionize. It’s like, you can’t make this shit up. And then they have the audacity to pull people in the back office of mine and say that people like myself are trying to steal money from them, and we’re trying to take stuff from them. And it’s like, really?” You know what? In the end, godspeed to you, because you still have to look in the mirror every day. You still have to live with the person you are and the system that you prop up. And again, that’s the major thing that pushed me to this point was when I said, what if I end up in that position? Could I live with myself? It’s like, no.

    Maximillian Alvarez:  Yeah.

    Vince Quiles:  No, I think that’s just not cool. That’s just not fucking cool. People deserve better than that. I know so many people who’ve been through so much shit that building who are in the circumstances they’re in for whatever it might be, but they deserve better than what they get. And for these people to just try and roll up here after the fact be like, oh, yeah, we care about… Come on man, miss me with that shit. Where I come from there’s a difference between talking about shit and being about shit. If you just talk about it, you don’t really care. If you really care, you’ll show somebody.

    Maximillian Alvarez:  Hell yeah, man. No, I think that’s, again, just perfectly put. And I got to write that down because I think the way you put that was incredible. You say, you have to live with the person you become working in the system that you prop up.

    Vince Quiles:  Mm-hmm.

    Maximillian Alvarez:  I think that’s spot on, and I’ve seen it in so many different areas. The way that, again, that trap works. Because what’s crazy to me is I remember even seeing this in higher education. So higher education is also in a really bad way, and we don’t have time to go into all the reasons why that is. But kind of the same shit in a lot of regards. For the past 50 years, the ratio in the 1970s and 1980s used to be that 70% of the teaching done in colleges was done by people who were on the tenure track. And that was what everyone wanted to be, the professor with the elbow patches who’s got a good salary and good job protections and all that stuff.

    Over the course of the past 50 years, that’s changed. Now it’s over 70% adjuncts who are making poverty level wages, they have no health benefits. They don’t even know if they’re going to have a job at the end of the semester. Graduate students, lecturers who maybe are a small step above an adjunct. But it’s just like with so many other jobs, piling more work onto fewer workers, paying them less at the same time that the bosses and the administration, their salaries are going up, their numbers are going up, so on and so forth. And when I walked into graduate school, coming from working as a waiter, and I was like, I don’t know anything about that system. I just know that my family didn’t know anything about the system but we were just like, yeah, that seems like a nice comfortable job to have. You should go for it.

    And what they all tell you, just like the managers at the warehouse would tell me, just these folks at Home Depot are telling you, is just like, oh, well, the best way to change the system is to move your way up in it and put yourself in a position when you’ll be able to actually do something. And what I realized is I was like, but that the trick, the joke is that if you ever get there, and chances are you will not, but if you ever get there, by the time you get there, you will no longer be the kind of person who wants to change it. Because the system will have made you into the person that will prop up that system and fight to maintain your privileged place within it, like you’re saying. So you have to live with the person you become in working in the system that you prop up.

    And I think that’s why it’s so… Because that applies to all of us. This even goes to what we were saying before about the mentality that we’re forced to have as workers in that same system, being socially engineered and existentially engineered through these jobs to believe that we are as worthless as the system tells us we are, we are as expendable as our boss tells us we are. Our creativity and passion and dreams are as meaningless as this system forces us to believe because those don’t pay the bills. It’s such a sad state of affairs, and I think so many of us are forced into the position of believing that there’s nothing that can be done about it.

    And that is why it is so huge and such a really heroic thing. I’m not blowing smoke up your ass or any of the asses of any person I talk to on this show. I genuinely mean it when I say it is a really big step to say no to that, to actually break that mold and say, well, maybe I can challenge this system. Like, I don’t have to accept the world that is presented to me as… I don’t have to accept what’s given to me. Maybe, in fact, we can do something together to change our circumstances.

    And that’s what gives me hope. It’s people like you, Brandi McNease and her coworkers at Chipotle in Maine saying, we’re not taking this anymore. We’re going to try to unionize. And Chipotle closing their store, and people like Brandi still saying, we’re still going to keep fighting. These Starbucks workers, Starbucks is violating their rights left and right, breaking the law in total open public display, they’re not hiding it, and the workers keep coming. They keep saying, we’re not giving up on this fight. Folks at Amazon. Jesus, in your hometown, the museum workers at the Philadelphia Museum of Art.

    Vince Quiles:  Yeah, [inaudible] at the art museum. Yep.

    Maximillian Alvarez:  Yeah. They were on strike for 20 days and management kept saying, we’re not going to bargain with you, we’re not going to bargain with you. And then they wouldn’t give up, and then they got a contract. Fighting that fight that comes from that place somewhere in our chest that says, I don’t have to accept this. We deserve better than this. Again, we are not as worthless and powerless as this system trains us to believe. And then when other people see fellow workers taking that step, it creates this ripple effect that we mentioned earlier before. And so that’s kind of where I wanted us to end up, because I could talk to you about this for days, but I know you got –

    Vince Quiles:  [inaudible].

    Maximillian Alvarez:  …A little one running around.

    Vince Quiles:  Yeah, yeah. He’s banging on the door right now.

    Maximillian Alvarez:  So I promise I won’t keep you for much longer, but I did want to ask if you could talk us through the organizing effort. What it’s been like from your end, how it’s developed over the past month or so, where things are now, and most importantly, what everyone listening to this can do to show solidarity with you, everyone at your store, and with Home Depot workers across the country.

    Vince Quiles:  Yeah, for sure. This is still, I’d say crazy to consider all the chaos, talking to you before and saying how a month ago I was just some rinky-dink receiving associate taking it to this point, now it bore out exactly from what you said. Before I delve into anything, I want to take the time to shout out a coworker of mine who unfortunately was fired recently. He was a supervisor, this guy named Roberto. And I think Roberto kind of… When I reflect on this more and more, I have to start giving him more props and more credit, because Roberto was also a catalyst for me in the sense that this dude stands on his principles regardless of anything. If it’s going to benefit him, if it’s not going to benefit him, if he believes something that dude stands on it. And he was consistently an example of that, and gave me that last little bit of courage I needed to go and to file that petition.

    And getting to work with him. He was a partner of mine as a supervisor, and that was where I got to see a lot of that stuff. Because there would be times where the manager would say something, and me at that point in time, being who I was, being like, oh, dude, don’t say that. And he would be over here like, oh, no, this is the right thing to do. We have to do this. He was very, very influential in this. I got to take the time to shout him out in all this. Because that’s where, again, where that [inaudible] we got the signatures, we’re the point of the election now. And the efforts have been the efforts are… Sorry about that, my son is knocking on the door, he’s getting a little bit distracted but…

    Hold on. Wait, give me one second.

    Maximillian Alvarez:  Yep.

    Vince Quiles:  Hey, Popeye can you give me a couple more minutes and I’ll be done? No. No, no, no, I’ll be right back. I’ll be right back, okay? We’ll play later. We’ll go shopping. We’ll go shopping right after I’m done. Give a couple more minutes, okay? Thank you.

    Sorry about that, he’s trying to bust down the door.

    Maximillian Alvarez:  No, that is adorable.

    Vince Quiles:  Thank you. All right, so yeah, so where we’re at with this drive? So right, I would say, honestly speaking, if I were to be 100% transparent, I would say right now it’s a tossup. I think that there is ample opportunity to push this all the way through. But I also think that I’ve seen on a very firsthand level the effects of money and how much money can buy you in terms of people’s opinions, in terms of people’s favor. And it’s because what they’ve been able to do is have this sustained onslaught. They brought in a bunch of old managers who curry favor with some people here. They’ve gone, they’ve brought in people from all over the country, store managers, assistant managers, what they call associate relations – I call them the union busters. Which is [inaudible]. We’ve had, boy, I think a regional vice president visits the store maybe once or twice a year, this dude has been here four or five times in the past two weeks.

    Maximillian Alvarez:  This homie is posted up greeting people at the front door now, yeah?

    Vince Quiles:  Yeah, exactly. Seriously, the fucking district manager, this dude never used to say shit. When I was a supervisor, this dude never said jack shit to me ever. Now he’s talking to me, talking to everybody in the store, jumping on register, talking to people. And everybody was like, I didn’t even know who this dude was. [Max laughs] And what was even crazier about that is this [inaudible] would show, he would at least show up with some frequency. He would show up at least once a week or once every other week. So in that instance he’s like, damn bro, that bad? You have a lot of, oh, this person is the head of this and this person is the head of that. And it’s just like, I remember talking to one person, it was just like, man, they didn’t give two shits about this place. They didn’t give two about this city in terms of coming here and paying it that much attention.

    And it’s like, oh, what now that [inaudible] a union effort, now all of this attention is being paid? And they try and say, oh, well it’s because of their voice of the associate survey. Even though it’s funny because if you even hear a fraction of the responses that they give to people, because depending on certain individuals they’ll say, oh, well we’re here because of the voice of the associate survey and to try and fix that. And then other people are like, yeah, no, we’re here because of the union. [Max laughs] And it’s like, y’all can’t even get on the same page with the bullshit that you’re trying to tell people. And one thing that this has helped me to realize and what I’m trying to help other people realize is, honestly, the only difference between them and ourselves is our perception of the situation, and how we perceive ourselves within this system, and how we perceive the power that it’s had.

    But I would say this: For a long time they tried to make it seem as if, oh, well people are in power,if you don’t like it, go get another job. Go get a job somewhere else. Whatever, right? That was the attitude for a really long time. That ain’t the attitude now. Now it’s, oh, we’re very sorry, we messed up… This, that, the third. The analogy that I’ve been using with Home Depot, Home Depot is like a cheating spouse. They done cheated on you a whole bunch of times, you’re like, oh, that’s it, I’m done. I’m out the door. I’m done with this shit, I’m tired of you not treating me right. You’re not giving me my respect, that’s it. And then they’re like, now they’re going to buy you the flowers you were looking for and take you on the trip you wanted and buy you the gift, and no, I swear this time it’ll be different. [Max laughs] It’s like, come on. But you had all these chances before, and they love saying like, oh, it’s because of the pandemic. It’s not because of the pandemic, it’s because of how you guys run yourselves.

    So they’re running it really, really hard, they’ve started cracking how it is that they separate what people with who, the people who… It’s not even people that are necessarily pro-union. If you’re willing to challenge them and to voice sensitive critiques, yeah, you’re going to be put with other people like that. They’re going to make sure that they don’t put you around the more docile people who are timid and may not really say much. But they know that they’re malleable enough that if you say some of these things in front of them, that’ll be in the back of their mind. What they’ve also done with those individuals is try and put them in smaller groups. Your boy has unfortunately still not been able to be a guest of honor at one of those meetings. But my guess is it’s because of all the numbers that I know, and there’s a bunch of reasons why. But yeah, so I have no reason to expect at this point –

    Maximillian Alvarez:  And they’re not letting your ass in there.

    Vince Quiles:  Hell no. That’s just like, man. Yeah, so there’s definitely like that, we had to file a charge with the NLRB for surveillance and interrogation because there would just be a lot of following associates around. Anytime you’re having a conversation, they’re jumping up in that conversation, oh, hey guys, what are you talking about? That’s just stuff like that. Again, the propaganda, they’ve got these little PowerPoint presentations that they’re giving everybody. Max, they’re educating people on what it means to be in a union. And you know you can trust them, right?

    Maximillian Alvarez:  They just want you guys to have all the facts, right?

    Vince Quiles:  They just want you… That’s right, that’s what they put on the paper, get the facts. Just get the facts, right? So when people ask them for the fact sheet that they were reading from, you know what they told them? Not these facts, uh-huh (negative) can’t have those. No, this is confidential. Yeah, I wonder why that’s confidential. They probably are concerned about that for the same reason that they’re concerned with still pulling people, they’ve been doing it now for what? We filed this the last week of September. And literally since then they’ve been interrogating people about how I got the information that I got. Oh, where did Vince get the… I’ve had a reporter hit me up like, yo, I heard a manager got fired from your store because they said he was helping you get information. I’m like, what? That didn’t even happen. It was just like… But it’s again, that’s how pressed they are to try…

    And again, you’re not going to address what it is that I’m saying. Because from what I’ve heard, too, people that have called them out on and been like, well, what about the critiques that Vince has made? What do you have to say to that? Is he wrong? Is he wrong about the numbers we’re making? And they’re like, no, he’s not wrong about any of that. But we’re going to tell you why unions are bad and they’re here to steal your money, and they’re not going to do anything. And we’re Home Depot, we do what we want, and we don’t listen to nobody. And it’s like, well, maybe that right there is your problem, that y’all listen to nobody. Maybe if you started to listen to people more you wouldn’t have been in this situation. And what’s crazy is that the metric for success that I hold is not some arbitrary, I’m just pulling this out of thin air being like, you know what? Chris Mall’s got it all right. Yeah.

    But that’s the standard, right? It’s not something like that. It’s like, yo, you guys used to do this. Like 20 years ago they used to pay a starting wage of $15, $16 an hour. When people would tell me about individuals who would leave the store, they would leave to become lawyers, they would become professionals in a respective trade, electricians, plumbers, general contractors. They always ended up going and doing something more, because it was pretty much if you worked in retail, you wanted to work at Home Depot. Imagine, there were people that were making, they said that there were supervisors that were making $26, $27 dollars an hour back in 1998. Like, bro, what? You were good making that type of money. And it’s like now as a supervisor, the cap that I had was $18.25 an hour like, what?

    And you get into the history of the company. Yeah, there’s… Man that, that’s a whole nother long conversation I’ll probably have to do separately. And you can see from there where it is that they got this idea from, but essentially they consolidated their business. Like you said, they cut costs, they engaged in that corporate culture, and they went… And with this one particular CEO, Bob Nardelli, they were able to pretty much double their revenue. The dude was from GE, that was his thing was consolidating, he was working in tech and you convert a lot to automation. So that was the mentality that he applied there. And so from a business perspective, they were super successful. They were able to grow their business. But it came at the expense of the associates. And then you look at why it is that happened, when it happened. The guys in from 2000 to 2007, 2008, 2009, you have the housing market crash, leads to a recession.

    So now you have no real chance to actually fight against that because you’re just going to lose your job. And that was where you saw a lot of starting pay rates drop and everything. And so… Sorry, I know I’m digressing, I’m going to bring it back to this point. But now the reason why this is coming to [inaudible] because I saw this as the best opportunity before we ended up in a situation like that, to where we’d be like, okay, let’s try and fight to organize this place and change this stuff. Because if not, it’s just going to get worse and worse and worse. I mean, they’re definitely fighting like hell to quash this, but I think there’s a mutual understanding that regardless of however this one goes, they know that they lost, because this is now moving across the country. There’s other people who are interested in doing this stuff and in organizing their workplaces at Home Depots. We were able to partner and chat a little bit and brainstorm with those guys over at Lowe’s with our boy Felix over there.

    And it’s just, yes. So now we’re just trying to hammer it home. We’re trying to inform people. And yeah, in terms of support for regular people, that’s what’s always difficult. I would say that I have to chalk it up to some of my ignorance in organizing, because I’ve never done any of this stuff before. But I would say just being supportive, a lot of times when people tweet us back or say stuff to some of the stuff that’s tweeted about what’s going on, I go back, I show my coworkers that. We got a way to mass text people, so we’re trying to get that to them, because that makes people feel really good, whenever they’re like, oh, other people care about our struggle.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • The United Kingdom is undergoing a massive wave of industrial action this winter as the cost of living crisis bites. Most recently it’s been the university higher education professionals who have been on strike. The Real News Network spent time at picket lines across London as the University College Union, or UCU walked out from their work in a dispute over pay and pension cuts. The UCU has thousands of members across the UK and hundreds of colleges and universities have picket lines. The strikes, which are happening amongst dozens of other labor disputes are the biggest in the UK since the Thatcher years. This video is part of a special Workers of the World series on the cost of living crisis in Europe.

    Producer, videographer, and video editor: Ross Domoney

    This story, with the support of the Bertha Foundation, is part of The Real News Network’s Workers of the World series, telling the stories of workers around the globe building collective power and redefining the future of work on their own terms.


    Transcript

    Protester: “Union – power!”

    Narration: Across the UK, the University and College union, or UCU, is on strike. Multiple university and college campuses have picket lines and tens of thousands of the UCU members have walked out from their work.

    Protester: There is a sense in the country of things having been pushed past the brink.

    Narration: The UCU is made up of higher education professionals, which includes lecturers, academics, researchers, librarians, and postgraduates in universities and colleges.

    Protester:  Do we want a 5% pay cut this year? No. When they offer a 5 pay rise, what do they really mean? A 5% pay cut with 10% inflation. So that’s no good.

    Narration: The Real News Network spoke to UCU members at picket lines across London. 

    Ewan Mcgaughey (Reader in Law at Kings College London): We’ve had 25% real-terms pay cuts since 2010 when this Tory government took power. We’ve had pension pay cuts of 30%, often more for younger staff.

    Protester: “Wages!”

    “Rising!”

    “Wages!”

    “Rising!” 

    “Pensions?”

    “Rising!”

    They are actually dropping. 

    We want them to be rising! 

    Ewan Mcgaughey (Reader in Law at Kings College London): In 2010, home students paid about £3,000 per year to go and study and since then it’s tripled for home student fees, and yet investment in teaching, you know, teachers’ pay, has been going down. 

    For international students it’s more than doubled. So international students will be paying about £25,000 for an undergraduate degree. It’s absolutely extortionate.

    Protester: We’re going to be talking about protest music this morning.

    Shakuntala Banaji (Professor of media culture at LSE): Well, I’ve been seeing over the last ten years, but even more than that, probably, a real-time cut in people’s pay and that might sound like an academic statistic to some people, but what it means for many of my colleagues is that they are not able to live in London. They have commutes of over 2 hours.

    Many of my students have to make decisions about whether they eat lunch or dinner, and they also have other things competing for their time with trying to do their master’s or doctorate degrees, which means that because the pay for graduate teachers is so low they are working two or three jobs now just to try to stay afloat.

    Dan Brown (PhD student): Everything’s being cut in the name of profit, like in the name of the university making a lot of money but cutting basic services for students, like mental health. They have a lot of money to build these buildings, but they don’t, they don’t want to invest that money In to properly paying staff and having enough staff in, I don’t know, even some basic services for students.

    So it’s really just trashing the whole ability to produce a good education, right? 

    Shakuntala Banaji (Professor of media culture at LSE): So I’ve seen a massive deterioration in the mental health of my colleagues and students over the last ten years and that’s just one of the reasons that I’m on strike today.

    Another one is clearly the massive gaps between particular types of workers in the university and many students and many members of the public probably don’t even know that people are being taught by someone who’s getting paid something close to £10 an hour. Even though they’re told they’re getting £25 an hour, it works out with preparation and marking that they’re getting under a minimum wage at some points.

    Protester: “Solidarity forever for the union makes us strong”

    Ewan Mcgaughey (Reader in Law at Kings College London): Well, yeah, I mean, workloads have been going up, particularly since COVID, so the numbers of students were raised quite a lot through the pandemic. Universities thought that they were going to have cash flow problems so they increased the number of people who came into universities but they didn’t have a corresponding increase in the number of staff, so that means that people are teaching more students in classes -not in itself a bad thing- but when you’ve got the same number of colleagues, it’s going to mean extra essays to mark, it’s going to mean extra exams, extra pastoral care and time that you’ve got to spend with more students.

    So I want to see everybody going to university as much as possible.

    Everyone who wants to should be able to have a good higher education free at the point of use, but we need to fund it properly. We need to make sure that the jobs are there too; make sure that everybody gets an education without burning everyone out. 

    Protester: “What do we want?” 

    “Fair pay!”

    “When do we want it?”

    “Now!”

    “What do we want?”

    “Fair pay!”

    “When do we want it?”

    “Now!”

    Devika Dutt (Lecturer in Development Economics): There’s so many- I know the statistic- that there’s a lot of people who are seeking, amongst faculty, who are seeking mental health services because they’re so burnt out, because they’re so over worked. 

    Now, that is really an unsustainable and inhuman condition to really be working in. And, you know, what we’re trying to do is teach students, is create knowledge, and it’s very hard to do that in these conditions.

    In general, as we know, there’s a cost of living crisis we are in and  people are struggling to make ends meet. That includes university lecturers, and it’s more acute for people who are not white, people who are not men, and people who have disabilities. 

    And so, knowing all of that, and knowing that we have a huge workload, I really want to do my job well but unfortunately our workloads don’t allow many of us, including me, to devote the time that we would like to to do our job really well, to teach students really well, do our research really well. 

    Narration: Amongst dozens of other labour struggles happening in the UK right now this is the latest one to test the government.  

    In a country that is suffering from inflation and the realities of Brexit things are not looking so great in Great Britain.

    Shakuntala Banaji (Professor of media culture at LSE): I think if we do get our demands met, it’s absolutely not enough to say for people to say, okay, I’ve got a wage rise, we’ve got more security in our sector- we need to just go back to being complacent.

    What got us into this in the first place was ignoring the matters of other people’s rights.

    So I think if we don’t do a lot more than just struggling for wage justice, if we don’t think about the human rights of people who are dying crossing the channel people who are suffering now because of the earthquake in Turkey and Syria, I think we are going to end up being a very insular, very fragmented and completely undemocratic nation.


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  • Dilhani worked for six years in a Sri Lankan factory that makes clothes for Nike. She is one of millions of South and Southeast Asian garment workers in Big Fashion companies’ supply chains who saw their income dramatically reduced during the Covid-19 pandemic through layoffs, wage cuts, and wage theft. As an outspoken member of her factory’s employee council, Dilhani pushed for repayment of lost…

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  • The start of the COVID-19 pandemic compounded the existing crises of capitalism for workers everywhere. This was most obviously apparent for “frontline” or “essential” workers, who were forced by their need to survive to risk disease, disability, and potential death on a daily basis at their jobs. While lauded in media and culture in the early days of the pandemic, the rewards these workers have actually received have been precarity, damaged health, depressed wages, and for far too many, an early death. As a new ruling class narrative that insists the pandemic is over becomes hegemonic, the stories and ongoing crisis faced by these workers is fading from public view. In his most recent book, The Work of Living: Working People Talk about Their Lives and the Year the World BrokeTRNN Editor-in-Chief Maximillian Alvarez chronicled the stories of frontline workers in the first year of the pandemic. Max joins the The Chris Hedges Report to discuss his book and the ongoing struggle of the working class under capitalism in the age of COVID-19.

    Production: Dwayne Gladden, Adam Coley, Cameron Granadino
    Post-Production: Adam Coley, Kayla Rivara
    Audio Post-Production: Tommy Harron


    Transcript

    The following is a rushed transcript and may contain errors. A proofread version will be made available as soon as possible.

    Chris Hedges:

    Working men and women kept the country from disintegrating during the pandemic. They staffed the hospitals, stocked the shelves, drove the buses, manned the cash registers, cooked and delivered the food, grew the produce, drove the trucks, and collected the garbage. Yet these vital frontline workers were also sacrificed in disproportionate numbers in a system of grotesque inequality. In late 2020 and early ’21, at the height of the pandemic, Maximillian Alvarez conducted a series of interviews with workers battling to survive. They did not have the luxury of working from home, ordering what they needed from Amazon, and having it delivered. Their jobs, difficult before the pandemic, now came with grave health risks and few benefits or protection. Alvarez, as he does in his podcast Working People, set out to tell their stories. He raises up the voices and lives of those, the commercial media have largely rendered invisible, laying bare the huge divide between the haves and the have-nots.

    Joining me to discuss his book, the Work of Living and the Untold Stories of Working Men and Women is Maximillian Alvarez, who is also the editor-in-chief of The Real News. So I read these stories, and there were certain themes that came out, which I wanted to ask you about. And I want to begin with, which was a constant for even when you’re interviewing a burlesque dancer, is the importance of work, not just in terms of exchanging labor for a wage, but in terms of self-importance.

    Maximillian Alvarez:

    Yeah, I think that’s exactly right. I mean, one of the things that I hope comes through in this book, in the interviews with workers that I do on my podcast, Working People and here at The Real News Network is working people aren’t dumb. Working people hold the world up. And there’s so much skill and knowledge and experience in everything that folks do and all the vital forms of labor that they perform to keep society running. And I think that you really see that in all of these interviews, whether it’s me talking with Willy, a gig worker in Texas who details all the ways that he goes above and beyond to get people their groceries, to navigate the craziness at this or that grocery store, or Kyle, a sheet metal worker in Louisville who really takes a whole lot of pride in the work that he and his coworkers do. Nick, a grave digger in New Jersey, you just hear directly from the people who do this kind of work, all the attention and accrued knowledge and even love that goes into performing the vital labor that they do.

    Chris Hedges:

    And yet COVID made them ask questions about work and about their place in society that they hadn’t asked before.

    Maximillian Alvarez:

    Yeah, I think that, honestly, as a society, there’s still a lot of big questions that we haven’t fully confronted since the onset of COVID-19 in the spring of 2020. I think the most obvious is that COVID-19 forced all of us to confront our own mortality, in a way that perhaps we never had to before. And I think that you’re seeing the after effects of that. I do think that COVID-19 was a really concentrated, terrifying experience, but it was also an extended moment when workers realized that they are essential, that the work that we do does keep society and the economy running, even while the board members and shareholders and the corporate executives were able to ride out the storm in their second homes. It was people like the folks that I talked to in this book, who kept us all from falling into the abyss.

    And I think that working people haven’t forgotten that. They know how essential they are. And so I think that you are seeing that sort of trickle out into things like the Great Resignation, record numbers of people quitting their jobs, a lot of whom I’ve talked to who said, “I got to sit down during COVID and think, ‘Is this what I want to be doing with my life? Should I be accepting the poor treatment that I’m getting at work? Should I be asking for more? If I died tomorrow, would I be pleased with how I’ve lived my life?’” But it’s also, I think, translated to workers becoming more militant on the shop floor. We’ve seen a lot of strikes over the past couple years, a unionization wave that’s extending into industries that have been very hard to unionize, like the service industry, because COVID, again, showed workers how little say they actually have over consequential decisions, whether that be when to open schools in-person, or what safety measures to implement in restaurants. If working people were the ones bearing the brunt of those decisions, but had no input over those decisions, a lot of people realize that actually having a voice on the job and banding together to demand what we need is actually something worth fighting for. And we’re seeing that happening all over the place.

    Chris Hedges:

    There’s a juxtaposition which you address in the book between the effusive, kind of lauding by the wider society of these quote/unquote essential workers. And yet during the pandemic, they’re clearly treated as if they’re disposable.

    Maximillian Alvarez:

    Yeah, I think that this is one of the biggest disconnects or sort of logical knots that we’re still trying to unravel right now, because… I try to make this clear in the book, in the conversations that I have with these 10 amazing human beings, that there was also a lot of good that we saw in each other over the past two and a half years. Working people showed their mettle, not just at the workplace, but people sacrificed to bring their immunocompromised family and neighbors groceries. They found ways, even remotely, to stay connected to each other and to take care of one another. And also there are these great moments, like the one captured by the great artist Molly Crabapple, who designed the cover for the book, where people were standing on their balconies banging pots and pans in honor of the frontline workers who were risking their lives, many of whom never asked to risk their lives. They were just trying to make a paycheck at that very scary moment. But I think we collectively acknowledged one another in that way and celebrated one another.

    And corporations and businesses really capitalized on that and took it as a marketing opportunity. So many different businesses celebrated their frontline workers as heroes and even used the opportunity to get favorable coverage in the press for giving their workers quote/unquote hero pay, like Amazon. Amazon was touted as this great benefactor for giving workers hero pay, that it then ripped away from workers weeks later and no one said anything about it. And it was a very calculated move. The reason that businesses like Amazon did not call it hazard pay is because then they would have to keep paying it as long as the hazard persisted. But calling it hero pay makes it seem like it’s just something given in recognition of heroism.

    But actually on the shop floor, when workers would raise concerns over safety protocols like Christian Smalls at Amazon’s facility in Staten Island, they were fired for it, or they were reprimanded for it. And all the while, I talked to Zenei Triunfo-Cortez, a nurse in California for this book. She’s understandably, like so many healthcare workers, very bitter about the fact that their hospitals were celebrating the staff as heroes, while not listening to those very same staff members when they were saying, “Here’s the PPE that we need. Here are the safe staffing ratios that we need to provide the care that every patient deserves.” So workers were really, again, held up as these kind of human-shaped cardboard cutouts. But when it actually came to listening to what workers on the shop floor were saying that they needed, they were, as always, comfortably ignored.

    Chris Hedges:

    You do a good job of describing what work conditions are like. One person you interviewed, Nick, who’s… I just was stunned, and I’ll let you explain it. And of course, the pandemic exacerbates the difficulty and danger of these work conditions. But just lay that out. I mean, there are things that came with being a grave digger that I didn’t expect, including, of course, direct exposure to toxins. But you can talk a little bit about Nick’s work and what happened during the pandemic.

    Maximillian Alvarez:

    Yeah, I mean, the interview with Nick Galuppo, a grave digger in north-central New Jersey was one of the first ones that I recorded for the book. So in a lot of ways, it kind of set the tone for the other interviews that I did. And it really… I mean, I’ll let folks read it, but I think it’s a really fascinating conversation that he and I got to have, where we learned more about him, how he fell into working at a graveyard, what that work entailed before the pandemic hit, and the working conditions that he describes there. I mean, without going into full depth mean, we’re not talking about your typical flat suburban memorial park. We’re talking about an older graveyard with differing soil contents that largely serves a Jewish population, where the sort of customs and traditions are to bury people the day that they die or at latest one day after.

    So what that means is they’re not embalmed. They’re not being buried in metal caskets. They’re being buried in quarter-inch pine boxes with wooden dowels, so that everything is decomposable. And again, it’s an older cemetery, where you have this older equipment that guys are jerry-rigging to keep going. And he describes it, Nick does, as a fast-paced construction site for the dead. And then COVID hit, and he talks about those early days in the pandemic. New York was really the epicenter of it in that kind of area of the country. And Nick saw that. He and his coworkers saw that in the graveyard, because he tells me that, on average, they do about four or five burials a day at this cemetery before the pandemic hit. In those early months, that number tripled. And so these guys are running all over the place trying to do an essential service.

    You can tell when Nick is talking how much care he takes with the work that he does. He takes very seriously the responsibility of offering families a chance to send their loved ones off into the great beyond as best they can. And so he understands the high stakes of doing what they do right. But when you are trying to do that, when you’ve got 15 burials lined up, one after the other, and you’re running around this graveyard where some parts of the graveyard have water tables that are full, others where you have caves in, it really does paint a gruesome picture. But I think it makes you appreciate the invaluable work that folks like Nick do to provide that sort of peace and comfort that so many of us depend on when we bury our loved ones.

    Chris Hedges:

    I want to talk about a little. He has to sometimes remove these disintegrated coffin. I mean, talk about what happens.

    Maximillian Alvarez:

    Well, like I said, in this particular cemetery, given the population that it predominantly serves, the burial practices that are required of folks like Nick, and the geographical makeup of the cemetery that he’s working at, we don’t go into the goriest details of what he does, but you definitely get a sense of how packed that cemetery is. And again, when folks aren’t embalmed, when you have soil that gets a lot of water in it, when people are buried so closely together, you can kind of use your imagination that, if someone is being buried right next to a site where two people were buried the year before, and there’s been caves ins… I mean, the one detail that Nick gives is they got to put these shale bars in between the two graves on the side, so that essentially human remains don’t fall into the hole where new person is being buried.

    And again, I think the thing that Nick says that is very profound is he says, “Our job is not just to bury holes and put caskets in it. Our job is to provide families with a sense of peace at a very critical moment, where they are saying goodbye to their loved ones for the last time.” And so imagine feeling the burden of trying to provide that peace, when you’re working in such a morbid kind of environment, where so many things can go wrong, and you’re dealing with so many gruesome realities and old equipment. And at the same time, these guys are also terrified of getting sick. These guys are also… Go ahead.

    Chris Hedges:

    There’s no personal protective equipment, hazmat suits, anything like that. This is Nick: “You can get a pair of leather gloves or something, or you could shove some Vicks or a scarf in your nose if you want.” That’s all the protection they’re given.

    Maximillian Alvarez:

    Mm-hmm. Yeah. Yeah. And he also talks about how on construction sites and a bunch of other sites, where kind of this sort of fast pace industrial work takes place, you have a lot of OSHA regulations and rules put in place to protect workers. And so in a lot of sites, if it’s raining outside, if there’s inclement weather conditions, you’re going to shut down the work site for a day. With a graveyard, you can’t do that. People die, and they need to be buried. And so rain or shine, snow or sleet, these guys are out there doing this work. And again, it was the perfect storm that Nick described, where numbers of burials have tripled. The conditions under which people were being buried were not getting any better. All the while, those sort of whatever lax OSHA regulations there are that pertain to graveyards, the fact of the matter is that on a day-to-day reality management throws those out the window. They say, “Get those people in the ground. I don’t care how you do it.” And that’s kind of how Nick understands that. I don’t think that folks Nick necessarily want or agree with that, but they understand the reality in front of them. And this is what they put up with that a lot of us just never see.

    Chris Hedges:

    Let’s talk about Willy. So he is a gig worker. I mean, I found this interesting, because it highlighted the kind of stress that gig workers are under, same with Amazon workers, for instance. I mean, they are measured down to the second, and their performance is rated on how fast. He’s a shopper, so he has to get food. And what happens when there’s long lines? What happens, he writes, when he calls shopper support and nobody picks up? That kind of stress, can you speak to that?

    Maximillian Alvarez:

    Yeah, I mean, gig workers, it’s a form of neo-feudalism, frankly, what we call the gig economy. And I point people to the great work of scholars, like Veena Dubal, who’ve written about this extensively or listened to folks like Willy or Vanessa Bain, another great worker organizer, who’s been speaking out about these horrendous conditions that gig workers have been working, under even before the pandemic. But so many of us, including many people in my own family, were drawn into the promise of the gig economy 10, 12 years ago, because it promised that we could be our own boss. It promised a degree of independence.

    Chris Hedges:

    Let me just interrupt, because I read in one of the questions you were a gig worker yourself in essence. What did you work in a-

    Maximillian Alvarez:

    Well, so I was a warehouse temp 10 years ago, while my mom and dad were both driving for Uber and Lyft. This was when the recession hit our family, like millions of other families, very hard. We eventually lost everything including the house I grew up in. But working as a temp, that’s kind of like the proto gig work. I mean, you’re not hired by the company technically, which essentially means you can get paid less. You can be fired at the drop of a hat. There was even a class action lawsuit filed against the temp agency I worked for, because they were stealing our wages so much. But yeah, I mean, the promise, again, for my folks and for folks like Willy, was that you can be your own boss, and actually if you can make a decent take-home pay, and you can do it on your own time. What we have seen the trend over the past decade is what Bernie Sanders famously called a race to the bottom, where the take home pay keeps going down.

    And these black-boxed algorithms that determine everything, they determine, like you said, what route people should take from their home or from a drop-off destination to the grocery store. It determines how long that should take. It determines their ratings and what they should get paid for this or that delivery. And what Willy talks about is right when the pandemic was hitting, Shipt, which is the company he works for, which is the delivery service that is owned by Target Corporation, made adjustments to its algorithm and was telling workers, “Oh, this is going to be good for you. You’re going to get more take-home pay.” And Willy noticed that his take-home pay was going down. So he started talking to folks online, and he talked to over 500 people in a matter of weeks and was realizing that this was happening everywhere. And again, they have no control over that.

    And they also have no control over all the things that can crop up when you’re trying to make those deadlines. If you’re trying to get a delivery in at 20 minutes, but say it’s around Christmas-time, and the lines are super long, and there are only two people at checkout, and maybe the card that Shipt gives you doesn’t work. And so like you said, you got to call Shipt shopper service. No one’s answering the phone. All the while your time’s clicking down and you have no control over that, but you, as the worker, are the one who take the brunt of it. Your ratings go down. Your pay goes down. And if your ratings go down enough, they can kick you off the platform, thus ripping away your lifeline. And so whenever Willy would raise this with Shipt or post about it on Shipt-owned Facebook groups, he would get viciously ridiculed by the moderators and by fellow shoppers and told that the problem was with him. So this is really what the gig economy does, is it puts all the burden onto workers and all the responsibility and all the liability onto workers, while it gives them, in fact, no control over their schedule. And the algorithm kind of is the all-seeing boss that tells them what to do every second of every day.

    Chris Hedges:

    Well, he gets so desperate, he wants to hire someone to help him, so he can make the time slot to stand in a line, while he gets the food, and they won’t let him.

    Maximillian Alvarez:

    Yeah, again, speaking to the brilliance I think of everyday working people, Willy will be the first to tell you that he’s an introverted guy. And he is not a natural-born organizer. It’s very uncomfortable for him to talk to so many people. But what I think you see is a guy who realizes that he’s getting screwed over. And so he starts digging into the contract. He starts reading the fine print. He starts seeing that there’s a problem here. And he kind of forces himself to talk to more people about these issues. And the example that you’re pointing out was Willy, he’s like, “I’ve worked as an independent contractor in construction before. Based on what I know from being an independent contractor, I can bring, say my daughter, with me to stand in line during Christmas-time, because those lines take forever while I go do the shopping. But in the Shopper’s Guide that Shipt gives us, they tell you that you can’t do that.” And so again, it’s kind of forced it’s leaving you no option to actually make your quotas and stuff like that.

    But what Willy also points out is that legally they can’t necessarily do that. So they can essentially walk right up to the line of telling you, “You can’t have anyone helping you,” but within the fine print of the Shipt shopper agreement, you actually can do it, because Shipt wants to leave itself a back door for if it’s ever taken to court to say, “Oh, no, actually this is an independent contractor.” This is what they’re always trying to bounce. They want to tell workers that they’re independent, while taking away any independence that they actually have.

    Chris Hedges:

    Was it in Willy’s, or just a little aside, that at Christmas the tips went down? Was that Willy?

    Maximillian Alvarez:

    Yeah, yeah. Willy, he talks about… And there’s a lot of factors that go into that, right? But yeah, he was noticing that his tips were going down, because he was working twice as hard and still making less. And so he was like, “Something’s going on here.” But on top of that, he was noticing… People had probably all seen these commercials, whether it’s for Shipt or Instacart, they always say, “Our shoppers go above and beyond.” And they were even in these shopper groups on Facebook, people were celebrating Shipt shoppers for buying balloons for their customers or feeding their dogs or walking their dogs. And Willy had the gall to ask his fellowship Shipt shoppers, he’s like, “Why am I going to walk someone’s dog? If that dog gets loose and gets hit by a car, or if it bites me, I’m liable for that. I’m not getting paid for that. And yet it’s being held up as a virtue, when in fact, we should not be asked or expected to be doing this, when we’re already living so close to the bone.”

    Chris Hedges:

    I want to talk about the… Barbara Ehrenreich once said that being poor in America, or the working poor, it’s one long emergency, because your financial situation is so precarious, that if your car breaks down, if you are laid off, your entire life crumbles. And there’s a moment in, I think she’s a bartender in the book, and that happens. Of course, the bar is closed. And she admits that she was an alcoholic. She had been sober, and she goes right back into the drinking. So talk about that precariousness. We know the financial cost, but, throughout the book, there’s a very deep emotional and psychological cost.

    Maximillian Alvarez:

    There is. And I think one of the things that I hope people take away from the book and from this moment that we are in, this moment of labor unrest and worker action, is that so many of these problems existed long before COVID-19 ever hit our shores. Workers, who have been going on strike the past two years, these are long brewing problems. We are headed towards a national rail shutdown, because of problems that have been brewing in the industry for decades. I mentioned that because, up till COVID-19 hit in 2020, so many people were living so close to the bone. There were study after studies saying that one unexpected emergency expense would be enough to throw people into financial ruin, to the point of potentially losing the roof over their heads, so on and so forth. This is the reality that working people have been living in for a long time. Since the 1980s working people in this country have been more productive than they ever have been, and yet they share in less of the fruits of that productivity, while more of it gets pocketed by the 1%.

    Chris Hedges:

    Well, then the New York Times ran a story a couple years ago. They said that if wages kept pace with productivity, the minimum wage would be $20 an hour.

    Maximillian Alvarez:

    And yet minimum federal minimum remains 7.25. It remains 7.25 in places like Texas. And this is something that, again, really comes through in the book, is that, because of how much we have kind of limited the economic path to a comfortable, dignified life for working people, so many people were right on the edge, when something like COVID-19 hit. Then you add on top of that the ways that we have hollowed out the social safety nets and public institutions that are supposed to protect people in that sort of environment. So Ashley, the bartender in Portland, also describes trying to get unemployment when the system essentially buckled. My parents couldn’t get unemployment for weeks because that system was buckling under pressure.

    Chris Hedges:

    Isn’t this they were trying to call the unemployment office and they just put it on auto dial?

    Maximillian Alvarez:

    Yeah.

    Chris Hedges:

    So keep calling and calling. I just have a couple minutes left. You did mention the supplemental income and checks and extension of unemployment benefits. And that’s a theme in the book, and it turned out to be very, very important. All of that has ended, of course.

    Maximillian Alvarez:

    Right, yeah. So I think one of the things that workers, who I talked to for this book, are sort of conflicted about is that they say, “Yes, for all the ways that the government, the market, the media failed us,” the fact of getting one stimulus check, the extended unemployment benefits, the eviction moratorium, the pause on student debt payments, the the child healthcare tax credits, those were a major boon for a lot of folks, who, again, were living so close to the bone, to the point where some could make more on unemployment than they could working in the early days of the pandemic. And that, they tell me, gave them a chance to actually stop from the rat race for just a second and think, “Is this what I want to be doing with my life? Should I be working somewhere where I’m treated better? Should I quit my job and go look elsewhere? Or should I stay at my job and demand better pay?” And yet, the order-giving class could not let that happen. And so they ripped away pandemic era vital social aid. And now they are jacking up prices on everybody and clawing all those gains back and calling it inflation. And we still haven’t raised the federal minimum wage, so you’re seeing a real class struggle here.

    Chris Hedges:

    I think we should be clear that most of these programs were initiated by Donald Trump, and most of them were ended by Joe Biden.

    Maximillian Alvarez:

    Yeah. I mean, it was potentially paradigm shifting, especially if you compare it to how we responded to the financial crash in 2008. Families mine were left to fall into the abyss, while everyone threw their weight behind the banks and the big corporations. What Donald Trump started by putting money directly in people’s pockets was a huge change in policy. And unfortunately, it seems like we’re doing everything we can to unlearn the potential lesson that we could have learned from that.

    Chris Hedges:

    I just want to close it just quickly on mental health, because that’s another theme that runs through most of the interviews. There’s huge mental health struggles, not only among the people you interview, but also many of those people. You interview a teacher, for instance. And they have to deal, and they don’t have any resources.

    Maximillian Alvarez:

    They don’t. I mean, right now the entire country’s talking about learning loss for students. And as Rebecca Garelli, an educator in Arizona and an organizer, tells me, she’s like, “Apart from parents, no one’s more concerned with students’ mental health than us, because we have to deal with it on a day-to-day basis.” Of course, teachers care about students’ mental health, their learning loss, their ability to kind of develop socially. But if we cared about that as a society, we would’ve cared about that for decades leading up to this point, when resources like counselors on campus have been hollowed out. And there’s so many ways that we can actually take care of our students and our educators, but we actually have to listen to what the educators are saying. And unfortunately, that’s not what’s happening right now.

    Chris Hedges:

    Great. I want to thank The Real News Network and its production team, Cameron Granadino, Adam Coley, Dwayne Gladden, Kayla Rivara. You can find me at chrishedges.substack.com.

  • The strikes in Britain are growing and this time it’s the teachers who have come out in force, demanding better wages amongst the cost of living crisis. On Feb. 1 up to 500,000 workers walked out in the UK, in one of the largest coordinated strike actions since the pensions dispute of 2011. It was a cross-union action which also saw train drivers going on strike as well as thousands of the government’s own civil servants. The teachers are refusing to back down in their demands and have promised further strike action and disruption in the coming months. TRNN heads to a protest in central London and speaks directly with the striking teachers, pupils, and other unions who have come out in support of the action. This video is part of a special Workers of the World series on the cost of living crisis in Europe.

    Producer, videographer, and video editor: Ross Domoney

    This story, with the support of the Bertha Foundation, is part of The Real News Network’s Workers of the World series, telling the stories of workers around the globe building collective power and redefining the future of work on their own terms.


    Transcript

    Narration: The strikes in the UK are growing.

    Melissa Costello (School teacher): It’s just going to get to the point now, isn’t it, when everything is shut down because everybody has had enough.

    Richard Christopher Brown (Sixth form teacher of politics): Well, I think it feels like things don’t work anymore.

    Narration: On February 1st, up to half a million teachers, civil servants, and train drivers walked out over pay. 

    Simon Weller (Assistant Secretary of ASLEF, UK train union): [Rishi] Sunak you are out of your depth. You’re going to have to come and talk to us, and you’re going to have to come up with the goods.

    Narration: It was the largest coordinated strike action for over a decade.

    Masuma Bari (Secondary English teacher): I mean, if we were being listened to, I wouldn’t be on strike today, I’d be in my classroom right now teaching my year elevens that have got their GCSEs coming up.

    Protesters: Teacher burnout it’s why we have this turn out! 

    Narration: This time, it’s the teachers leading the walkout in what is becoming a battle for dignity and better wages.

    Masuma Bari (Secondary English teacher): It’s not an easy decision to make because obviously students are at the forefront of our mind when we’re striking. This is for our future.This is a future of children as well. But at the same time, you know what future is that? Is that a future where, you know, they’re underfunded, they can’t pay their own rent, they can’t, you know, afford food.They can’t afford their bills.Then what kind of future is that? There’s lots of students that I think want to get into teaching, and they’re now put off because actually they can physically see the struggle.There’s lots of teachers going to food banks.

    Protesters: No wage losses! Overthrow the bosses! 

    Harry (Pupil): Well teachers have, for me at least, gone above and beyond what they’re supposed to do, and have gone beyond what their pay demands them to do and what their job descriptions demand them to do. So that includes like extracurricular clubs, and just supporting me, and just making sure that emotional needs are met and that kind of thing, because underfunding is a big thing in therapy and other things as well, so teachers really have to do it all.

    Jane Carter (Special educational needs teacher): Well for a start we were just shouting a minute ago about, you know, let’s have a laminator, please. I mean, the funding for just basic things. We find as teachers, we’re always buying things, I mean, the funding for just basic things. We find as teachers, we’re always buying things, because there just isn’t anything there. Basic things that people should just have…you know, stationery and all the rest. But, I mean, a lot of our students need specific equipment, you know, particular resources, because they learn differently. And there just isn’t enough funding to be able to afford all of that.

    Melissa Costello (School teacher): We are now at the point where we’re turning off lights and our TV screens and things. Whether we have issues with our heating… we’re trying to, like, only have heating on during the school day. 

    Masuma Bari (Secondary English teacher): Things that students need, they’re not having it. The facilities have been reduced down massively. 

    Harry (Pupil): In a school I was at before it got shut down because of a lack of funding. I’ve been in lessons sometimes and there’s been not enough glue sticks, not enough scissors. It slows down lessons. 

    Dermot Mullin (Assistant head teacher): I’ve seen too many teachers come into the profession and leave too soon because of funding cuts. They’re underfunded, they’re overworked, and we’re not keeping good people. It’s not going to have the best outcome for the pupils, and we’re here for them.

    Leon Brown (Pupil): I’m Leon Brown and I go to Heartlands High School, and I’m here today so that teachers get more pay and teachers get fair pay. 

    Carla (Head of sociology): So at the moment, even within departments specifically for mine – Social Sciences, there’s not a lot of teachers, they’re all leaving.So anyone who’s left in it is taking on double the amount of work. So hours, technically, it’s all day, every day. I work at home as well, not just at school, to get everything done on time. And then at the end of it, when you look at your pay, it’s not matching up.

    Dermot Mullin (Assistant head teacher): We have such a high turnover of staff, where in the place that I’ve worked for five years, we’ve had an entire new staff team because people are seeing that there’s jobs out there that pay more, that require less working hours, and they’re seeing those opportunities and going for them. And we’ve lost too many good people to it. 

    Narration: The striking teachers in the UK are the latest workforce to hit the streets. Their picket lines are supported by other unions, as new battle lines are drawn.

    Will Searby (Acorn Union): This is one of the first, one of the biggest rounds, of coordinated strike action since the Pensions Dispute in 2011. 

    Masuma Bari (Secondary English teacher): It’s incredible, to be honest with you, I think it’s amazing how many people are united at the moment. But actually what’s sad is that there’s so many people out on the streets striking, day in, day out. It’s telling us that actually it’s not just the education sector that’s not being heard, but the transport sector, you know, even the government’s own civil service want to go on strike.

    Chris Marks (Public and commercial services union): Yeah so, I’m a member of the Public and Commercial Services Union. We are a union that represents just shy of 200,000 civil servants and workers that are involved in government contracts. Now the fire fighters are in the frame and we hope that more unions will be joining us soon. Now is the time for escalation.

    Simon Weller (Assistant Secretary of ASLEF, UK train union): Yeah, [un]usually, as a rail worker, we don’t tend to get a lot of public support, but this time round there has been real widespread support for rail workers, for the teachers, for the nurses, because everyone’s in it together.

    Apsana Begum (Labour MP): Since 2010, the devastating effects of austerity on our education system has seen schools be stripped back to the bone.

    Jane Carter (Special educational needs teacher): We went to another school before we came on today. We’re supporting each other, because you can feel quite isolated in your own place. And it’s really important to join up. Schools joining up with other schools, and unions joining up with other unions.

    Narration: But it is the union solidarity, which is scaring the government, whose response is a set of threatening and Draconian laws.

    Carla (Head of sociology): I mean, yes, so the government trying to bring in anti-strike laws is just shocking. And I think, again, it goes against every single thing that they should be doing as a democracy. But when you look from the outside, look at the country and think about that, what they stand for, how does that make any sense whatsoever?

    Narration: In an atmosphere of uncertainty, and with inflation set to rise, many strikers are defiant and willing to go further until their demands are met. 

    Dermot Mullin (Assistant head teacher): I think it’s about perseverance. I think that the strikes are going to need to continue. That, you know, we’ve got three strikes planned again for next month. That’s going to cause a lot of disruption. If it doesn’t change by then, we’re going to have to continue striking. It’s going to come to an ultimatum where they have to make a decision, and it’s about who’s backing down first. And from the spirit of the teaching staff, I don’t think they’re going to be the first ones to do it.


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  • This story originally appeared in Facing South on Feb. 23, 2023. It is shared here under a Creative Commons license.

    In New Orleans in 2023, there are public charter school students who must wait on the dark city streets for school buses to pick them up at 5:30 in the morning. Some travel 90 minutes or more in order to arrive in time for the opening bell, passing three or four other schools along the route. Meanwhile, their parents may report to work at one of the city’s chronically understaffed dollar stores, only to find themselves alone at the register and vulnerable to whatever trouble walks in the door.

    Can theater serve their interests? 

    Curtis Williams believes it can. He organizes with Step Up Louisiana, a member-directed organization that’s working on the school transportation problem and also leading a campaign for safety and better wages in Louisiana’s 1,000 or so dollar stores. It’s not exactly a union drive, because that term can be a conversation stopper in Louisiana. But in theater he sees a possibility to change the parameters of that conversation, to open it up to memory of an obscured history that sparks an imagining of a less brutal future.

    “Theater can play a role,” the former junior high school drama club president told Facing South. “It already does. It can inspire, encourage, and educate.” 

    Now 43, Williams was 16 when his mother was murdered, a case that went cold almost as soon as it happened. At 17 he cared for three siblings, working two full-time jobs to do it. Because of his involvement in drama club, though, he already knew about the slings and arrows of outrageous fortune. And once again today, theater is serving a larger purpose for Williams.

    Step Up, along with New Orleans Workers’ Center for Racial Justice (NOWCRJ), became community partners with Goat in the Road Productions, a New Orleans-based performance ensemble, on their recent production of the play “The Family Line.” It’s about whether a family of Sicilian grocers should join in common cause with a family of Black/Creole grocers in the citywide 1892 general strike, when 30,000 workers — more than half of New Orleans’ workforce — walked off their jobs and won significant concessions.

    In the play, the grocers weigh the risks of striking at a memorial gathering for a fallen comrade, Tesoro. The police said he was killed by “ruffians,” then promptly dropped the case. Ten months have passed since his death. As the character Uncle Pascal says in between jokes, banter, and nips from his flask, “Well, sadness is a trait in my family line. And I cannot escape it, no matter my methods.”

    Co-director Chris Kaminstein explained that a general strike works well as a dramatic device — “as an inflection point around which characters have to make difficult decisions and deal with deep emotions and tensions.”

    As the play begins, the wholesalers have doubled their prices in a single year. The grocers, who extend credit to their communities and have to eat themselves, find themselves reduced to near penury. All they have as an offering for their friend’s memorial altar are small satchels of peanuts, which becomes a running joke. Grocers with peanuts, just peanuts, and one small bouquet of plumeria.

    As friends do, they lick their wounds together, tally their losses, and share their aches and miseries. But the scene is unsettling. These are young people, young working people, but they’ve already been through the wringer. 

    DEZ: I’ve had a broken arm — falling off a ladder painting our shop — a broken nose — isn’t that a story — a broken collarbone — don’t ask, and a swelling up of my feet to the size of watermelons from being upright all day. And that’s just the half of it.

    NATALIA: Me, I have this elbow pain. A tingling in the hands and arms. Something in the knees. And the toothache.

    ISAAC: Dez already told everyone about me.

    DEZ: You also have the knee and lung trouble.

    ISAAC: That too.

    ANNETTE: Uh … Scalded on my back when I worked as a cook, here — the skin was burned and still hasn’t healed right. I can only hear out of this ear. And something that pulses behind the eyes when I don’t get enough sleep. Which is always.

    NATALIA: I couldn’t speak for Tesoro, but I seem to remember … He once broke his fingers, here and here — he nearly lost this one and this one fixing wheels on that damn cart out there … he should be here. Among the peanuts.

    Centering working people

    LaToya Johnson is co-executive director of NOWCRJ, which aims to “end the state-sanctioned exploitation of workers in Louisiana.” To get there, she thinks exposing workers to theater with storylines about collaboration is a smart tactic for movement building. August Wilson’s “Ma Rainey’s Black Bottom,” a play about exploitation of Black artists in the record industry, has been a motivator in her work. She welcomed the partnership with Goat in the Road when she realized the play’s message.

    “We organize across race and class. We’re working against capitalism. That’s what the people in the play were saying, without using those words,” Johnson said. “They don’t have the language for it, but still they did it.”

    During the play’s run, NOWCRJ made a mobile educational display with help from Tulane University, while Step Up held a traditional second line parade. Both organizations also participated in a public discussion after a matinée.

    For Kaminstein, the partnership gave him a glimpse into the difficulty of labor organizing. He saw the need to convince people over and over of the merits — sort of like getting folks to buy theater tickets, he joked.

    “I was impressed by the scale of a general strike,” he told Facing South. “How bad it must have been, how much it must’ve felt like, ‘we can’t go on like this.’”

    “The Family Line” is one of three Reconstruction Trilogy shows produced in recent years by Goat in the Road, along with “The Stranger Disease” about the city’s yellow fever epidemic and “The Uninvited,” about a white mob’s attack on a Black school. All three plays center “working people trying to figure out what to do in the face of something difficult,” as Kaminstein said. Those behind the shows are not pandering to wealthy New Orleans tourists; they have no appetite for it.

    Kaminstein co-directed “The Family Line” with Richon May Wallace, a recent graduate of University of New Orleans’ MFA program. Kaminstein credits her with fine-tuning the show’s emotional dynamics. There’s a bit of cheekiness, flaring tempers, subtle wooing, and a touch of ribaldry. Mostly though, there’s anxiety about the strike, as the militia has been summoned. There’s also grief. They miss Tesoro and his crude jokey insults they’ll never stop laughing about.

    Kaminstein found the past explored by the play eye-opening. “Doing the piece has made me understand more about where we sit historically,” he said. “We think we are the most progressive people ever. But it isn’t true.” He added that he hopes “the buffer of history can allow you to see what’s happening now more clearly.”

    Opening emotional doors

    “The Family Line” was a hit, closing on Jan. 29. There’s now scuttlebutt about it possibly finding a permanent home in New Orleans.

    The city’s historic houses were settings for all of Goat in the Road’s Reconstruction Trilogy plays. The buildings serve as ideal stages for immersive dramas, in which audience members don’t simply consume what others decide to feed but choose which scenes to watch.

    What you take in narratively in “The Family Line,” for example, depends on which of the eight characters you follow through the production’s 12 segments, which are played concurrently in rooms transformed into a bar, the grocery, and a bedroom, and used the existing courtyard and cellar. A bell rings, the show is repeated, and you can follow another character through their sequences. Later your mind knits the pieces together.

    “It’s another way of getting to that same place, finding a way to open people’s emotional doors,” Kaminstein said.

    Another interesting effect of immersion is that you know you’re seeing only part of the story, and it makes you look harder. You know you’ll be seeing it again, but from a different angle. When the story cycles back to the starting point, it’s not a re-do but a supplement. In that way, this art really does imitate life.

    “The Stranger Disease” was the first play in the trilogy, mounted in March 2018, less than two years before the COVID-19 emerged; it imagined characters deciding whether to flee the city’s 1878 yellow fever epidemic. The second play, “The Uninvited,” was presented in January 2020, the same month a far-right mob attacked the U.S. Capitol; it reimagined an actual 1874 attack by a white mob on a Black school next to the Gallier House, where the play was staged.

    The prescience of the works bowled Wallace over. “I can’t wait to see what happens now,” she joked — but she was only halfway kidding.

    One scene in “The Family Line” that stood out for Johnson of the NOWCRJ was the discussion about race between Isaac and Dez, the brother and sister in the Black Creole family. Of the two, only Dez urges the strike. They’re careful to take their disagreement outside to the courtyard where they can speak privately.

    ISAAC: You seem to forget something, Dez.

    DEZ: What is that?

    ISAAC: We are Negroes.

    DEZ: (Bristling) I never forget that.

    ISAAC: If there is anything the wholesalers and monopolists despise more than union action, it is Negro union action.

    DEZ: Our station is lower and so our need is greater.

    ISAAC: And the danger, greater. You remember what happened to those folks in Thibodaux. A lot of good Negroes were murdered for striking in the cane fields.

    DEZ: (He’s proving her point) Yes! Working people are being killed! They die everyday in squalor!  

    “Dez had to convince them to strike because they were in fear of retaliation, or fear they’d lose money,” explained Johnson, who encounters this fear all the time in her own organizing. “They knew the strike was good for the greater cause, but they didn’t want to get involved because it impacted…no…it may have impacted their security.”

    Dez has a singsong phrase she repeats throughout the play almost like a mantra: “There’s no good in a General Strike unless folks strike generally.” Christine, who is older and a midwife, redirects her thought, telling her, “…change comes from the whispering soul, not the relentless politician.” Dez’s bravado falls away, she reaches for her friend’s embrace, and allows both Christine’s insight and loving arms to hold her just for a breath or two.

    It turns out that among them there is a whispering soul: Uncle Pascal. He was in the store when Tesoro was killed. The memories are shadowy. But a moment presents itself, and when it’s time for him to recognize the truth, he can and does. The recognition spreads. Suddenly, things that were not possible, become possible.

    “I have seen enough tragedy to last a lifetime,” Christine says, “and enough miracles to last two.” 

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.



  • Building on a series of blows to Starbucks on Wednesday, a federal administrative law judge found the coffee giant “committed hundreds of unfair labor practices” at stores in and near Buffalo, New York, the origin of a national unionization wave.

    In a lengthy ruling, the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) judge, Michael A. Rosas, called out the Seattle-based company for “egregious and widespread misconduct demonstrating a general disregard for the employees’ fundamental rights.”

    The judge ordered Starbucks to cease a long list of anti-union activities, rehire illegally fired employees, reimburse those impacted by unlawful conduct, rescind disciplinary actions, and reopen closed stores.

    Rebecca Givan, an associate professor of labor studies at Rutgers University, told The Washington Post that “to order a company to reopen stores that it’s closed should be embarrassing for Starbucks.”

    Rosas also ordered “a meeting or meetings scheduled to ensure the widest possible attendance,” during which a notice to the employees and an explanation of rights will be read by CEO Howard Schultz, senior vice president of U.S. operations Denise Nelson, or an NLRB agent. A video of the reading must be distributed to workers electronically or by mail.

    In an emailed statement to Bloomberg, Starbucks said that “we believe the decision and the remedies ordered are inappropriate given the record in this matter and are considering all options to obtain further legal review.”

    The outlet noted that “rulings by NLRB judges can be appealed to labor board members in Washington, and can then be appealed into federal appeals court. The agency can order policies changed and workers reinstated, but lacks authority to hold executives personally liable or make companies pay punitive damages for violations.”

    Meanwhile, Starbucks employees from the area and across the United States celebrated the “historic” ruling. Local organizer and barista Michael Sanabria declared that “after waiting through months of stalling tactics and the slow wheel of justice to turn, this will reinvigorate and re-energize the momentum of this movement.”

    Gary Bonadonna Jr., manager of the Starbucks Workers United Rochester regional joint board, said that “when workers launched their organizing campaign in the summer of 2021, we never could have imagined the lengths Starbucks would go to try to stop employees from exercising their legal right to organize.”

    “This ruling proves what we have been saying all along—Starbucks is the poster child of union-busting in the United States,” Bonadonna added. “We are thrilled that the company is being held accountable for their actions and we will continue to fight until every Starbucks worker wins the right to organize.”

    The ruling came after dozens of white-collar Starbucks workers on Wednesday endorsed a letter calling out the company for requiring them to return to the office and interfering with the unionization efforts at stores nationwide.

    Also on Wednesday, Senate Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions Committee Chair Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) announced that next week the panel will vote on whether to subpoena Schultz, who has refused to testify voluntarily.

    “Tough day for Starbucks and its CEO,” More Perfect Union tweeted Wednesday night. “They might want to consider not engaging in constant, illegal union-busting.”

    This post was originally published on Common Dreams.

  • Rep. Mark Takano is planning to introduce a proposal that would shorten the standard work week in the U.S. to four days as the idea gains traction in Washington. Takano, a Democrat from California, is planning to reintroduce a bill that would amend the Fair Labor Standards Act to establish a standard work week that is 32 hours rather than 40, amounting to four eight-hour workdays.

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions (HELP) Committee Chair Bernie Sanders (I-Vermont) announced on Wednesday that he is setting up a vote on subpoenaing Starbucks CEO Howard Schultz after Schultz refused Sanders’s request to testify about the company’s rampant union busting last month. Sanders said that Schultz’s avoidance of the request has “given us no choice but to subpoena him” and…

    Source

  • From unions in the United States fighting to save our supply chain from the destruction wrought by corporate tycoons, Wall Street vampires, and bought-off politicians, to the National Union of Rail, Maritime, and Transport Workers (RMT) leading the fight against austerity politics and ruling-class union busting in the United Kingdom, to rail workers with the General Confederation of Labour (CGT) in France joining their compatriots in the streets in a general strike against President Emmanuel Macron’s neoliberal attack on the country’s beloved pension system, rail workers around the world are fighting different battles in the same war: the class war. In this special international episode, we bring together a panel of rail workers from the US, UK, and France to talk about what they are up against, what the struggle looks like in their corners of the world, and what we can all do to connect those struggles and build international worker solidarity. Panelists include: Ross Grooters of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers and Trainmen (BLET) and Railroad Workers United in the US; Cat Cray and Clayton Clive of the RMT in the UK; Matthieu Bolle-Reddat of the CGT Cheminots Versailles in France.

    Additional links/info below…

    Permanent links below…

    Featured Music (all songs sourced from the Free Music Archive: freemusicarchive.org)

    • Jules Taylor, “Working People Theme Song

    Post-production: Jules Taylor

    This story, with the support of the Bertha Foundation, is part of The Real News Network’s Workers of the World series, telling the stories of workers around the globe building collective power and redefining the future of work on their own terms.


    Transcript

    Ross Grooters:  Hello everybody. I’m Ross Grooters. I’m a co-chair with Railroad Workers United, and I work as a freight locomotive engineer.

    Cat Cray:  Hi everyone. My name’s Cat Cray, and I work for The Tube on London Underground. I work on the stations. I’m a health and safety rep for the RMT Union.

    Clayton Clive:  Hi, I’m Clayton. I work on the railway as a train conductor in the UK. I’m also an RMT branch secretary for the Manchester South Branch.

    Matthieu Bolle-Reddat:  Hello everybody. Thank you, Max, for your kind invitation. I’m Matthieu. I’m a train driver in Paris, in Versailles, basically the city neighbor of Paris. I’m general secretary of the TGT Trade Union of Railway Workers in Versailles.

    Maximillian Alvarez:  All right. Well, welcome, everyone, to another episode of Working People, a podcast about the lives, jobs, dreams, and struggles of the working class today. Brought to you in partnership within In These Times magazine and The Real News Network, produced by Jules Taylor, and made possible by the support of listeners like you.

    As y’all heard, we have a really exciting and really special episode for y’all today. We told y’all in the last episode that season six was going to start with a bang and that we’ve got a whole hell of a lot of work to do. We are making good on that promise because, as you guys probably know, whether or not you follow our Working People social media accounts where we’re trying to post updates on this stuff daily, but even if you don’t follow those, I’m sure you’ve been hearing the news that shit is popping off in the UK, shit is popping off in France, and shit continues to deteriorate and we are going to get to the popping off point. Don’t you worry about that here in the United States.

    We’ve been doing our best to cover the myriad of strikes going on in the UK. As you guys may remember, we were honored to have Cat and Clayton on the show back in the summer, where we were also joined by the Great Gaz Jackson and Mel Mullings, also of the RMT, where we had a big panel talking about the rolling strikes that the RMT rail workers have been waging over in the UK. Those continue as we speak, but they are not alone. As we have seen over the course of the past six, seven months, more and more workers across the United Kingdom are hitting the picket line and saying enough is enough, from the postal workers to civil servants, to teachers and university workers, to nurses at the NHS. It’s a really, really vital time right now as workers in the UK, like workers across Europe, in the United States, and around the world, are facing a cost of living crisis.

    Gas and energy prices are through the roof, rent is through the roof. Wages are not through the roof. As always, workers are really bearing the burden of the rigged economic system that we have today. Workers are, as I said, hitting the streets to fight back, taking industrial action, collective action. We all need to support them however we can, but they are really up against it. They are up against years and decades of austerity politics. As we speak, Prime Minister Rishi Sunak and the Tory Government are trying to force through a draconian anti-strike law that would essentially force any union taking industrial action or going on strike, as we say here in the US, would have to essentially cross their own picket lines and maintain a level of “minimum service” during a strike.

    Like if the RMT goes on strike, if the nurses go on strike, teachers, anyone, they have to maintain a government determined level of minimum service to essentially minimize the damage that a strike causes, when causing that kind of damage is exactly the fucking point of a strike.

    At the same time, you know that we have been covering relentlessly the crisis on the rail system here in the United States. Ross and I have had a number of occasions to collaborate together for other podcasts and YouTube shows and live streams that we’ve put on at The Real News and elsewhere. But this is actually the first time that we’ve been honored to have them on Working People, so I’m very excited about that.

    But yeah, all the stuff that we covered last year on the US Freight Rail System is not getting any fucking better. In fact, it’s all getting worse. As we speak right now, there’s a giant flame ball in Ohio because Norfolk Southern had another goddamn derailment. I’ve already lost count of all the derailments that Norfolk Southern alone has had since scab Joe Biden forced rail workers to accept a contract back in late November to “avert a national rail shutdown”.

    And then, lo and behold, after Biden and Congress essentially gave the rail carriers who have destroyed the railroads by destroying railroad workers, gave them everything that they wanted, and since then, the rail companies have just been jacking up their stock buybacks, laughing all the way to the bank, derailment after derailment has been happening. And now in Ohio, a truly catastrophic derailment has taken place where a train carrying a lot of hazardous materials has just derailed. Now authorities are doing a “controlled explosion”, essentially burning all of that hazardous material. We’re inevitably going to find out about how that is poisoning the entire area. We’re already getting horrific reports of animals and fish dying in the area. That’s a story that is unfolding as we speak, but it really underscores the severity of everything that rail workers were telling us all throughout last year.

    Ross and Railroad Workers United have been invaluable in getting those worker voices and perspectives out there in the public. I’m genuinely honored and excited to have Ross on the same call here as Cat and Clayton. We’re going to do a little bit of editing magic because our boy Matthieu Bolle-Reddat of the CGT in France is on the streets as we are recording this, so Matt and I are going to record separately, and we’re going to splice his answers to the questions we’re going to talk about here today into the final conversation. For you guys, it’ll seem like we’re all just having a continuous conversation, but we want to acknowledge that Matthieu is on the streets right now because French workers, not just rail workers like Matthieu, but like they did three years ago in 2019 and the beginning of 2020, French workers are striking across France against President Emmanuel Macron’s neoliberal efforts to raise the retirement age, revamp the country’s beloved pension system. French workers are fucking pissed about it.

    In true French fashion, they are hitting the streets to let the establishment know just how they feel. We’re sending all our love and solidarity to Matthieu. We look forward to recording with him separately and including him in the final version of this conversation. But if you guys haven’t already, you should go check out the episode that we released three years ago with Matthieu and seven other French workers who were participating in that general strike when Macron first tried to revamp the pension system. You should go check out the interview that I did with Matthieu for Breaking Points recently, where we talked about why he and his fellow workers are fighting so hard to save their pension system against this neoliberal attack.

    That is the lay of the land. I apologize for talking so much upfront, but I just wanted to make sure that everyone listening to this understands, A, from a bird’s eye view level what is going on in the US, the UK, and France, to try to pull together those threads that we’ve been reporting on on this podcast and at The Real News over the past year, but this is really the first time that we’ve been able to bring those threads together to get rail workers in the US, the UK, and France on the same episode, which I think is really, really important and exciting.

    We’re going to turn things over to our amazing guests now to hear from them about how situations in these respective countries have developed since we last checked in with them, where things currently stand with the strikes, with the anti-strike laws, with the top-down pension reforms. But also, we want to talk about where things are headed, what we all across the UK, France, the US and around the world can do to support our fellow workers in their struggles, and also what workers in those countries can do and are doing to support one another, because that is ultimately what we need to really drive home here. The capitalist class does not play by national rules or limit itself to national boundaries, and so we cannot either. Solidarity must be international. We are, again, very honored to have our four guests here to talk to us and to put that principle into practice.

    That’s enough from me. Why don’t we go to our amazing panel now. Ross, I want to start with you because, like I said, we were interviewing rail workers for the better part of the past year about the crisis on the railroads, the long path that got us here, what was going to happen if a national rail strike or rail lockout occurred in September or December, all crescendoing in a big, sloppy wet fart of a betrayal when President Joe Biden, the “most pro-union president we’ve ever seen”, urged Congress to force rail workers to accept a contract that the majority of rail workers voted against, and essentially make a national rail strike illegal.

    I wanted to ask you, for our listeners, what’s been going on for rail workers since then? Can you give us an update over the past couple months on, has any of this gotten better? What you and your fellow workers are taking from the whole saga of the past three years, what you think folks out there listening need to be paying attention to?

    Ross Grooters:  Sure. Thanks Max. You talked about starting off this season with a bang, and you already talked about what’s happened in Ohio. That’s something we’ve definitely been trying to say is a real possibility. We saw the same thing in Lac-Mégantic, Canada, almost a decade ago now. It’s not a matter of if these things are going to happen, it is when and where. We’ve been trying to share that for a long time now, going back to resolutions against these long and heavy trains that the carriers have been trying to run.

    There are safety measures that can be implemented. Any time there’s a big accident like in East Palestine, there’s no one cause, there’s a series of failures. Unfortunately, the response is usually to blame workers. The last point of contact is just, hey, it’s something that the operator did, or, it’s maintenance of an individual car. No, it’s not. It’s systemic. These things have been building to this point for decades.

    One of the things that really shocked me last year in the middle of the contract fight was we had a major derailment in my area. I went to look for news about that derailment, and it hadn’t been posted yet. There weren’t media stories out. But what I saw was over the last year, year and a half, so many derailments in my state that I did not even know about. It used to be that when there was a derailment, there’d be a big safety briefing. There would always be talk about what had happened. It would be a distinct enough event that we as workers would be finding out what happened, what went wrong, and why. It’s become so commonplace to experience these kinds of events that we’re not even… We don’t even know all of the derailments that are happening. It’s that bad.

    When we talk about labor, of course we did get forced back to work, but the organizing hasn’t stopped. We definitely want to push for a nationalization of our system. Hopefully that’s a little bit better than what we experience with some of our colleagues across the pond, but that’s definitely been a conversation we’ve been having with rail workers and our allies. That’s something we’re going to continue to push. The best way we can fight is to go on the offensive. This is a way for us to take the fight directly to these greedy corporations that are making billions of dollars and sacrificing communities like East Palestine for Wall Street profits.

    Maximillian Alvarez:  Just to flesh that out a tiny bit more, for folks who maybe don’t remember all the conversations that we had on this show alone last year. Because the thing I always think of is when I interviewed a longtime train dispatcher, Jay, who talked about, predicted in very painful detail — And I know he’s not the only one. Like you said, you guys have been warning about this shit for a long time — But it just really struck me that when I interviewed Jay back in the summer, he was like, let me paint a hypothetical scenario to you of how and why a train derailment where a train carrying hazardous materials derails near a population center and how of much of a clusterfuck that’s going to be. And then here we are with the horrific situation in East Palestine that looks so much like what Jay described. Could you say a little bit more, Ross, about how this is the product of those long brewing, systemic issues that you and other rail workers were railing about last year to anyone who would actually listen?

    Ross Grooters:  Yeah, thanks Max. I tend to look at root causes. I think this is… We’re going to find this is true when we talk to all of our panel, I hope. But what the problem is, is we’re having fewer workers do more work more quickly, and it just creates this perfect storm of unsafe conditions. The rolling stock isn’t being inspected properly, the track isn’t being inspected properly, the locomotives don’t work properly. We’re all doing this under increasingly stressful circumstances where we’re fatigued, and there’s not a margin of error anymore. These things just compound and create these situations where these failures are going to occur.

    The carrier response is largely reactionary, no big surprise. It is to blame the worker. Even the contract fight that we had, we’re starting to win that narrative, that battle, so the carrier response is one that’s reactionary. We saw CSX give some employees some paid sick time. That didn’t happen because CSX is a benevolent corporation; that happened because we stood up and fought for it. They’re not going to do enough and we’re going to have to keep pushing them, or we’re going to have to just take it back and run it for the benefit of our nation’s freight infrastructure. Hopefully that answers your question, Max.

    Maximillian Alvarez:  Oh yeah. No, that was great. Again, you guys listening, know RWU Railroad Workers United is really leading the charge here. I would highly recommend folks check out their proposal to nationalize the railroads in the US. That is a policy proposal that tries to address these systemic issues in a way that President Biden’s Presidential Emergency Board really fucking didn’t back in the summer, or the contract that was forced down workers’ throats doesn’t address those root causes. If we want these things to stop happening, maybe we should listen to workers themselves about how to fix the root problem.

    Now, Cat, Clayton, I wanted to turn things over to you. I feel like you’ve got a tall task here because so much has happened since we spoke last with our fellow panelists in I think that was early July. Since then, you’ve had a rotating carousel of prime ministers: Boris Johnson, Liz Truss, Rishi Sunak. You’ve had this explosion of industrial action, the likes of which we haven’t seen in the UK in many, many years. And now we’ve got this anti-strike law that the Tories are trying to force through. I didn’t want to make you feel like you have to address everything that’s happened, but for each of y’all, could you walk listeners through a bit about how the situation has evolved with the RMT and across the UK since we last recorded together in the summer?

    Cat Cray:  Yeah. The last time we spoke last summer, we were one of very few unions taking national or local strike action in the United Kingdom. Roll on to today, and it’s popping off all over the place. We’ve seen unions who haven’t taken strike action in their lifetime — The RCN, the Royal College of Nurses who have never done a strike quite like the one that they undertook recently in their 100-plus years history, down to unions more akin in taking action to the RMT. As you said in your introduction, civil servants, ambulance workers, nurses, posties from the Communication Workers Union, you name it. That has risen and risen and risen.

    We’ve had three different Prime Ministers. Our queen died and we got a king. No chance for the republic just yet. Such a shame. Although we do have a current prime minister who is richer than our new king. All gets very confusing, all these billionaires.

    But what hasn’t changed is the cost of living crisis. What hasn’t changed is our gas and electricity bills. What hasn’t changed is how much we’re paying in rent, how much we’re paying in mortgages. None of those things have changed, and people are fighting back. We are seeing a more coordinated approach, not quite what you could define as in general strike, but as close as we’re going to get, and people saying, enough is enough. I should earn enough money to pay my bills. I should earn enough money to pay my bills and put a bit away to save. I should earn enough money to pay my bills and be able to go on holiday. All of those things. We’re in the swirling maelstrom of various strike action. Certain employers giving certain offers all over. Clayton I’m sure will speak more about the offer that was rejected today nationally on the railways.

    On London Underground, what has changed since last July is that they carry on trying to attack our terms and conditions, exactly as Ross said, less of us to do more work. That fundamental issue comes from a central withdrawing of funding.

    Around that – Because I work in public transport, it’s not freight. I move people around from A to B – Is the fundamental question of what service does public transport provide to society? Which is about more than profit and is more complex than proving it makes X amount of money; getting kids to school so they can get an education, getting people to their medical appointments, getting people from A to B so they can meet friends for their own mental health, so they can access open space in a big, sprawling city such as London. The riches are vast and great, but under the guise of capitalism, it’s not unless it makes a profit.

    Maximillian Alvarez:  Just to really underscore what Cat said there, I was reading as much as I could to prepare for this recording. There was a great interview that the Tribune published with a number of workers from different industries who are taking industrial action. I’m going to read a quote here from a civil servant named Maya Kahn who was interviewed for that piece. Here is what Maya describes, to really drill home for you guys what Cat is describing here with the cost of living crisis, what we’re talking about here. If you’re listening to this, you probably are feeling it yourself. Everyone knows that the cost of everything, from eggs to heating your house, is just astronomical, and something’s got to give. to really put a fine point on that, here’s what Maya Khan told the Tribune:

    “I sit at home with multiple jumpers and pairs of socks on. I don’t turn the lights on unless it’s absolutely necessary. All the dishes get washed using cold water. It’s very uncomfortable living like this. It’s difficult when you have to make concessions in order to be able to travel to the office just to do your job. My commute is particularly long and expensive. I tried doing the math to see if it would be cheaper traveling into the office more often where it’s warm instead of turning the heating on at home, but it turns out I can’t afford either.”

    That’s what we’re fucking talking about here. When we say cost of living crisis, we mean a goddamn crisis for working people. Clayton, I want to bring you in here and ask, if you could to hop in, speak to whatever’s on the table or bring in anything else that we’re currently missing from your side of the struggle.

    Clayton Clive:  Yeah. It feels like a long time ago, July, doesn’t it? I suppose that’s because it was, but not… It sort of felt like, in our dispute in particular, not much really happened in this period of time. We finally got an offer a few weeks ago. The offer was a pay cut, basically. It was 5% next year, 4% next year. Nothing about the two years that there was no pay raise. And it was attached to closing every ticket office, tearing apart terms and conditions in a way that people who are usually based in one location could be sent to other locations and they’d get no travel time for that anymore, tearing up your sick pay conditions and stuff like that. They were talking about maybe having to be sick for three days before you get sick pay, and all sorts of attacks on everything that we’ve got for a pay cut. It wasn’t even an offer. It was like, we’re going to tear up everything you’ve got, and we’ll give you a pay cut in return, and you should be grateful for it.

    Thankfully, we’ve rejected the offer now, the union, and held a consultation period for branches. Branches sent responses and the executive has chosen to reject the deal without a referendum of every member. In what was a very long, feels like three weeks, maybe, it’s been since we got the offer, it feels like that was too long to reject something that’s so awful and probably didn’t really need consultation to know that that’s the right thing to do is reject that. Because we should be fighting for a no-strings pay raise. Our annual pay negotiations are always based on not selling anything, no strings that are attached. But for some reason, this time around we’re in this position where the government is pulling the strings and has demanded you’ve got to have all these cuts for a few percent.

    Things are going in the right direction. At least we’ve had an offer now. That’s something. The action escalated over December and January. In the run-up to that, we were taking a couple of days every month, maybe only one day, one month, and then we didn’t have any action when the queen died.

    It’s all felt very slow and stagnant for a while until we got that offer. It’s been nice as well now seeing other strikes, because we had four days over four weeks. We doubled our action in the space of a month. By the end of those picket lines, we’re all a bit tired and weary and worse for wear. Then a week or so later I went to one of the Royal College of Nurses picket lines. It was nice to see a picket line that was full of enthusiasm again, and cheering, and getting beeps and having a great time, whereas we were all a bit tired because it’s been cold and wet and miserable, and we were thinking, remember when we were on strike in summer and it was nice weather and it felt like a good party? It’s been good to see that.

    I think one of the most touching things, as well, is when you speak to people from other unions, quite a lot of people say to you when they find out you’re in the RMT, this is thanks to you. It’s not thanks to us. You’ve organized your members. You’ve got people to vote for action. You’ve done all that work. It’s nothing to do with us. But they like to tell you that it’s thanks to the RMT. You’ve kicked this off and started something. It’s very flattering and kind. It gives you a bit of hope, especially when you need a bit of hope to carry on when it felt like the dispute was stagnating, then there does need to be an escalation of action. Now that this offer has been rejected, hopefully action will be escalated, because that’s going to be the only way to get an acceptable offer that isn’t selling your soul.

    Ross Grooters:  It’s amazing for me to hear what you’re talking about, Clayton, because it was much the same way here in the United States when we were going through negotiations. Not only do these companies not want to give us an adequate pay raise that is going to ensure that we keep up with cost of living, but they want to take back all of these gains that have been made in the past, and they want to make the job even more unbearable than it already is. It’s the same thing. They’re trying to have both things at once.

    To me, it’s like, well, okay, if you want those things, if you want to subject your workers to that, shut up and pay me. At least give me money if you’re going to ensure that my work is going to be miserable. Otherwise, I want to have some quality and some downtime and some ability to be able to decompress on the job so that I know that I’m doing it safely. It’s just amazing to see the parallels there. I’m sure it’s a little bit different in the public arena, Cat, but it probably is also very similar.

    Cat Cray:  I suspect what we all have in common across our industries, be it freight people, be it national rail, be it the tube in London, or the metro system in New York, the bosses’ language is so deliberately gentle and absolutely insincere, and talking about wanting to modernize and catch up with the times. Actually, what they mean is we want to cut you to the bone. We want you to do more with less. We’re going to cut the maintenance down. We’re going to give you more extreme shifts. And you should be thanking us for it.

    I get really wound up reading the political games they play with language, just like with how they talk about trade unionism and us being dinosaurs, or union general secretaries being Barons and bosses, and our bosses being leaders. This use of trickery in the linguistics that our bosses use is not unnoticed, and important that we talk about it.

    Maximillian Alvarez:  Well, on that note — And I promise we’re going to go to Matthieu in a second to hear about how things are looking in the French context — but I just wanted to hover over this for a second. Because I think, for me, one of the things that really became clearer since we recorded that episode with Cat, Clayton, Mel, and Gaz back in July, again, simultaneously, for Working People, for the Real News, Breaking Points, I was running around trying to cover the crisis on the US freight rail system as much as I could, along with my colleague Mel Buer. I think that side of things, what you guys were just saying, the language of the bosses, the ways that the companies were justifying what they’re doing to you all and your fellow workers, that seemed eerily similar, direct echoes of each other.

    Obviously, here in the US, it was very accentuated by the fact that… We’re talking about one of, if not the most profitable industries in the country. Wall Street has figured out that it can extract a shit ton of money from the railroads. Warren Buffet is laughing all the way to the bank right now. I think I got really obsessed with that side of things, until Joe Biden and Congress came and fucked everything up and then we got to talk about how they’re screwing everyone as well.

    But it became clear to me as I was watching the updates from you, Cat, you, Clayton, Mel, Gaz, other folks at the RMT, that the government in the UK is playing a more outsized role in fucking up these negotiations than maybe I initially understood. It makes more sense now as we see this rising working class rebellion, this class solidarity, this genuine frustration and anguish and pain over the cost of living crisis, over the results of working after decades of austerity measures, job cuts, cost cutting measures, so on and so forth, people rising up and saying, we can’t make it if we keep going down this road. Something’s got to change.

    Yet, the Tories are ramping up the anti-worker shit. They’re responding to this by not taking the radical action necessary, or at least radical in the right direction. They’re trying to essentially undercut workers’ ability to collectively take action to address these things.

    That is something that we here in the US are also facing. Because we have a very reactionary Supreme Court that is now fully in the majority with its Trump appointees. It’s firmly in the far right majority. They’re going to be wreaking havoc on the American public for many years to come.

    Right now, the Supreme Court is hearing a case called Glacier Northwest Inc. v. The International Brotherhood of Teamsters Local 174. This is a case out of Washington State. I won’t go into the whole details here. We will link for listeners to an interview that I did for Breaking Points where we, me and Terry Gerstein, unpacked what this Supreme Court case is all about and why it’s so dangerous. But what you need to know is that, essentially, if the Supreme Court rules the way we think it’s going to, what the implications of this case would be, that employers can sue unions into oblivion for economic damages incurred during industrial action or strike action, which again, is the whole goddamn point of a strike.

    You’re going to have a real chilling effect where people make the cost-benefit analysis: is it worth taking the risk to go on strike if the company can try to basically sue us out of existence? That is one method that the ruling class here, and the employer serving class, is trying to undercut workers’ collective labor power, at the same time that the Tory Government in the UK is trying to, as I mentioned before, push through a law that would force workers to cross their own picket lines if and when they take industrial action.

    I just wanted to make sure that that connection was also brought into the conversation. Clayton, Cat, I wanted to ask if you could say a little bit about what the fuck the Tories are thinking, or the role that the government is playing in all of this that we’re talking about right now?

    Cat Cray:  None of it is a surprise. None of it is new. There’s a bit more energy behind trying to get it through the various stages. It has to go in Parliament to make it happen. We already have had, in our history and in our union’s history, the National Union of Seamen, the NUS, which merged with the National Union of Railwomen, the NUR, and became the RMT. The reason that happened was essentially because the government forced the NUS to be so financially culpable, it was broke. The reason that RMT exists is because of very similar reasons to the court case that you mentioned.

    Our government will use any means necessary. It doesn’t really matter which party is in power. They will always paint workers as being unreasonable for asking for reasonable things, for fighting for reasonable things, and for withdrawing our labor for reasonable things. We’re essentially being perpetually gaslighted. Various different tactics are being used, including forcing us to be scabs, to completely neutralize the effects of withdrawing our labor, which is our fundamental and democratic right. And I don’t think it needs to be more complicated than that. We just need to remember we’re not being unreasonable. We’re being perfectly reasonable. The sign of a healthy democracy is our right to strike and withdraw our labor. Therefore, for people to experience the impact of that, and therefore to realize our worth. It’s not complicated.

    Clayton Clive:  I don’t think there’s very much for me to add. Thanks for doing that so well. One thing that came to mind, though, is I remember a few years ago I was at an RMT Young Members Conference, and we had some international guests. We had a worker there from Texas. I’d been on strike at the time for a long time because they were trying to remove train guards from the train.

    He informed me about the right-to-work clause and how he couldn’t strike in Texas. I was like, man, I thought you were from the land of the free. He sort of looks at me a bit mortified, not sure what to think about that. But it completely blew me away that there was somewhere in the Western world that strikes would be illegal when it’s such a fundamental part of democracy, like Cat says.

    If you can’t withdraw your labor, you’re basically a surf, aren’t you? You are effectively an indentured laborer, but without the land you get at the end of your internment. I think with the Tories, they try and portray themselves as wanting a high wage economy and wanting low taxes and high wages. Then when some people gather up and they say, oh, we want high wages, the mask slips a little bit. They’re like, oh no. Oh no, we don’t want you to get high wages that way. No, we weren’t talking about high wages for you, we were talking about high wages for us.

    I’m not entirely convinced, even if it could get through all the laws, that it’s feasible and possible. How do people choose who’s going to work and who’s not? If it does become law, we just have to hope that there is enough courage for the trade union movement to embrace the traditions of civil disobedience, which we’ve ignored for a very long time.

    Maximillian Alvarez:  Well, and the elephant in the room, to also add to this, is that for rail workers, as Ross can attest here in the US, that right has already essentially been stripped. I started reporting on the clusterfuck on the railroads this time last year when I learned that 17,000 conductors and engineers for BNSF railway, which, again, is owned by Berkshire Hathaway, which is owned by Warren Buffet, had a district court block them from striking because it would do undue harm, irreparable harm to the supply chain. Part, I swear to God, half of my reporting or screaming last year throughout this whole saga was just trying to explain to people that labor relations on the railroads are not governed by the National Labor Relations Act, they’re governed by the Railway Labor Act, which was rammed through a century ago to essentially make it next to impossible for railroad workers to be able to strike. Ross, sorry, I cut you off there.

    Ross Grooters:  No, you’re great. Yeah, that’s exactly right, Max. People lose sight of that. It wasn’t really congressional action late last year that forced us to return to work. That was already predetermined under the RLA, which passed almost a hundred years ago. I’ll leave it to Cat and Clayton to make any remarks about the dead, but I’m a little more optimistic, because here’s the RMP existing and outliving Boris and Lizzy. It’s great that we can have this conversation, because I think that as workers, the more we realize our power, the more we realize these laws don’t really matter. They’re just made up.

    If we look at the history of unions, they were all born out of class struggle. I’m sorry, unions started from nothing before. If they take away our financial instruments, our organizations, we can come together and rebuild those things, and maybe make them better. The phoenix rises from the ashes. I don’t want to lose my union. I am a BLET member. We’re part of the Teamsters Rail Conference. I hope they prevail in that court case. But if they don’t, I think we’re going to survive, and we’re going to find ways to do things even better.

    Cat Cray:  No one should be surprised by how broken and unfair any judicial system is. Let’s look at who wrote those laws and why, and then let’s look at who rewrote those laws and why, and then let’s look at who’s trying to rewrite those laws and why. It’s a rotten system. It’s rigged. Of course, we should fight and appeal against it, but we should also retain our right to conduct civil disobedience and to say, we do not accept this law. There’s more of us than there are of them. We’re organized. We’re more democratic than they are. We can beat them.

    Maximillian Alvarez:  Speaking of which, this seems like a perfect segue to bringing our boy Matthieu back into the conversation. Matthieu, I apologize, because I know that I already asked you to do this when we recorded our interview for Breaking Points, but I’m going to make you do it again for Working People listeners who may not have seen that interview, and also put that in conversation with everything that we’re talking about here with Ross, Cat, and Clayton.

    No one does civil disobedience like the French. We first connected three years ago when you and your fellow workers were waging what became a general strike across the country against Emmanuel Macron’s proposed changes to the country’s beloved pension system. You guys were shutting shit down. This was right before COVID hit and turned our world upside down. Now Macron, after getting elected again — He’s now in his second and final term — As you told me on Breaking Points, he’s doing it again. He’s trying to do it again.

    For Working People listeners, who maybe last heard from you three years ago right before COVID when we did that big compilation episode, I was wondering if you could give folks the backstory here: what was going on in 2019 and 2020 with the strikes, the pension reforms then? If you could walk us through the events from then to now, and tell listeners a bit more about what those strikes look like, who is involved, and why workers like yourself are fighting so hard to save this pension system that it would bring millions of people out to the streets.

    Matthieu Bolle-Reddat:  As you know, the trade union, the French Trade Union movement, is involved now in the biggest strike in the 21 century in France against pension law, to break our pension system by President Macron. Of course, the roots of this strike, it’s from… In 2019, where President Macron tried for the first time to break our pension system. We organized in this period a huge general strike in France, in the entire country, and the railway worker, and the underground workers, and camaraderie from refinery, and the artists, and the comrades from the collecting garbage in Paris was in the front line, in the vanguard of this movement, because we do an unlimited strike during two months from December in 2019 until February, 2020. And just before the lockdown of the country because of the COVID situation, President Macron took back his bill, so we win in this period.

    Now, just after his second term of election, he comes back with a new law. It’s why since the middle of January there were five days of general strike in France to fight that.

    Why President Macron wants to break our pension system? Because this pension system is one of the keys of our social security system in France. As you know, maybe, our social security system in France, it comes from the fight during the resistance against Nazi fascist occupation during World War II. The working class, and especially the CGT Union was in the vanguard of this fight inside the countries. We were underground. We take care of weapons. We do sabotage to the right way, et cetera. We fight against the occupation, not just against the Nazis, not just against fascism, not just against foreign army occupation, but for a purpose. Of course, liberate the country, but create and build a new society with more rights to the working class, more socialist society.

    It was the act of beginning our social security system. Our social security system is very important for us because it gives to our people the best system of pension in all of the world. For example, we have a tiny number of pensioner people in the world. In our country, you don’t need to work when you are in retirement. You don’t need to have wages because your pension is too low. That’s very precious for us, and we will fight to keep it.

    Now, in France, the common law is you can become a pensioner at 62. In the railway, it’s 57. For the driver, it’s 52. Of course, it’s young if you compare it to the USA, but it’s a philosophy point for us. You have to work. We work hard during our life to give, to create beautiful things, to create the welfare of the world, that after we have the right to take rest. To take rest, not just when you are too sick or too old to work, but the right to take rest and take care of you, take care of your family. That’s the purpose of the pension and of our retirement system. That’s why we fight for that. We fight to defend it.

    The bill of Macron now, it’s to destroy the system, and for everybody in France to work two years more for a low pension, lower than our guarantee now. It’s totally crazy, because they say we have to save money, the pension system is too expensive, and blah, blah. When we created this system, it was just after World War II, when the country was totally destroyed, when the economy was collapsed, when you had to buy your bread with some tickets, and when there was no money. Now, we are within the six most powerful countries in the world. How can you say there is no money for that?

    It’s a choice of society. You can spend billions to buy weapons, to buy canons, to buy ammunition, et cetera, et cetera. Okay? You can spend money for that, but you can’t spend money for your people, for the old people, for curing sickness, et cetera, et cetera? That’s the American way, but definitely not our way. It’s why we fight for that, for our rights, but for our way of life. It’s inheritance, it’s a legacy for our fathers and grandfathers who fought for that. It’s very important to keep it with respect to our father and grandfather, and by love to our children.

    Maximillian Alvarez:  All right. Already, just hearing from all of you, from across the Atlantic Ocean, from the UK, France, across the US, I’ll admit I really needed this conversation. I think, like I imagine all of you, I was feeling very burnt out, a bit demoralized after last year because we fought so hard to get this stuff into public consciousness, seeing all this great grassroots momentum, and then just seeing the establishment striking back, remembering what we’re really up against. The mainstream media has been absolutely dogshit in the UK, in the US, and I imagine in France. We really are up against imposing and formidable forces. But as Cat said so beautifully, there are more of us than there are of them. We do have more power than they do if we are working together. That’s not just in our respective countries. That is where our strength can come from internationally as well.

    I wanted to end up there. I want us to do another turn around the table and talk about where, as of now, we’re recording this on Friday, Feb. 10, 2023, where in the situation of railroad workers in the US, we’re already approaching the next contract negotiation period, and as we said, as we are recording this, there is just absolute disaster in East Palestine, Ohio that continues to unfold, the Supreme Court case hearing continues to unfold, so a lot is in motion right now. Same in the UK. A number of unions and workforces are waging many days of strike action this month. We’ll see where that is going. Emmanuel Macron does not seem to be budging yet, and so we imagine that workers in France are going to continue to ramp up the pressure there, continue to hit the streets.

    I wanted to go around the table one more time and ask you guys, first, where you see all of this going in your respective countries and beyond? What groups of workers in your respective countries, like different unions or solidarity groups, what efforts are you seeing where workers are trying to support one another, and really trying to turn these different struggles into a movement? And ultimately, what can folks listening, whether they’re in the US or anywhere else in the world, what can they do to support you all and to show real robust, tangible, international solidarity?

    Ross Grooters:  I’m glad you brought up the word “movement”. Sometimes I think this gets a little diluted, but it’s very important that we organize movements and work outside of our respective organizations. Capital doesn’t know boundaries neither, so we as labor need to find ways to get past the respective geographies that we’re in and work together. Railroad workers in this country have been trying to do that across the boundaries of our crafts and our industry and really look at what’s outside of that. We need to do that more. We need to get union leadership on board with doing that as well. But that is critical. And union leadership internationally coming together and finding ways to support each other.

    We’re all on the same supply chains. The things that we’re building and making that go through countries all over the world. When we think about that supply chain, we’re either upstream or downstream of other people that are working. I’m sure that I’ve, in the past, handled freight that has ended up in the UK, and perhaps on Clayton’s train. We can work together if we’re having conversations like this one and building relationships and finding what those critical choke points are so that we can put pressure on and put the hurt to the people that are making billions of dollars at our expense.

    Also, I just want to say that I saw in France, they had a barbecue, a smoker that was being rolled down rails. I want to participate in that. I want to learn where… Somebody’s got to hook me up with this, because that looked fun. We should be having fun. We should. It is very serious and it is work, but let’s make that work fun.

    Folks can go to railroadworkersunited.org and check us out. We do allow people to join as solidarity members. But more importantly, we just want to work with folks that are engaged in this struggle and are interested in seeing more control for workers in their workplaces. We want to keep that going, but certainly, we can use financial support to do that. Otherwise, just sign up for our emails and learn more about what’s happening here. We put out various news bulletins to get people in the know about what’s happening for real, not from what other corporate media is going to tell you is happening.

    Cat Cray:  Sorry, I was going to absolutely destroy them with a Goldman quote, but I’m sure it’s something along the lines of if there’s no dancing at the revolution, I’m not coming. Joy, art, singing, protest, poetry, all of these things we have a right to, and we must revel in. The picket lines shouldn’t just be serious. In fact, sometimes they should not be serious at all.

    This week, we heard Shell and BP make disgusting amounts to profit, billions and billions of pounds. I’m sure Exxonmobil and Chevron are the same. Whilst we are being denied a cost of living pay rise, and we are being denied and having to fight for a safe workplace, for a fair workplace, for fair terms and conditions. Knowing each other’s stories and humanity, that’s the most valuable thing we can do. That’s how we can organize.

    Also, there is nothing quite like shift worker burnout, especially if you are active in your union, or you’re a union rep. Talking about that matters. Before we were recording this session, we were talking about our exhaustion after night shifts, which exists in many industries, not just the railway. We have that in common. It doesn’t matter which side of the ocean we are, we can relate. As trade unionists, we can relate to the work that we do when we come home from our shift as well, emotionally and literally.

    Also, the real hard work of organizing, or trying to get a balance across the line, and making sure all of your members in your area have been talked to and communicated and have had a say, it’s hard work. There should be joy. But having those things in common, regardless of where we are from, are things that bind us together.

    Matthieu Bolle-Reddat:  The point is now, that all over our world after this COVID situation, after this crisis from the COVID situation, because it was a healthcare crisis, but it’s become now a financial crisis, an economic crisis. That, you can mix these consequences with the economic crisis after the war in Ukraine now. It’s a choice now.

    The bosses and the government, the right-wing government, want to give to the people and the workers, to give to us the bill of this two crisis, economic crisis, but it’s totally unfair. We are definitely not responsible for the crisis, and we create profits. We create the money. They have to pay for the crisis. We do not have to pay for it. It’s not just in France, of course, in the USA, but in all of our Europe we can see that. We can see that in England, we can see that in Germany, in Italy, in Greece, et cetera, et cetera.

    Everywhere in Europe, there are waves of struggle, waves of strike and demonstration everywhere in Europe. For example, there is this enormous, huge movement of strike in England, in the UK. Nobody expected that, because since 10 years ago there was no general strike in the UK. But the working class, they find a way to strike, and they find a way to struggle against this terrible policy, against poverty, against inequality. Now, the UK, it’s become definitely the lighthouse of the struggle in all Europe.

    But at the same time, there is struggle and strike in Greece. There is struggle and strike in Belgium. There is struggle and strike in Germany. There is struggle and strike in Italy, in Portugal, in Spain. There are waves of strike. We have to support each other in this way, because we definitely have the same problems. We have the same claims, the same demands, and we have the same enemies: the bosses and the government.

    They are internationalists. They are definitely internationalists, because they support each other, the bosses. They have no border, they have no nation, they have no family. They work to make us pay for the economic crisis, and make monies, make monies, make profits and more profits, to steal the profits we create by our work. We have to fight. We have to fight in our countries against bosses, against government, but we have to support each other. We have to be shoulder to shoulder to fight at the same time for the same claims against the same enemies.

    It’s why, for example, me and my comrades from my union, we were three times in Britain since last June, in London, in Manchester, in Birmingham, et cetera, et cetera, to demonstrate with them, collect money for their solidarity front of RMT and support them, because we are railway workers, they are railway workers, they are on fight. Of course, we don’t speak the same languages. We don’t have the same passport, but we are brothers and sisters. We have to support each other. It’s why we crossed the channel three times in six months to support them, to show them we are with them, we have their back, to support them. It’s very important. We are family.

    It’s very important, because I know, we know what a general strike is. We know what a strike is for a long time, for months. I can confess to you, our worst enemy is the feeling of loneliness. It’s very important to show them solidarity, show solidarity by statement, and show concrete solidarity. Collect money, come in the picket lines, come demonstrate with them, and show our solidarity in action, not just in speeches, but in action.

    This interview in the USA, it’s very important because it’s showing solidarity to the statement of the unions from the USA, from Venezuela, from Algeria, from Pakistan, from north of Europe, et cetera, et cetera, from South America. It’s very important because it’s brick, the loneliness of the working class. It’s very important to have the feeling that we are part of something bigger than us, because we fight for the greater good.

    For example, I’m totally sure if we win in France, because we do, like I said, five days of general strike since January, but the 7th of March we started an unlimited strike in the vanguard sectors against the pension bill of Macron, of railway, underground, refinery of petroleum, chemical industry, electric power, electric and gas power companies, et cetera, et cetera. We will start this unlimited strike. It’ll be huge in France. It’ll be a big event. We hope to win by this way, because we do five days of lobbying to show we are very… There are a million people in France, they’re against the law, but they don’t want to negotiate with us.

    We have to take new steps at it. It’s why we started, we will start this unlimited strike, to break the economy and force them to negotiate. It’ll be the real class war in France. But we are sure, we are confident if we win, if we win, it will be a signal, it will be a lighthouse, it’ll be the beginning of something, not just in France, but it will give confidence, trust in the power of the working class in all of our Europe. Maybe it’ll be the beginning of a European strike, a European fight to make our dreams come true.

    It’s very important to support each other. We hope there will be a lot of delegation, a lot of groups of militant comrade brother and sister, from Spain, from Italy, from Britain, from Sweden, and maybe we hope from USA, to come to Paris and demonstrate with us and show to the workers, and show to the bosses, and show to the universe we are not alone, and we fight together.

    Clayton Clive:  I think what… I was at a meeting discussing solidarity in Manchester recently. It occurred to me that I think the vast majority of the British trade union movement has almost forgotten how to do solidarity effectively over them visiting picket lines, which is good and helpful and people like that. I’m not taking that for granted. But since strike actions died at the end of the minor strike and the strikes that followed, it’s almost like it’s been forgotten how to do it. There was massive solidarity then with food trucks being driven across the country, and women’s organizations raising money for minors, and lesbians and gays support the minors being born. Now it’s a trickle of solidarity. No one’s… People seem to have forgotten the way in how to do it other than saying it and turning up and being there. We’ve had some really good solidarity events organized by comrades in Manchester, and the money’s been split between branches of unions in dispute.

    One of the things people need to do is sometimes just do it. If someone was like, oh, well we should do an event. Someone should do an event. You go and do the event. Do it. Because no one’s going to stop you. No one’s going to say no. No one’s going to be upset. Everyone’s just going to be grateful.

    It’s hard, especially for reps and activists, that some of them will be burning out because they’re in this biggest dispute they’ve been in their lives in many industries in the UK. That takes its toll on you, because you are permanently answering questions from members, and trying to organize picket lines, and keep the steam. Some members will be happy with the way things are going, and other members will be very frustrated and think, why is it not going the way I want the dispute to go?

    At the same time, we’ve seen lots of people with really good victories as well, like the Liverpool Dockers, and the Dockers at Felix though in Southampton, I want to say, who went on an all out strike for a few weeks. I think it was over 15% pay raise. We’re seeing victories, and I think that’s just going to snowball. I can’t… I wouldn’t want to see any of these big disputes lose because I think it would be very damaging to the morale of the movement when it’s suddenly finding morale again and it’s suddenly finding hope and organization and again, even unions that have never had large scale action are doing so as well. You hope it snowballs. And as it snowballs, the government falls apart yet again, as it does bimonthly, as for us at the moment.

    In terms of solidarity and what can be done to help RNT members, I think one of the most obvious ones is financial solidarity. We’re not a big union. We’re 80,000 members. 40,000 were involved in the national rail dispute. I think 10,000 were involved in the London underground dispute.

    We don’t have the financial clout to financially support members alone. We rely a lot on donations. I know there’s one on the website, the RNT website, you can donate to the national dispute from there. It gets allocated to branches to help their members. Or you could contact your local branch and give directly to your branch, which is something I’d recommend if you’ve got a good proactive local branch. But you might not know that, so I don’t know, I can’t help you.

    But also, we do have a branch Twitter. It’s @rmtmansouth. Some shrewd entrepreneur would get up and go, pulled himself up by his bootstraps and set up a T-Mill Shop, which is ethical t-shirts, or so they tell me. They’ve got snappy slogans with art donated by some artists like Sam Warman from Australia, who is quite well known, and some other ones in the UK. All the money from those t-shirts, all the profit from them, goes to the branch hardship fund, and they do ship internationally.

    But yeah, that’s everything I’ve got to say. Onwards to victory in the dark times. Will there also be singing? Yes, there will also be singing about the dark times.


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  • A recent expose in the New York Times documenting how U.S. corporations exploit migrant children sheds light on a crucial issue facing the American Left. Nowadays, many left activists rightly focus on identity politics. To them, diversity is the order of the day. No argument here. Years ago, Richard Penniman, aka Little Richard, put it clearly: diversity is a beautiful bouquet of flowers. But the celebration of differences oftentimes ignores what holds us together, what we have in common. The Times article makes clear what that is: It’s about class struggle, the battle against
    economic subjugation and oppression of the vulnerable.

    Just look at what these desperate children are up against. Driven by extreme poverty that’s exacerbated by climate change, a by-product of capitalist consumer driven production, migrant children from Central America cross the U.S. border by the tens of thousands. Out of desperation, many are sucked into the maw of the worst labor abuses perpetrated by American business. According to the Times, food giants such as Hearthside Food Solutions lure these kids into the country’s most dangerous jobs. Suffering endless workdays and worknights, they are forced to meet the high-pressure speed-up routines demanded by corporate America’s incessant need for profit. Deadening fatigue and exhaustion, illness, and injuries abound. One young woman had her scalp ripped apart by a machine. According to the U.S. Labor Department, 12 child workers have been killed at their jobs since 2017. Then there’s the emotional toll of family separation, loneliness, fear, and the ruinous effect of sometimes being denied an education. Undoubtedly some of these teens identify as Nicaraguans or Guatemalans, many as straight, gay lesbian or bi. Culturally they form a rich diversity of difference. Each is a unique living example of Kimberle Crenshaw’s valuable concept of intersectionality, the idea that each of us is a composite of the multiple
    identities that our heritage, place and experience make of us.
     
    The shared horror these children experience demonstrates unequivocally how the relentless drive to exist is conditioned by their absolute dependence on the basic need to work under any conditions they can find, no matter how bad. Driven north by economic desperation, borders mean nothing to them. And why should they? As Canadian activist Harsha Walia declares in her recent book, Border and Rule, “the borders of today are completely bound up in the violences of dispossession, accumulation, exploitation”, and their intersection “with race, caste, gender, sexuality, and ability,” a global dispossession that has fired the engines of capital since the 16th century.  The horrors of child labor that Marx excoriated 160 years ago remain part of a system that sniffs every chance to eke out the last ounce of unpaid labor from the most vulnerable humans on the planet. 
     
    In a truly humane and democratic world, diversity and difference would surely reign. But in this ugly real world where teenage lives from so many different places are stunted, injured, and destroyed, it becomes increasingly clear that the overarching reality that most threatens the very human need to exist is class oppression. Class is the relentless reality that compels people to live by serving the terms of capital, no matter where they come from, how young or old they are or how they “identify” as unique human beings. The only way that reality will change is when working people recognize and challenge class as the commonality of their oppression. Democratic power comes from unity, division is its nemesis. The Roman imperialists understood the counter-power of division. They called the strategy divide et impera, divide and rule. When will the American Left finally stop playing the Romans’ game?

    The post Class and Diversity in the Left first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • On Feb. 7, France’s eight largest unions turned out for the third strike of the year against Emanuel Macron’s deeply unpopular pension reforms. The fight to prevent a rise in the retirement age from 62 to 64 has galvanized French workers. On March 7, French unions have vowed to mobilize for the country’s sixth strike so far this year. This video is part of a special Workers of the World series on the cost of living crisis in Europe.

    Producer, Videographer, Editor: Brandon Jourdan
    Associate Producer, Translation: Nicolas Lee
    Audio Post-Production: Tommy Harron

    This story, with the support of the Bertha Foundation, is part of The Real News Network’s Workers of the World series, telling the stories of workers around the globe building collective power and redefining the future of work on their own terms.


    Transcript

    Brandon Jourdan [Narrator]: Anger has exploded onto the French streets as President Emmanuel Macron vows to push through pension reforms despite popular opinion and a new nationwide strike wave.

    Daniel Ferté, Ticket Inspector, FO Cheminot (Federation of Railway Workers): Today, we are in a situation where the government governs against its population, because the vast majority of the population is opposed to the reform, especially workers. According to surveys, 9 people (workers) out of 10 are opposed to the implementation of this reform.

    Gaëlle Cavelier, Confédération Paysanne (Confederation of Farmers): This reform is very unpopular, we see it everywhere in France. French women and men are all against this pension [reform]. It seems to me the government is completely alone. They decided to push through the pension reform like a bulldozer, without listening to anyone.

    Brandon Jourdan [Narrator]: On February 7th, 2023, the eight largest trade unions in France engaged in the third mass nationwide strike within a month. It was the first of two national strikes happening during the week with a second that occurred on February 11th. The strikes oppose President Emmanuel Macron’s plans, which include raising the retirement age from 62 to 64 and increasing the total amount of years that people need to make social contributions in order to receive a full pension. On February 7th, there were mobilizations in over 200 French cities and towns. The General Confederation of Labor, or CGT, claimed close to 2 million people took to the streets, while the French Interior Ministry put the number at over 750,000 people.

    Daniel Ferté, Ticket Inspector, FO Cheminot (Federation of Railway Workers): Today, in the demonstration, we will find absolutely all professional sectors that exist among workers, from steel workers to the road transporters, the railway workers, the teachers.

    Maud Valegeas, Teacher, SUD Education union (Solidaires Unitaires Démocratiques: All the existing professions are present today. There was a very big mobilization on January 19, and on January 31 as well, which had never gathered so many people in the streets. The mobilization we are experiencing today is historic because there is a union unity that is very large, where all the organizations call for mobilization against the pension reform project. This had not happened for 25 years, to have so many unions calling for mobilization. We have both private and public sector unions.

    Brandon Jourdan [Narrator]: Public transit and railways were disrupted, fuel refineries slowed production, electricity production was decreased, and airline traffic was affected by the strikes.

    Laurent Dahyot, Secretary General, CGT Air France: And today, we see that the population is coming togetherto say no to this reform.

    We are fighting against this reform, but we are also fighting against harsh work conditions since we all face harsh work conditions, whether it’s on the ground or in the form of shifted hours, night work, carrying loads. For cabin crew, jet lag, toxicity in airplanes. In fact, harsh work conditions are a very important issue at Air France and working longer, it’s just not possible for all airport employees.

    Brandon Jourdan [Narrator]: Farmers also joined the mass protest in Paris.

    Gaëlle Cavelier, Confédération Paysanne (Confederation of Farmers): We want a retiree status for farmworkers in order to have a decent pension. Currently, the minister promises a gross pension of 1,200€, but it is only for people who contribute to the pension fund during their whole career without interruption. Few farmworkers are in that situation. There are many women farmworkers who have interrupted careers for maternity leave. There are women farmworkers who have a status of collaborating spouse, who never contribute to their retirement, who have no social status, therefore no pension. They will have zero euros.

    Brandon Jourdan [Narrator]: Many school teachers also walked off the job to join the protests.

    Maud Valegeas, Teacher, SUD Education union (Solidaires Unitaires Démocratiques): I’m Maud Valegeas. I am a French teacher in a secondary school in Seine-Saint-Denis and I am a member of SUD Education union.

    In the education sector, we were very mobilized on the 31st. There are two mobilizations this week, so it will probably be split between the two dates. But in fact, there are more and more general assemblies, meetings and there is the idea of preparing a big re-occurring strike in the education sector in the coming weeks. The private sector is also on strike, like our colleagues from PSA in Aulnay-sous-Bois.

    So, the mobilization, it is very massive and there is no one sector more mobilized than another. We can see today that all the sectors are there. 

    Brandon Jourdan [Narrator]: Along with the mass of workers, there was a large youth contingent. Teenagers blocked high schools and at times clashed with riot police.

    Teenagers blocking school chant:

    Everyone hates the police! Everyone hates the police! Everyone hates the police!

    Brandon Jourdan [Narrator]: The large march in Paris marched from the Opera Garnierto the Place de la Bastille.All major unions were present, along with a vibrant youth contingent, and even retired workers attending in solidarity.

    Jiménez, Retired Taxi Driver: My name is Jiménez, I have been retired for a few years now and I am here to defend retirement at 60 for my children and grandchildren. Listen, the context is very simple. If the people do not mobilize, the retirement age won’t be at 64 years old, it will be pushed to 67 or even 70 maybe.

    Crowd chants:

    Retirement! It is ours! 
    We fought to win it! 
    We will fight to keep it!
    Retirement! It is ours!
    We fought to win it! 
    We will fight to keep it!

    Brandon Jourdan [Narrator]: Small groups of people using Black Bloc tactics, committed acts of targeted property destruction against banks, corporate chains and insurance companies. Tear gas and police charges followed, often targeting anyone that happened to be in the way. Despite police aggression, the large protest pushed ahead to Bastille. As night fell, music rang out through the square, chants roared and colored flares lit up the night sky.

    The nationwide strike was followed by another massive mobilization on February 11th.

    The next month will prove to be a decisive battle in the ongoing fight to preserve France’s social safety net. A general strike involving all major unions is planned for March 7th, where unions are threatening ‘to bring France to a standstill’.

    Daniel Ferté, Ticket Inspector, FO Cheminot (Federation of Railway Workers): And if we have to block the economy of the country, we will block it. If necessary, we will block all transportation.

    Gaëlle Cavelier, Confédération Paysanne (Confederation of Farmers): A hardening of the protest would be to reach a general strike and completely block the country.


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    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • On Tuesday, Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vermont) and Representatives Bobby Scott (D-Virginia) and Brian Fitzpatrick (R-Pennsylvania) put forth a sweeping pro-labor bill that has been hailed as one of the most crucial pieces of legislation for the labor movement in the modern era of union busting. With the support of nearly 200 cosponsors in the House and Senate, the lawmakers reintroduced the Richard L.

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • New South Wales Labor would keep and enhance the existing government innovation and industry programs that are working if it wins this month’s state election, and is pledging to put the foot down on its own industry and manufacturing policies while building up a skills pipeline. Weeks away from a state election that polls indicate…

    The post Industry policy is the ‘new black’: Chanthivong vows to push ahead in NSW appeared first on InnovationAus.com.

  • We speak with the Pulitzer Prize-winning reporter Hannah Dreier, who revealed in a major New York Times investigation the widespread exploitation of migrant children in some of the most dangerous jobs in the country. In response, the Biden administration on Monday announced it would carry out a broad crackdown on the use of migrant child labor in the United States, vowing stricter enforcement of…

    Source

  • At the beginning of February, some of the largest strikes in recent memory took place at universities and higher education institutes across the United Kingdom. The University and College Union (UCU), the single biggest trade union of higher education workers in the UK, has called for eighteen days of strike action across 150 universities, setting the stage for 70,000 members of staff to walk off the job in the months of February and March. This collective action is the culmination of built-up frustrations with, and grassroots organizing against, decades of increasingly precarious working conditions, and is focused around two principal points of conflict. 

    Firstly, workers are taking industrial strike action to deal with what has become an endemic practice of precarious employment contracts: a huge proportion of staff working in higher education are no longer securely employed. According to research published by UCU in 2021, 44% of teaching-only contracts are fixed term, rather than permanent jobs; when it comes to research academics, that figure goes up to almost 70%. On top of this, 41% of academic teachers are employed on hourly paid contracts that last, at most, a year at a time, that offer little job security, and that provide wages that are only a fraction of what permanently employed academics make. (Especially for those at the beginning of their careers, job casualization and significant real-terms pay cuts have become increasingly common.)

    It has become incredibly difficult for workers to build careers in academic teaching or research—and for those who manage to do so, the career itself is increasingly precarious, low-paying, and exploitative.

    All of this has combined with a cost-of-living crisis for working people across the UK: inflation has been running at anywhere between 8-11% for much of 2022, and while the University and College Employers Association (UCEA) secured a pay increase offer of around 4% in January of this year, UCU General Secretary Dr. Jo Grady described the offer as “not enough” when it comes to addressing the current cost-of-living crisis or the years of accrued real-terms pay cuts that academics have experienced over the last decade. 

    UCEA’s own research shows that, by some models, academic staff pay has dropped by almost 20% since 2009, reflecting broader employment trends in the UK. Research from the Office for National Statistics (ONS) analyzed by The Guardian, for instance, shows that public sector pay has fallen by anywhere between 4-13% since the financial crisis of 2008. 

    According to research published by UCU in 2021, 44% of teaching-only contracts are fixed term, rather than permanent jobs; when it comes to research academics, that figure goes up to almost 70%. On top of this, 41% of academic teachers are employed on hourly paid contracts that last, at most, a year at a time, that offer little job security, and that provide wages that are only a fraction of what permanently employed academics make.

    The second point of conflict at the heart of the strikes concerns the seismic changes to academic pensions. Traditionally, the arrangement for those working in academia involved accepting generally lower wages over the course of a career in exchange for a secure pension at the end of your working life. However, a package of cuts made to the University Superannuation Scheme (USS) back in 2021 meant that the typical member of staff has lost 35% of their guaranteed retirement income, despite the pension scheme itself claiming assets of over £88 billion. 

    These two major, intersecting issues have placed the entirety of the academic sector under colossal pressure. It has become incredibly difficult for workers to build careers in academic teaching or research—and for those who manage to do so, the career itself is increasingly precarious, low-paying, and exploitative. 

    One bleak detail that’s worth highlighting: When the union was balloting its members (ie, taking a strike vote), some of the language pertaining to the strike action included an agreement for members to take “action short of a strike” (ASOS). Under an ASOS agreement, workers essentially commit to only “work to contract”: that is, to solely performing the duties that employees are contractually obligated to perform. If simply doing your job as it’s described in the terms of your employment contract is something that a union has to ballot staff members on, then obviously that means employers have come to expect—and, in fact, depend on—a tremendous amount of unpaid labor. The very working culture of the entire sector is built around meeting that unjust expectation of work that exceeds one’s contractual duties, and it is fundamentally toxic (I am speaking from experience). It’s important, then, to analyze how things ended up here, what the current challenges facing workers are, and what current or potential strategies exist for fusing the struggles of workers in higher education with the broader, emergent, and increasingly militant trade union movement in the UK. 

    HOW DID WE GET HERE?

    The history of higher education in the UK is the story of its ever-increasing marketization. While, historically, higher education had been funded through grants to students, these were replaced with mortgage-style fees in the 1980s. Tuition fees were introduced in the late 1990s when a Labour government scrapped the grant system entirely. Following this, the Higher Education Act of 2004 allowed for fees of up to £3,000 per year. In 2010, in an intensely controversial move, fees for university tuition were raised to £9,000 a year. In the aftermath of the tuition hikes, 50,000 students took to the streets in one of the largest student protests in contemporary UK history. 

    Coupled with the abolition of caps on student numbers, and the massive corresponding growth in the number of university enrollment places available for students, the new tuition fees brought an influx of cash into the university sector and, of course, a huge spike in student debt. Average projected debt for the cohort who started their courses in 2021-22 is over £45,000, and the national total of outstanding loans is over £180 billion. In a marketized educational system, students become both customer and product—and as working conditions for staff become ever more stretched, learning conditions for students inevitably suffer. 

    The history of higher education in the UK is the story of its ever-increasing marketization.

    With no cap on student numbers and standard fees set to £9,000 per year, competition for students became even more intense. Universities poured money into marketing, recruitment, facilities, and property (if you live in the United States, this will all probably sound depressingly familiar). Huge amounts of capital investment have been financed with debt, all as spending on staff costs have been cut and more student money than ever before has been funneled into the sector. The university sector debt stood at £12 billion back in 2018, leaving universities in the paradoxical situation of having ballooning debts at the same time that more and more money poured into the sector. 

    Caught between these increasing financial pressures and the emergence of a new class of managerial professionals who believe the job of a university is to remain profitable enough to finance its capital expenditure projects, workers found themselves enmeshed in what Mark Fisher called “bureaucratic Stalinism”: new procedures, forms, and justifications of work all designed to enhance productivity and efficiency. What this led to was a complete collapse in trust between workers and management as academic teachers were being monitored and micro-managed more than ever before, while simultaneously being subjected to ever-increasing pressure to recruit more students above all else. 

    On top of this, senior managers and vice chancellors of UK universities saw their own salaries explode, with multiple university leaders taking home over £500,000 a year. The degradation of working conditions for staff, along with the increasing managerial surveillance, precarity of instructor employment, and cuts to pay are directly connected to the marketization of higher education in the UK.

    The COVID-19 pandemic and the aftermath of Brexit proved to be a dangerous combination for a British university sector that was already massively indebted and dependent upon a seemingly never-ending flow of students (particularly international students, who pay hugely inflated fees). These two crises burst the financial bubble that had inflated the sector and exposed the degree to which universities had over-leveraged their debts. 

    The COVID-19 pandemic and the aftermath of Brexit proved to be a dangerous combination for a British university sector that was already massively indebted and dependent upon a seemingly never-ending flow of students (particularly international students, who pay hugely inflated fees). These two crises burst the financial bubble that had inflated the sector and exposed the degree to which universities had over-leveraged their debts.

    According to even the most conservative modeling from the London School of Economics, the collapse in post-Brexit international student enrollments, as well as students putting off university study in the wake of COVID, has left a £2.47 billion funding gap that amounts to the loss of over 30,000 jobs from universities across the country. Unsurprisingly, right-libertarian think tanks saw the possibility of university bankruptcies as a massive opportunity for predatory development, and to push their own culture-war agenda, and openly called for the government to let universities fail. 

    As a result, this latest round of industrial action has to be understood as a reaction to a decades-long experiment in marketization that is, by any metric, a colossal failure. The instability of a marketized system is a feature, not a bug or a sign of inefficiencies. 

    ORGANIZATION

    Between long-standing structural issues in the education sector and the need to try to save jobs in the short term, the challenges of collective organization are immense. To complicate matters, all trade union organizations are subject to the restrictions imposed by the 2016 Trade Union Act—described by the Trade Union Congress as the biggest attack on workers’ rights in a generation. This legislation introduced a host of new regulations designed to make it harder to strike, mandating (among other things) a 50% turnout in any strike ballot, new restrictions on picketing, and that all strike ballots be done via the postal system. It goes without saying that if these rules were the standard by which General Elections had to be conducted, then Britain’s electoral system would barely function. 

    A spokesperson for the executive committee of the UCU branch at the University of Manchester—a university with 40,000 students that is part of the prestigious Russell Group of elite UK universities—emphasized that these rules do make getting the required strike vote turnout a challenge, especially when so much of union organizing is done by and through volunteers. Buddying systems and robust tools for monitoring member engagement are essential tools for making sure that each branch can get a successful ballot. 

    This latest round of industrial action has to be understood as a reaction to a decades-long experiment in marketization that is, by any metric, a colossal failure.

    While Manchester University has not been so hard hit as other UK institutions, junior colleagues are precariously employed and vulnerable. They are often too busy just hanging onto what little work they have and are constantly battling to secure employment commitments from management. The aforementioned UCU spokesperson, who spoke to The Real News under condition of anonymity, pointed out that “few employees relish strike action, but it illustrates a fundamental breakdown in the UK when so many sectors are engaged in action.” Yet the mood from on-the-ground organizers is optimistic. “Strikes provide an opportunity for more people to hear a message of hope for positive change and in some circumstances to reflect on positive improvements that pave the way for better things to emerge,” they said.

    UCU’s national strategy has noticeably improved after the election of Jo Grady as General Secretary of the union. After running an impressive online campaign for the position, Grady adopted a more aggressive social media strategy and explicitly linked the struggle for secure employment and decent pay within the university to the struggle for students to have a good educational experience, arguing that teachers’ working conditions are students’ learning conditions. 

    This strategy has been successful at the Manchester branch, and the union reports that students are supportive, “especially when they understand the circumstances of the staff who they are often in contact with,” the UCU spokesperson said. For members of the Manchester branch, it is important that they “have a good relationship with the formal and informal structures of the student body, and as such we enjoy support from students on picket lines.” The Manchester organizers also point to the ways this strike has built on years of organizing to better integrate the national and local unions. This organizing has bolstered more coordinated action and a renewed interest in platforming worker voices that offer a different vision to the status quo. 

    “Strikes provide an opportunity for more people to hear a message of hope for positive change and in some circumstances to reflect on positive improvements that pave the way for better things to emerge.”

    spokesperson for the executive committee of the UNIVERSITY AND COLLEGE UNION (UCU) branch at the University of Manchester

    Importantly, the union frames the struggle as not just about educational experience but as building a legacy for the students academic workers teach. “Whatever employment conditions we accept will shape the employment and societal conditions our students inherit,” the UCU spokesperson told TRNN. If this framing is successful on a widespread basis—if students stop thinking of themselves as customers or consumers and start understanding themselves as comrades with their teachers—then the marketization model could well be dealt a serious blow. 

    Additionally, the recent wave of strikes in the UK driven by a broad coalition of workers across industries—including teachers, nurses, rail workers, doctors, and even civil servants—has demonstrated a degree of coordination and collaboration that is sorely needed to connect different unions and workforces to one shared struggle. There is real reason to be optimistic as union organizers recognize the importance of building these connections. As the spokesperson from UCU explained:

    “Recent large-scale action indicates there is a real appetite for change in the UK. Many people understand what is driving people to take action—with declining living standards against a backdrop of record wealth transfer to the wealthy in the form of corporate profits. Much of the public sector has been stripped to the bone by austerity and those who are aware of this see protest as a part of what will enable the type of change that will make things in their lives better.”

    If UCU maintains a more militant position on a national level, then there is a chance here to do more than simply defend the last advantages granted by a failing system. There is an opportunity to tackle the question of what the university can look like when built upon a democratic and egalitarian bedrock, where both students and staff have more ownership over, and more agency within, the university system. If, as the old slogan runs, the university is a factory, it isn’t enough to just shut it down—it has to be rebuilt from the ground up, and should be run by those who built it.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Railroad workers are warning that, if policymakers don’t act soon to rein in the rail industry with better regulations and protections for workers, there will be far more crashes like this month’s disaster in East Palestine, Ohio. In a statement on Friday, rail reform group Railroad Workers United (RWU) pointed out that the government has determined that the Ohio crash was “100 percent preventable.

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • After decades of targeted underfunding, the UK’s National Health Service is on the verge of collapse. Spiking inflation as a result of corporate profiteering in the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic and the Ukraine War have only worsened the situation, as the UK’s 300,000 nurses face staffing shortages on top of a cost of living crisis. All these conditions have driven the Royal College of Nurses to strike. This video is part of an ongoing Workers of the World series about the cost of living crisis in Europe. 

    Producer: Alexander Morris 
    Videographer: Julia Schönheit, Alexander Morris
    Video editor: Leo Erhardt
    Audio Post-Production: Tommy Harron

    This story, with the support of the Bertha Foundation, is part of The Real News Network’s Workers of the World series, telling the stories of workers around the globe building collective power and redefining the future of work on their own terms.


    Transcript

    Jacinth – Community Nurse: It’s like I’m working to pay bills…as soon as it goes in, it just goes back out.

    Vicky – Pediatric Nurse: We go through life and death situations because that’s what we’re doing here, that is the bottom line.

    Bert – Haematology Nurse: The NHS is already partly private. Healthcare can’t be for profit.

    Narration: Nurses are striking for the first time in British history. Many nurses are suffering burn-out from the coronavirus pandemic, large numbers have already left, and those that stayed were rewarded for their Covid sacrifice with a pitiful pay increase by the government – which left them with little choice but to strike.

    But this strike isn’t only about pay and conditions, it’s about the future of Britain’s national health service, and with that, preserving the principle of universally free healthcare. Years of austerity and deliberate underfunding by right wing governments has meant the highly trained professionals that operate this system have not had a proper pay rise in years, and many are struggling to live a comfortable life.

    Ameera – Senior Nurse: I’m reading out comments from our group called ‘NHS Workers Say No’ campaign on Facebook. So one of them says, ‘I am sat in my car, absolutely broken. I have £0.06 left after paying all my bills, and I’ve just had to go to the food bank for the first time in my life. I’m beginning to wonder why I bother. How can I work the wards full-time and still struggle like this? It’s gotten so much worse in the last few months.

    Narration: Ameera is a senior nurse working in London hospitals that has been organizing with colleagues and encouraging them to vote for strike action. The cost of living has been very strongly felt here, one of the world’s most expensive cities in the world’s fifth richest country.

    Ameera – Senior Nurse: Doesn’t feel like the fifth richest country if a government can’t afford to pay nurses. Nurses work really hard. We’re not taking industrial action lightly. We have tried to negotiate with the government time and time again, but they’re just not prepared to listen.

    We are talking about years of austerity, of the pay that we’ve lost, the pay cuts that we’ve had to deal with, the chronic understaffing, what we went through in the pandemic. You now have five more days to really discuss it – really try and negotiate – otherwise it’s a strike and that is it.

    Narration: Nurses voted overwhelmingly to strike and with over 500,000 of them across the country, they have the power to bring the health service to a standstill.

    Nurses chanting:

    What do we want? Fair pay!

    When do we want it? Now!

    Overworked and underpaid!

    Clapping doesn’t pay the bills!

    Narration: ‘Clapping doesn’t pay the bills’ is a reference to the politicians that took part in a weekly ‘clap for the NHS’ during lockdown but didn’t back up their support for NHS workers with a pay increase.

    But beyond the excitement, and feelings of togetherness and solidarity, there was anger and also disbelief that they were forced to be out here, and not inside with their patients.

    Chants:

    Say hey, ho, Rishi Sunak’s got to go!

    Pat Cullen, RCN general secretary: Today is about saying ‘enough is enough’. This government now needs to sit up, take stock, and listen to us.

    They need to do that by paying the nurses a decent wage. They are not being greedy, they are asking for the 20% that has been taken out of their pay over the last decade to be put back in, and to make sure that they can continue to care for their patients.

    Jacinth – Community Nurse: I love every bit of my job because I manage patients in the community and to get the positive feedback from them, that’s what makes it, and keeps me going. It’s not the money, if it was because of the money, I wouldn’t be in it. It’s because of the love of my job.

    I pay over a thousand pounds a month: rent, water, gas, electricity. And I have family members back home who I have to take care of as well. So by the time…it’s like I’m working to pay bills. That’s how I see my monthly salary working; as soon as it goes in, it goes back out.

    Some of the staff, even myself, you go home, sometimes you just sit and you start crying because sometimes you look into your cupboard, there’s less food in the cupboard. You can’t manage to really do what you need to do, and to buy what you need to buy to live a happy life. So it’s…it’s not a nice place to be at the moment. Yeah, I’m just feeling a bit tearful now, it’s not a nice place to be, honestly. 

    It’s really terrible.

    Bert – Haematology Nurse: I hear about colleagues not being able to take care of ourselves before starting a 12-hour shift, it’s just unacceptable. What are we doing? I hear about people standing in food banks and asking for food packages from their trust In order to survive on, and feeding themselves. That makes me angry, that’s just, that’s not decent. I don’t think that’s fair, to keep on asking hardworking people to live in poverty. It saddens me… I just, I don’t understand that.

    Narration: At the time of its birth, the National Health Service was a revolutionary idea. Socialists in the post-war Labour government came up with the idea of creating a world-class, universal healthcare system, free at the point of use.  

    More than 70 years later, the NHS has battled through numerous right-wing governments, 40 years of neoliberalism, and now a decade of austerity measures which has been particularly cruel to nursing.

    Archive clip: 

    ‘Are we facing more austerity prime minister?’

    Narration: One measure was to cut state-financed nursing degrees, which has led to a huge number of unfilled vacancies in the NHS, putting pressure on nurses to look after more patients and making conditions very tough.

    Vicky – Pediatric Nurse: We go through life and death situations because that’s what we’re doing here, that is the bottom line. People are dying and people are incredibly unwell, and we’re there at the bedside 12 hours a day, 24/7, looking after them.

    We are doing this for patients. We need the public to realize that we’re doing this for them.

    Chanting:

    What do we want? Patient safety. When do we want it? Now.

    Safe staffing saves lives!

    Vicky – Pediatric Nurse: I mean, this is it…safe staffing saves lives. Give us more nurses, pay us adequate pay, recognize us for what we do and…and make us feel like we’re actually appreciated. We have the worst days sometimes, but we also get so much reward from that and seeing children and their parents and their families, seeing them recover and get better – it’s just beyond anything anyone could imagine.

    I have colleagues of mine who are in with me, working every day, stressed and overwhelmed, and close to burn out, if not already burnt out. And a lot of that is because there’s just not enough of us to do what we need to do and to do it safely.

    Narration: How did the NHS get here? 

    The poor state of the service, after ideological underfunding over decades, is now being used as an argument for privatization. Of course, treatments are still free for those in need, but since the neoliberalization of Britain in the 1980s, governments of all stripes have been privatizing the NHS by stealth, and several private health providers are already operating within the NHS and making huge profits.

    Richard Burgon MP Labour Party: There are some things in life and in society more important than the pursuit of profit. And make no mistake, there are some who want to turn our NHS into an American style, insurance-based system, where they feel for your wallet before they feel for your pulse. You’re not going to let that happen, are you? No!

    Bert – Hematology Nurse: The NHS is already partly private. I mean, loads of the services that are provided in a hospital, with people I work with, work for private companies: cleaners, catering staff, porters, imaging. It’s already there and that’s part of the issue.

    Private companies are going for profit—healthcare can’t be for profit. 

    I really proudly stepped into the NHS and I chose not to go private because I think there, the system that Britain has turned out is quite admirable and quite generous and, yeah, it has problems as well, but they’re fixable.

    It’s a decline if we can’t allow everyone to have access to that. And if this goes to private care and the American system, which is very clearly not working because they’re searching for another solution as well. So, why would we want to go into that? 

    Narration: A look at the privatized, insurance-based health systems that exist not only in the United States but across the planet, show how access to healthcare exposes the deep inequalities within countries.

    Not to say Britain doesn’t have its own inequality problems, it does, but the NHS provides a constant equalizer for the poor, for new migrants, for the disabled, the elderly and anyone that comes through these doors.

    Healthcare here is universal, and it could be a blueprint for every country. But as these nurses have told us, it’s under attack from politicians who think private healthcare companies will do a better job. And that’s what these nurses are striking for and fighting for.

    Ameera – Senior Nurse: We will win. I’m very optimistic. It’s the future of the NHS. It will collapse because nurses are leaving on a daily basis. Patients are dying every day as a result of things being missed, so we need to do something about this now.

    Jacinth – Community Nurse: 100%. We will win. And I hope that after the next strike – I would think that after today, we would need to strike again.

    Bert – Hematology Nurse: I think the public can’t afford nurses not to win. I think if the public, if Britain wants a NHS system as it was, then we all need to fight for that and support us, because we are actually doing this for the public.


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    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Evaluating teachers on their students’ performance is an issue that has elicited much comment over more than a decade. In essence, this view assumes that if students aren’t learning, the fault lies squarely with their teachers alone. While the logic of this view seems compelling at first, a moment’s reflection shows that it ignores several factors over which teachers have no control, factors that have an enormous influence on students’ ability or willingness to learn, or if they are able and willing, a multiplicity of distractions get in the way.

    These factors include: the home life of children; the poverty and segregation of the inner cities; America’s Gospel of Instant Gratification; commercial TV; school sports; the restlessness of American society itself; its ingrained anti-intellectualism and ambivalence toward knowledge; youth’s distrust of the adult world and the school; youth culture and its rejection of tradition; technology’s negative impact on learning; Facebook; the eclipse of reading; youth’s literal-mindedness; its lack of intellectual curiosity; its inability to ask significant questions; its disinclination to develop a critical mind; the system of American education itself.

    To repeat, these are factors over which teachers have no control, but which have an enormous impact upon student learning or not learning. The issue of teacher responsibility for student performance must be placed within this broader social context of what has been happening outside the American classroom for the last 40 years. Only in this way will the discussion about student learning become more realistic, and honest, and why singling out teachers alone distorts the true nature of both the problem and its solution.

    When there are too few teachers in a school, and those few are overwhelmed by large classes and have no time to provide individualized attention for students — many of whom come to school deeply troubled and alienated with any number of emotional and psychological problems having nothing to do with the school — is it any wonder that students find it hard to focus and learn?

    The emotional, familial, and social problems of many inner-city students are often so deeply embedded and, in many cases, treatable only by professional help that the paltry resources of the school cannot begin to address them. These underfunded schools often lack even the essential services of counselors, social workers, and nurses because of draconian budget cuts.

    What makes matters still worse is that these same schools are now set up for additional failure by being annually denied billions in vitally needed tax dollars diverted to charter schools, with no accountability as part of a right-wing political agenda. This is nothing less than the nationwide destruction of public schools by privatizing them for personal gain and rewarding charter-friendly legislators and governors with campaign contributions taken from that same taxpayer funding that should be going to support public-school students. And if that weren’t enough, insult is then added to injury when these cash-strapped schools are then routinely accused of “failing their students,” when they should rather be praised for carrying on in the face of impossible odds.

    Rather than blaming these woefully underfunded public schools for “failing” their children, one should consider the war zone within which many of these schools are located: decaying neighborhoods, virtual armed camps where students must live amidst gang wars, homicide, drugs, alcoholism, unemployment, homelessness, hunger, sickness, lack of health care, poverty, despair and hopelessness. How can one realistically expect children to be motivated to learn amidst such conditions? These students are defeated even before setting foot in the school.

    The beginning of wisdom is calling things by their right names. There is no “failed schools” problem in America, but only government’s failed policy of “benign neglect” that has blighted inner cities and their schools for generations. One has only to consider the historical reason that caused this urban blight: the decades-old urban planning of sustained and systemic neglect that simply wrote off the inner cities to die on the vine, as state and federal funding was diverted to facilitate “white flight” to the suburbs.

    It is for this reason that blaming the “failure of schools,” as suggested by the film Waiting for Superman, is a willful distortion of what inner-city schools are up against thanks to this entrenched policy of government neglect, which the mainstream media refuse to acknowledge, let alone examine. This polemic against America’s inner-city public schools is a bare-faced lie that conceals the real reason for the “failure” of these schools: the deep and ingrained class and racial divisions in our nation’s history as borne out by city riots over the past 50 years. What is happening in the seething cauldron of our inner cities is hardly conducive to students learning.

    How much easier to wax moralistic and blame public schools as the villains, the helpless victims of these racist policies of social injustice, rather than these policies themselves — or even to change them! But what politician would dare take this on! That would mean real moral leadership and honest reform, not the crowd-pleasing posturing of pseudo-reform that demonizes teachers and blames them for the responsibility that government abdicated decades ago. It is the systemic culture of poverty and segregation that accounts for the lack of student progress within our inner cities, not teachers who can do only so much given government’s washing its hands of the inner city.

    The solution to these appalling conditions of inner-city poverty is not moral exhortation to pull oneself up by one’s bootstraps, but one that has always been an open secret in Washington and state capitals — a new Marshall Plan. Those who sit at the Table of the Mighty have always known that this is the only answer to these seemingly intractable problems of our inner cities. What is wanting, as always, is the political will. Instead of hectoring teachers to do more and more with less and less, genuine reform will only begin when government redirects its resources to rebuild our nation’s inner cities and support the public schools within them.

    If we can find billions to bail out big banks and billions more for dubious military adventures abroad, we certainly can find billions to invest in our own people and children! If we really cared about our children and their chances for a good education, we would move heaven and earth to ensure that this happens. Children are our only real immortality, and if we don’t care about them, whom do we care for? What are we about as a nation? What are we about as human beings?

    But, then, it’s always more profitable to Haliburtonize the cities abroad we destroy in war only to later rebuild them than to turn our own cities into environments worthy of the dignity of the human beings who live there, and where schools and schoolchildren can flourish. Until that happens, talk of reform will be dismissed by teachers as empty, self-serving political bombast, full of sound and fury, signifying nothing but sound bites for the six o’clock news, launching pads for those with aspirations to higher office or the White House.

    Short-term, what is needed is a massive infusion of funding into these inner-city schools to hire more teachers to teach children in smaller classes, and offer rich and diversified programs that will challenge and help them to grow as students and persons. Preaching self-help rhetoric of feel-good uplift to spin golden tomorrows from the straw of today smacks of imposing guilt trips on these victims of government inaction.

    Until those in power dare to show true leadership by helping the poor rather than protecting the rich, until they live up to their oath of office by caring for all our citizens and not just the few; until they use their power to effect positive change rather than undermining teachers who work against hopeless odds to do the impossible, until this happens, we won’t be Waiting for Superman, but Waiting for Godot.

    The silence of public officials about these decades of government neglect — the true cause of the plight of our inner cities and their public schools — is only all-too-understandable, because they would be indicting the very system they represent. Instead, they condemn the first responders — teachers — who daily must pick their way through the smoldering debris of past inaction. In their attempt to appease a public clamoring for quick-fix solutions to longstanding problems, politicians cast about for scapegoats, a measure always more convenient, and popular, and cheaper, than addressing root causes, which would mean real reform.

    It is the perennial stock-in-trade tactic of those who would rather demagogue the burning issues of the day by deflecting public attention from underlying structural causes, because they lack the moral courage of facing the truth, the mark of true statesmen and women.

    It is a strange sort of paradox that a nation which demands improved public schools is unwilling to pay for them. Indeed, it even remains silent when governors and legislators annually cut billions from public-school budgets and give this funding to charter schools, which refuse to have their books audited, are not public schools, and cherry-pick every child who applies to them.

    For too long, the teaching profession in America has been dismissed as an intellectual proletarian class, much as the Romans viewed their educated Greek prisoners of war, whom they enslaved and brought back to Rome as tutors for their children. Teachers are routinely reviled for the important work they perform as unworthy of a professional salary, despite years of experience and advanced degrees. And, yet, they continue to educate on behalf of a nation that begrudges what it pays them. No wonder students doubt the value of learning, when they see that many in the trades earn more than their teachers. Perhaps this is the biggest lesson students learn in our schools.

    Yet teachers continue to educate while politicians break down their authority with sustained public criticism and then wonder why teachers command little respect. Nowhere in the world are teachers held in such low esteem as in America, an eloquent testimony to our national character. Yet teachers continue to educate those whom past centuries never dreamt capable of being educated — everyone, and then these teachers, beset on all sides by misunderstanding, budget cuts, public vilification, and lack of parental support, are routinely condemned when they don’t succeed!

    And, finally, teachers must now endure the crowning indignity of a punitive evaluation, a weapon wielded by politicians who have the temerity to claim, after decades of government inaction, that teachers themselves are the problem, and, depending on their students’ test scores, they’ll be one step closer to losing their jobs!

    Children should be tested by their teachers on material taught by their teachers, and teachers should be evaluated by their school administrators as they always have been in the past. To do otherwise is sheer lunacy since standardized testing, as is well known, doesn’t measure teacher effectiveness, but the parental income and home environment of students as research clearly shows.

    The school is the proverbial Dutch boy with his finger in the dike, heroically trying to hold back the sea. Teachers alone are expected to overcome the effects of poverty, segregation, and racism upon students who live within the demoralized world of the inner cities.

    In desperate holding actions, hoping against hope for government to come to the rescue, teachers never imagined that they, too, would be abandoned by that same government, which, rather than thanking them for their heroic efforts against impossible odds, now turns on them for “failing their students.”

    The post Why America Demonizes its Public-School Teachers first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.



  • Three weeks after the lives of East Palestine, Ohio residents were upended by a fiery wreck involving a Norfolk Southern-owned train overloaded with hazardous materials, rail union leaders on Friday implored federal regulators and lawmakers to “focus on the primary reasons for the derailment and take immediate action to prevent future disasters.”

    In a statement, Railroad Workers United (RWU) pointed to the National Transportation Safety Board’s (NTSB) newly published preliminary report on the February 3 crash and subsequent burnoff of vinyl chloride and other carcinogenic chemicals, which suggests that an overheated wheel bearing likely caused the train to derail. The inter-union alliance of rail workers also cited NTSB Chair Jennifer Homendy, who said Thursday at a press conference: “This was 100% preventable. We call things accidents—there is no accident. Every single event that we investigate is preventable.”

    RWU, which has previously highlighted how industry-led deregulation and Wall Street-backed policies such as “precision-scheduled railroading” have made the U.S. rail system more dangerous, said Friday that “Class 1 freight rail carriers, including Norfolk Southern, have prioritized profits over safety, cutting maintenance, equipment inspections, and personnel in all crafts while increasing the average train size to three miles or more.”

    In the words of RWU co-chair Gabe Christenson: “Railroad workers experience firsthand every day the dangers inherent in this style of railroading. It has impacted their safety and health, state of mind, and lives on and off the job.”

    “Limits on train lengths and weights are necessary to prevent catastrophic derailments.”

    Jason Doering, general secretary of RWU, echoed Christenson’s message, saying: “Every day we go to work, we have serious concerns about preventing accidents like the one that occurred in Ohio. As locomotive engineers, conductors, signal maintainers, car inspectors, track workers, dispatchers, machinists, and electricians, we experience the reality that our jobs are becoming increasingly dangerous due to insufficient staffing, inadequate maintenance, and a lack of oversight and inspection.”

    “We recognize,” Doering added, “that limits on train lengths and weights are necessary to prevent catastrophic derailments.”

    One week ago, RWU made the case for nationalization, arguing that the U.S. “can no longer afford private ownership of the railroads; the general welfare demands that they be brought under public ownership.”

    In the absence of such sweeping transformation, which remains far-off given the current state of the beleaguered U.S. labor movement, the alliance on Friday demanded that federal agencies and Congress move quickly to “rein in” Norfolk Southern and other profit-maximizing rail corporations that have fought regulations, laid off workers, and purchased billions of dollars in stock rather than investing in employees and safety upgrades.

    Specifically, RWU called on regulators and lawmakers to:

    • Ensure sufficient staffing to do the job properly, efficiently, and safely, with all trains operating with a minimum of a two-person crew;
    • Cap train length and weight at a reasonable level to mitigate the increased likelihood of breakdowns, train separations, and derailments;
    • Implement adequate and proper maintenance and inspections of locomotives and rail cars, tracks and signals, wayside detectors, and other infrastructure; and
    • Standardize ample training and time off without the harassment of draconian attendance policies.

    Of these measures, only a proposed rule to require two-person crews—described by RWU as loophole-ridden—was included in the blueprint the U.S. Department of Transportation (DOT) unveiled Tuesday to hold rail companies accountable and protect the well-being of workers and fenceline communities.

    The DOT also encouraged rail carriers to voluntarily provide sick leave. Norfolk Southern—facing intense scrutiny and backlash amid the ongoing East Palestine disaster—agreed Wednesday to provide up to a week of paid sick leave per year to roughly 3,000 track maintenance workers.

    But because the Biden administration and Congress recently imposed a contract without paid sick leave on rail workers who were threatening to strike, the vast majority still lack this basic lifesaving benefit, as do millions of private sector workers in other industries who are also awaiting legislation to address the issue.

    Characterizing the DOT’s plan as inadequate, RWU said Tuesday that “rank-and-file railroad workers can diagnose and fix the problems” and urged U.S. Transportation Secretary Pete Buttigieg to enact “some of our solutions.”

    RWU treasurer Hugh Sawyer reiterated that call on Friday.

    “We demand that the railroad be run safely, efficiently, and professionally, and not as some ‘cash cow’ for Wall Street investors and billionaires,” said Sawyer. “Much of what is wrong with the rail industry today can be fixed easily and quickly by acting on what is outlined above. We demand action NOW.”

    This post was originally published on Common Dreams.

  • It’s been more than two weeks since a Feb. 3 Norfolk Southern train wreck in East Palestine, Ohio spilled massive volumes of vinyl chloride and other toxic industrial chemicals. As residents of the town and people across the nation and the world demand answers, little action has been taken to investigate the disaster or hold those responsible for it accountable. Mainstream media has finally come around to covering the story, but this tragedy has been years in the making, and many explanations that focus on train brakes or other simple solutions miss the complexity of the story. Railroad workers have spent years in a contract battle to change the conditions that produced the disaster in Ohio: dangerously long and heavy trains, skeleton crews, punishing hours, and an all-around cost-cutting approach that puts profits over workers’ health and the safety of the public. Jeff Kurtz and Mark Burrows, who each spent over 40 years as railway workers, join TRNN Editor-in-Chief Maximillian Alvarez to explain how the East Palestine catastrophe could have been prevented.

    Post-Production: Eli Ben-Yaacov


    Transcript

    The following is a rushed transcript and may contain errors. A proofread version will be made available as soon as possible.

    Maximillian Alvarez:

    Welcome everyone to the Real News Network. My name is Maximillian Alvarez, the editor in chief here at The Real News, and it’s so great to have you all with us. The Real News is an independent viewer supported nonprofit media network, which means we don’t do ads, we don’t take corporate cash and we don’t put our content behind paywalls. So we need each one of you to become a supporter of our work so we can keep bringing y’all coverage of the voices and stories you care about most. So please head on over to the real news.com/support and become a monthly sustainer of our work. It really makes a difference. New revelations are coming out every day regarding the fallout of the catastrophic derailment of a Norfolk Southern train in northeast Ohio, which is thrust the residents of East Palestine and the surrounding area into a nonstop waking nightmare.

    The freight locomotive derailed on February 3rd prompting an emergency response that involved the immediate evacuation of the town and the controlled release and burning of the toxic substance vinyl chloride, which was being carried in five of the trains 150 cars. Norfolk’s, Southern spokespeople, government officials, and many in the media have defended the controlled release of the vinyl chloride as necessary to prevent the cars containing the substance from exploding and spreading shatnol, which may be true. But the fallout has been something straight out of a horror movie. The controlled burn has spewed hydrogen chloride and phosgene into the air. A massive black death cloud hangs over the region as we speak. Residents are reporting symptoms of toxic exposure and posting home recorded videos online of dead animals and fish throughout the area, even as they are being told that the air is safe to breathe and the water is safe to drink.

    It’s going to take a long time to fully appraise the damage of this train derailment on the population, on rail workers and first responders and on the environment. But like many of you, I have a terrifying suspicion that we are watching, in real time, the unfolding of a disaster that will be a black putrid stain in our history books. If you’ve been following our continuous coverage of the crisis on the nation’s rail system over the past year, if you’ve been watching and listening to the hours upon hours of interviews with railroad workers that we published on our YouTube channel, on our podcast feed and in our text reports, then you, like me, know how depressingly predictable, unnecessary, and avoidable the tragedy in East Palestine was.

    Railroad workers have been warning repeatedly about the danger we are all in after corporate oligarchs and their Wall Street shareholders have taken over the industry and a vital component of our supply chain, cutting corners, costs, and staff year after year while executive salaries, stock buybacks and shareholder dividends skyrocket. Workers have been saying to anyone who will listen that all of these systemic issues, the same issues that rail companies, President Joe Biden, and Congress refused to address during the high stakes contract negotiations that came to a head last year have put all of us at risk of more accidents, more derailments and more disasters.

    Now, Real News viewers have of course been asking for more coverage from us on the disaster in East Palestine and we are going to deliver. If you haven’t already, please do check out the article that my colleague and our associate editor Mel Buer, published last week at the Nation Magazine. You can also check out a recent episode of my podcast Working People, where I spoke with longtime railroader Matt Weaver, which we published on the Real News website as well. And you can check out my latest Art of Class War segment on the breaking points YouTube channel where I interviewed longtime trained dispatcher Jay, about the crisis in East Palestine as well. And today we’re going to continue that coverage by giving y’all some more insider perspectives on the Norfolk Southern train derailment in East Palestine. The fallout from this catastrophic derailment and the larger Wall Street led changes to the industry that have put all of us at risk and have made catastrophes like this more and more likely.

    To talk about all this and more, I’m honored to be joined once again by the great Jeff Kurtz. Jeff was a railway engineer and union member for 40 years. He served as a union officer most of his career, including eight years as president of BLET Local 391 and chairman of the BLET Iowa State Legislative Board where he oversaw safety and legislative matters for the union in the state for four railroads for 10 years. He retired in 2014 and served as state representative for one term in the Iowa House after winning the 2018 election in his house district. He now works in a volunteer capacity with Railroad Workers United and the local labor chapter of the Iowa Federation of Labor. We are also joined today by Mark Burrows. Now, Mark hired out as a brakeman at the Chicago and Northwestern Railroads now Union Pacific in Chicago in 1974 and soon became a locomotive engineer.

    He worked at the Sioux Line Canadian Pacific Railway from 1991 until he retired in December of 2015. He was active in the United Transportation Union’s 47-day strike in 1994 and served as the delegate for Local 1433 at the UT’s final convention in 2011 and the inaugural convention of the Sheet Metal Air Rail and Transportation Workers Union Transportation Division or SMART-TD in 2014. He’s been a member of Railroad Workers United for over 10 years and served as co-chair and organizer in the past. He contributes regular commentary to and is currently the editor of RW’s quarterly newsletter. Mark. Jeff, thank you both so much for joining us today on The Real News. I really appreciate it.

    Jeff Kurtz:

    Thank you for having us Max.

    Mark Burrows:

    I second that.

    Maximillian Alvarez:

    Well and I apologize to everyone for my long intro. They’ll be shorter in the future, but there’s a lot here to wrestle with, and I wanted to make sure that folks have enough of the immediate context up front before we really dive into this with Mark and Jeff, and I’m so grateful to them for making time for this, because I know right now what we need more than ever right, is voices like theirs giving us the insiders view, the essential historical and industry related context that we need to understand the horrors that we are watching on our screens.

    And so to start off guys, I wanted to shut up on my end and actually just start by asking if we could just get your perspective on what we are watching unfold in East Palestine, Ohio. Folks who are watching in horror around the country do not have your decades and decades of experience, insider knowledge, so on and so forth. So I just wanted to start by asking in your eyes, what are you seeing that you think folks are not, in what context do you think people need to have to understand what exactly they are watching in East Palestine right now? So Jeff, why don’t we start with you and then Mark hop in after him.

    Jeff Kurtz:

    And the thing is, I have quite a few questions, because the government and the railroads aren’t putting out any information. All we know is that this death train derailed in East Palestine, Ohio and the residents were evacuated. I would like to know, did it derail when they were attempting to stop? Well, this is what we heard. Right before they informed the crew that they had a defective journal. And I don’t know if they were in the process of stopping when they derailed or anything else, but a train that’s 9,300 feet long and that’s 18,000 tons heavy, the in train forces in a train like that are just going to be tremendous. And so it really comes down to what occurred to cause this derailment and to cause those in train forces to jackknife these cars and cause the damage that it did.

    There’s questions about the hot box detectors, detectors that are supposed to catch hot wheels, sparks, bad rails and things like that. So there’s people that are saying that those things were turned off and that information would go to a desk and somebody at that desk would relay the information to the crew. Well, when I worked, we had the detectors, they were either analog detectors that we would stop at and we’d be able to tell what axle was having problems or as time went on later in my career, we got the voice detectors that would tell us where we needed to go and what the defects were.

    So, there’s just so many questions to this, but to me this looks like it was imminently avoidable. 50 years ago we would have hot rails with sticky breaks, we’d have smoke sparks, fires shooting out from under cars. We didn’t derail like this. And that’s because we had shorter trains and we had more people on the trains. So there’s a lot of questions to answer, but I think it comes down to intrained forces because the train was so big and lack of people on the train.

    Mark Burrows:

    I guess that’s my cue. Just to touch on what Jeff is talking about, the intrain forces, I want to point out, everything that we talk about, the physics of these long and heavy trains, the dangers of having a disproportionate amount of the loads on the hainden with these longer and longer heavy trains. The reason we know that this is dangerous, that it pushes the envelope is because the carriers taught us, they taught us what we know about the physics in our training to learn how to train handle, to learn how to operate these trains. And so everything that Jeff and I talk about, we know because they taught us, therefore they know what they’ve been doing.

    Backtracking to the question of what are my observations? I mean think everybody’s observations is that this is just a horrific slow motion tragedy unfolding before our eyes, and I don’t want to be a prophet of doom or anything like that, but let’s just be real. What’s going to happen five years from now, 10 years from now? Are we going to see a disproportionate cluster of cancer rates because of how they’ve just been literally poisoned by the railroads? And then, of course, their response as well, the science is inconclusive. You can’t prove that this disproportionate rate of this cluster of cancer rates all around this area because of the derailment. But a wise old man once said, “If it walks like a duck, quacks like a duck.” You touched on it in your intro about how this was preventable. One of the things that really grates me, just watching all these politicians coming out of the woodwork, oh, we need to have more regulation about this everybody coming out acting like they’re shocked and surprised.

    I even read something a couple of days ago, somebody had an analysis that, “Oh, this was actually a blessing in disguise because nobody got killed and now it draws attention to things that we need to tighten up on in relation to the railroad industry.” And no, this is not a blessing in disguise. We did not need this to happen to waken politicians and the public’s eyes to the hazards of what the railroads are subjecting the workforce and the public to. Because activists, conscious rail workers have been talking about this for decades.

    When the tragedy in Lac-Mégantic happened, we knew something like that was only a matter of time. We hoped, we wished that we could have more control of the narrative and prevent something like that from happening, but it was a gut punch because in spite of our best efforts we weren’t able to. And this is the same feeling again. As you said, we have been trying to explain the potential of something like this happening to anybody who will listen in any venue, through our website, through our newsletters, whenever we get a chance to talk publicly. And now more recently we’ve been getting more media exposure in the context of the discussion over the strike, but we have known something like this could happen anytime, anywhere for decades, and it could happen again tomorrow, anytime, anywhere, until some serious changes. And I imagine we’ll get to that more later. So I’ll just leave it there for now.

    Maximillian Alvarez:

    Yeah, I mean I think one of the many disheartening things about this. Is that you’re seeing the way that the discourse takes shape when people have been so thoroughly failed by the media, by our politicians and by these companies themselves. Because frankly, a lot of the media just doesn’t cover this stuff and didn’t until we were approaching a potential national rail shutdown last September. And so when people see a derailment like this in East Palace theme and then they hear of more derailments happening, it feels like it’s coming out of nowhere. And so they’re like, oh my God, what’s happening? This must be some sort of conspiracy. And it’s like, no, motherfucker, we average over a thousand derailments a year in this country. It’s happening all around you just, no one is talking about it except railroad workers, and we need to be listening to them.

    We don’t need conspiracy theories or partisan point scoring narratives to explain what we’re talking about here. Again, as Jeff and Mark said, as the workers that we’ve talked to repeatedly over the past year have said to us in podcast form, YouTube videos and in text reports, this is the product of the larger systemic changes that have taken hold of the rail industry in recent years and decades. And we need to understand that how those two things are connected. How the issues that we were screaming about throughout last year as we made our way through the different locks and keys and hurdles that had to be cleared as stipulated by the Railway Labor Act in order for us to get to the point where railroad workers could legally strike or rail companies could legally initiate lockouts. So I wanted to ask you guys if we could hook it back to all of that.

    We obviously can’t go over all of the things we went over last year. What was that issue in the high stakes contract negotiations between the major rail carriers that is the companies and the 12 unions representing over 115,000 workers on the freight rail system. What we do know is that President Biden, when he appointed a presidential emergency board in the summer to try to broker an agreement between the two sides, offered its recommendations, and then President Biden and Congress essentially used those recommendations as the framework for contract that they then forced down workers’ throats in late November to avert a rail strike in early December. None of those things, the contract, the PEB, none of them addressed the larger systemic issues that we would argue that I know Jeff and Mark would argue is at the root of what we’re watching happening in East Palace theme, right?

    The constant staff cuts, making the trains longer, heavier, more dangerous, more unwieldy while they are reducing the crew sizes on those trains, while they are piling more work onto fewer workers, while they are not investing in track maintenance in safety inspections for the rail cars, all the necessary provisions that used to be in place, they could always be improved, but we used to have a lot more people doing a lot more checks on these trains, to ensure that derailments like the one we’re watching now did not happen. So Jeff, Mark, I wanted to kind of toss it back to you before we take a longer view of how we got here. Since our Real News viewers and listeners were really tuned in to the contract dispute that was playing out last year, I was wondering if you guys could talk to us about how the derailment in East Palestine is connected to all of that.

    Jeff Kurtz:

    Well, I think it’s connected because of the fact that if you watched during… First of all, the first time you interviewed me was during the high biz fight back in last February. That led into all of this stuff on the contract, and eventually the contract fight. If you would watch during that whole period, nobody was listening to us. I mean, it was like the Biden administration was patting us on the head saying, “Yeah, we’re going to take care of you. We’re going to take care of you.” I mean, they took care of the carriers, but they didn’t take care of us. And they’re not listening. And I know I’ve talked to you about quality of life before.

    We have been beat like dogs since, I think it was 1999 when we had a ruling against us as far as attendance policies, and that started this whole snowball ruling about attendance, and it just got unmanageable in the last year. Well, when you have people that aren’t happy, that are tired, that are stressed, they’re not going to be able to do the job they need to do, and when they’ve got more work piled on top of them anyway, this is just a soup, just a ready for a disaster just like this.

    It’d be interesting to find out how much time the crew had off, how much they’d been working, how much training they had. One of the questions I have is, around here we have what’s called a trip optimizer or the leader program that’s on the UP, and that’s led to a lot of violent train separations. Was that running the train when this train went in the ditch? And it comes down to training. And this is things that weren’t addressed in the contract. If you look at that PEB, there are multiple issues that they remand back to the parties. Well, this is after they’ve been negotiating for three years. Well, all this stuff is unresolved and the carriers get to do what they want. And what they want to do is run three mile long trains with hazardous material up the ying yang and just roll the dice on these communities.

    Maximillian Alvarez:

    And they want one person operating those three mile long trains.

    Jeff Kurtz:

    Yeah. We have left so many issues unresolved. Where do we start? I don’t know where we start on this. I think that it’s going to take a RSAC committees, and they were Rail Safety Advisory Committees. I don’t know if you remember those, Mark.

    Mark Burrows:

    Yeah.

    Jeff Kurtz:

    But it was the FRA, it was the carriers, and it was the unions that would get together and they would hash this stuff out, and boy, you’d get into some real dog fights and those things. But it’s going to take multiple RSACS to hash this out if they bring back that system. I think it was Trump that did away with that system. But there are so many unresolved issues out there that it’s going to take probably years to entangle this.

    Mark Burrows:

    When Jeff poses the question, where do we start? I think the starting point is elevating. And in Railroad Workers United, we’ve kicked around the question of nationalization for years, but it was only last year that we were ready to go on record as an organization, a regular discussion at our past conventions, we discuss it and many individuals, yes, I’m all for it, but don’t feel comfortable. The organization publicly taking a position on this in terms of our standing and credibility. We may alienate. That had been a past discussion over the years. But in the context of what precision scheduled railroading had done over the last few years, and by the time we brought it up, by the time it came up again at our last convention last year in 2022, we were ready. And so we have come out publicly, and it’s gained traction.

    The United Electrical workers recently put out a great statement advocating, and the fundamental question is simply the profit motive has to be taken out of the railroad industry. Nothing less than that is going to resolve these issues. Because, the compromising safety is always the cost of doing business. That’s everywhere speed up. And in Amazon it takes the form of workers maybe getting crippling injuries, chronic repetition injuries or back injuries. That’s the consequence of speed up and unsafe working conditions at Amazon. The consequence of speed up and unsafe working conditions on a railroad industry is tragedies like Lac-Mégantic and now East Palestine.

    I want to backtrack to the contract. The big issue that the unions were raising, and rightfully so, were mainly about scheduling dignity, which in and of itself it is a very important safety factor. But the whole question of operating operations, the long and heavy trains, things like that, none of that was in the discussion over the contract or scheduling with paid sick days and everything, which are all very important. But a lot of these issues were not even in that contract discussion, are not even to be negotiated later. And this is why it’s so important for us to discuss these operating practices. And really the only solution is to take the profit motive out of the equation. And real quickly, and we’ll probably get to more to this later. So it appears that this overheated journal is what led to this derailment. Whether the cars derailed first and then the train went into emergency or whether it went into emergency while the engineer was attempting to stop that. That’s not clear.

    All the NTSB representative said the engineer was notified about a bearing defect and then emergency application happened. He didn’t say where it was initiated. That’s my understanding. But years ago when we had cabooses, new hires, people that have been in the industry for 5 or 10… What’s a caboose? And once upon a time we had cabooses, we had two crew members, and one of our fundamental responsibilities was to inspect the train going around curves, looking for smoke by day, looking for sparks by night. And like Jeff was talking about, and if we saw something and the head crew, the headman, he would go, if it was a left-hand curve, he’d look out of his window. If it was a right-hand curve, he’d get up and get behind the engine and look out from the engineer’s window.

    So you had the train being inspected on curves on a regular basis. And when I started taking road trains in ’91 5, 7,000 feet was a good size train, but a long winding curve that with an unobstructed view between the head end and the hind end, you could keep a good visual inspection. They introduced hot box detectors, which are supposed to sense these things. And the combination of hot box detectors and rear end devices, well then that rendered the job of the crew in the caboose obsolete. We don’t need them anymore. So cut the caboose off, and then we’ll just supplement with hot box detectors and we’ll triple the size of the trains. That’s the short version of how we’ve gotten here. The technology of these hot box detectors is not foolproof. And I’ll say more about these detectors next chance. I’ll leave it there for now.

    Maximillian Alvarez:

    And so, we’ll pick up on that in a second. And I just want to try to sum up where we are for viewers and listeners. Again, there’s a lot about the derailment in East Palestine and the fallout from that, that we’re not going to know until these investigatory reports come out. And it feels like a lot of information is being deliberately kept out of public view right now. So I don’t want to ask Jeff or Mark or anyone to speculate on things that we don’t know. I just want to try to give you all access to them, their perspective, and to hook this back to all the reporting we’ve been giving y’all over the past year so that you can better make sense of what you’re watching and put this derailment in the broader context of the crisis on the railroads, which did not just come out of nowhere.

    It has been brewing for years, if not decades. That’s what we’re going to talk about in a second. But to sort of sum up, right, I know there are a lot of different news stories and related stories that are coming out about Norfolk, Southern and East Palestine and what caused the immediate derailment. As we’ve said, it appears to have been a bearing issue. The train appears to have derailed just outside of East Palestine. We have some video that we can see where it’s clear, there’s sparks and fires coming from the wheels of this train. Clearly there’s a problem. I know that folks have been asking about, for instance, whether or not this derailment would’ve been mitigated in its scope and scale if say the train had these electric braking systems put on them. I know that other outlets have reported that Norfolk Southern, among other rail carriers, successfully lobbied.

    The Trump administration, they successfully got the Obama administration to cave on implementing those regulations, i.e. forcing the rail companies to implement these electronic breaking systems. It remains to be seen what that would have meant for the derailment in East Palestine if those electronic breaking systems were the industry standard, if that reg regulation was pushed through prior to this. But I want to be very clear, it’s much bigger than the brakes. This is a much bigger story than the brakes. And in many ways the things that led to the derailment and that made the derailment so bad go far beyond the brakes. I mean they go to the stuff that we are talking about here and that we were talking about all last year. Because we were saying during the contract fights between the unions and the rail carriers that it wasn’t just about the money, it was about quality of life. It was about workplace safety.

    It wasn’t just about sick days, paid sick days. It was about what those paid sick days represented in the larger mess that the rail carriers have created. Why were rail workers fighting so hard to get just one paid sick day? Because the rail carriers, driven by this Wall Street mindset of just taking our vital supply chain and turning it into a money generating machine for shareholders and executives. That is the mentality that Warren Buffet and all these other rail barons have been implementing on the railroads to the detriment of rail workers, their families, and as we’re seeing in East Palestine, all of us. Because that mindset, that corporate mindset of reduce your operating ratio, cut costs, cut corners, cut staff, cut these safety provisions, these extra hands that we had to check the cars, check the tracks, those have been reduced down to skeleton crews now.

    And so a lot of the folks who are still tasked with say, doing preventative health checks on rail cars, they don’t have as much time to do that. They’re being asked to do that in 90 seconds when they should have minutes to be able to inspect these cars top and bottom to make sure that nothing’s wrong. So all of these things really have come to a head in East Palestine. Over the past 50 years, the rail companies have gone from over 500,000 employees to less than 130,000. And the rail carriers, as we know, as we’ve covered at the Real News, the class one freight rail carriers have eliminated 30% of their workforce in the past six years alone. They have caused this man shortage. They have reduced all the people who are supposed to be there to do the kind of necessary preventative safety checks, quality assurance checks to ensure that stuff like catastrophes, what we’re watching in East Palestine never happen.

    Which also means that the people who are left and who are still employed on the railroad are burnt the fuck out. They’re exhausted. They have no set schedules. They’re no more reserved. People left to fill in if they need to take time off work. That is why they workers were screaming about getting paid sick days. Is because it’s a symptom of a much larger issue. And I wanted to toss things back to you guys and give us a broader bird’s eye view of how much the industry has in fact changed from say when you started to now. These changes didn’t come from nowhere. I guess, can you talk us through that larger historical trajectory that you both saw in your daily working lives like these changes taking hold, and now here we are watching this horrific catastrophe in East Palestine?

    Jeff Kurtz:

    Well, yeah, I’d love to talk about that. I hired out in 1974, probably between 1975 and 1990, I estimate I ran about 3000 trains with cabooses. And that was with a conductor and a brakeman on that caboose and a brakeman on the head end with me. And sometimes I’d have a fireman or an engineer trainee. And like Mark said, we would inspect these trains constantly, and it was just kind of habitual. You would go around the curve and you’ve got a big mirror, probably a couple of feet high and about eight inches wide. It’s like a rear view mirror, and you’d be going through all the machinations I go through to break a train or to speed up. And you would just habitually look at that mirror to inspect your train.

    I can remember one time we were coming into Galesburg and we had just gotten by a hot box detector, probably seven miles back. And we were down to 30 miles an hour and I just happened to look in the mirror and fire a shooting out of a car that’s about eight car length back. And the head brakeman went back there, the conductor walked up, because we only had about 3,500 feet of train. So we had two people that were riding that car. We had the other brakeman, the rear brakeman was back on the caboose and he was watching the rear end of the train. As we cut away from that car, the conductor got on there, and I think we went up to the siding, which was about three miles away, between 5 and 10 miles an hour to set that car out.

    It sounds like it was very similar to the incident that just happened in East Palestine. But we caught because of the fact that this is a smaller train and we had more people on the train. And the conductor, after we set the car out, he came up and he says, “My God, the noises this thing was making when we were pulling it up there.” He said, “It just scared the hell out of me.”

    So I contend that these towns, that our along railroad tracks were much safer 50 years ago than they are now. I mean, think about that, with all the advances we’ve got and everything, it was safer 50 years ago, because we had people that took care of this stuff. We had people that these smaller trains. The situation from of East Palestine really I think starts in 1985 when we were under contract negotiations like we were this last year. Was in the Reagan administration, and the administration told the UTU basically, you take this PEB or you are going to get something much worse than this. And what the PEB said basically was, we have the right to get rid of men on this train. And so by 1990, I think, we got rid of one brakeman. It was a couple of years later we got rid of the other one and that was the advent of the two man crew.

    And about that time we started losing arbitration cases right and left. And we lost the arbitration case in 1999 as far as attendance. And if you read that ruling, what it said, the arbitrator said, it looks like the carriers are operating in bad faith. It seems like their demands are unreasonable. And the arbitrator went through a whole litany of things. And then the arbitrator ruled in favor of the company. And in the ruling, they say that this ruling is not to be used in other attendance cases. So now every time we have an attendance case, that ruling is cited. It makes no sense. And so flash forward to where we were last year with this arbitration case, after the union’s lost the Hiviz case and the BNSF, we had a railroad lawyer bragging about the fact that rail labor hadn’t won a case in 33 years.

    Now their lawyers are not that bad. This is something that happens on purpose. This is not a case of you’ve got really bad lawyers and they’re just not arguing the case right. It’s basically, we’re going to do what we want to do and nobody’s going to stop us. Because one bad ruling, one bad arbitration case, it piles onto the next one, and they cite the bad ruling, like in 1999, they cite that in every other ruling. And then when they have another bad ruling, because they cited cited 1999, they will cite that bad ruling for the next awful thing that they do. And this stuff just snowballs. And I’d like to talk about the administrators with the FRA too. I think it was one FRA administrator, I think he was an tractor specialist, was talking about the ECP brakes.

    And then we had Cheryl Feinberg come out and she was talking about long trains. And she said, “Yeah, I thought 80 or 90 cars was bad.” She was the FRA administrator from 2015 to 2017. Well, I would love to know from these FRA people, did they talk about this at lunch? Did they talk about this in an industry meeting? Did they talk about this at a senate or a congressional hearing? Where was it that they cited this stuff? And Cheryl Feinberg, she said 80 or 90 cars was too long, and like I said, she was the administrator from 2015 to 2017. Well, I was Iowa State chairman from 2004 to 2014, and I know from 2010 to 2013, we were handling complaints from our members. In fact, I probably still have the paperwork somewhere about trains that were 12 to 13,000 feet long, which is a lot longer than 80 or 90 cars.

    So I’m wondering what kind of information was she getting as the head of the FRA, if she thought 80 or 90 cars was too long, which would be somewhere between 7000 and 8,000 feet. Because I’m getting this information about 12,000 and 13,000 feet. So it seems like it’s a communication problem, a lot of times, that people aren’t communicating. Apparently she didn’t know how to communicate that we needed to do something about long trains. He didn’t know how to communicate about the electronic breaks, and we just go merrily along our way and kill towns basically.

    Mark Burrows:

    I mean, I think the communication issue can be summed up real basically, that voices like ours are not part of the conversation. Corporate executives, corporate friendly regulatory agencies, et cetera, et cetera, they are having the discussions, they’re having the narrative. Nobody asked me or Jeff. And so what we try to do with Railroad Workers United is to get our narrative out there. I just want to backtrack. Jeff started to go through the brief chronological history. That 85 agreement, we’ve mentioned that sometimes we had firemen, firemen were kind of optional. Obviously they weren’t needed to shovel coal any more by the time I hired out.

    Firemen was like where, okay, they don’t need X amount of it. They can cut back on some engineers so they get set back as firemen. So firemen could exercise their seniority as hustlers, this, that, and then could work as an assistant engineer. So many times we had firemen working as an assistant engineer to share the workload. So 85, that was the beginning of the demise of getting rid of the firemen. And then getting into the early nineties, we still had three ground men, conductor, heineman and headman. So the heineman was first to go. Then a few years later, the headman, and from there it’s been engineer conductor. Since that time. I get a kick out of the recent political discourse.

    First the Democrats were trying to blame this. The Trump rolled back the Obama era ECP regulations before they could even be implemented. Then the Republican shot back, oh, those ECP regulations, even this death train that that’s poisoned the town of East Palestine wouldn’t have qualified for… So there’s this back and forth with this bipartisan finger pointing, blame gaming. And all I can say is at a certain level, you’re both right. The Republicans blaming Democrats and Democrats blaming Republicans. They’re both right, and therefore they’re both culpable. They have enabled this situation that got us here over the years. As for ECP breaks, that’s a no-brainer. I mean, ask any engineer what difference would ECP breaks make. It’s the difference from a Flintstone type car to a Maserati or whatever, and air brakes, I know it’s been discussed previously.

    Air brakes set each box car, each freight car, the brakes set up one at a time. It takes several seconds for that reduction in brake pipe throughout the train, one long brake pipe. And it takes time for each car to set up. And when you have these longer trains, if you don’t have sufficient horsepower to keep pulling and keeping it stretched, then the weight of the hind end can start running in on some of the head end where the brakes have already set, but they haven’t yet set up on the hind end. And that’s the danger of running two and three mile long trains.

    It’s amazing. Most of them get over the road. And that’s a testament to the professionalism and the skills of the workforce. It’s amazing that most of these two and three mile long trains get over the road, but when it goes bad, it goes really bad. And these ECP breaks, if they were implemented, apparently they are being used on Amtrak trains in the northeast quarter. That’s my understanding. So that politicians and businessmen can travel at hundred miles in the northeast quarter so that they can travel safely, so that that’s good for them. But ECP brakes will set the brakes up on every car virtually, instantaneously. And so all this talk about, oh, cost risk benefit analysis, the railroad exec says, oh you that it would be too expensive to implement this. Yes, that’s the cost risk benefit analysis. So rather than invest whatever capital to make the train safer, they decided the cost of poisoning the people of Palestine, Ohio.

    That was the cost of doing business rather than investing money in these ECP breaks. And in my opinion, eventually ECP breaks need to be on all freight trains. But from for the sake of pragmatism and urgency, as they get phased in, at the very least they need to be implemented on any train if it has one hazardous car. All it takes is one car of ammonia to open up to wipe out a town. So if it has one hazardous, it should have ECP brakes until they’re phased in through the entire industry. But all this talk about cost risk benefit analysis, we need to do more studies. That’s just nonsensical gibberish. I’ll leave it there.

    Jeff Kurtz:

    Hey Max, I want to make two quick points. The first one is how do you prove something what happened when it didn’t happen? If that crew would’ve caught that hot journal and they would’ve set it out, nobody would’ve known anything and these trains would keep running like they are. We wouldn’t be having these discussions. And that’s what happened years ago. We had sticky breaks, we had fire flying out of cars. Quite a bit, but we took care of it. But people like you never heard that because the railroad ran well. So when we say that this stuff is dangerous, they need to listen to us and they’re not listening to us. They need to listen to us when we talk about all the accidents that we’ve averted, but nobody does.

    The second point I want to make is about the ECP breaks. ECP is for one reason only, because it reduces the end train forces while you’re breaking. What happens to those forces when you’re not breaking? They’re still there. So if you’ve got a 9300 foot train and it’s going up and down a hill, it’s going around curves and everything, you still have these forces. And when something happens, say you have a part of air hose which sets up the air brakes or something happens to the ECP, which I’ve run two ECP trains before, and the second time we ran it sounded like an apocalyptical event when it malfunctioned on me. But when you have an issue or just through the normal course of the territory that you’re going, when the slack runs in and you go into emergency, those in trained forces are still there, and they’re still going to have to deal with that.

    So the thing that we need to do on a parallel track, we need to insist on electronic braking, but we also need to insist on reducing the size of the trains. Several state legislatures right now have these bills in their possession. I know I was one of them. But my suggestion would be, that the Secretary of Transportation puts out an emergency order saying that no train turns a wheel in this country over 8,500 feet if it’s got hazardous material in it. No train over 5,000 feet turns the wheel. And this is my opinion. I would put a away caboose, I’m sorry, I revert to a railroad talk, but I would put a caboose on every hazardous material train with a conductor and a brakeman on the rear end. That way this would’ve never happened. If this train had been 5,000 feet long with a caboose on it, this would not have happened.

    Maximillian Alvarez:

    Well, I think that’s a great kind of point for us to end on because I that in many regards, we’ve only kind of scratched the surface here, but I hope that we can have you guys back on and we’re going to keep having more folks who’ve worked on the railroads who have that insider perspective to keep giving y’all this important context. I’m sure again, with the existing media coverage that we’re getting right now, where everyone I think is looking for one smoking gun or one political party who can definitively be said to be the root cause of this. I hope what we’re getting across is that sadly the explanation is not that easy, and in fact incorporates all of these larger systemic issues that we’ve been covering over the past year. But I think what we have contributed, at the very least here to this discussion is that, sure, like the ECP brakes, the electronic braking systems, and I think you guys did a great job breaking that down, but just for everyone, instead of having an air braking system that goes from the front to the back car by car, by car.

    So if you have the first half of the train that’s broke where the brakes have been applied, but you got all that weight from the back of the train still going, that’s going to cause an issue. Whereas an ECP braking system applies the brakes to all cars at once. So just wanted to make sure that folks understood the difference there. So that’s important. And I think as we’re all saying here, yeah, we need those, that it seems like a good thing to have those on the trains. But I think what we’ve contributed here that really isn’t being talked about enough in the coverage of the derailment disaster in East Palestine, Ohio, is that the trains should not be that goddam long. This was 150 car train that was carrying multiple cars of hazardous material. Like we said at the top, five of those cars contain vinyl chloride.

    That was not the only toxic hazardous substance on that train. In fact, we’re getting reports now that traces of other toxic substances are being found in the soil, in the surrounding waterways. This is really bad. And the point being is that if you have trains that are that long, and thankfully there were three people on that train, if I recall correctly, there was an engineer, conductor, and a trainee. But remember, the rail companies want to just have one person on those trains. Imagine how much worse this derailment would’ve been if there was just one person on that train to respond to this sort of derailment. It would’ve been even more of a nightmare than what we’re watching unfold right now. But that is the historical arc that we’re trying to trace for you guys.

    Again, we know that from 1980 to now, in broad strokes, we used to have over 500,000 workers on the freight rail system. Now we’ve got less than 150,000. We used to have around 40 rail carriers now that the consolidations, mergers, acquisitions have brought that down to what, seven major carrier, soon to be six. And so you have that corporate consolidation, and in that same time, over that same arc, the trains that used to have four or five guys on them, they used to be a lot shorter, used to have more eyes and more hands inspecting the car and making sure that things were running well. And if there was a crisis, it could be responded to immediately. Those trains have tripled in size while the crews have diminished down to two people. So this is the direction things are going. And at the same time, again, instead of investing what needs to be invested in a robust workforce that can make sure that this vital component of our supply chain is running properly, that catastrophes like this don’t happen.

    We’ve been slashing the workforce. Instead of investing in track maintenance, let alone things like we should be investing in track electrification, expanding safe rail travel in this country, we’ve been doing the exact opposite. We’ve been letting our infrastructure crumble so that all of that extra money can just go into the pockets of shareholders and executives. Like something has to give. And I think we are watching that something give right now. And so we need to care about this, and we need to understand that it’s not just one-off technical glitches that are causing these derailments. This is not the only derailment that’s happening. It’s just the most horrific one that we have seen of late.

    But Norfolk Southern has derailments every other week for Christ’s sake, and that’s just one rail carrier. So again, I hope that this has given you guys at least some essential historical context for what we’re watching in East Palestine, even if we only have so much that we can say about East Palestine right now, as we’re still waiting for more information to come out. And so we’re going to keep having these conversations. We’re going to have Jeff and Mark and other folks from Railroad Workers United back on to keep giving you guys that context you need. We’ll keep giving you updates as new updates come out about the derailment in East Palace theme. But for now, I know that we went long, so I got to let Mark and Jeff go. Guys, I just wanted to quickly ask if there was anything else that we didn’t get in there that you wanted to make sure we get in before we wrap?

    Jeff Kurtz:

    Real quick. If we do ECP breaks, it’s going to take years to do. We can reduce the size of these trains in five minutes. We would take care of a lot. I don’t think East Palestine would’ve happened if it was 5,000 feet long. So I will end on that note.

    Mark Burrows:

    I totally agree that trains could be shortened right now, so I totally agree with that. And other things could be dealt with right now, the reality is most likely they’re not going to be. And that’s why this campaign for nationalization, I think is very important, because that will take the profit motive out. And then workers, communities, shippers can sit down and collectively discuss and find that balance of safety and efficiency. Have that have a democratic inclusive discussion. Yeah, we don’t want to run 2000 mile long train, but we don’t want to run three mile long trains either. So whether it’s 8,500, whether it’s 5,000, the point is we need to have an inclusive democratic discussion that finds the balance of safety and efficiency without compromising safety, so that products can be moved safely. Communities cannot be put in jeopardy. Workers can work safely and with dignity. And I’ll just leave it there. Thank you.

    Maximillian Alvarez:

    So that is the great Mark Borrows and Jeff Kurtz, both veteran now retired railroaders with decades and decades of experience working on the railroads, follow their work at Railroad Workers United, subscribe to their newsletter, stay up to date on the latest news coming out of the rail industry from the rank and file. Jeff, Mark, thank you both so much for joining me today on The Real News. I really appreciate it.

    Jeff Kurtz:

    Thank you, Max, and thanks for covering this.

    Mark Burrows:

    I second that. Thanks for having us, and thanks for your exemplary coverage.

    Maximillian Alvarez:

    Thanks so much, guys. Really appreciate that. And we’re not done. We’re going to stay on this until we get the change that we need. And to all of you watching, thank you for following this. Thank you for caring. And please, before you go, head on over to the realnews.com/support. Become a monthly sustainer of our work so we can keep bringing you important coverage and conversations just like this. Thank you so much for watching.

    Thank you so much for watching The Real News Network, where we lift up the voices, stories and struggles that you care about most. And we need your help to keep doing this work, so please tap your screen now, subscribe and donate to the Real News Network. Solidarity forever.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • One might as well state the matter clearly: given the realities of global warming, rampant environmental destruction, escalating imperialistic clashes, and a crisis-prone global economy, there is no hope for the world unless an international left can be resurrected. A left at least as powerful as the one that created social democracy in the wake of World War II. As complex in their origins as the world’s ills are, they can be expressed and explained in a single sentence: internationally, there is a political right, a proto-fascist far-right, and a stagnant though tenacious center, but, in effect, no left. That is, there is no real force that authentically represents the interests of the exploited and immiserated majority. No wonder things are so bad. The burning question is: how to build such a left?

    How not to build it is clear: devote inordinate attention to issues of race, gender, and sexuality. Indeed, a major reason the left is so weak today is that for decades it—or something that has claimed the mantle of the left, in academia, the media, and politics—has focused disproportionately on such issues, neglecting grievances that unite people across boundaries of race, gender, and sexuality. The ineffectual nature of such a “left” should be obvious from one consideration alone: “universal” issues—which affect workers whatever their identity—of wages, working conditions, income and wealth distribution, scarce housing, unemployment, public health, student and consumer debt, ecological destruction, the shrinking and starving of public goods, murderous imperialism, hypertrophying militarism, and the very survivability of human civilization are scarcely touched by discourses and activism around racial and gender disparities. (“We want to have it as good as white cisgendered men!” Okay, meanwhile you’ll still be dealing with all the crises I just mentioned.) If you want to build a new world, you don’t go about it by ignoring working-class grievances as such, attending only to matters that affect, say, women, gays, and black people; you target the very structures of capitalism, the class-defined exploitative institutions that have oppressed billions (of white men too, even heterosexual ones!) for centuries.

    It has been fashionable among liberals and “leftists” for years to ridicule this so-called “class reductionism,” but thankfully resistance is finally building to reactionary postmodern shibboleths about the equivalence of different types of oppression, or even the priority of racial and gender oppression over class! Norman Finkelstein, for example, who is widely known as the courageous and academically martyred advocate of Palestinian rights, has just published a book called I’ll Burn That Bridge When I Get to It!: Heretical Thoughts on Identity Politics, Cancel Culture, and Academic Freedom. I’ve written a lengthy review here; suffice it to say that Finkelstein is fearless, and ruthless, in his exposition of analytical and political common sense. Adolph and Touré Reed are well known for exposing the follies of what they call “race reductionism”—for example, the gloomy and ahistorical academic school of Afro-pessimism—and their colleague Cedric Johnson has published a book called The Panthers Can’t Save Us Now: Debating Left Politics and Black Lives Matter that eviscerates the current faddish nostalgia for Black Power. (Again, for anyone who would prefer a summary and critique, I wrote a review of the book that also goes into some depth in defense of Marxism against its postmodern critics.)

    Examples could be multiplied, but Musa al-Gharbi has already performed this service in a recent article titled “Woke-ism Is Winding Down.” If it is true that wokeness has passed its peak and is, or soon will be, on the decline, this is likely not something to be uncritically celebrated. Nevertheless, it may open the space for a more serious left politics that tackles agendas such as rolling back American imperialism and rebuilding social democracy. Or even, perhaps, advancing the distant goal of economic democracy, i.e., workers’ control of the economy. Somehow, this traditional lodestar of the left has been almost totally forgotten and abandoned.

    Left academics have honed the art of “problematizing” political common sense, for example by inventing a concept called “racial capitalism” and using it to argue that “white supremacy” is a pillar of capitalism no less foundational than class exploitation itself—as if Shanghai or, say, Lagos, Nigeria, not being ruled by “whites,” aren’t capitalist cities—but people with a modicum of analytical intelligence will see through these woke gambits. The more you talk about how racist all whites are and how much more oppressed all blacks are, the more you’re serving the business class by dividing the working class. Why else would the New York Times, quintessential outlet of liberal business, have invested enormous resources into the 1619 Project if not that it understood the profoundly non-radical implications of such racialism? Better to talk about racial capitalism than simply capitalismracial exploitation than class exploitation—reparations (at the expense of white workers) than socialism. The reparations discourse is a brilliant way to destroy working-class solidarity.

    With a kernel of political rationality, one can see that it’s necessary to reach out to white workers, not alienate them or ignore them. Leftists could learn a thing or two from (of all people) Ralph Waldo Emerson, of whom a woman who frequently heard his lectures said, “Whatever else it might be that I cannot understand, he tells me this one thing, that I am not a God-forsaken sinner. He has made me feel that I am worth something in the sight of God, and not a despised creature.” The contemporary “left,” from feminists to critical race theorists, tells white men (and the women who identify with them) that they’re despised creatures worth nothing in the sight of God. It shouldn’t be a surprise when people take this message to heart and turn to a Republican Party that cares not a whit about their well-being but at least tells them it does.

    As surprising as this might sound, empathy, rather than demonization, can be a useful tool for organizing a movement. If, like most liberals and leftists, one doesn’t live among the mythologized and despised “white working class,” one can at least read about their experiences, thus undermining one’s own prejudices and finding common ground on which to educate and organize. Take a book like Arlie Hochschild’s Strangers in Their Own Land: Anger and Mourning on the American Right, published in 2016. She makes it clear that, however misguided are most supporters of Donald Trump’s Republican Party, the large majority are not neo-Nazis, virulent racists, or wealthy cynics eager to crush the working class. “Blue-collar” white men across the South, and the communities they represent, are “victims” no less than the victimized groups celebrated by liberals. Neoliberal capitalism has left them behind, as they suffer from (at best) stagnating wages, environmental pollution and destruction, decaying infrastructure, decaying communities, and poor public health outcomes. Meanwhile, they’re conscious of their low status: “we’re seen as backward and poor.” Hochschild’s exercise in empathy, as in the following passage, is sadly lacking among most liberals and leftists today:

    You [an average white man in the South] are a stranger in your own land. You do not recognize yourself in how others see you. It is a struggle to feel seen and honored…

    You turn to your workplace for respect—but wages are flat and jobs insecure. So you look to other sources of honor. You get no extra points for your race. You look to gender, but if you’re a man, you get no extra points for that either. If you are straight you are proud to be a married, heterosexual male, but that pride is now seen as a potential sign of homophobia—a source of dishonor. Regional honor? Not that either. You are often disparaged for the place you call home. As for the church, many look down on it, and the proportion of Americans outside any denomination has risen… People like you—white, Christian, working and middle class—suffer this sense of fading honor demographically too, as this very group has declined in numbers.

    To begin to wrest power from a depraved Republican and Democratic elite, a corporate sector that cares about literally nothing but profits, it is necessary to appeal to “white America” no less than “black America” (to use race-reductionist metaphors implicit in identity politics). As always, you start by emphasizing what you have in common with people, for instance that you care deeply, as they do, about community, family, economic security, a healthy natural environment, and that you resent no less than they do impersonal government bureaucracies that tax your hard-earned money to wage wars abroad and in fact—here’s an opportunity for education—redistribute income upwards, to wealthy investors and big business. You don’t talk about how racist these people are—after all, everyone is a little racist (including against whites), a little sexist (against men too: “Men are arrogant, stupid, misogynistic!”), and has numerous prejudices and unappealing traits—but instead you argue that people of all races are being exploited and victimized, and that ostensibly “lazy” black people work just as hard as whites to get ahead but are just as burdened by taxes and bills and debt. It doesn’t require much imagination to find common ground with struggling whites. Over time, using the “class reductionist” strategy of Bernie Sanders, you educate people and build a movement that promises to transform society much more radically than little identitarian programs of reducing disparities will.

    None of this requires that you sacrifice the interests of minorities. It is rather the only way to fully realize those interests, given both the necessity of a broad popular movement and the (in most respects) shared interests of minorities and working-class white men. Through common struggle, not through woke demonization, you’ll succeed in reducing the incidence of racism, sexism, homophobia, and other such vices.

    In short, as Finkelstein argues in his eloquent new book, it’s urgent for leftists to shed their race obsessions and gender obsessions and remember the Marxian lesson that class solidarity—albeit incorporating identitarian goals—is the sine qua non of a revolutionary movement. Hardly anything is more important today than organizing to make class struggle the defining issue of, for example, the left wing of the Democratic Party.

    Objective economic structures, not subjective identities, are the fundamental evil to be combatted. Until they are, the left will remain, in effect, nonexistent.

    The post How to Rebuild the Left first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vermont) is calling for the standard work week to be shortened from five to four days. On Twitter on Tuesday, Sanders said that technological advancements allow for less labor from workers, but are currently only used to pad the pockets of corporate executives. “With exploding technology and increased worker productivity, it’s time to move toward a four-day work week with no…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • Editor’s note: Since this episode was recorded, news broke on Feb. 16 that a judge dismissed Kroger’s motion to have the Seyfried’s lawsuit against the company thrown out. The family’s lawsuit against the company will be allowed to proceed.

    Content warning: This episode contains discussion of the topic of suicide.

    We kick off Season Six of Working People with a very special episode that is dedicated to Evan Seyfried, his family, and his loved ones. As listeners know from our previous conversations with Evan’s family members and their supporters in the Justice for Evan coalition, Evan was a loving son, brother, boyfriend, friend, and a dedicated worker. For 19 years, with a virtually spotless record, Evan worked at a local Kroger grocery store in Milford, Ohio, where he eventually became the dairy department manager. From October 2020 to March 2021, however, according to a lawsuit filed by the Seyfried family, Evan suffered a torturous litany of bullying, harassment, and sabotage at the hands of numerous actors, including management-level supervisors Shannon Frazee and Joseph Pigg, which caused Evan to eventually suffer a “transient episodic break” and take his own life.

    We have done our best over the past year and a half to help the Seyfrieds get the justice they deserve, to hold Kroger accountable, and to keep Evan’s story from fading from public view. But we also want to make sure that people remember Evan for the whole, beautiful person he was, for the joy and light he brought into the world, and for the love he showed to those who knew him. February 11 was Evan’s birthday, and we wanted to take this opportunity to give some of that love back. With Evan’s beloved girlfriend Amy Chamberlin and dear friend of the Seyfried family and cofounder of the Justice for Evan coalition Jana Murphy, we pay tribute to Evan by celebrating his life and the beautiful mark he left on this world.


    Additional links/info below…

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    Featured Music (all songs sourced from the Free Music Archive: freemusicarchive.org)

    • Jules Taylor, “Working People Theme Song

    Post-production: Jules Taylor

    If you or someone you care about has contemplated suicide, call the National Suicide Prevention Lifeline at 1-800-273-8255 or text HOME to 741741 to reach the Crisis Text Line. Crisis counselors are available 24 hours a day. The International Association for Suicide Prevention also provides contact information for crisis centers around the world.


    TRANSCRIPT

    Maximillian Alvarez:  All right. Welcome, everyone, to season six of Working People, a podcast about the lives, jobs, dreams, and struggles of the working class today. Brought to you in partnership with In These Times magazine and The Real News Network, produced by Jules Taylor, and made possible by the support of listeners like you. Working People is a proud member of the Labor Radio Podcast Network. If you’re hungry for more worker and labor-focused shows like ours, follow the link in the show notes and go check out the other great shows in our network. Please support the work that we’re doing here at Working People so we can keep growing and keep bringing y’all more important conversations every week. Leave us a positive review on Apple Podcasts. Share these episodes on your social media, and share them with your coworkers, your friends, and family members.

    And of course, the single best thing you can do to support our work is become a paid monthly subscriber on Patreon for just five bucks a month. Subscribe for 10 bucks a month, and you’ll also get a print subscription of the amazing In These Times magazine delivered right to your mailbox every month. Just head on over to patreon.com/workingpeople, that’s P-A-T-R-E-O-N.com/workingpeople. Hit the subscribe button and you’ll immediately get access to all the great bonus episodes that we’ve published over the past five seasons of the show.

    My name is Maximillian Alvarez, and it is so good to be back with y’all for season six of the show. Trust me when I say that Jules and I really needed to take a little bit of a break after the marathon that we ran last year, but you know what? It’s February, year of our Lord 2023. We are back in the saddle, and we are ready to kick some more ass for the working class. From coffee shops to coal mines, working people all over this country and beyond are standing up for themselves and their co-workers, fighting for what they deserve, and the ruling economic and political establishments are doing everything they can to demolish and demoralize our movements and to beat us back into subservience. But those bastards don’t know what they’re up against. They are no match for you or for us. It’s going to be a dog fight, and frankly, it’s going to be the fight of a lifetime. So we all have to be there for each other day in and day out. We here at Working People are going to be right there with you day in, day out.

    As our theme music reminds us every week, we’ve got work to do, baby, so let’s get to work. So we are kicking off the new season of the show with a very special episode that is dedicated to Evan Seyfried, his family, and his loved ones. We are scheduling this episode to come out right around Evan’s birthday, which is on Feb. 11. As you all know from our previous episodes where I’ve had conversations with Evan’s family members and their supporters in the Justice for Evan Coalition, Evan was a loving son, brother, boyfriend, friend, and a dedicated worker. For 19 years with a virtually spotless record, Evan worked at a local Kroger grocery store in Milford, Ohio, where he eventually became the dairy department manager.

    From October 2020 to March 2021, however, Evan suffered a torturous litany of bullying, harassment, and sabotage, according to a lawsuit that was filed by the Seyfried family. As the lawsuit alleges, it was this treatment which was the result of a conspiracy involving numerous actors, including management level supervisor Shannon Frazee and Joseph Pigg at the Milford store, that caused Evan to eventually suffer a transient episodic break and take his own life.

    Now, I know it has not been easy to listen to the conversations that we’ve had about Evan and the tragic, unforgivable circumstances that led to his death. But I know that you all, like we do, understand how important it is to keep Evan’s memory alive, to keep his story from fading away, and to keep fighting until the Seyfrieds get justice and Kroger is held accountable. But we also want to make sure that people remember Evan for the whole beautiful person that he was, for the joy and light that he brought into this world, and for the love that he showed to those who knew him, and to those who didn’t. On this Feb. 11, we want to take a moment to celebrate Evan’s life, to give some of that love back. I couldn’t be more grateful to Evan’s beloved girlfriend, Amy, and to dear friend of the Seyfried family and co-founder of the Justice for Evan Coalition, Jana, for recording this tribute to Evan with us.

    I also wanted to note before we get to the episode that on Feb. 11, which is, again, Evan’s birthday, Justice for Evan is holding a National Kindness Day to honor Evan, and it’s really what it sounds like. This Saturday, wherever you are, do something kind for others. Help a neighbor, pick up some trash in your neighborhood, ask a friend out for coffee or lunch. Call that friend or family member that you’ve been meaning to call for a while now, but just haven’t. Give someone a compliment. Every act of kindness, no matter how small, matters. It may seem insignificant to you, but it can mean the whole world to someone else. So please visit the Justice for Evan social media pages to learn more about Kindness Day and how you can participate in it and keep Evan’s loving spirit alive this year and every year by being just a little more kind to yourselves and to others.

    Jana Murphy:  Hi, Max. Thank you so much for having us. My name is Jana Murphy, and I’m the co-founder and co-organizer of Justice for Evan. I’m a close friend of Evan Seyfried’s wonderful family. I’m here today to talk a little bit about Evan and honor him as his 42nd birthday is approaching on Feb. 11. For your listeners who haven’t heard about Evan and what happened to him, he was a wonderful employee at Kroger in Milford, Ohio. He worked for the Kroger Company for almost 20 years. On March 9 of 2021, Evan took his own life due to what was happening to him at work. Evan didn’t have any history of any mental illnesses. He was a happy 40-year-old man. He was really close with his girlfriend, who’s going to talk about Evan today also. He’s really close with his mom and dad who also live in Milford and his brother, Eric, who is two years older. He was a homeowner in Milford, and he loved his job until a lady named Shannon Frazee became his store manager.

    In the fall of 2020, Evan became a target of a bullying campaign that was started by Shannon Frazee and another manager named Joseph Pigg. Evan followed the CDC guidelines during the pandemic and wore his mask to work. He was targeted at first for wearing the mask and was referred to by store management as antifa, and Shannon Frazee took it upon herself to start harassing Evan. She sexually harassed him. She launched a full campaign to target him, and Evan reported, as protocol to the union and to his representative, and nothing was done. We believe that all of the reports that he filed did not go where they were actually supposed to go.

    Joseph Pigg was the store manager at that time. Evan helped female employees report Joseph Pigg for sexual harassment when their reports were ignored. When Evan helped those female employees to report, the harassment against him became even worse. Between the fall of 2020 and the spring of 2021, Evan’s department – He was a dairy manager – His department was repetitively sabotaged. He was sent menacing messages to his phone. He was followed home. Cars would be parked outside of his house. He was alienated at work. He was told that his life was going to be made a living hell by Joseph Pigg. Other employees witnessed what was happening with Evan.

    On March 9, Evan suffered an episodic break and took his own life. It was reported to the family days later about what they had witnessed that was happening to him at work. In July, July 12 of 2021, Ken Siegfried, Evan Seyfried’s father, filed a lawsuit against the corporation of Kroger, and also Shannon Frazee and Joseph Pigg. There’s a 30-page lawsuit that your listeners can find on script.com. If they type in the name Evan Seyfried, it’s S-E-Y-F-R-I-E-D, they can read the entire lawsuit there. There’s also many, many articles from The Washington Post, all the local news that have continued to give updates and report about what happened to Evan and what’s going on at Kroger. The Cincinnati Enquirer has done multiple pieces including a very large piece that came out Dec. 12 that was also on the front page of USA Today, and your listeners can find that online as well.

    Justice for Evan was launched in the summer of 2021, and we’ve been bringing attention to what happened to Evan and holding public events, and recording podcasts, and getting as much media attention as we possibly can to what has happened to Evan and what’s going on in Kroger stores as we’ve learned how toxic of a work culture that’s actually going on in Kroger.

    The lawsuit is ongoing. Kroger has requested that the lawsuit be dismissed, and we are waiting to hear the decision from the judge whether the lawsuit will be dismissed or carried on. The family in the lawsuit has requested a jury trial. Shannon Frazee and Joseph Pigg are still employed with Kroger. Joseph Pigg was actually promoted to a store manager at Goshen, and Shannon Frazee kept her position for quite a while as the store manager in Milford. She has since been demoted.

    We believe that Kroger knows that these two parties are guilty in this case and that they are guilty for failing to protect their employee. Evan was targeted, and he was organizationally mobbed by the entire culture of Kroger, because they did absolutely nothing to protect their employee. Every employee deserves to be protected, and Evan Seyfried was a very diligent employee. He dedicated his life to goodness, and that definitely carried over in his work. He was committed and loved Kroger. He’d started working there when he was 19 years old because he loved food and he liked to cook. He started working in the meat department when he was 19, and he was a wonderful employee. He took his vacations when they were scheduled. He did not call off. He was not late for work. He had never failed an audit until the last audit that he had, which was fully sabotaged. Your readers will be shocked and horrified, literally horrified. That’s what we hear from everyone when they read the lawsuit that they are shocked and horrified that this could possibly happen, and it did. It happened and it is happening to people.

    The more that people can be educated on what is growing on, it can help to protect people in the future. That’s what we have to make sure that happens, is that in Evan’s legacy, that justice is given to him and the Seyfried family, and that future employees are protected from this happening to them. So it’s that audit that your readers can read about and what happened. Evan had never had expired product on his shelf before. He was impeccable in his word and in his deed and in his life. He worked his way up at Kroger and became the dairy manager. He was at the Milford Kroger. He had transferred stores to help out a fellow employee, a fellow co-worker, colleague who wanted to transfer stores, and Evan transferred stores to help out that man.

    Evan enjoyed being with his family. He spent a couple of nights a week having dinner with his parents. They were very, very close. He was his mother’s very best friend. They were always very, very close. He was his father’s very close friend. They would take walks in the park and talk, and they had very deep discussions. Evan was a very deep person. He spent a lot of time thinking. He was always thinking about what was the meaning of life and how he could fulfill his purpose. He did that while he was here by being the good person that he was.

    He would travel to see his brother. They would take family vacations. His brother, Eric, lives in Oregon, and the entire family loved to take trips and hike together and be together. That is what they love to do. He always had a kind word for his family. He was a wonderful listener. He was the glue to the family. That was said about him before his death, and certainly after.

    Holidays were very important to the family. They would sit around the table at Thanksgiving and talk. They looked forward to their holidays together. He was a wonderful gift buyer. He bought very meaningful gifts for everyone in his life. Since his passing, Eric has been at a loss. So many things that Evan did for the family, now there’s nobody there to do those things. Evan was the one who picked out the Christmas gifts for his mom and dad. Evan was the one who talked about when they were going to plan their vacations, like when his vacation time was and what they were going to do.

    His role was very, very important in the family, and he was very beloved for that role. The hole in each of their lives, individually and as a family, has been greater than can be explained. He was a lover of nature. He loved to be out in nature. He appreciated the world. He was saddened by what was going on in the world and with humans to each other, and humans, what they were doing to the earth. He lived a right life, and what happened to him is so unjust that this harm and this mild regard of this beautiful person is so horrific that we are so grateful that people can see the light that Evan left in this world.

    People who have spread the word about what happened to him, all the news outlets, all what you have done for us, Max, giving us a microphone so that we can let people know the type of person that Evan was and how his death should not have occurred. It was an absolutely preventable death. It was a preventable death if Kroger had done what they were supposed to do and listened to him, fired the people who were torturing him, and simply treated him like a human being. It’s an awful thing, what happened to Evan Seyfried.

    I encourage your listeners to get online, go to our petition on change.org. Again, it’s change.org, and just type in Evan Seyfried, and you can read the synopsis of what happened to him and sign our petition to spread that where he has over 11,000 signatures. We’re going to continue to fight the fight and let people know what happened to him. I’m going to hand the floor over to Amy, Evan’s beloved girlfriend. In introduction of Amy, I’ll tell you that she was the light of Evan’s life.

    Evan treated every one of his relationships extremely special, and he had been waiting for the love of his life. When she came along, he was extremely happy, and happy to have found his person. He shared that with his brother, Eric, and Eric shared that with me. When Eric told me that Evan had met somebody really special and that he was in love and that he thought he had met the one, it was like, we had just found out about COVID and everybody in the world was in shock. I said, well, the world might be going to hell in a handbasket, but Evan Seyfried’s in love.

    It was just a really special, special thing, because the two boys had always traveled together. They’d shared memories together and they’d shared their lives together. Knowing that Evan had found true love in his life was a real celebratory thing. Amy’s a really, really special person. How I’ve gotten to know her and learn about Evan and even more of a right and wonderful and beautiful person that he was through getting to talk to Amy makes me want to fight even harder. Thank you, Amy, for everything that you shared with me. I’m going to let you share that now with Max.

    Amy Chamberlin:  Hi, I’m Amy Chamberlin. I met Evan in the fall of 2017, I believe, when he was transferred to my store to be the dairy manager. He was only at my store for a couple of months, but we became friends really quickly. He was just a great listener and a person that you could talk to very easily. After he left my store and transferred to a different store, we kept in contact, and eventually started meeting up and trying out new restaurants, because he loved to try new restaurants but didn’t want to go alone. I like, I don’t got nothing going on, so might as well. He loved spicy foods and I am not good with spice at all, so just tell me what not to eat, we’ll be good. So that was always fun, just trying new stuff. We’d go walking in the park sometimes just to be outside, and there’s always so much great conversation. You could spend an entire day just talking, and it seemed like a matter of minutes would pass. You’d look at the watch, and you’d be like, oh, wow. It’s been a few hours. That was crazy. I guess finding someone who you can connect with on that level and the listening and connecting is, it’s hard to find a genuine relationship like that.

    So yeah, eventually, as we started hanging out more and more, we’d get into a routine of I’d come over to his house in the morning and he’d cook me breakfast, because my typical breakfast would be drinking a soda while I’m driving somewhere. He’s like, yeah, that’s not going to work. You need real food, so he was making me eggs and bacon always. Then he found out that I really like biscuits, so then he’d start making me biscuits with my eggs and bacon, and always made sure I was well-fed, which is good. Always a good memory of hanging out and in the kitchen in the morning and making breakfast and just spending the day hanging out and talking and do silly stuff like run errands, but it would be a good day. Good company makes the regular kind of stuff go better.

    He was very thoughtful about paying attention and putting that into buying a gift. You’d mentioned something, I think I was complaining one day because my favorite candy is Necco Wafers, and the company that makes Necco Wafers went out of business. So I bought all the Necco Wafers at Jungle Jim’s while we were there. I was out of Necco Wafers, so he went online and surprised me by buying me a whole lot of Necco Wafers one time, which was really sweet. There was all the other times where I had complained about, while Christmas shopping, Doc Martens brought out this new line of boots, and I’m like, oh, I need these, but it’s Christmastime, so I’m not buying presents for myself. I’m buying presents for other people. When I get money after Christmas, I’ll think about buying them. But then by then they were sold out in my size, and I forgot about that. Then when my birthday rolled around in June, it was the pair of boots that I really wanted and I couldn’t find anywhere. He somehow managed to track down a pair, and it’s been one of the most meaningful gifts I’ve ever received. The little things, the thought that he would put into stuff like that is amazing.

    Jana Murphy:  Amy always has really beautiful shoes. Last week when we were spending time together, I noticed that she has three really nice pairs of Doc Martens. I was talking to her about some of the gifts that Evan had gotten her, and she’s like, yeah, he got me the glittery Doc Martens and my low cut Rose Doc Martens and my Hello Kitty Doc Martens. I was like, oh my gosh, he got you all of those great shoes. She’s like, yeah, he knew I really liked them. She’ll carry this beautiful purse, and I’ll comment on the purse and she’s like, oh, Evan got that for me for Valentine’s Day, or a wallet.

    Amy Chamberlin:  Yeah. The purse was one where he actually asked me what I wanted for Christmas one year, and I’m like, well, they have this new line of purple stuff on Lux De Ville. He’s like, okay, noted. Then there was one discussion and it was like, oh, perfect. It was perfect, perfect one.

    Maximillian Alvarez:  I think that it’s just so beautiful to hear this, because obviously we’ve been talking over the course of the past year or so, doing multiple recordings for this podcast, a segment on Breaking Points and The Real News. It’s impossible to avoid the awful stuff. But I think it’s so beautiful to hear all these other ways that y’all want Evan to be remembered, and the way that you remember Evan.

    I think about this a lot, because I think the first photo of Evan I saw is this beautiful photo of him in front of a birthday cake. He just looks so full of life and just looks so kind and sweet. I love getting to hear that side of him from his loved ones. I love that we get to share that with our listeners. So I just wanted to ask, in that vein, in the spirit that is captured in that great picture of Evan on a past birthday, if there are any other memories that you want folks listening to this who have become invested in this story, who are with you guys and are with the Seyfrieds till the end, any other just birthday memories or wishes that you want to share with folks?

    Amy Chamberlin:  With that birthday picture, he was so excited for the week beforehand. He kept telling me about how his mom was going to make him a cake, and he was so excited ‘because she was the best cook. She made the best food and he was so excited for that cake. I think afterwards, it was really hard for him to not eat the entire cake, but he did share some of it with me, and it was a very good cake, very good. That was the ultimate test of willpower, to not eat the whole cake [laughs].

    Jana Murphy:  Yeah, he loved to eat. He was really thin and he could eat whatever he wanted, and he loved food. He really enjoyed eating food. He was very much known for that.

    Amy Chamberlin:  Yeah. That was one thing when we would go out, his favorite restaurant was The Original Pancake House. So we’d always go to the one out on Beechmont Avenue, and he’d always get the same thing, potato pancakes with a side of sour cream and applesauce, and then corned beef hash. I don’t know, their menu is so vast. I’d have something different every time, but then he’d eat his entire meal, and I’d eat half of mine ’cause it’s a big plate of food, and then he’d finish mine too. I’m like, where does it go? Yeah, it was fun.

    Jana Murphy:  His favorite cake was spice cake with a cream cheese frosting on it. Both boys, they loved their mom’s carrot cakes or spice cakes. Well, her favorite’s carrot, but they love the spice cake. She makes cakes from very scratch. She makes a carrot cake, she shaves the carrots. She’s an extremely beautiful, amazing homemaker. She was really excited to make all of the boys’ birthday cakes from scratch for them. Especially both boys love to eat, and they really appreciate their mom’s cooking. With Evan being here and living here, as Eric’s been out in Oregon for the past 10 years with work, Evan was the one who, he’d be there all the time cooking with his mom, and he increased that over the pandemic. He’d go over, and not only would they make their meal together, but they started making their desserts together.

    That birthday picture that you mentioned, Max, that was his 40th birthday, and he was over at his mom and dad’s house. There’s a picture of him and his mom sitting there together. That’s the picture, mainly, that people see, even though it’s just his face there to see him. But that was on his birthday around the table. And there’s lots and lots of pictures that the Seyfrieds had with him throughout his life.

    As time goes on – And it takes a long time, and who knows if healing, when that can happen? Maybe one day there’ll be more pictures to share of him if the Seyfrieds ever want to share. But he was just the cutest little kid, I mean, super, super, super cute. Your listeners can see his picture. He was a really handsome guy. He was a really good-looking guy, beautiful brown hair and big brown eyes, a nice beautiful face and beautiful teeth and a beautiful smile. We’re just so grateful that those pictures were taken of him on his birthday and have those in front of his cake. I know that Amy can tell you more things about what he collected, but he collected… You want to talk about his collection, Amy?

    Amy Chamberlin:  He liked to collect belt buckles, I don’t even know that I ever saw all of them. There were certain ones that he’d show me at different times, just being really excited about them. He’d shown me the really pretty ones. There were some that were… I don’t know much about them myself, but he’d say they were really expensive, but they had turquoise stones and really elaborate designs. Those were the ones that never… They were the display ones. Then there were the ones he would wear on a daily basis that I remember, like one that had a Celtic knot that I remember him wearing a lot. He had one that was pretty plain, but it just had the word “nasty” on it [Max laughs]. He was like, this one’s funny, ’cause my mom hates it, and I like to wear it ’cause my mom hates it. I was like, okay. I see you there. I get that. I have two teenage boys, it’s like, whatever, but [crosstalk]

    Jana Murphy:  They love to joke around, and that was a big part of their life, joking around a lot. He had a great, amazing sense of humor. I think that’s one thing that we haven’t really brought to life a whole lot, is Evan was the funniest person alive. He had an incredible wit about him. He was incredibly intelligent. He was extremely well-read and extremely well-versed on everything that was going on in politics. He knew what was going on in so many different realms. He could talk about anything, and so therefore, that lent itself a lot to a quick wit, because he could make a joke about anything that was going on, historically or currently.

    So if you were talking to him, Eric has said this multiple times, that since he was such a great listener too – And I know Amy can attest to this – Since he’s such a good listener, he was always paying attention to what you were saying. So he could just pull something off-the-cuff and make everybody at the table laugh, and make those people feel like they were the one who was the star of the show. He just made everybody feel really, really special. He made other people feel better about themselves. His co-workers, I know, can give the same testimony that he helped them in their job. He lifted everybody up. He was known as being an amazing leader, an extremely kind person, always giving and loving and sweet. And there. He showed up. He wasn’t checked out. I know, Amy, you can talk more about how much Evan was present. He was present, he wasn’t on his phone, he was there with you.

    Amy Chamberlin:  Yeah. There would be lots of times where we’d be talking about whatever random topic we were on of the day, I remember one time we’re sitting there talking and he looks at me and he looks like he’s about to say something. I’m like, what? He’s like, I was going to argue a point with you, but every time I think I’m going to argue a point, I just Google it, and it turns out you’re right. I’m like, what? I feel like it was at that point in time I realized, this is the person I’m going to spend the rest of my life with. The fact that he can appreciate that there are other points of view, and it was, I don’t know, it was a good acknowledgement, but we did end up Googling it anyhow. I was part of, I love having Google handy, so never a topic that wasn’t… If we started talking about something and then there was some sort of question like, I wonder how that would end up? So we’d just Google it.

    Jana Murphy:  He was a reader of all the books in the bookstore. So many people who are close-minded or won’t listen to other people’s opinions, and he was a learner. He had no fear of learning about how other people believed or what they thought, and he’s just a really good person. More people should be like Evan, and we make that comment a lot: what would Evan do? What would he do?

    Another note about something wonderful about him is he was a really good travel partner for his family. I know I mentioned about their trips, but he and Eric took a five-week trip. I believe it was right before Evan started at Kroger, so he was 19, I think it was right before he started. But Eric has said multiple times that that was the best trip. He was the best travel partner. The trip was so incredible, and they took other trips together, and that was the longest one. He’s commented a lot about how he’s just so grateful for those five weeks in Europe with Evan, and just what a fun travel partner that he was. He was just a perfect, perfect travel partner.

    I’ve known the Seyfrieds for 20 years and just all of the honor and the good words that Eric has always… It’s just always a good word about Evan, always was. We’re honored to do this work for such a wonderful person. That’s why we’re doing it. That’s why we’re doing it. It would still be a just cause to fight for anyone who such torture had happened to needlessly, but man, it is fuel for the fire that he was such a wonderful human being.

    Amy Chamberlin:  I remember Evan telling me a lot about that trip to Europe that he went with his brother. In particular, I remember him telling me about seeing Chelsea Clinton in Paris. He found that part very humorous, that he saw her. To be out in Europe and see someone famous in the United States, and also staying in hostels along the way, and just what an adventure it was. It was a good memory for him too. He talked about it quite a bit.

    Jana Murphy:  He loved ethnic food, so when he would travel, he really enjoyed eating all of the food. I know that he loved ethnic restaurants. As Amy he touched on earlier, he liked spicy food, but he loved Indian food. It’s interesting, it’s just been so great, Amy, to have the memories come out. Amy and I’ll be hanging out and I’ll mention a restaurant, she’s like, oh yeah, I went there one time with Evan, or, oh, yeah, Evan and I went there and he got this and I tried it and it was too spicy, so he ate mine. We switched foods because mine was too spicy, so I got…

    Amy Chamberlin:  Yep. Yeah. I’m like, no spice whatsoever, and he is adding Tabasco sauce and cayenne peppers.

    Jana Murphy:  Even though he didn’t have pets, he loved his mom’s cat. Her name is Maggie. On the cover of the USA Today, there’s a beautiful picture of Evan looking down with a big loving smile on his face, and he’s looking at Maggie, the cat [laughs]. She loved him. She was warmer to him than other people. She loved him a lot. He just had that beautiful energy to him, and anybody will tell you that. He just had a beautiful, loving, caring energy. People who see his picture, they’ll be able to see that come through.

    Maximillian Alvarez:  Yeah. Again, I’ve been open about this on this show and elsewhere that that first episode with Eric, Ken, and Linda was the hardest interview I’ve ever recorded, but I’m glad that we did. I think it was important, and it’s been a real honor to get to know them and you guys over the course of this past year and a half. I can’t thank you enough for always being willing to share what I know are very painful memories. But I’m so glad that we made space to share the happier memories as well, because we don’t want to give people the impression that an entire beautiful life lived is reducible to the horrors that Evan endured at the end of his life.

    It’s worth very much honoring his memory and lifting up the beautiful soul that he was and the beautiful impact that he had on the people around him and the world that he was a part of, and so I just wanted to thank you both. Thank you to Erica, who couldn’t be here with us today, from the Justice for Evan Coalition. Obviously, we’re sending all of our love and solidarity to Evan’s family along with Amy and Jana. And to all of you out there, please take care of yourselves, and take care of each other. Please join us here at Working People in wishing Evan Seyfried a very happy birthday. We miss you.

    Jana Murphy:  Evan, we wish that you were here to celebrate another 40 years here on the planet. I know that’s been something that’s been so hard. So the Seyfrieds and Amy and everyone who knew Evan, looking forward to many, many, many, many more years of his light shining here on earth. Now that you’re not here any longer, Evan, we’re going to continue to carry your light. We’re so grateful that it was so, so bright, that your legacy will always live. You’re going to make a huge impact on the world, and just so grateful that you’re such a good person. On Saturday, Feb. 11, when your birthday comes, we’ll be lighting many, many, many lights for you and sending out so much gratitude, and grateful for the 40 birthdays that you got to celebrate here, and all of the wonderful memories that were made. Happy birthday, Evan. We love you and we miss you.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • After five months of the Texas Campaign for the Environment (TCE) not recognizing their union, members of the Texas Environmental Workers Union unanimously agreed to a one-day strike, which took place on February 6, 2023. Working People producer Jules Taylor sat down with Brandon Marks and Chloe Torres for an in-person interview ahead of the strike to discuss the struggle Texas Environmental Workers Union members are facing in their workplace. Union members are requesting that listeners sign on their letter urging the TCE to recognize their union, and consider donating to their strike fund. The Texas Environmental Workers Union is proudly represented by the Communications Workers of America.


    Additional links/info below

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    Featured Music (all songs sourced from the Free Music Archive: freemusicarchive.org)

    • Jules Taylor, “Working People Theme Song”
    • Updog – “Burned Out

    Post-Production: Jules Taylor

    Transcript

    Brandon Marks:  Hey y’all. My name is Brandon Marks. I use he/him pronouns. The regional coordinator at the Texas Campaign for the Environment, right here living in Corpus Christi, Texas. We have been fighting for our union for about six months now.

    Chloe Torres:  Hi everyone. My name is Chloe Torres. I use they/she pronouns, and I am the fossil fuel exports organizer for the Coastal Bend region. Same as Brandon, our union started in a living room conversation, kind of as a joke, but not really. Here we are now fighting to be recognized.

    Jules Taylor:  All right. Well, Brandon and Chloe, thank you so much for sitting down, talking to me today and welcome, Working People listeners, to another episode of the podcast Working People, the podcast about the lives, jobs, dreams, and struggles of the working class today. Brought to you in partnership with In These Times magazine and The Real News Network produced by Jules Taylor and hosted by the one and only Maximillian Alvarez.

    As you can see or hear, Max is not with us today. It is your intrepid producer coming to you from Corpus Christi. Long story short, I moved to Texas, as some of y’all may know, I moved to Texas from New York back in May, and I’ve been getting around to some of the different clubs and music venues in the area, and I’ve taken up some photography in the last few months and really enjoying that. But I went to take photos of a band called Up Dog, which by the way, for listeners, I’m about to open my pearl snap shirt and show my Up Dog T-shirt. Wearing the T-shirt, man.

    I went to the show last Saturday night, and it was just completely… How did I not know that A, there was a union being formed that wasn’t being recognized and was going on strike, and B, how did I not know that that band’s proceeds from their merch booth was going towards the union fund, towards the strike fund? Everyone I know that night came… Everyone left with a new T-shirt and photographs and stuff, but I realized I was like, I got to follow up with these folks to get an interview and talk about this on the podcast.

    Because as you guys know, we’ve interviewed several different unions. We do this all the time. Max has been on road trips to Alabama to support the mine workers on strike down there. We’ve covered a lot of the strikes in the past of Frito-Lay and John Deere,, and all sorts of stuff, man. The way that we start out, though, is we start out by asking you about what life is like for you, where’d you grow up? Maybe Chloe, we’ll start with you. Are you a Corpus Christi native?

    Chloe Torres:  I am, born and raised. My great-grandparents on my maternal side came from Mexico to Corpus Christi, and my paternal grandparents dawdled in Brownsville and then eventually made their way up to Corpus Christi. But yeah, I’ve grown up here. And I think one of the things that I love to share with people about why I do organizing work, both paid and unpaid, is the fact that, growing up here, people really hated it. My peers really, really hated it. We just made an analysis without really realizing it, that there are no opportunities for us here outside of working in an oil and gas refinery or working at the military base, or you go to college and you get out. That’s the goal.

    And so, going through high school, I had that same mindset of just get out as soon as you can. But then I started hearing about actual people in my community who are talking about these really big issues that you, as a kid, think about as just things that happen far away on a national scale, even people talking about immigration, talking about feminism, talking about labor rights. I knew that I couldn’t just walk away because everyone I love is here, and they deserve so much better than what is given to them, the choices that are given to them. And if there are people who are fighting to expand those choices, then I have an obligation to join them.

    And so, that’s what I did. I got to the university here, started looking around different school clubs, but eventually found my way into this space called the Solidarity Network, and we started organizing around issues of police brutality, started working around specifically environmental justice in terms of water boils and bans. We had so many in the year 2016, and not just advisories, but full on bans. You can’t even shower with this, you can’t brush your teeth with this or you’re going to get sick. It was there that I started forming a real rigorous power analysis, because I have so many mentors here in what is seen as a conservative city and state because of our voting record, but there have always been Southern radicals here. And I’m so lucky that I ended up with them, because they’ve really, then, in the past, propelled me to move forward, but now are supporting us in our efforts to be unionized. So yeah, I have them to thank.

    Brandon Marks:  All right. I guess it’s my turn. It’s interesting, I have a similar story to Chloe that’s almost a corollary, where my great-grandpa also was the one who migrated here to this area in the Coastal Bends. My family’s been here for generations. But then my dad was the generation that left, and he left for college and didn’t come back until he was in his adulthood. I was born in Dallas and grew up in South Florida, where my mom is from.

    I moved here about two years ago to join the organization I work for now, the Texas Campaign for the Environment. It was an incredible opportunity to do this important environmental justice organizing work in the middle of oil and gas country. It also happened to be where my dad, my grandma, and all of the rest of my family lived. I’ve been so grateful to be welcomed into the community here, to be able to spend time with my family. It’s the first time that, as an adult, I’m actually living near family. And being able to be with Chloe and others who’ve been doing this fight for a lot longer than I have, for fighting for justice here in Corpus Christi, and South Texas more broadly. I’m just so happy to be a part.

    Jules Taylor:  Did y’all meet in the Solidarity Network?

    Chloe Torres:  We actually met at the Corpus Christi DSA event.

    Jules Taylor:  Oh, wow. Cool.

    Chloe Torres:  It was at actually a benefit show that we had for our mutual aid program –

    Jules Taylor:  Sweet.

    Chloe Torres:  …That we started at the beginning of the pandemic, and Brandon just got there. I was working the table, and he was just like, I just came down from Chicago, thought I’d come check you guys out. I was like, oh, that’s crazy.

    Jules Taylor:  Wow.

    Chloe Torres:  Eventually he told me about TCE and then saw that the fossil fuel exports organizer position was open. After some encouragement, again, from those mentors that I mentioned earlier, I applied.

    Jules Taylor:  That’s super cool. Man, I grew up an hour and a half south of here in the Rio Grande Valley. To me, Corpus was like an island outside of a black hole in a way, because it was like the Valley… South Texas in general, even if you’re not Latino, there’s a very tight-knit family cultural aspect to being Latino. And so, your family, it’s very difficult to move away from them. I grew up in the Valley, and like yourself, had a lot of peers that just couldn’t wait to get out. I was one of those that was like, I’m getting out. I’m going, I’m leaving.

    My first little skip out of the Valley was to Corpus, but Corpus was still not quite enough to soothe the hunger of a young and ambitious person of that mindset. So I left, and I’ve been delighted to return to find that… I didn’t know what I was going to come back to, because when I was in New York, I was part of a music scene there, which to my knowledge, I mean, when I was here, there wasn’t a brewery scene you’d go play music at. Maybe the surf club was here, but there weren’t other venues like House of Rock or other common places. This is a terrain where, as a songwriter, if you’re performing and that’s how you make your living, it is possible to work year-round here because of the climate and the number of venues, and the number of venues available in a three-hour radius. So that I’ve returned and found that there was a thriving singer-songwriter scene was something that was wonderful.

    But in such a heavily conservative refinery town, I did not imagine that I’d find a thriving DSA club down here as well. I did not expect to find a whole lot of environmental activism, and actions on behalf of Indigenous people as well. All of these various communities, music or activism, et cetera, it’s super exciting to get here and find this stuff. Because I feel like, I think there was a Che Guevara quote or something that he said, I envy y’all as you live in the heart of empire, you can strike at the heart of it.

    Like you, when you were speaking, Chloe, about having a moral obligation to the people that you love, that you grew up with, that are deserving of these opportunities, and how you just couldn’t leave, I felt like a latent sense of that as I was away for a long time. I was like, wait a second, what about my family? What about my people? What about the people that I…

    Coming back, it’s like, okay, so now maybe this is where the real battle starts. Maybe it’s being in Texas and fighting for trans rights, environmental justice, like you all. For me, I knew that when I was weighing the decision whether to move back to Texas, the activism or the issues that were nearest and dearest to my heart were women’s bodily autonomy, trans rights, and some environmental justice as well. To get here and see all of this taking shape, to see you all going on a one-day strike, to see that there’s a community of activists that are fighting for environmental justice, I’m talking about this now, and it’s hard to even get over it.

    Even driving back to Corpus, man, it’s like there’s just skylines of refineries, black smoke coming out of these refineries. This is a refinery town. I’ve had a couple friends who were in the business of selling solar power in Corpus Christi, and even those people talked about the resistance on doormats that they received from people who were like, no, we don’t want solar. We are a refinery family.

    But it’s wild to even be talking to y’all here now. Just tell me how, and I guess Brandon, we’ll go to you first, and then we’ll go Chloe, but tell me how… I’ve made the case before in the past where I’m like, if you grew up around a military base in Florida or South Texas or your pathway was either go work at the refineries or go work for a prison… South of here, Willacy County, all these people, all they have to work at is at the Willacy County prison complex there. How in the world do you find yourself, however impervious you happen to be to the propaganda, to the life paths that are carved out for you, that are offered up as if this is the way you are supposed to be, how do you shun that and say, no, no, no, I have moral obligations for commitments to equality, economic justice, things that you really have to go out of your way to find cases that support this stuff. How did you do that, Brandon?

    Brandon Marks:  I guess for me, it’s important to set the scene. My great-grandfather moved here fleeing the persecution of Jews in Europe, and moved to a small town near Corpus called Refugio here, which means refuge.

    Jules Taylor:  Right. Refuge.

    Brandon Marks:  This is the refuge it’s turned into.

    Jules Taylor:  Wow.

    Brandon Marks:  A 10-mile stretch of refineries and the active expansion of the oil and gas industry in this area. Because there’s a list at least eight companies long of people that are actively trying to move here right now, not to mention the current facilities that are already expanding, and the people that are already breathing in the pollution who live near Refinery Row or the other oil and gas exports in San Patricio County. And so, for me, it’s like my family was looking for a refuge, and this is what the community’s turned into. I have no other option than to be a part of this fight.

    Chloe Torres:  Totally. I guess mine would go back to family. But on my maternal side, my grandfather owned a restaurant, and in the restaurant, he had framed portraits of Pancho Villa and Emiliano Zapata. I remember –

    Jules Taylor:  [inaudible] interrupt for a sec, because your family, do they ever say something like, hey, we’re actually very, very distant relatives of Emiliano, or something like that? Because my family does that. Did they do that?

    Chloe Torres:  I mean, they did say they were from Morelos, which is where [all laugh]… They never said they were directly related. I guess they didn’t want to… They were like, oh, she likes history. She’s going to research it [all laugh]. But I just remember him telling me stories of why so many people fled during the Mexican revolution. I think my key takeaway is that so much human suffering that has taken place since the development of colonialism and slavery and capitalism is so incredibly unnecessary. From then on, I think that was a real radicalizing point for me that it doesn’t have to be this way, and it takes people coming together to resist that notion and to demand that they be treated with dignity.

    And so, I feel, again, my family really prepared me to have this automatic questioning of if things are unfair, who is making them that way, and what do we have to do to make it just? I think, again, just having people around me who were pushing me to have this wider political imagination was absolutely instrumental, because I was a typical liberal in high school. I was like, yeah, go Hillary or whatever, first woman president. They were like, well, have you read about this? I think people constantly pushing me to demand exactly what I want and make people in power explain why they won’t give it to me, and then make it impossible for them to not give into that demand or take power yourself. And so, mentorship, I could not have developed this by myself, this political trajectory of my life. It was definitely a collective effort.

    Jules Taylor:  I just want to touch on something that you said about escaping persecution in Europe. My family history is that we were Sephardic Jews who fled the Inquisition, ended up in Mexico, and became a Catholic anyway.

    Brandon Marks:  That’s really interesting you say that, because immigration rights is really important to me, because when my great-grandpa arrived in the US, he was deported. In the middle of the Holocaust, was deported, and he ended up living in Mexico City for a decade before coming back and getting legal citizenship in Texas.

    Jules Taylor:  Wow. I want to go back to Chloe, to what you said about how… I think listeners should understand that I think that there is, when you mention about growing up and every one of your peers just wanting to leave, this is the epitome of a town where you grow up and you want to leave. This entire area is like that. One thing, when you’re growing up that way and you’re like, when those questions are like, I need to leave, turns to well, why are my parents even here, dude? You start to wonder about that.

    The story is that my grandfather also fled the revolution. This is a story that will be funny to some, but apparently he had a pet chicken, and they came over in a covered wagon. As they were eating dinner that night, he goes to look for his chicken. They’re like, your chicken was dinner, bro. That’s a story that was told to me about my great-grandfather, whose last name was Zapata, which is why the whole Zapata thing happens. But my thoughts when I was a kid was like, we’re living in the Rio Grande Valley, we’re not too far from the border. I was like, so would y’all come over in the covered wagon and just stop, bro. You just cross the river, and that’s where you just decide to set up camp for generations or something.

    But yeah, man, family is super important. Coming back here to fight and discover that all this is going on, part of me feels like there’s a little bit of time to make up. Part of me feels like this battle’s being fought, and I want to know how I can contribute. It’s important to show solidarity. Part of the reason why we are here right now is because y’all formed a union. You’re going on strike. Chills just even talking about it, man. Cool.

    Tell me about where you work, and we’ll start with you now, Chloe. Tell me about where you work, what started out like, how long you’ve been there, what it was like when you started, if things deteriorated to the point they are now, or if things have always just been that way, or what’s the whole story there?

    Chloe Torres:  That’s a great question. Like I said, I’m the fossil fuel exports organizer for Texas Campaign for the Environment. I started… I think it’s coming up on two years now. I started when I was still in my senior semester of college, so that was late 2021. When I started, I was like, well, I’m doing this work already, unpaid, and now I get to do it with resources, and there are so many people that I already know, again, who are doing this work, and I can be a resource to them. And so, I was really excited to start, and I still love what I do. I will say it feels really important, feels very purposeful, and that’s exactly why we’re fighting to make it better, because this community deserves better.

    But when I started, it did feel chaotic. I was like, I know I have a job description, and I’m doing my onboarding, so it might take a bit to feel like I have my feet on stable ground. But then, six months passed and I was like, wow, I just feel like I’m not settling in, maybe I’m doing something wrong. But my leadership isn’t telling me that I’m doing a bad job per se, but I feel like I’m scrambling, like I have no direction. That worries me because I know how precious time is as a resource, especially when you’re doing environmental justice work. Every single day that we don’t win or that a facility gets closer and closer to being permitted here, that is another day that children, everyone in this community is getting sicker.

    And so, I talked to Brandon. We were out with one of our friends and he was looking particularly stressed, and I was like, what’s on your mind? We started talking about our working conditions, and Brandon… And this is what clicked, and this is why I gave all that context of when people tell you that something isn’t right, investigate why isn’t it right. When he told me, this is not how an organization should be run, this is not normal. The way you’re feeling is a result of… Bad leadership. I’ll just say it.

    From there, I started thinking, oh my God, there are other people in this organization who have been here for years. What are they feeling? And so, when we were doing this work in the middle of a pandemic, a lot of us were doing remote work. The first time we really had a chance to speak together in person, most of us, was in April. It was eye-opening, to say the least, just how similar we all felt, like we were running around directionless. It not only personally on an individual level felt bad, but we knew that our mission was to help people escape this fossil fuel apparatus. We can’t do that with the way this organization is structured now. It’s untenable.

    Brandon Marks:  Every single day, we are fighting toxic pollution that makes people sick, and it causes climate change. There’s no reason that we should also be having to fight a toxic work environment. Honestly, props to Chloe for when we were all together and hanging out one night in my living room with some coworkers who were in town because we have offices around the state, looked around, and was like, so when are we starting a union? That was it. Listeners, you too can start a union from the comfort of your living room, just bring your coworkers over [laughs]. That was really what started it all.

    Jules Taylor:  That’s why I think Christian Smalls, man, I think his method was he threw a couple barbecues, gave some people some literature, talked to them for a while, and eventually got enough people on his side that were willing to sign off on stuff. That process is different and unique for every workplace, I would imagine, in terms of length, duration, degree of intensity, all that other stuff. But for y’all, I mean, when you say it started in your front room, was it like, did y’all dispense to your various places around the state to recruit enough people in their workplaces, or is that how it went down?

    Brandon Marks:  It sounds probably like a normal union drive in a sense of, okay, we had our core group that had all signed on, and we needed to take a look at everyone else in the organization and intentionally have conversations with everyone, organizing conversations, to see where people were at, have they ever thought or had feelings about unions, and what their feelings were about work, and what issues they were experiencing. And let them know that we were already starting to form a union, and asked if they wanted to sign on and get involved. Let me tell you, our issues were so deeply and widely felt that we had 100% sign on.

    Jules Taylor:  Whoa! Wait, you’re talking about literally 100% of your people?

    Brandon Marks:  100%.

    Jules Taylor:  How many people total is that?

    Brandon Marks:  Right now, 12. In total, probably 18, because we had such a high turnover rate that we started with 12 and are now at a new set of 12.

    Jules Taylor:  Oh, wow.

    Brandon Marks:  And so, we had people that at the beginning of this had signed on and were excited, and then left for a better job. It kept happening. Time and again, people kept leaving, and the organization kept hiring on new people who immediately signed on to be a part of our union drive. We remain at 100%. We started there, and we’re still there, no matter the high degree of turnover that’s going on in this organization for people that are fleeing the working conditions and the poor pay.

    Jules Taylor:  Max had said something on a recent Breaking Points Art of Class War segment that he did. He said something about how most people in a job feel they have one of two options, which is stay and put up with it or leave and find something else. But there’s a secret third thing, which is basically stay and fight. More and more of us are discovering that option. There are various, obviously, things that employers can do to subvert that, mainly turnover. That’s part of the reason why grad school organizing is so difficult, because it cycles out every few years.

    You’re with a whole new group of 12, which means that during the time that you’ve formed the union that you had a dozen people, and out of those dozen people, I’m assuming y’all two are still members of that same original 12. There’s been at least 10 that have come and gone over what length of time?

    Brandon Marks:  I would say… I don’t know the exact number of how many, what the turnover is, probably somewhere between six to eight, and in nine months.

    Jules Taylor:  Chloe, what’s your typical day at your job like?

    Chloe Torres:  Well, before we opened our office, it was going to Zoom meetings with all of these statewide and national orgs. Again, these are very well-funded orgs. It’s a very professional space. I think a lot of, especially environmentally oriented nonprofits, are starting to get the hint that change doesn’t start from funders and nonprofit, very professional people, that they need to be more integrated in the communities they’re trying to organize with. But I will say, those spaces just felt very like we’re just talking in circles. We all know what the problem is, but it’s like who has the best analysis, and then never apply it on frontline organizing.

    And so, I’m there, I am ready to get out and start organizing people for renewable energy, for unionized, green jobs. I’m ready to get the just transition going. What are y’all doing? Why are we just talking to each other back and forth and sending all of these emails that go nowhere? I feel like that remote work was really draining because, again, it felt very directionless, less purposeful. But thankfully, once the office opened up and we started to have a larger team with our field organizers, it was like, okay, what kind of organizers do we want to be? How can we best serve this community? We were sharing our life stories or stories of self, and we were so excited, because we had all of these ideas of, let’s start doing strategy charts around how we’re going to take down the port of Corpus Christi.

    We’re like, sky’s the limit. We need radical intervention. That is the only thing that is going to get us out of facing the worst of the worst of climate crises. Again, we are a coastal community, so we are already experiencing those effects. Then, you have to constantly be reminded, I’m having these conversations with my supervisor, and he’s like, yeah, that all sounds amazing and great, and I’m really proud of you guys, but also remember that we have a board and an executive director that can veto your plans at any time.

    Again, you feel like you have your footing, but you know it’s a sand trap. It can be taken away from you at any time. And so, I think already dealing with the precarity of, again, living in a coastal community, this could be the winter that we see hundreds of people die because it’s this freeze that our city, our state is not prepared for, or refuses to prepare for because they don’t give a shit whether or not poor people die. Then, trying to work against that, save people that you care about and be told that you don’t know, actually, what you’re talking about, you don’t know the best thing for you and your loved ones. We, the board, who have never… Most of them haven’t stepped foot in Corpus Christi, know better than you. That, to me, is just so, so frustrating, just as a human being, your agency being ripped away from you like that all the time is really, really hard to deal with day-to-day.

    Jules Taylor:  I mean, if you are given a certain amount of autonomy within a job, and you are allowed to funnel resources, effort, and time, and sweat into something that aligns with the orders or the directions you’ve been given, and if you develop that project to a point of, I mean, to be knee-capped at the apotheosis of that project over and over again, that is sure to bring up some feelings of resentment towards one’s employer, for god damn sure. I can speak to that, too, in a couple jobs that I’ve had, which is… Anyway. What you’re describing sounds like a graduate philosophy course where they talk about radical intervention and talk about, I don’t know, these discursive parameters that ultimately are for discursive purposes only, that it’s a bunch of theory that never gets turned into praxis.

    At a certain point, you’re like, wait a second, talk is cheap. I feel like theory without practice is a bit of advanced liberal performatism or something. It’s all discursive stuff that you guys discussed, and if it never goes into work, then what is… It reminds me of a recent Tweet that says something like the people that encourage you to go through the proper channels encourage you to go through the proper channels because they’re in charge of those channels and they guarantee your shit’s not going to work. I totally get where you’re coming from with that.

    Brandon, what’s a typical day in your job and your role like?

    Brandon Marks:  Honestly, there is no typical day. Let’s get into some of our issues as workers. I would say the first one is just working conditions. There is substandard pay. There are pitiful benefits with only 10 PTO days, very high deductible health insurance plan, and expectations of overworking. The lack of prioritization of the organization’s leadership means that staff are constantly given new priorities. And so, I could show up any day and have a new thing that I’m working on, and I just have to drop the thing that I used to be working on. And so, we’re talking about low pay, bad benefits, precarity for the first rung of jobs in the organization. We’re talking about excessive expectations of the amount of hours that need to be worked to get the job done, taking advantage of young people who believe so deeply in this work that they’re willing to accept lower pay and work those harder hours because they believe and they want to win.

    Jules Taylor:  These people make my blood boil when you’re talking about that stuff, man. To give you benefits, that’s like catastrophic healthcare masquerading as every day sort of stuff, to prey on the twinkle in the eye of youth and the energy and vigor and enthusiasm they show up with, to also play on the passion that one has for anything that translates into expectations of extra passionate work or something, or extra hours. Jesus Christ, man. I didn’t mean to interrupt you, it’s just all those things are just kind of like –

    Brandon Marks:  Yeah. We know we are not the only workplace that is experiencing those types of working conditions. You would just hope that a nonprofit that is fighting for environmental justice would also be modeling justice at its workplace. Instead of that, they’re modeling the aggressive behaviors of the very corporations that we are fighting. It’s devastating, and it’s hard. No one told me when I took this job that the person before me quit in absolute anger after being worked to the bone, working what I’ve been told is over 12-hour days, and with a child at home.

    Chloe Torres:  With a child at home.

    Jules Taylor:  Wow.

    Brandon Marks:  No one in the organization intervening. Offering words of support, but no actual intervention, because the campaign came first. But the organization wasn’t providing the resources to match the priorities that they were setting. And so, it was on that individual staff member to fill in the gap. No one told me this. Lo and behold, a year and a half later, I was in the very same situation. We got involved in the local city council elections this past election cycle. And when we were starting off, I was asking again and again for the resources that I needed for us to be successful, and they weren’t provided. For three to four months, I personally was working 12-hour days, almost six days a week. I burnt myself out and ran myself into the ground. And we won. We won two seats on the Corpus Christi City Council for progressive environmentalists.

    Jules Taylor:  There we go.

    Brandon Marks:  Which is incredible in the heart of oil and gas country, but it should not have to come at the expense of my mental and physical health, or that of the rest of the team that we had.

    Jules Taylor:  You want to jump in there?

    Chloe Torres:  Yeah. I’ll also mention the canvassing that goes on in Austin, make sure that is represented because I never knew, again, coming in, I’m a grant-funded position.

    Jules Taylor:  That’s its own case of anxiety.

    Chloe Torres:  Yeah, exactly. I keep getting told, climate change won’t always be a sexy topic for donors, so you know.

    Jules Taylor:  Wow.

    Chloe Torres:  You do what you can when you can. But our organization has typically been funded through canvassing door to door and asking for donations. What I didn’t know was how… I’ll be honest with you, I’m not cut out for that type of work. I’ll cry on people’s doorsteps. I just can’t [all laugh]. That work is hard enough as it is already, but the model, the structure of that canvass is so unbelievable. Again, you’re taking in college kids who see, oh my God, $15 an hour in Texas. That’s great in Austin – Now it’s not even the living wage in Austin. You get them in the door. You’re telling them you’re going to fight against electronic waste, or you’re going to fight against pollution. You get them out there and you tell them, okay, it’s your day one, no worries, you’re going to do great. They do have people there training them, but what they don’t tell them is if you don’t hit your fundraising goal within seven days –

    Brandon Marks:  If you don’t get a donation on day one, you’re fired.

    Chloe Torres:  You don’t get a donation on day one, you’re fired.

    Jules Taylor:  Wow!

    Brandon Marks:  Then, there are more standards to meet.

    Chloe Torres:  Yes. You have to constantly meet standard because you are fundraising for your job. You were talking about peak liberal performative nature. We had, for the first time in our organization’s 30 years, an anti-racism workshop. We brought up the fact that the canvassing model, the way it is structured, is set up so that white, cis, able-bodied people are the ones who are going to succeed the most. Because TCE has a priority of promoting from within, which is not, again, inherently a bad thing, but when only white men, typically white cis men are the ones who can survive and keep meeting the canvassing standard, they’re the ones who get promoted. It has led to an entirely white, male dominated leadership team. Honestly, it shows.

    Jules Taylor:  I mean, you’re going to go out of your way to find an all white cis male work team.

    Chloe Torres:  In Texas.

    Jules Taylor:  In Texas, especially in Corpus Christi. I’m teaching at a local college, and I have two different students that have the same Hispanic first and last name. I don’t want to say their name here, but it’s just funny. It’s so Corpus Christi to have two Hugo Hernandezes in your class or something. That’s terrible to hear that, though.

    I just want to touch on, so you’re fundraising for your own job, so that seems a little weird to me that you would send the person who you give the job out to fundraise for that job, which, doesn’t that make their job into fundraising at that point? Was there an alternative description other than this person’s job is to go out to the streets and fundraise?

    Brandon Marks:  The job is listed as a field organizer, and people go in wanting to organize. We’ve been told that it is a bait and switch. Not only is it a bait and switch, but it is a churn and burn model. It’s get as many people in the door as possible, and we’ll see who makes it.

    Jules Taylor:  Well, also, it’s Corpus Christi, so I mean, this is a really sunny place for shady people. This is like, you go out and it’s 90 degrees, 100 degrees. The sun down here is no joke. When I lived in New York, it would be like 85 and people would be sweating talking about the heat that they can’t stand. I’m like, bro, I lived in Arizona. I lived in Texas, I’m not complaining about the heat. But down here, it’s like if you have a person that’s a door to door salesman, you’re like, do you need, I don’t know, electrolyte powder in your stuff? Because it’s brutal.

    Brandon Marks:  We currently have an office in Austin, and we also used to have canvassing offices in Dallas and Houston. And so, this was going on all over the state. What’s important to note is that everyone in Dallas has left. We don’t have a Dallas office anymore. We nearly closed the Houston office because almost everyone in Houston left.

    Jules Taylor:  That’s not environmental activism, that’s door-to-door fundraising for maybe campaigns that don’t happen, or campaigns that are axed, or rugs that are pulled out from underneath you.

    Brandon Marks:  Yeah.

    Chloe Torres:  I think that was one of the biggest complaints, is that they would – They being executive leadership, would consult with not even necessarily so much the field organizers, canvassers, but the canvass directors and ask them for their input on campaign ideas. They’d tweak it to where it would still be maybe recognizable, but again, that precarity we’re talking about, it could just be ripped away at any moment. Again, it goes back to how frustrating it is to be working so hard. The canvass directors said that they have never had a year where someone didn’t pass out from heat exhaustion. You have people chasing you off their porch with guns. You have racial slurs, gendered slurs tossed at you, people sicking their dogs on you. They are literally the lifeblood of the organization, and they are treated the worst.

    Brandon Marks:  If I can, on top of that, you also have people that get bitten by dogs out in the fields and are pushed to quickly get back out, to not take too many days off. You have people that are pushed to work while they’re sick, to not take days off. On top of that, TCE was bringing its canvassers to Austin for the Texas legislative session and not paying them.

    Jules Taylor:  Wow.

    Brandon Marks:  And so, unpaid labor, I can’t even believe that that’s what this organization used to do. They may not do it today, but it’s the same people in charge.

    Jules Taylor:  Tell me about this strike. Y’all probably voted to do that, I would think. The strike vote, when did it go down, and what was that like?

    Brandon Marks:  [Chloe laughs] I don’t even remember. It was unanimous. It was not even a conversation.

    Jules Taylor:  Cool.

    Brandon Marks:  The reason that we are going on strike is because we are asking the Texas Campaign for the Environment and our executive director, Robin Schneider, and the TCE board to voluntarily recognize our union. The reason for that is because we don’t want to go through an election. We don’t want to worry about the NLRB taking members out of our unit. We just want our full frontline staff to be in this union. Like a progressive organization, they should say, great, we see that 100% of people have signed on, y’all have a union. Let’s start negotiating a contract.

    Instead of that, the executive director and the board have fought us, telling us they won’t recognize our union unless we remove people from the union. They want us to make the unit and the union smaller. They specifically want us to take out frontline supervisors, middle management, who have absolutely no power in the organization, but that who our executive director has stated in a letter to us that she wants their sole loyalty to be to TCE, the executive director, and the board, not have a split organizational loyalty with the union and their coworkers.

    Jules Taylor:  You’re fighting for the PMCs too. You’re like bringing middle management in on this union of like, hey, you’re not too different from us. You have the same precarity and the same powerlessness in this organization. Wow.

    Brandon Marks:  It’s not just the same powerlessness, but we are fighting for an effective organization. Because as Chloe talked about, right now our organization is ineffective; lack of priorities, lack of real plans, and what we want is to win environmental justice. We believe so deeply in this organization’s mission and vision that we want it to be an effective vehicle for these campaigns. The only way to do that is to have a strong union that can fight for not only internal, but also external equity in the way we treat staff and the way we run campaigns. We know the only way for that to happen is to have a strong union that includes the middle management. Because if the middle management is excluded, they’re at the mercy of the senior leadership team, which has shown their willingness to overwork people, mistreat people, and to force them to do their bidding, to fire people when they don’t want to. It really grinds my gears that…

    Jules Taylor:  You can curse, bro. It’s okay. You can say it pisses you off and these are…

    Brandon Marks:  We know that what this is a fight over is really power, that the executive director and the board know that if middle management continues to exist in precarity, they have more power in this organization than their workers because they can direct the middle management to do whatever they want. They can continue to switch between campaigns willy-nilly, dropping ones that we’d worked so hard on, starting new ones without any clear plan to win. They can force the middle management to mistreat the staff that are on the front lines with them. And so, that’s what we’re fighting for. We’re fighting for an equitable workplace with a union that includes every single person that wants to be in it. Every single person that is on the front lines, myself included. I’m in one of the two middle management titles that the exec director and board are fighting us to exclude.

    Jules Taylor:  Well, I think as a key member of that union, they want to exclude you. Wow. It wasn’t really a vote, it was just a conversation. It was like, all right, everybody, cool. We’re going on a one-day strike, right?

    Brandon Marks:  We tried to negotiate for five months, and we tried so hard to keep this –

    Jules Taylor:  Well, it’s hard to negotiate with somebody who won’t even recognize you though, right? I mean, apparently, the first step towards negotiation is recognition. It’s that they’re like, nah, this is our table you can’t have a seat at, and we notice the chair that you brought, and we want to disallow you from sitting down, kind of thing.

    Chloe Torres:  Absolutely.

    Jules Taylor:  All this is fucked up, man. I’m glad you guys are taking action towards it. I’m glad y’all have organized and have secured an actual union, then it’s at this final step, and of course they don’t want to recognize that. This one-day strike, when is it happening?

    Chloe Torres:  It’s happening Monday, Feb. 6.

    Jules Taylor:  Is there an action going on with this? Are y’all picketing or anything like that?

    Chloe Torres:  We made a little joke at our union meeting this morning about we’re not working for TCE that day, but we’re working for our union that day.

    Brandon Marks:  That’s right.

    Chloe Torres:  We’re taking a variety of actions including, we had over almost 600 people sign on a letter of support telling Robin and the board to recognize our union as we have proposed it.

    Jules Taylor:  How many people have you had sign that so far?

    Chloe Torres:  I think it’s like 596.

    Jules Taylor:  It’s like 596, huh? Working People listeners, we’re going to leave a link in the show notes. We need everybody who hears this to go and sign off on that. I’m not sure when we’re going to. Obviously your thing is on Monday, we’re recording this, it’s Friday today. I got this weekend to pull this off and get it published. But even if we publish this on Monday and your one-day strike is going on, Working People listeners, please still go and sign off on that. It’s a way that is free to show solidarity, and we’d really appreciate it if we get a few more hundred on there for you guys to put you over the top of 1,000 by the time you guys present that. Do you present that on Monday? Is that when you’re doing it?

    Brandon Marks:  We presented it a week and a half ago.

    Jules Taylor:  Presented it a week ago. Great.

    Chloe Torres:  But we’ll take sign-on, bring your staff.

    Jules Taylor:  Yeah. 

    Brandon Marks:  Even if you listen to this on Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday.

    Jules Taylor:  You in the future, sign up on this thing, all right?

    Brandon Marks:  Especially if you work in or know people in the broader environmental justice community, we need y’all’s support, because we are in this work with you and we all need just workplaces so that we can run effective campaigns. Please support us, get your friends to support us, get your executive directors to support us, because this is a fight for all of us and the communities that we work in.

    Jules Taylor:  I saw that there was a few hundred dollars raised after Saturday’s show with the merch booth, so I was very happy about that. We’re also going to leave a link to the strike fund donation page in the show notes as well. This will be going out on the main feed as soon as I can get the stuff together to synchronize all these various microphones which we have around here. But it’ll be on the main feed. And by way of closing out, because I don’t want to keep y’all forever, Chloe, do you have any closing remarks? Then, Brandon, we’ll go to you.

    Chloe Torres:  Oh, wow. I just hope that everyone listening, I think we all know that the world doesn’t have to be this way and it can be really, really daunting, because you’re always asking yourself, who am I? That imposter syndrome really beats my ass a lot. Who am I to be a part of this historic work? But you have to remember who you came from, and all of the examples throughout human history of it just takes a few of us getting together in a room, or it doesn’t even have to be a room. There’s a June Jordan poem that is like, hey, all you people, we’re meeting outside at this tree. It ain’t even been planted yet. Plant your tree today, however you can, and we love you. We’re in this with you, and thank you for your support.

    Brandon Marks:  Y’all, we’re the Texas Environmental Workers Union. We’re the staff union at the –

    Jules Taylor:  Woo!

    Brandon Marks:  We are the staff union at the Texas Campaign for the Environment. We are proudly represented by the communication workers of America. If you are a supporter, a member, a funder, if you’ve ever heard of the Texas Campaign for the Environment, we are going on strike on Monday, Feb. 6, and we need your support. Check us out. T… T-W-E. Nope [Chloe and Jules laugh]. Let me try again.

    Jules Taylor:  It’s okay.

    Brandon Marks:  Check us out at www.tewunion.org. Thank you.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • On Dec. 7, 2022, democratically-elected President Pedro Castillo was ousted in a congressional coup and replaced by his Vice President, Dina Boluarte. Since Castillo’s ouster, millions of Peruvians have taken to the streets to denounce the coup, and demand new elections and a new constitution. Police and military repression have killed more than 50 people thus far, but the resistance shows no signs of abating. TRNN reports live from the ground in Peru.

    This story, with the support of the Bertha Foundation, is part of The Real News Network’s Workers of the World series, telling the stories of workers around the globe building collective power and redefining the future of work on their own terms.

    Producer: Martín Varese
    Videographer: Adrián Hartill
    Video editor: Yaima Bacallao
    Audio Post-Production: Tommy Harron


    Transcript

    Reporter: For weeks the working class and oppressed people of Peru have been on the streets to protest against the interim presidency of Dina Boluarte.

    The protests started after the ousting of democratically-elected President Pedro Castillo. On December 7, the right-wing and business-oriented Peruvian Congress ousted Pedro Castillo and replaced him with his vice president Dina Boluarte.

    From the first moment, Boluarte appointed a pro-business work minister that pursued policies undermining workers’ rights combined with mass repression by military and police forces.

    Protester at the 4 Suyos March in Lima: I’m outraged with this killer president Dina, assassin, usurper. Now let’s go to Congress to take out that Dina. Despite being a woman, despite being a mother she is killing us. In my province, Ayacucho she killed our young students. They said that we are vandals, that we are terrorists. We are not terrorists. We are the people, the people that fights for the motherland.

    Chanting: Dina assassin. People hate you!

    Reporter: The protests began with the demand to release Pedro Castillo. However, more and more people joined the demonstrations to show their discontent about what is happening in Peru in a broader sense. 

    Workers took to the streets against exploitation, the lack of workers’ rights as well as the exploitation of the country’s resources, both by the country’s oligarchy and by international corporations. 

    Now Peruvians are demanding new general elections as well as elections to start a new constitutional assembly to create a new constitution to replace the one from 1993 written during the Fujimori era. Protesters are calling for a change of what they call a profoundly corrupt political system and to create a new one that would defend the interest of the Peruvian working class.

    Hilda Figueroa – Trade Union leader SITOMUN (Workers of Lima Municipality):  This is why the people of the country are outraged because workers are going through a tough situation miners, the proletariat is in a very difficult crisis. Salaries are very low, the costs of living are high. And with our miserable salaries, we need to find a second job. 

    Regrettably Peru is in a total crisis. There is a crisis in every single sense. It’s been 30 years of Fujimorism that has been changing the constitution for their own benefit. They have sold away our country and this is the consequence of that. Corruption has been growing like an avalanche. We are now paying the consequence of that corruption. The population and the workers are tired of all the exploitation.

    Reporter: Decades of neoliberal policies in Peru have undermined workers’ and human rights in the country. 

    Workers’ rights have become highly flexible and there is virtually no legal way for workers to guarantee their rights.

    The rate of informal workers reached 70.8% in June 2022.

    In the Peruvian provinces outside of Lima, people cannot access fundamental rights such as having a house, drinking water, or accessing healthcare and education.

    Héctor Simón Flores – Trade Union Leader at AJE (“Big Cola” producer.) The population and the workers are tired of all the exploitation. The economic elite and the right-wing have, through a national monopoly control over the entire economy. That’s the reason for the discontent of the people of Peru. They call us “terrorists” for raising our voice for our rights. We as workers are demanding that Dina Boluarte resigns. The people didn’t choose her as President. We also demand a new constitution. The constitution of 1993 is what allows the exploitation of poor people, favors billionaires. The people are fed up and has risen up as we can see.

    Chanting: This democracy is not longer a democracy!

    Lucio Castro Chipana – General Secretary SUTEP (Teacher’s union): We are here to express the discontent and weariness that Peruvians are feeling, and to demand a change in the neoliberal economic model implemented in our country 30 years ago. We are also here to express our solidarity with the people killed in the country, about 50 and to demand that there is not one more person killed in Peru. No to vandalism, no to repression at hands of police and military forces! 

    We are here to talk about the need to advance the elections, and we say October. We also demand a constitutional referendum that will allow the Peruvian people, decide if they want a new constitution. The teachers of Peru, we are convinced that we need to change the constitution!

    Chanting: If we are with the Aimaras, nobody gets tired! If we are with the Quechuas, nobody gets tired!

    Reporter: The most recent round of protests started in the provinces of Peru, mainly in the south of the country, and started with mostly Aimara’s and Quechua’s Indigenous and rural people of the Andes. But the protests rapidly spread after several people were killed by police and military repression. 

    After weeks protesters arrived in the capital, Lima, to show the anger of the people in the center of power. People have called this the second march of the Four Suyos.

    Workers and oppressed people from around Peru have arrived to Lima to express their outrage for what has been happening in the country in the last decades.

    Protester at the 4 Suyos March in Lima: Everything is orchestrated, and that government is orchestrating everything. They cut off the street lights. Why? To shoot at us! Because if there is no light, everybody will turn a blind eye!

    Protester at the 4 Suyos March in Lima: We say it here, we are not afraid of Dina Boluarte and if we need to die, we will die for our motherland! I fight for my children, I fight for my Peru. I’m going to give my life if necessary!

    Reporter: The right-wing Congress and the oligarchy both support the Boluarte government, which explains partly how it has been able to keep power despite having extremely low approval rates. With the help of the police and military, the government has been cracking down hard on protests.

    Protester at the 4 Suyos March in Lima: We are here because our brothers and our children were illegally detained this morning. They are imprisoned here, this is why we are protesting. We are also protesting for our fellow citizens of other regions, that came to protest. They have been imprisoned, and they have been massacred. They are unjustly arrested and this happens every day. 

    We are fed up. Here, the attorney general, the Congress, Dina Boluarte, every single instance are involved in the corruption. We are fed up. We don’t have peace. This is state terrorism, we are back to the 1990s.

    Ervin Hualpacuse Molina – Trade unionist at CELIMA (Construction materials company of Lima): Today, even the fact of us being able to exist as a trade union, is undermined by a government (Boluarte’s) that from its beginnings is killing the people. That wants to stay in power through bullets and blood. Even the minister of labor that they chose was close to business people. 

    Our country is dominated by foreign politics. To get rid of that, we definitely need a popular victory on the streets. Overhaul the system and change the model of development. Our participation (as workers) is vital. To participate democratically, from our bases in assemblies where people discuss the issues. 

    (The government and the political class) are attacking the working class with bullets. And with laws that want to eliminate our rights. This fight definitely needs to continue. It needs to escalate to an indefinite national strike. We need to unify the country and all the workers need to go on strike. To overthrow this government, be seen and ensure our workers’ rights.

    Chanting: The spilled blood will never be forgotten. The spilled blood will never be forgotten.


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    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Work is easy. Work is difficult. Work shows a lot. Work hides a lot. Work creates. Work destroys. Work is painless. Work is dreadful. Work brings victory. Work is slavish. Work is like creating a poem or a picture with joy. Work is hellish.

    A poet or a philosopher may define work differently than a physicist’s definition. An economist or an historian may also have different definitions of work. A person with shackles of exploitation considers and feels work in a different way than a capitalist exploiting working people. Work may appear mysterious to some while it signifies brutalities of a system or a mode of joy for creating a humane world to others.

    How is work in capitalism? Michael D. Yates discusses the issue in his Work Work Work: Labor, Alienation, and Class Struggle (Monthly Review Press, New York, 2022). The book, writes Michael Yates, “is about work in class-based mode of production, primarily capitalism. [….] It is not a philosophical study of work in the abstract […]”

    He writes: “In both production and distribution, the word ‘work’ is bound to crop up. However, work is subject to a variety of meanings. Historically, that is, in societies with distinct social classes, its con­notations are negative.”

    The negative connotations are prevalent in the societies exploiting the majority. The book discusses work today, in the exploiting economy and life.

    Michael Yates makes a clear statement: Work today is “a profoundly alienating endeavor, and it must be abolished if human beings are to thrive, and the world is not to succumb to environmental disaster. We may have to stop using the word ‘work’ itself, or perhaps employ it only to describe a forgettable past.”

    It’s a lofty dream: Describing “work” becoming “a forgettable past.”

    His outline of the dream: We produced and distributed “collectively, in an egalitarian manner, for most of our time on Earth as a natural part of life. There is no reason why we cannot do this again, although for this to happen, every institution of modern society will have to give way to something radically dif­ferent. We do not have to ‘work,’ only to produce. If this book helps readers understand that these two words are not the same and that the first must give way to the second, it will have served its purpose.If further, it gets some people to ask why we cannot all perform meaningful labor that helps us develop our capacities as thinking, acting, social human beings, it will have been a triumph.”

    Exploiting societies dehumanize humanity. They take away our capacity to aspire to a better life, command with tricky mechanisms to see all around according to the masters’ wishes, disallow human beings to think, prevent people to act for bettering life, and they cripple humanity by compelling us to work only for the masters. Whatever work is done is all for the masters, and nothing meaningful to human life. Masters brutishly bask in the fruits of work of the multitude. The masters beastly rehearse to fatten their bellies.

    Work Work Work is “about work and those who perform it, almost always in the employ of people richer and more powerful than they.”

    It, therefore, is also about, to much extent, the rich and the powerful. When one looks at the workers, the exploiters are their reverse image – the way the machine of exploitation moves on, the way the gears of the machine are moved faster, the way the machine shreds the life of the workers.

    Work sounds similar for working boys in many countries. Anyone can find them at any hub of exploitation and profit making. A visit to the Tipu Sultan Road or the Dolaai Khaal or Taatee Bazaar area in the capital city of Dhaka, a visit to automobile repair shops around Dhaka or to the marine vessel making yards along the Buriganga near Dhaka will find them. Boys picking torn papers, discarded plastic pieces of innumerable shapes and sizes from street sides, tearing down old posters from walls of the city buildings, looking for whatever is saleable in garbage heaps, selling kitchen items or flowers from morning to night, until may be 10 or 11 PM. Their earning is so little!

    It’s so little that it turns a difficult arithmetic to find out the technique by which they manage their life and their family. But, this is a fact, a factual mathematics in exploiting society.

    It’s not only a Dhaka-face. It’s universal in exploiting societies. The name changes, the appearance changes, the age changes only. But, the brutalities of life persist doggedly. It’s the power of exploiting system. They and the system are regularly forgotten, however.

    The author narrates his experience of work:

    It was 1958, and my pay was $6.00 every two weeks. I received additional money for collecting the monthly bills of those who bought the local newspaper and two Pittsburgh dai­lies. The U.S. minimum hourly wage in 1958 was $1.00. In two weeks, I worked for approximately twenty-five hours, making my hourly compensation twenty-four cents. Even as a young boy, I found this unacceptable. Knowing that no one else could do this route unless I trained them, I went to the newsstand whose owners were my bosses and demanded a raise. To my surprise, they agreed to a new wage of $9.00 every two weeks. This meant my pay was now thirty-six cents an hour, which was still far below the minimum wage. But it was high enough to keep me on the job. I kept at it for five years, enduring bad weather, nasty cus­tomers, vicious dogs, and eternally sore shoulders. It imprinted on my mind that work was hard and not particularly rewarding, and most of all, that those who hired you got more out of your labor than you did.

    Between the ages of sixteen and twenty-three, there were other jobs: night watchman at a state park, grading papers for a col­lege teacher, selling insurance to college classmates, counseling at a summer camp for inner-city kids, and clerical work at the Pittsburgh Plate Glass plant where my father worked.

    It was a boy’s struggle with work, wage, and also with life. For millions, the same struggle along the same path. The questions related to these are the same.

    The narration moves into a more complex area – the area of labor’s struggle: “In college and graduate school, I took an interest in labor unions and labor markets.”

    The following description brings in the hard issues:

    I majored in economics, and the instruction in labor economics focused on the choices people make when selling their labor capacity. Prospective workers decided whether to invest in their ‘human capital’ — mainly education and training — so that they would become more productive, compelling employers, as mainstream (neoclassical) theory dictated, to grant them higher wages. Employers were passive agents, with their choices dictated by a single-minded desire to maximize profits. If one set of employ­ees earned more than another, it was because they had chosen to make the necessary human capital investments. A second choice was the amount of work people were willing to do. Some had high ‘leisure preferences’ and would work less, while others had low preferences and would work more.

    The issues include labor capacity, education, productivity, wage, profit.

    The labor economist writes:

    Thus, the outcomes in the labor market were the result of the free choices people made. And although there likely would be con­siderable inequality in outcomes, this was a mirage, in that those with higher wages had incurred costs to get them. In fact, the economists could show that over the long run, to give one exam­ple, a physician and a hospital orderly made exactly the same true wage, one that factored in the difference in the costs the two work­ers had undertaken to get their respective jobs. When it came to labor unions, the economists declared that their main impact was to interfere with the free choices of the demanders and suppliers of labor. Unions forced wages up beyond the workers’ productivity, compelling employers to hire fewer of them, generating socially undesirable unemployment. Unions, therefore, harmed the very persons they were presumed to be helping.

    Two of my professors in graduate school did not subscribe to this way of thinking. The first, an ‘institutional economist,’ was part of a school that believed the market was but one institution affecting production and distribution. In his classes, we were shown that labor unions, one of modern society’s important insti­tutions, are critical in wage and benefit determination, and they do many other things: threaten nonunion employers enough to make them raise wages and benefits; reduce inequality overall and between men and women and white and nonwhite workers; improve workplace health and safety; help members to enforce protective legislation; make the enactment of such laws more likely, and give workers a voice in their workplace circumstances. The second professor, a radical Marxist economist, explained how profits are not a cost of production — the price that had to be paid for the services provided by the owners of capital, as the neoclas­sical theory argued — but the direct result of the exploitation of the working class.

    Profits aren’t a cost of production – the fact denied by the mainstream (MS) scholarship, and not discussed in detail by a part of labor organizers. Both of these help exploiting capital by hiding the source of profit; consequently, come benevolence, charity, donation, a “kindhearted”, but deceptive approach.

    With the issues noted in an easy way, Work Work Work comes to light. But, these are essential for organizing workers, but less understood and less discussed. The issues, if discussed specifically and in detail, draw a line of distinction between slogan-mongering and labor organizing, between slandering the pro-worker forces and arguments presented by the pro-worker forces.

    Hard facts from the area of “free thinking” surface, as the professor emeritus writes of his early days as a teacher in the University of Pittsburgh: “When I became a teacher, it was soon apparent that I could not in good conscience teach what I had been taught.” The same reality is faced by many teachers while a group of teachers don’t bother about the gulf, between the questions that were taught and the questions that are being taught. The gulf exposes two aspects of the system: the power of the educational system in propagating something touted as truth, but not truth, and the system’s reliance on wrong arguments, analysis and statements, which are actually lies.

    The lies – ill-arguments – appear starkly as Michael Yates narrates one of his experiences in the “Introduction” of the Work Work Work: “Among my first students were veterans of the war in Vietnam. Not a few stalwart neoclassical economists were ardent supporters of the carnage and mass murder at the heart of the U.S. govern­ment’s strategy for winning the war, most notably the prominent advisor to President Lyndon Johnson, Walt Rostow. I don’t remem­ber who it was, perhaps Rostow, but one economist suggested that the war was causing Vietnamese to move to the cities, which he said led to national prosperity, and thus the carnage in the coun­try ultimately would benefit them. Although some of the veterans supported the war, I could not fathom teaching them that econo­mists believed that this conflict would ultimately benefit Vietnam’s people economically or that the political system favored by Ho Chi Minh was an unadulterated evil.” The MS scholarship exposes its stupidity, reliance on lies; yet, it’s being trusted by a group of teachers and learners!

    The fact of “freedom” in the bourgeois educational world surfaces further as Yates describes: “My yearly salary was not determined by me or through a collective bargaining agreement. This decision was made by my division chairman, the academic dean, and the college presi­dent. The latter two were little different and maybe worse than the owners of the newsstand or my father’s foremen. They made arbitrary decisions, and the interests of faculty members did not have much to do with these. They had faculty allies who did some of their dirty work for them, like attacking any teacher who had the temerity to challenge the dean or the president at a faculty meet­ing.” Yet, they call it freedom – freedom of many things, and the truth is buried!

    With this reality of lies by the powerful, consequences come up at times, as that happened in the case of Yates: “Our labor was what they wanted. And if this was the case, then I was a worker too, doing a job, just like almost everyone else on campus. Power ran from the top of a strict hierarchy to the bottom. As is common everywhere, those at the pinnacle of this pyramid were far removed from me. Their interests were not mine, and if I came into sharp enough conflict with them, they would exert their authority to get rid of me.”

    “Rid of me” – is one of the formulae the capitalists use against “disobedient elements” – persons not following the boss’s diktat, questioning the system. This is done with their system. This is done in all areas of work, all areas of production, all areas of market, all areas of discussion, all areas of exercises with ideas. It’s dictatorship, which the mainstream and a group unaware of capital’s modus operandi don’t like to say.

    Yates has another statement: “sharp enough conflict”. Invariably, there’ll be sharp conflict, if one’s existence, be it a person or an approach or an organization, talks against, goes against, thinks against dominant capital’s interest. This is a contradiction that capital can’t resolve, but fuels.

    Other than the issues of work and wage, the “Introduction” tells interesting incidents from the teaching life of a teacher, Yates, which help understand a part of capitalist academic arrangement.

    It also tells Yates’ discovering of Monthly Review “by chance” in school library; his going through books, among the most influential was Marx’s Capital. He writes: “Not only did these magazines and books revolutionize my teaching; they also showed me how to connect the labor market to the workplace. Two concepts sum up this relationship: surplus value and control. Capitalism is a mode of production dominated by capitalists, those few whose land, raw materials, buildings, tools, and machines we need access to in order to survive. Most of us have little choice but to sell to capitalists our capacity to work.” Many fail to connect labor market to workplace; many fail to see the capitalists’ force to compel many to work for the capitalists.

    With a personal experience the “Introduction” of the Work Work Work speaks a lot:

    I have resisted the authority and power of employers most of my adult life. However, work in capitalist society is profoundly alienating. In the 1970s and ’80s, we at the University of Pittsburgh failed four times to unionize the faculty. These losses, combined with the ever-tightening control by administrators over our work, deepened my alienation. Teaching had once been enjoyable, but now it was not. I found myself angry all the time. A therapist told me I should try to retire with dignity. I took his advice, and as soon as I could withdraw money from my pension — a generous retirement plan was the one good thing the university offered me — without tax penalty, I did. Life has been much better outside the degradation that is the capitalist workplace. And I only wish every worker could escape it.

    It’s a daring wish by Yates – every worker escape capitalism’s control, every worker should have a life where work is enjoyment for flourishing creativity, not having a chained life.

    The chapter reaches near-conclusion with the telling of a painful fact: “Through our work and our spending, we consume ourselves and the natural world around us.” Many workers, many working earnestly so that the bosses can make more money aren’t aware that “we consume ourselves”. A group of economists fail to find this self-consumption for the sake of capital.

    The “Introduction” concludes with the following daring dream: “I hope that those who read what I have written begin to think that enough is enough.”

    “To think enough is enough” is standing up to challenge the system that survives by murdering all that’s humane.

    Thanks to Michael Yates for editing the article.

    The post Work: Slavery in an Exploiting Economy first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.



  • Bernie Sanders clutched both sides of the sturdy wooden podium at the UAW Local 578 hall in Oshkosh, Wisconsin, as he prepared to address a packed house of 400 union workers, students, campaign staff, and curiosity seekers. Looking like a cross between a history professor and a professional wrestler from a bygone era, the Independent U.S. Senator from Vermont leaned in, then rocked back and forth. He was pacing himself before launching into another stem-winder lecture on income inequality and the state’s fiercely contested U.S. Senate race, whose Republican incumbent, Ron Johnson, lives in Oshkosh.

    “We’re going to have to knock down a wall or two,” Sanders remarked. “This is a good turnout.”

    Oshkosh, a city of 67,000 people, was built by a union workforce. Its sawmills were organized in the late nineteenth century, and the University of Wisconsin campus a few miles up the road was the state’s first teachers college, founded in 1871. Labor’s roots run deep here on the western shore of Lake Winnebago.

    In recent years, Winnebago County has become a bellwether. When it goes narrowly blue or grazes the 50 percent mark, Democrats win statewide. Blue-collar Oshkosh anchors the county, and Democrats must ramp up turnout here to win tightly contested races.

    Democrats lost the U.S. Senate race in November’s midterm elections but prevailed in the race for governor, and kept the Oshkosh-based state assembly seat in the Democratic fold, thereby staving off a Republican run for a supermajority in the lower house. In November, Governor Tony Evers lost Winnebago County by just one percentage point.

    For the first time in decades, Democrats are on track to burnish their street credentials as a truly economic populist party, a sharp turn from the ideologies and philosophies of the previous three Democratic administrations: neoliberalism (Barack Obama), neo-neoliberalism (Bill Clinton), and rudderless-ism (Jimmy Carter).

    Shifts in the gubernatorial race have been significant since 2010 in the outer-ring suburbs of Milwaukee, namely Waukesha and Ozaukee Counties. But movement in counties like Winnebago and Eau Claire—the latter of which saw a sixteen-point increase for the Democratic gubernatorial candidate between 2010 and 2022—which have college and working class populations, was not as well noticed. Democrats held their own in rural areas like Wood County, home to Verso Paper, which was shuttered two years earlier and had supported more than 900 local jobs, along with countless logging jobs in the Northwoods.

    One month after Democrats beat expectations in the 2022 midterm elections by holding on to the U.S. Senate and denying Republicans a working majority in the House, President Joe Biden broke from his populist, pro-labor moorings and spiked a good labor contract proposal by the railway workers’ unions.

    When rank-and-file members of four of the twelve unions rightly rejected a proposal that did not grant them enough paid sick days, Biden invoked the Railway Labor Act of 1926 and sent the rebuffed contract to Congress for ratification. It was the first time a President had applied that law since 1992, when then-U.S. Senator Joe Biden was one of just six Senators to oppose the measure.

    Biden breached the trust of American workers and did untold damage to his brand as the “most pro-union President you’ve ever seen.” Progressive Democrats understood both the symbolism and the substance of the President’s actions. But thanks to quick work by Sanders and Democratic Representative Pramila Jayapal, of Washington State, progressives put a separate measure up for a vote that included seven days of paid sick leave, to add to the railway contract bill. However, the Senate failed to reach cloture, and the measure died. (Yet another reason to ax the filibuster.)

    The Railway Labor Act is an outdated labor law that was designed to placate workers at a time when they were achieving significant momentum. Its roots were in the Great Railroad Strike of 1877, when workers took one too many pay cuts on the chin and decided to fight back. One striking worker famously stated, “I might as well die by the bullet as to starve to death by inches.”

    Laws were soon passed to set up arbitration panels to salve workers’ grievances. But members of Congress struggled to pin down an effective mediation and arbitration system to resolve grievances. President Woodrow Wilson came close to fixing this when he nationalized the rail industry in 1917. But shortly after World War I, Wilson returned power to the railroad owners, and the industry oligarchs have been screwing over workers ever since.

    Then came the cure-all: the New Deal’s National Labor Relations Act of 1935. It, too, was designed to quell labor unrest. President Franklin D. Roosevelt could not allow unregulated union activity to upend the New Deal. While the act’s true intent was to pump the brakes on union momentum, its initial effects were quite promising for the labor movement. Unions became recognized across the country and among all private-sector industries. By the end of the Great Depression, enrollment in unions had shot up almost three-fold, from 7 to 20 percent of employed workers.

    But as soon as labor started grabbing the upper hand, Congress responded with the Taft-Hartley Act in 1947 over President Harry Truman’s veto, which limited job actions, made union dues voluntary, and prohibited closed shops. The bipartisan vote spelled the beginning of the end of the modern-day labor movement. When it took effect in the aftermath of World War II, one out of three private-sector workers were in a union. Three years later, union density had fallen by 10 percent. It rebounded briefly, but by the end of the 1960s, its downward trajectory was clear.

    Tim Jacobson of UAW Local 578 looks exactly like you would expect a union steward to look. He has a commanding presence, is tall, muscular, and has a frame built for a hard hat. He hunches over slightly, no doubt the result of decades on the Oshkosh Defense assembly line fastening bolts and panels onto military tactical trucks.

    Elbowing his way through a scrum of fans after Sanders’s speech, Jacobson presented the Senator with a T-shirt from the union local. Sanders gladly accepted it, held it up to an approving crowd, and slipped out the side door.

    Jacobson was stoked that Sanders had made it to his union hall. For almost two years, he and his union brothers and sisters had been trying to grab the attention of national leaders. In June 2021, Oshkosh Corporation, the parent company of his employer, selected Spartanburg, South Carolina, rather than Wisconsin, to fill a multi-billion-dollar U.S. Postal Service (USPS) contract to build the next fleet of electric postal vehicles. The contract was won on the merits and track record of the work by Jacobson and his colleagues, not because of an empty warehouse in the Palmetto State, leading many critics to accuse the company of pulling a bait-and-switch.

    Aside from a brief clash in the House Committee on Oversight and Reform earlier in the year between Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Democrat of New York, and a USPS representative, Local 578’s plight garnered scant national attention. While most would have given up, Jacobson soldiered on. His persistence and advocacy were the reason Sanders took a break from a nationwide campus tour to get out the youth vote—a vote that made the difference in the midterm elections—to meet and rally with workers in Oshkosh.

    What happened to Jacobson represents a bigger problem—not in organized labor, but in American and global industry. Chief executive officers are recruited not for their knowledge and understanding of how a certain industry works, but for other factors. According to Byron Hanson of the Curtin Graduate School of Business, “Industry experience is not as big a success factor as what people think it would be. My sense of success factors is more context-related or expertise-related.”

    While worker wages have stagnated in the past four decades, chief executive officer compensation has skyrocketed. From 1978 to 2021, it increased by 1,460 percent, according to an analysis by the Economic Policy Institute. Concurrently, the average worker’s compensation package has grown at literally 1 percent of that rate.

    During a visit to a local paper mill in the Fox River Valley, I once asked a now former paper executive what was in a rail car below his office window. “I’m not sure,” he responded. “In fact, I don’t really know what we actually do, I’m just here to run the place.”

    While he undoubtedly knew the difference between a paper roll and a roll of toilet paper, the executive’s limited insight into a fundamental part of his business was revealing. If he didn’t know what the hell was going on, who did? One year later, the company fell into bankruptcy.

    It’s union workers like Jacobson who dedicate an entire career to a single industry at a single plant. Unsurprisingly, manufacturing workers have the highest tenure—five years—of all major private industries in the United States. And for organized shops, with the union wage premium, workers stick around longer.

    When workers at Appleton Coated in Combined Locks, Wisconsin, rallied to save their mill after it had been sold at a receivership sale in late 2017, it was the union that convinced a judge to give them another shot. And it was the workers’ expertise that executed a new business model that made the company profitable. (Just over two years later, the owner—a scrap dealer that had bought the mill for parts—made tens of millions of dollars in profit by reselling it in 2020.)

    When it came time to bring 1,000 union jobs to Oshkosh, it was Jacobson and UAW Local 578 President Bob Lynk who flew to Washington, D.C., to make their case to USPS officials and to lobby their members of Congress. Meanwhile, Oshkosh Defense executives were feted by anti-union South Carolina business groups, including being given the South Carolina Manufacturing Commerce and Expo’s “Smart Move Award” for 2022.

    If the workers are the ones tending to the shop, shouldn’t they figure more prominently in industry? And shouldn’t they be treated a little better?

    Democrats should make clear whose side they are really on in the new Congress. One way to do that is to adopt an economic bill of rights, not unlike the one FDR proposed in January 1944, or what labor activists like University of Wisconsin–Green Bay professor emeritus Harvey Kaye and writer John Nichols, a contributor to The Progressive, have been championing of late. And that is to lay out in no uncertain terms what the American worker can count on from the Democratic Party in order to achieve “the essentials of a good life, regardless of their income, race, religion, gender, sexual orientation, or country of origin.”

    In states like Wisconsin, where Democrats beat expectations and met crucial goals like re-electing Tony Evers as governor and denying the GOP a supermajority in the state legislature, credit is owed to folks like Ben Wikler, chair of the Democratic Party of Wisconsin, for injecting real resources into crucial races. Equally important, however, are workers like Jacobson, who should be credited with reminding elected leaders and candidates who it was that built the Democratic Party—and the nation—in the first place.

    This post was originally published on Common Dreams.



  • A federal judge issued a nationwide order late Friday barring Starbucks from firing union organizers—a ruling that affirmed a long-established law which workers say the coffee chain has violated hundreds of times since unionizing efforts were first launched in Buffalo, New York in 2021.

    U.S. District Judge Mark Goldsmith ruled in Michigan that former shift supervisor Hannah Whitbeck must be reinstated in her position, which she was fired from in April 2022.

    Whitbeck and National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) Detroit Regional Director Elizabeth Kerwin argued that she had been fired because of her involvement in union organizing at the store where she worked in Ann Arbor—one of 366 Starbucks stores across the U.S. where employees have organized to create bargaining units. Nearly 300 stores have won union elections so far.

    Starbucks Workers United, the employees’ union, has accused the company of firing more than 200 employees in illegal retaliation for organizing.

    The company claimed Whitbeck was fired for leaving 20 to 30 minutes early a single time without finding someone to fill in for her, but Kerwin argued that would have been a violation of Starbucks’ own policy of issuing a warning for such an incident. Kerwin also noted that Starbucks was aware Whitbeck was involved in unionization efforts.

    Jennifer Abruzzo, general counsel for the NLRB, said the nationwide order was significant.

    “The district court’s ruling confirms that Starbucks continues to violate the law in egregious ways, thus requiring a nationwide cease and desist order,” Abruzzo told Bloomberg.

    The NLRB has issued 75 complaints against Starbucks for unfair labor practices, including intimidating and retaliating against workers who are organizing.

    “Firing workers for organizing is already illegal, of course,” said Starbucks Workers United, the employees’ union, of Goldsmith’s order. “But this decision is HUGE for getting speedy justice for those retaliated against.”

    Goldsmith ordered Starbucks to post physical copies of the order at the Ann Arbor store and to read it at a mandatory meeting. The company was given 21 days to file an affidavit declaring it had complied.

    Starbucks reported a 31% annual growth in profits in 2021, the year workers began unionizing, as well as $8.1 billion just in the fourth quarter of that year. Still, the company has aggressively fought union efforts by holding captive-audience meetings with CEO Howard Schultz and threatening the rights of workers who get involved in organizing efforts. This past week, Starbucks refused to send Schultz to testify before the Senate Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions Committee on the company’s conduct.

    Goldsmith’s ruling showed that the company “can’t just fire” its way out of listening to workers, said economic justice group Fight for $15.

    “Love to see the NLRB push back against Starbucks’ intimidation tactics,” said the group. “Unionizing is a right!”

    This post was originally published on Common Dreams.