Category: Law

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    Janine Jackson interviewed TLDEF’s Ezra Young about trans rights law for the February 7, 2025, episode of CounterSpin. This is a lightly edited transcript.

     

     

    NBC: Trans young adults and parents sue over Trump's orders restricting transition care

    NBC News (2/4/25)

    Janine Jackson: Transgender youth, families and advocates are filing lawsuits, pushing back on Trump executive orders that define sex as biological and “grounded in incontrovertible reality,” and that prohibit federal funding of transition-related healthcare for those under 19, including by medical schools and hospitals that receive federal research or education grants. According to a report by Jo Yurcaba at NBC Out, that latter order contained language claiming that “countless children soon regret that they have been mutilated,” and that they wind up “trapped with lifelong medical complications” and “a losing war with their own bodies.”

    This accompanies orders prohibiting trans people from joining the military, and from receiving transition care while incarcerated, and then just yesterday, a move to ban trans women from women’s sports. It’s evident what Trump and his ilk want to do, but is it legal? And even if it’s not, what impacts could it still have?

    Ezra Young is a civil rights attorney whose litigation and scholarship center on trans rights. He’s been visiting assistant law professor at Cornell Law School, director of impact litigation at the Transgender Legal Defense and Education Fund, and legal director at African American Policy Forum, among other things. He joins us now by phone from Charlottesville, Virginia. Welcome back to CounterSpin, Ezra Young.

    Ezra Young: Thank you so much for the invitation.

    JJ: Ground us, please, with some basic understanding. Discrimination based on gender identity is illegal. That’s established, isn’t it?

    EY: Yes, it is. Gender identity is a newer term, but is essentially equivalent to sex. Federal law prohibits discrimination on the basis of sex, both under our Constitution, as well as under many statutes.

    JJ: And it’s also established that the White House or Trump doesn’t have, really, the legal power or the authority to carry out these moves that these orders indicate, right?

    EY: Correct. So this is just basic constitutional law, like I would teach my first-year law students; any one of them would be able to spot this. Under our Constitution, our government is one of limited powers. Those powers for the presidency are delineated in Article Two. The responsibility of the US president is to execute and enforce laws that are passed by Congress, not to make up new laws, and most definitely not to infringe upon the rights that are protected by the United States Constitution.

    JJ: Right. Well, we know that the law saying they can’t do something doesn’t necessarily mean—we can already see that it hasn’t meant—that nothing happens, including things that can deeply affect people’s lives, even if they aren’t legal. So accepting that grayness, what should we be concerned about here?

    Cut: ‘It Shouldn’t Be Happening Here’ Parents of trans children in NYC are outraged as hospitals quietly shift their approach to gender-affirming care.

    Cut (2/4/25)

    EY: Well, first and foremost, I’d push back on the sense that there’s grayness. This is a situation where there’s black and white. Our Constitution, which I firmly believe in, enough so that I’m an expert in constitutional law and I teach it, limits what a president can do.

    So let me contrast this with the president’s power when it comes to immigration. There’s a lot of power in the president when it comes to immigration, because that’s an issue over which our Constitution gives him power. But our Constitution is one of the government of limited powers, meaning if power isn’t expressly provided via the Constitution, the president can’t just make up that power. So for folks who think the president is doing something unconstitutional, or insists he has powers he doesn’t have, the best thing to do is to push back and say absolutely no.

    Part of what we’re seeing right now, with some local hospitals in New York and elsewhere essentially trying to comply in advance, in the hope to appease Trump if one day he does have the power to do what he says he’s doing, that’s absolutely wrongheaded. We don’t, and no one should. That was why our country was founded. Despite all the sins on which it was founded, a good reason why we were founded was to make sure that the people retained the vast majority of the power. And when politicians, including the United States president, pretend they have more power than they do, it’s our responsibility as citizens and residents of this nation to push back and say no.

    JJ: I appreciate that, and that the law is not itself vague, but that with folks complying in advance, as you say, and with this just sort of general confusion, we know that a law doesn’t have to actually pass in order for harms to happen, in order for the real world to respond to these calls, as we’re seeing now. So it’s important to distinguish the fact that the law is in opposition to all of this, and yet here we see people already acting as though somehow it were justified or authorized, which is frightening.

    EY: It is frightening, and I think, again, that goes to our responsibility as Americans. Citizens or not, if you’re here, you’re an American, and you’re protected by the Constitution. It’s our responsibility to push back people who are all too ready to take steps against the trans community, against trans people, just like all of the other minority groups President Trump is trying to subjugate, and to insist: “Hey, stop. You’re not required to do this. If you’re choosing to do this, that’s a problem.”

    JJ: We are seeing resistance, both these lawsuits and protests in the street, I feel like more today than yesterday, and probably more tomorrow than today. Do you think that folks are activated enough, that they see things clearly? What other resistance would you like to see?

    Ezra Young

    Ezra Young: “If Trump were to put out an executive order today declaring the sky is purple, that doesn’t change the reality that the sky is not purple.”

    EY: I think protests are a great way for folks who might not know a lot of these issues, or might have limited capacities, so they’re not lawyers, they’re not educators, they’re not doctors, but they’re people who care. That’s a great way to push back, put your name and faith and body on the line, and to show you don’t agree with this.

    In addition to that, I would suggest that people read these executive orders and know what they say and know what they don’t say. When I say, right now, for the trans community, complying in advance is one of the biggest problems we’re seeing, I mean it. I’ve been on dozens of calls with members of the trans community, including trans lawyers at large organizations and law firms, people who work for the federal government, who are not what my grandfather would call “using their thinking caps” right now. They’re thinking in a place of fear, and they’re not reading. They’re not thinking critically.

    If Trump were to put out an executive order today declaring the sky is purple, that doesn’t change the reality that the sky is not purple. We don’t need to pretend that is the reality. We can just call it out for what it is, utter nonsense.

    Beyond that, I would say people should not change anything about the way they live their life or go about the world, simply out of fear that something will be done to them that no one has the power to do.

    I can say—it’s kind of funny—I was at a really conservative federal court last year, and I lost my passport. I thought I was going to find it again, but I didn’t, and then I got busy with work, and Trump came into office. So I finally got my stuff together, and applied for a new passport. A lot of people in my community were concerned that I wasn’t going to get a passport, and all I could think was: “I read all of the rules. I read all of the executive orders. There’s nothing that says I can’t get my passport.” I’m not home in Ithaca, New York, right now, but my understanding is my passport was delivered yesterday.

    JJ: OK, so just going forward, people think media critics hate journalists, when really we just hate bad journalism, which there has been a fair amount of around trans issues; but there are also some brighter spots and some improvements, like one you saw out of what might seem an unlikely place. Would you tell us a little about that?

    ND Monitor: Transgender teen urges judge to legalize gender-affirming care for minors in North Dakota

    North Dakota Monitor (1/28/25)

    EY: One of my friends, Brittany Stewart, of an organization called Gender Justice, which is based in Minnesota, brought a lawsuit against the state of North Dakota, challenging a ban on minors accessing trans healthcare. This case was filed about two years ago, and it just went to a bench trial, meaning it was heard by only a judge in North Dakota last week.

    Very lucky to the people of North Dakota, there’s a wonderful local journalist by the name of Mary Steurer who has been following the case for the last two years, and attended each and every day of the seven day bench trial. And each day after court, she submitted a story where there were photographs taken straight from the courtroom of the witnesses that were not anonymous, and describing what happened for the day.

    And it’s not just passive recording that Mary did; it’s really critical reporting. She picked up on reporting in other states where the same witnesses testified. She shared long summaries of witness testimonies for the day. And my understanding is her reporting was so good that the two other major newspapers in North Dakota ran all of her daily reports on their front pages.

    JJ: Yeah, Mary Steurer writes for the North Dakota Monitor. I looked through that reporting on your recommendation, and it really was straightforward, just being there in the room, bringing in relevant information. It just was strange, in a way, how refreshing it was to see such straightforward reporting. She would mention that a certain person made a statement about medical things, and she’d quote it, but then say, “Actually, this is an outlying view in the medical community,” which is relevant background information that another reporter might not have included. So I do want to say, just straightforward reporting can be such sunlight on a story like this.

    EY: Yes, and especially I appreciate that Mary is local to North Dakota. She’s not an outsider parachuting in for a trial that might otherwise be overly sensationalized. This is a North Dakotan covering a North Dakota case in Bismarck, and she’s really speaking to the sensibilities of North Dakotans, and what they want to know about a case like this, not what outsiders like me from New York might think.

    JJ: Let me just ask you, Ezra, while I have you, forward-looking thoughts. I’ve heard you say these moves are not legal, these executive orders are not legal, they can be stopped, people are engaged in stopping them. Are there things you’d look for journalists to be doing right now, or for other folks to be doing right now, that can make sure that goes forward in the way that we want it to?

    EY: For journalists, I’d recommend that you cast a wide net to understand all of the actions that are happening, and all of the lawsuits that are happening. A lot of journalists at the national level, at the very least, do really reactive reporting. So within a few minutes of an executive order coming out, they’ll talk to the same activists that they always talk to on both sides. They’ll talk to a lawyer who has no idea what this area of law is, just to get a quote in, and then they move on.

    I think it would be helpful for Americans, and trans Americans especially, to know there’s more going on in our fight than being reactive to nonsense executive orders.

    As one example, I filed suit against the US Office of Personnel Management yesterday, on behalf of my client Manning, a former federal employee challenging the federal government’s health benefits plans’ decades-long trans exclusions in healthcare. This is a case that captures the long arc of the struggle for trans rights. It started 10 years ago, and ironically enough, the only administration that was supportive of Mr. Manning’s bid was Mr. Trump.

    JJ: That is odd.

    EY: But here we are in court again.

    JJ: All right then, so cast a wide net, and don’t just look at the most recent thing that’s come down the pike, because that will just have all of our heads spinning, and take our eyes off the prize.

    EY: And talk to different voices, not just the same activists, not just the same lawyers, not just the same parents, not just the same kids. There are a lot of trans people. We’re not a monolith. We have different views and interests, and different experiences, and you won’t capture that if you just talk to the same talking heads.

    JJ: All right, then. We’ve been speaking with civil rights attorney Ezra Young. You can follow his work at EzraYoung.com. Thank you so much for joining us this week on CounterSpin.

    EY: Thank you so much, Janine.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  • Family fleeing Gaza were allowed to join brother in UK after applying through scheme meant for Ukrainian refugees

    A judge who granted a Palestinian family the right to live in the UK after they applied through a scheme originally meant for Ukrainian refugees made the wrong decision, Keir Starmer has said.

    A family of six seeking to flee Gaza were allowed to join their brother in the UK after an immigration judge ruled that the Home Office’s rejection of their application breached their human rights, it emerged on Tuesday.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Widowed parent’s allowance claims for those not married or in civil partnership can only be backdated from 30 August 2018

    Two bereaved parents have filed a case at the European court of human rights, claiming that the UK government’s treatment of them is discriminatory.

    Jyotee Gunnooa and Andrew Byles lost their partners but were unable to claim a benefit for widowed parents because they were not married or in civil partnerships when the deaths happened.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

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    Signs at protest: "Trans People Are Not a Distraction"; "Trans Rights Are Human Rights"

    (CC photo: Ted Eytan)

    This week on CounterSpin: We know that once corporate news label something “controversial,” we’re in for reporting with a static “some say/others differ” frame—even if one “side” of the “controversy” is a relatively small group of people who don’t believe in science or human rights or democracy. So as the Trump White House comes out fast and furious against transgender people, their weird hatefulness lands in a public arena that generally rejects discrimination, but also in an elite media climate in which the very lives of transgender people have long been deemed “subject to debate.” We’ll hear about the current state of things from civil rights attorney Ezra Young.

     

    New York Times: R.F.K. Jr. Says Doctors Found a Dead Worm in His Brain

    New York Times (5/8/24)

    Also on the show: When the New York Times reported Robert F. Kennedy Jr.’s revelation that parasites have eaten part of his brain, Kennedy, running for president at the time, offered to “eat five more brain worms and still beat President Trump and President Biden in a debate.” We’re reminded of such “jokes” now, as Kennedy looks likely to be head of Health and Human Services, along with his claims that vaccines cause autism and chicken soup cures measles. But to resist Kennedy, we need to understand what fuels those who, even if they don’t like him, believe he might be a force for good in their lives. Anne Sosin is a public health researcher and practitioner based at Dartmouth College, who encourages looking around RFK Jr. to the communities that imagine he’s speaking for them.

     

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  • 24 January 2025 was the Day of the Endangered Lawyer.  Its purpose is to call attention to threatened human rights lawyers who work to advance the rule of law and promote human rights under governmental harassment and intimidation, often at great personal risk.  Each year the focus is on those lawyers working in one designated country.

    In 2025, the Day of the Endangered Lawyer spotlights the persecution of lawyers in Belarus. Since 2020, a crackdown by the Belarus government has resulted in the targeting of lawyers and human rights defenders. Legal practitioners face increasing criminal sanctions, arbitrary detention and systemic interference in their abilities to practice law. Constitutional and legislative changes have eroded the independence of the judiciary and professional legal bodies and given the executive branch unwarranted control over the judiciary and legal profession.

    Today, the ABA recognizes these human rights lawyers who champion justice and fight for the rule of law.

    see also: https://humanrightsdefenders.blog/2024/11/06/new-study-lawyers-protecting-journalists-increasingly-threatened/

    and

    https://www.americanbar.org/news/abanews/aba-news-archives/2025/01/aba-statement-re-day-endangered-lawyer/

    This post was originally published on Hans Thoolen on Human Rights Defenders and their awards.

  • Family of Bowman, 44, plead for death sentence to be commuted as lawyers say ‘the system has failed him’

    South Carolina is set to execute Marion Bowman Jr, a 44-year-old man who has maintained his innocence and in his final days became outspoken about the brutal conditions on death row.

    The state, which has aggressively revived capital punishment after a 13-year pause, is due to kill Bowman by lethal injection at 6pm local time on Friday. It will be the first execution in the US of the new year.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • ‘We are not what the state labels us. We are kind, caring, loving people,’ he said in last words before lethal injection

    South Carolina has executed Marion Bowman Jr, a 44-year-old man who has maintained his innocence and in his final days became outspoken about the brutal conditions on death row.

    The state, which has aggressively revived capital punishment after a 13-year pause, killed Bowman by lethal injection on Friday evening. It was be the first execution in the US of the new year.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Instances of kidnapping, robbery and murder have grown significantly in cities controlled by Myanmar’s ruling junta, residents said Wednesday, due to what they claim is lax enforcement by police.

    A legal expert, speaking on condition of anonymity for safety reasons, told Radio Free Asia that police are focused on protecting the military junta from rebel forces, rather than enforcing the law.

    The junta, which seized control of Myanmar in a February 2021 coup, has imposed martial law in dozens of townships in the country to stamp out resistance in areas where anti-regime forces are active.

    “To be honest, the legal system is almost nonexistent,” he said. “The primary reason for this is the country’s loss of peace and stability. The rule of law has completely collapsed.”

    Police are unable to perform their fundamental duties because they must focus solely on security issues, the legal expert said.

    “In terms of security, they are concentrated only on identifying and arresting members of organizations deemed ‘terrorist groups,’ while neglecting their core police responsibilities.”

    A growing trend

    Meanwhile, rising crime has become a trend in major cities and towns across Myanmar, sources said.

    In 2024, at least five people were reportedly kidnapped in Yangon and Mandalay, as well as Tachileik and Muse — border towns in Myanmar’s Shan state.

    A view of Mandalay, the second-largest city in Myanmar, July 5, 2024.
    A view of Mandalay, the second-largest city in Myanmar, July 5, 2024.
    (Sai Aung Main/AFP)

    In an incident in December 2024, a group kidnapped, extorted and murdered an obstetrician-gynecologist in Mandalay region’s Chanmyathazi township.

    On Jan. 3, a group of men abducted Tun Lin Naing Oo, a gas station owner, in Mandalay.

    On Jan. 11, a man armed with a gun robbed a Kanbawza Bank branch in Mahanwesin ward, in Mandalay region’s Maha Aungmye township, in broad daylight. But instead of police intervening, bank security guards and residents surrounded and apprehended him.

    On Jan. 18, three armed men kidnapped a grocery store owner in Muse.

    A resident of Mandalay, who requested anonymity, told RFA that people there live in constant fear because of rampant crime, including robberies.

    “Authorities themselves engage in illegal activities, leaving no sense of security or peace,” said the person, who declined to be identified for fear of retribution.

    “Life has become exhausting,” the person said. “We struggle every day just to survive. This is the harsh reality, and everyone is suffering.”

    Abductors demand ransom

    When young women in major cities like Yangon and Mandalay go missing, it is often kidnappers who claim responsibility and demand ransom for their release, said residents of Yangon, Myanmar’s largest metropolis.

    But their relatives typically refrain from filing complaints with authorities out of fear that the abductors may return to target them again, according to a source close to one such family in Yangon.

    The source, who declined to be named for safety reasons, pointed to the recent kidnapping of a girl who was on her way to school one morning when she was nabbed off the street.

    In the evening, he said, the kidnappers called her mother, demanding 60 million kyats (US$13,500) for her release and threatened to kill or sell her if the ransom wasn’t paid. The mother handed over the cash without contacting the police, and her daughter was released.

    Military junta soldiers patrol in Yangon, Myanmar, Dec. 4, 2023.
    Military junta soldiers patrol in Yangon, Myanmar, Dec. 4, 2023.
    (AFP)

    “I believe families are too afraid to report these incidents, fearing retaliation from the kidnappers,” said the source. “The main issue is that everyone is living in fear.”

    Some of those who have reported such incidents to the police said authorities failed to take action or make arrests.

    Curfew workarounds

    Curfews in Yangon and Mandalay have done little to curb crime, residents said, despite regular military and police patrols.

    A resident of Yangon, who requested anonymity for security reasons, said that criminals simply work around the city’s 1 a.m.-3 a.m. curfew.

    “The looters are taking advantage of the situation, taking to the streets at 4 a.m. or 5 a.m., violating martial law, and looting,” the resident said.

    “There are all kinds of robberies happening,” he said. “As a result, people have been forced to rely on one another, helping each other to protect their streets, homes and neighborhoods.”

    RFA could not reach junta spokesman Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun for comment.

    Following the 2021 coup d’état, crime rate statistics were not monitored as local watch groups and activists were prosecuted by the junta for opposing the takeover.

    The United States, Canada, New Zealand, the United Kingdom and other Western countries have issued travel warnings for Myanmar, advising their citizens not to visit the country due to its high-risk status.

    Translated by Kalyar Lwin for RFA Burmese. Edited by Roseanne Gerin and Malcolm Foster.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by RFA Burmese.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • New York, January 28, 2025—Pakistan’s Senate on Tuesday passed controversial amendments to the country’s cybercrime laws, which would criminalize the “intentional” spread of “false news” with prison terms of up to three years, a fine of up to 2 million rupees (USD$7,100), or both. 

    The amendments to the Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act (PECA) were previously approved by the National Assembly and now await the president’s signature to become law. 

    “The Pakistan Senate’s passage of amendments to the country’s cybercrime laws is deeply concerning. While on its face, the law seeks to tamp down the spread of false news, if signed into law, it will disproportionately curtail freedom of speech in Pakistan,” said Beh Lih Yi, CPJ’s Asia program coordinator. “President Asif Ali Zardari must veto the bill, which threatens the fundamental rights of Pakistani citizens and journalists while granting the government and security agencies sweeping powers to impose complete control over internet freedom in the country.”

    The proposed amendments to PECA include the establishment of four new government bodies to help regulate online content and broadening the definitions of online harms. CPJ’s texts to Pakistan’s Federal Information Minister Attaullah Tarar did not receive a response.

    The Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists announced nationwide protests against the amendments, calling them unconstitutional and an infringement on citizens’ rights.


    This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Allegations of rape, beatings and collusion by EU-funded security forces prompt shift in migration arrangements

    The European Commission is fundamentally overhauling how it makes payments to Tunisia after a Guardian investigation exposed myriad abuses by EU-funded security forces, including widespread sexual violence against migrants.

    Officials are drawing up “concrete” conditions to ensure that future European payments to Tunis can go ahead only if human rights have not been violated.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.


  • This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Radio Free Asia.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.


  • This content originally appeared on Human Rights Watch and was authored by Human Rights Watch.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • European court of human rights sides with French woman whose husband obtained divorce on grounds she was only person at fault

    Europe live – latest updates

    A woman who refuses to have sex with her husband should not be considered “at fault” by courts in the event of divorce, Europe’s highest human rights court has said, condemning France.

    The European court of human rights (ECHR) sided on Thursday with a 69-year-old French woman whose husband had obtained a divorce on the grounds that she was the only person at fault because she had stopped having sexual relations with him.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • President says he’ll help states execute people but experts skeptical of bold pledge to expand capital punishment

    Donald Trump has signed an executive order committing to pursue federal death sentences and pledging to ensure that states have sufficient supplies of lethal injection drugs for executions.

    The order promises that Trump’s attorney general will seek capital punishment for “all crimes of a severity demanding its use”, specifying that the US will seek the death penalty in every case involving murder of law enforcement and a capital crime committed by an undocumented person, “regardless of other factors”. Trump has also pledged to pursue the overruling of longstanding US supreme court precedents that limit the scope of capital punishment.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • First Quantum Minerals’ copper operation was shut down more than a year ago, but Indigenous people report restrictions on movement and unexplained illness and death

    For the people of the nine Indigenous communities within the perimeter of the sprawling Cobre Panamá copper mine, travelling into and out of the concession is far from straightforward. An imposing metal gateway staffed by the mining company’s security guards blocks the road. People say the company severely restricts their movement in and out of the zone, letting them through only on certain days.

    The mining concession, located 120km (75 miles) west of Panama City, is owned by Canada-based First Quantum Minerals, which operates through its local subsidiary, Minera Panamá. The company’s private security guards, not the national police, patrol the concession. Local residents, mostly subsistence farmers of modest means, say that First Quantum operates as a state within a state.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Tunisia has reached a troubling milestone, with at least five journalists behind bars in CPJ’s December 1, 2024, prison census, the highest number since the organization began keeping track in 1992. Once hailed as a beacon of freedom in the Arab world after the 2011 revolution that sparked the Arab Spring, Tunisia is now erasing the gains it made as it stifles dissent and hampers the work of the press.

    The government’s main tool against the media is Decree 54, a cybercrime law introduced by President Kais Saied in 2022 following his 2021 power grab in which he dissolved parliament, took control of the judiciary, and gave himself powers to rule by decree. The law makes it illegal to “to produce, spread, disseminate, send or write false news with the aim of infringing the rights of others, harming public safety or national defense or sowing terror among the population.” Today, four out of the five journalists imprisoned in Tunisia were convicted of violating the decree over their social media posts or commentary.

    “Decree 54 has now turned every journalist into a suspect. It treats every journalist as if they are conditionally released from jail pending investigation, because they can be summoned for questioning at any time over anything they post online,” Ziad Debbar, president of local trade union the National Syndicate of Tunisian Journalists (SNJT), told CPJ.

    Local journalists believe that authorities are using Decree 54 to quash investigative and critical journalism, and that many in the media are reverting to self-censorship.

    “Decree 54 has been excessively applied to journalists, bloggers, and political commentators in the media,” Lofti Hajji, a founding member of SNJT, told CPJ. “This has led to a huge decline in political television and radio programs that once in abundance offered in-depth analysis of current political issues.” He said that journalists are loath to cover or speak out about the law, for fear that they will be charged under it.

    Tunisia’s President Kais Saied, who conducted a sweeping power grab in 2021, attends his swearing-in ceremony before the National Assembly in Tunis after his 2024 reelection. (Photo: AFP/Fethi Belaid)

    Tunisian authorities stepped up prosecutions of journalists under the law ahead of last year’s October 6 elections, which Saied won by a landslide after jailing his opponents. On May 11, Tunisian authorities made three high profile media arrests. Sonia Dahmani, a lawyer and political commentator, was arrested when masked police officers raided the Tunisian bar association, where she had sought refuge after she sarcastically called Tunisia an “extraordinary country” attracting migrants on a television program. Dahmani was sentenced to one year in prison on false news charges under Decree 54. The sentence was later reduced to eight months on appeal, but she was subsequently sentenced to an additional two years in a separate conviction under the decree.

    Dahmani’s colleagues, IFM radio journalists Mourad Zghidi and Borhen Bsaies, were arrested the same day last May. Bsaies was imprisoned under Decree 54 in connection with his television and radio commentary critical of the president and Zghidi over his social media posts in solidarity with journalist Mohamed Boughaleb. Both were sentenced to one year in prison after they were convicted of defamation and false news. Authorities have continued to pile on charges, investigating Zghidi and Bsaies for money laundering.

    Prior to Saied’s 2021 power grab, journalists in Tunisia were protected by the press law, Decree 115, which abolished prison sentences for defamation and insult and enshrined protection of journalistic sources, and the 2014 constitution, which ensured freedom of expression. Local journalists say that journalists are vulnerable in new ways since the press law is no longer enforced and the freedom of expression clause of the constitution is not respected. Tunisia’s media regulator, the Independent High Authority for Audiovisual Communication, was hailed for its promotion of media independence, but  Saied’s government forced the authority’s president, Nouri Lajmi, into retirement and suspended its activities in 2023.

    Without a media regulator, the Tunisian election monitor, the Independent High Authority for Elections has stepped into its place, hampering the work of the press seeking to cover politics. In August, the monitor revoked the press accreditation of journalist Khaoula Boukrim, editor-in-chief of independent news website Tumedia, over her online coverage of the elections. As of early 2025, Boukrim’s press accreditation was still revoked. The monitor also filed dozens of legal complaints against media organizations and bloggers, and prevented some journalists from covering a press conference in September announcing the final presidential candidates in the 2024 race.

    “The [election monitor] functioning as a media regulator during the elections was just utter nonsense,” said Debbar. He said the monitor “referred many journalists [to authorities] to be prosecuted under Decree 54 to punish them for their coverage of the elections.”

    In 2025, Tunisian journalists are having a hard time envisioning a future of press freedom under Saied’s new term. Zghidi’s sister, Mariam Zghidi, told CPJ that when she visited her brother in prison that he defended his work – even though it had come at an extraordinary price.

    “During my first visit to Mourad in prison, he said to me; ‘I am not a political activist, I am a journalist. And my job entails that I will show public support regarding some topics, but it also entails that I will be critical regarding others, which is my right as a journalist’,” said Mariam. “This is why he is in prison, because he was doing his job.”


    This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Middle East and North Africa Program.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Leading democracies have stood by while allies have committed atrocities or supported perpetrators, Human Rights Watch chief says ahead of annual World Report

    The past year has marked the “absolute failure” of western democracies as champions of human rights around the world, the head of Human Rights Watch (HRW) has said.

    Tirana Hassan lambasted western capitals for their double standards over the course of 2024 and what she said was the abdication of their claim to leadership on global human rights.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • British director of Human Rights Watch attacks ‘dangerous hypocrisy’ of government

    Britain’s crackdown on climate protest is setting “a dangerous precedent” around the world and undermining democratic rights, the UK director of Human Rights Watch has said.

    Yasmine Ahmed accused the Labour government of hypocrisy over its claims to be committed to human rights and international law.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Contentious liability clause that could have exposed institutions to being sued by Holocaust deniers is scrapped

    The government is to overhaul legislation imposing free speech duties on higher education in England, scrapping a controversial civil liability that potentially exposed universities to being sued by Holocaust deniers.

    Bridget Phillipson, the education secretary, told parliament that while the government intended to retain key parts of the law passed by the previous Conservative administration, she planned to revoke the “statutory tort” that allowed legal action by anyone claiming their freedom of speech had been restricted, and to largely exempt student unions from the legislation.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • MANILA — Manila may resort to measures such as filing another international lawsuit like the 2016 case against Beijing to stop China’s continuing intimidating actions in the Philippines’ South China Sea waters, a senior Filipino official warned.

    Manila has tried options including protests and official diplomatic complaints, and yet a Chinese coast guard ship – the world’s largest – is again in Philippine waters, said a spokesman of the Task Force for the West Philippine Sea, which is Manila’s name for the waters it claims.

    The Philippine task force spokesman Jonathan Malaya explained at a press conference on Tuesday that Manila was running out of options in dealing with Beijing’s continued actions to assert what China claims is its sovereignty over the West Philippine Sea.

    Since Ferdinand Marcos Jr. assumed the presidency in June 2022, his administration has filed a total of 199 diplomatic protests against Chinese vessels and activities in the waterway.

    Reporters asked whether the Philippines was thinking of filing another lawsuit akin to the one adjudicated in its favor and against Beijing in 2016 by an international arbitral tribunal.

    “Will [the presence of the Chinese ship in Manila-claimed waters] lead to another case? All options are on the table,” he answered.

    “[T]he closer the ‘monster’ ship is [to] Philippine waters, the more it [raises tensions] and the more the Philippine government contemplates things it was not contemplating before.”

    Malaya said that China was “pushing us to the wall” but the Philippines would not back down.

    “We do not waver or cower in the face of intimidation. On the contrary, it strengthens our resolve because we know we are in the right.”

    “The Monster” refers to the giant 12,000-ton China Coast Guard (CCG) vessel 5901, which patrolled the disputed Scarborough Shoal area in recent days.

    The behemoth subsequently moved to the northwestern coast of the Philippines’ Luzon island on Tuesday, where it was last spotted some 77 nautical miles (143 kilometers) from the shoreline.

    China responded to Malay’s comments saying it maintained its claim in the waterway. The CCG vessels’ activities there were lawful and “fully justified,” added the superpower’s Foreign Ministry spokesperson.

    “China’s sovereignty and rights and interests in the South China Sea were established in the long course of history, and are solidly grounded in history and the law and compliant with the international law and practice,” spokesman Guo Jiakun said Monday at a news conference.

    “We call on the Philippines once again to immediately stop all infringement activities, provocations and false accusations, and stop all its actions that jeopardize peace and stability and complicate the situation in the South China Sea.”

    .
    .
    (.)

    Located about 125 nautical miles (232 km) from Luzon Island, the Scarborough Shoal – known as Bajo de Masinloc in the Philippines – has been under China’s de facto control since 2012.

    Beijing’s possession of the shoal forced Manila to file a lawsuit at the world court in The Hague.

    The court’s international arbitral tribunal in 2016 ruled in Manila’s favor but Beijing has never acknowledged that decision.

    RELATED STORIES

    US, Canadian warships conduct joint drills in South China Sea

    China says ‘monster’ ship’s presence near Scarborough Shoal ‘fully justified’

    South China Sea: 5 things to watch in 2025

    Philippine officials on Monday said the government had filed yet another diplomatic protest over the presence of Chinese ships in waters within its exclusive economic zone.

    In recent years, a slew of countries, including the United States, Japan, Australia, France and United Kingdom, have also supported Manila and carried out joint sails with the Philippines in the contested sea.

    Reporters asked Malaya whether the Philippine government was considering asking its foreign allies the U.S. and Japan for help in driving away the Chinese vessel.

    “We’re keeping our options open,” answered Malaya.

    “Now the ball is in the court of the PRC (People’s Republic of China),” he said.

    Recently, the Philippine Senate ratified a so-called Reciprocal Access Agreement (RAA) with Japan, allowing the two allied nations to deploy troops on each other’s soil for military exercises.

    The RAA – which will take effect once Philippine President Marcos signs off on it and Japan’s legislature ratifies it – is the first of its kind signed by Tokyo with an Asian country.

    Japan, unlike the Philippines, does not have territorial claims that overlap with China’s expansive ones in the South China Sea.

    But Tokyo has a separate dispute with Beijing over a group of uninhabited islands in the Senkaku chain (also known as the Diaoyu Islands) in the East China Sea.

    On Monday, the leaders of the Philippines, Japan and the United States held a telephone summit to discuss regional security and their countries’ “continuing cooperation” amid China’s activities in the disputed South China Sea.

    BenarNews is an RFA-affiliated online news organization.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Jason Gutierrez for BenarNews.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • As the Indian Supreme Court prepares to hear the landmark case challenging India’s Marital Rape Exception, Kanaksha Kataria discusses how this colonial-era law violates a multitude of constitutional rights. Drawing on leading constitutional frameworks, she argues the legal immunity granted to husbands creates a sanctioned hierarchy of oppression that fundamentally undermines married women’s constitutional rights to equality, dignity, and bodily autonomy. 


    The Marital Rape Exception (MRE) in Indian criminal law stands as one of the most patriarchal yet contentious vestiges of colonial jurisprudence. MRE exemplifies the deep contradiction between conventional patriarchal norms and basic constitutional guarantees of equality, dignity and autonomy. As the Supreme Court prepares to address this issue in Hrikesh Sahoo v. State of Karnataka, the fundamental question emerges yet again: can the legal immunity granted to husbands for non-consensual sexual acts within marriage withstand constitutional scrutiny?

    This analysis evaluates the constitutional invalidity of MRE via several lenses. First, drawing on Tarunabh Khaitan’s framework of discrimination law, it is argued that MRE fails the stringent standards of Articles 14 and 15 of the Indian Constitution. Second, it is argued that MRE transgresses beyond equality provisions and ruthlessly undermines married women’s rights to dignity, personal liberty, and freedom from exploitation under Articles 19, 21, and 23.

    Neoteric jurisprudential developments make the MRE’s constitutional position progressively untenable. The Supreme Court’s interpretations in Navtej Singh Johar v. Union of India (decriminalising consensual same-sex relations) and Joseph Shine v. Union of India (decriminalising adultery) have signalled progressive shifts, bolstering the constitutional foundation for personal autonomy and sexual agency. Yet, the existence of MRE creates a paradoxical constitutional framework where married women possess fewer rights over their bodily autonomy than their unmarried counterparts. This legal matrix creates a sanctioned hierarchy of oppression by actively perpetuating a hierarchal regime of rights protections, effectively institutionalising gender-based discrimination.

    The persistence of this legally sanctioned hierarchy is understood through Rochana Bajpai’s concept of the “normative deficit” in the Indian constitutional framework. While Bajpai originally developed this argument to analyse group-differentiated rights, its application to MRE reveals why orthodox and constitutionally infirm value systems continue to undermine fundamental protections.

    Violations of Article 14: the Right to Equality and Non-discrimination

    MRE violates this principle by creating an arbitrary distinction between married and unmarried women when it comes to sexual autonomy and protection from sexual violence. To analyse the unconstitutionality of the MRE under Article 14, one must apply the two well-established tests: (1) the reasonable classification test, and (2) the arbitrariness test.

    1. The test of reasonable classification
    Under this test, a law must satisfy two conditions:

    • The classification must be based on an intelligible differential.
    • There must be a rational nexus between the differentia and the object sought to be achieved by the law.

    A. Intelligible differentia
    Intelligible differentia denotes a criterion to test reasonable classification. It is a lucid and discernible ground that distinguishes one group of people or situations from another for legislative purposes. It is the parameter which justifies treating groups distinctly. MRE classifies women based on their marital status. It distinguishes between married and unmarried women. This classification is prima facie based on intelligible differentia. It recognises the status of marriage as a legal relationship distinct from other relationships. So, it makes a clear distinction between married women and unmarried women regarding sexual intercourse and consent.

    B. Rational nexus
    However, the differentia must not only be intelligible, but it must also bear a rational connection to the object of the law. The object of rape laws, as defined under Section 375 of the Indian Penal Code, is to protect a woman’s bodily integrity and sexual autonomy by criminalising non-consensual sexual intercourse. MRE undermines this objective by exempting husbands from prosecution for non-consensual sexual acts within marriage. This exemption does not serve the goal of protecting women from sexual violence. Instead, it creates a legal loophole where a woman’s consent is devalued simply because of her marital status i.e. her relationship with the very perpetrator of the crime.

    The Supreme Court has repeatedly held that laws failing to achieve their stated objectives are unconstitutional. In State of West Bengal v. Anwar Ali Sarkar and EP Royappa v. State of Tamil Nadu, the Court emphasised that the classification must have a rational nexus to the purpose of the law. In this case, the object of protecting women from sexual violence is undermined by the distinction based on marital status, as MRE excludes married women from the same legal protections available to unmarried women. Thus, it violates the core tenets of equality enshrined under Article 14 of the Indian Constitution.

    C. Strict scrutiny
    MRE should be subject to the strict scrutiny standard because it involves a fundamental right – the right to bodily autonomy and sexual integrity under Article 21. When a law infringes upon fundamental rights, the courts are required to apply strict scrutiny, which requires that the law:

    • Must have a compelling state interest, and
    • Must be narrowly tailored to achieve that interest in the least restrictive way.

    In this case, the purported compelling state interest is the preservation of the sanctity of marriage. However, this interest cannot justify the violation of a woman’s fundamental right to bodily autonomy. The preservation of marriage cannot be elevated above an individual’s fundamental right to consent or refuse sexual intercourse. In other words, the object of “preserving marriages” based on patriarchal notions cannot override constitutionally guaranteed fundamental rights. As the Supreme Court held in Shayara Bano v. Union of India, laws that operate on patriarchal assumptions about women’s roles in marriage are inherently discriminatory and violate constitutional principles of equality.

    Further, the law is not narrowly tailored to achieve its objective. Even if protecting the institution of marriage is considered a legitimate interest, MRE is an overly broad measure. Instead of addressing the complexities of marital relationships through other legal mechanisms, MRE gives blanket immunity to husbands. Here stripping married women of their fundamental right to bodily integrity is overlooked and in turn, criminal impunity is extended. Under strict scrutiny, this law would clearly fail because it is neither justified by a compelling interest nor narrowly tailored to achieve that interest without infringing on fundamental rights.

    2. The test of arbitrariness
    As established in Maneka Gandhi v. Union of India and EP Royappa, arbitrariness is antithetical to equality under Article 14. A law is arbitrary when it acts irrationally, disproportionately, or without a proper guiding principle. MRE creates an arbitrary distinction between married and unmarried women by assuming that married women, by their marital status, have consented to all future sexual acts with their husbands.

    This assumption of irrevocable consent is rooted in patriarchal norms that view marriage as a license for the husband’s unchecked control over the wife’s body. Such an outdated notion is arbitrary because it disregards the evolving understanding of marriage as a partnership between equals, where both parties retain their autonomy. By treating sexual consent within marriage differently than outside marriage, MRE operates irrationally, disproportionately impacting married women and denying them the equal protection of the law. This implies that legally such women are not victims of sexual abuse simply because the perpetrator is their husband.

    As Justice Nariman explained in Shayara Bano, manifest arbitrariness includes laws that operate disproportionately and without adequate guiding principles. MRE allows married women to be subjected to sexual violence without legal recourse, which clearly meets the definition of manifest arbitrariness. It is excessive, irrational, and fails to recognise married women as autonomous individuals deserving of equal protection under the law.

    Violations of Article 15: Prohibition of Discrimination
    MRE also violates Article 15(1) of the Constitution, which prohibits discrimination on grounds of sex. Khaitan’s work provides a framework for understanding how the MRE discriminates against women by reinforcing harmful gender stereotypes and creating an unequal legal regime for married women.

    1. Anti stereotyping principle
    The anti-stereotyping principle, as highlighted in Anuj Garg and Navtej Singh Johar, prohibits laws that are based on gendered stereotypes. The MRE rests on the archaic notion that women, once married, implicitly consent to sexual relations with their husbands in semper. This perpetuates the stereotype of women as submissive sexual partners who are bound by the norms of marriage. It reinforces the damaging stereotype that marriage strips women of their individuality, compelling them to sacrifice even their most fundamental rights in the name of preserving peace.

    By allowing husbands to act on these stereotypes with impunity, MRE effectively reduces the married woman’s sexual autonomy to that of her husband’s property, violating the anti-stereotyping principle under Article 15. The concept of marital consent as irrevocable and automatic has no place in a modern constitutional framework based on equality and autonomy.

    2. Intersectionality and gender discrimination
    Khaitan also emphasises the importance of considering intersectionality when analysing gender-based discrimination. In this context, MRE discriminates against women based not just on their gender but also on their marital status. Married women are subjected to a higher threshold of rights violations due to their gender and their relationship status resulting in multi-dimensional discrimination. The Court’s evolving jurisprudence on equality, especially in Joseph Shine, highlights how patriarchy and marriage norms have historically suppressed women’s autonomy, and how such suppression cannot be constitutionally justified under Article 15.

    The broader constitutional implications: Articles 19, 21, and 23
    The constitutional violations stemming from MRE extend beyond Articles 14 and 15. Article 19(1)(a) protects personal expression, which includes sexual autonomy. By legally depriving married women of their right to say “no,” MRE silences a critical aspect of self-expression. Additionally, Article 21’s guarantee of life and personal liberty has been liberally construed to include dignity and bodily integrity (per Maneka Gandhi, Puttaswamy etc). MRE, by stripping married women of autonomy over their bodies, violates this essential right to live with dignity. Further, Article 23’s prohibition against forced labour jurisprudentially extends to situations where coercion is social, economic, or legal. When women are legally compelled to engage in non-consensual sexual acts, the law becomes complicit in enabling a form of forced labour within the home, undermining constitutional protections against servitude.

    The proportionality test: why MRE fails judicial scrutiny
    India’s judicial system frequently applies the proportionality test to assess restrictions on fundamental rights, requiring that such measures serve a legitimate aim and are necessary and proportionate to achieving that aim. MRE, purportedly intended to preserve the sanctity of marriage, cannot be justified by this rationale. As seen in Shayara Bano, preserving patriarchal norms cannot override the fundamental rights to equality and autonomy. Moreover, less restrictive measures – such as promoting mutual respect within marriage – could achieve the same objectives without infringing on a woman’s autonomy.

    MRE and the “normative deficit” in Indian law
    Rochana Bajpai’s argument on group-differentiated rights is a viable theoretical lens to examine MRE. Bajpai’s theory sheds light on why certain profound constitutional guarantees remain unrealised despite their formal recognition. MRE epitomises what Bajpai calls a “normative deficit”- a lack of established and reasoned justifications to substantiate rights – in three crucial ways. First, akin to under-theorised protections of cultural and religious minority rights that Bajpai analysed, women’s sexual autonomy within marriage is bereft of a well-founded normative justification in Indian jurisprudence. Second, this lacuna of a robust normative justification has allowed patriarchal and misogynist assumptions to fill the void thereby perpetuating the fiction of what can be termed “perpetual consent”. Third and most critically, the failure to develop any normative justification has transversed constitutional silence to active institutional oppression.

    This vacuum of normativity has several profound implications. Rather than just failing to protect married women’s rights, the legal system and the State actively participate in their subordination. MRE exemplifies not merely an oversight but also a systemic devaluation of constitutional principles- where the institution of matrimony, paradoxically, strips women of fundamental protections that they would otherwise possess. This state-endorsed hierarchy of rights shows how normative deficits can calcify into a stark constitutional deficit by allowing socially entrenched patriarchal norms to masquerade as statutory and legal principles.

    The continued existence of MRE reveals how the lack of strong normative frameworks does not merely leave a void but creates room for unconstitutional practices to acquire legitimacy. Just like in the case of cultural and religious minorities, it so happens that these unconstitutional practices are often at the cost of minority protections.

    The path forward
    MRE stands as the epitome of constitutional abdication and normative failure in Indian law. Through its unconstitutional and inhumane preservation of patriarchal power within marriage, it not only contravenes fundamental rights but also legitimises gender inequality and violence in one of the most intimate spheres of human life. The constitutional challenge in Hrikesh Sahoo v. State of Karnataka gives the Supreme Court a historic opportunity to remedy this long-standing injustice. Such a step would go a long way in fulfilling the Constitutional promise of equal dignity and autonomy for all.


    All articles posted on this blog give the views of the author(s), and not the position of the Department of Sociology, LSE Human Rights, nor of the London School of Economics and Political Science.

    Image credit: Prakhar Sharma

    This post was originally published on LSE Human Rights.

  • Fadi al-Wahidi’s condition is deteriorating, say hospital staff, who do not have medication needed to treat him

    It was about 3pm on 9 October when a small group of Al Jazeera journalists arrived at the Jabaliya refugee camp in northern Gaza. The team say they were reporting on the displacement of Palestinian families after Israel launched its third offensive on the area, turning it into an unrecognisable wasteland of rubble.

    Among them was the cameraman Fadi al-Wahidi, who moved ahead and began recording as his team set up their equipment. “At the time, none of us were aware that the IDF was close by,” says the 25-year-old from his bed at al-Helou hospital in Gaza. “But suddenly, the sound of gunfire surrounded us.”

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Afghanistan’s ‘morality police’ arrested Samira at work in Kabul – and then made the 19-year-old marry her employer

    It was a normal summer morning in July last year when 19-year-old Samira* made her way to the carpet-weaving shop where she worked in Kabul to pick up her wages. She had no way of knowing that in just a few hours, her life as she knew it would be over.

    She would end the day in a Taliban police station, a victim of forced marriage with her entire future decided for her by a group of strangers with guns.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • A failure of justice, and draconian Tory law, put Gaie Delap in prison. A failure of government is keeping her there

    Gaie Delap will turn 78 on Friday, in Eastwood Park prison, Gloucestershire. Sentenced to 20 months last August for climbing a gantry over the M25 for Just Stop Oil, she was released in November to serve the rest of her sentence on a home detention curfew. But the electronic tag that she was required to wear couldn’t go round her ankle because she has deep-vein thrombosis and it might have risked causing her a stroke. It couldn’t go round her wrist because they couldn’t find a tag small enough, which people keep saying is because she’s frail. Delap hates being called frail. Her wrist is a perfectly reasonable size, 14-and-a-half centimetres. It’s the wrist-tag design that’s wanting. The topsy-turvy world where a government contractor, Serco, can fail and fail again, while a citizen with a social purpose gets called back to prison five days before Christmas to atone for that failure, isn’t even the most absurd thing about this story.

    Delap was engaged in direct action to raise awareness about the climate emergency, and the day citizens stop doing that is the day that progressive politics might as well give up and go home. Whatever pretzel twists Labour ministers have to perform to sound as if they’re on the side of the decent, honest commuter, while simultaneously signalling that they understand the scale of the climate crisis, they must surely remember this: the trade union movement, the peace movement, the suffragette movement, the civil rights movement, the climate justice movement; every known movement of change has relied on non-violent action to disrupt the status quo.

    Zoe Williams is a Guardian columnist

    Do you have an opinion on the issues raised in this article? If you would like to submit a response of up to 300 words by email to be considered for publication in our letters section, please click here.

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    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • In ‘potentially trailblazing’ decision, European court of human rights finds country engaging in illicit deportations

    The European court of human rights has found Greece guilty of conducting “systematic” pushbacks of would-be asylum seekers, ordering it to compensate a woman forcibly expelled back to Turkey despite her attempts to seek protection in the country.

    In a judgment described as potentially trailblazing, the Strasbourg-based tribunal awarded the complainant damages of €20,000 (£16,500), citing evidence that the frontline EU state was engaging in the illicit deportations when she was removed.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  •  

    Janine Jackson interviewed Free Press’s Yanni Chen about the appellate court TikTok ruling for the December 20, 2024, episode of CounterSpin. This is a lightly edited transcript.

     

    NYT: TikTok Asks Supreme Court to Block Law Banning Its U.S. Operations

    New York Times (12/16/24)

    Janine Jackson: As we record on December 18, we’ve heard that the Supreme Court will address TikTok’s challenge to the federal law that was set to ban the platform in the US on January 19, unless they divest from Chinese ownership. The New York Times yesterday noted:

    Lawmakers said the app’s ownership represented a risk because the Chinese government’s oversight of private companies would allow it to retrieve sensitive information about Americans, or to spread propaganda, though they have not publicly shared evidence that this has occurred.

    A DC Circuit Court of Appeals rejected an earlier challenge from TikTok, ruling that the measure was justified by what were called “grave national security threats.” The judges, the Times reported, were united in accepting the US government’s arguments that “the Chinese government could exploit the site to gain access to users’ data to spread covert disinformation.”

    Well, one can practically hear the buzzing in the heads of anyone who has used social media, ever: “Access to our data? No way! Disinformation? You don’t say.” We are in medias res, but what’s at stake, not even so much for TikTok as a company, as for its 170 million US users’—and really everyone’s—ability to access information we want and need, and our rights within those spheres?

    Yanni Chen is policy counsel at the group Free Press, who’ve been working on this. She joins us now by phone. Welcome to CounterSpin, Yanni Chen.

    Yanni Chen: Thank you so much for having me, Janine.

    JJ: The fact that the rhetoric around the TikTok ban relies on phrases like “foreign adversary nation” doesn’t make it sound very 21st century, for a start, but the statement that we aren’t offered evidence that the thing being charged is happening, shouldn’t that at least raise questions about this move, and what else might be going on?

    NPR: Legal experts say a TikTok ban without specific evidence violates the First Amendment

    NPR (5/14/24)

    YC: I think absolutely, and that’s one thing that we found pretty troubling about the opinion in general. The court goes through and says that either intermediate or strict scrutiny, which are the higher of the two levels of constitutional analysis that is afforded to constitutional claims, applies here. And they say the highest scrutiny that the court applies, strict scrutiny, this law passes that, and then they don’t cite any evidence that the government didn’t provide publicly. They don’t substantiate it.

    And so I think one thing that we have trouble with is the idea that the court can find that a law passes strict scrutiny with a clearly viewpoint-based angle, and not provide even a shred of evidence. And this opens up the door for further precedent, for further laws to be put on the books without that kind of substantiation either.

    JJ: I’m going to ask you about that viewpoint angle, but I just want to say it early, in case it gets missed: We lose by making this a solely Trump thing. It’s not that he’s not as weird and dangerous as he is, but this TikTok ban, this proposed ban, doesn’t just map neatly onto a Trump agenda, does it?

    YC: No, this is a bipartisan bill that passed overwhelmingly on both sides, by both the House and the Senate. I think it was justified mostly by national security concerns, but the committee hearings were closed doors. So the public doesn’t really know exactly what there is.

    And as we’ve discussed before, there isn’t much public information to substantiate anything that we’re talking about. There’s no public evidence of the kind of content manipulation that TikTok is being accused of participating in.

    NBC: Critics renew calls for a TikTok ban, claiming platform has an anti-Israel bias

    NBC (11/1/23)

    JJ: I would just draw you out on that, because the Times report tells me that Judge Sri Srinivasan said, yes, Americans might lose access to an outlet for expression, a source of community and even a means of income, but national security threats, blah blah blah. But then also:

    Because the record reflects that Congress’s decision was considered consistent with longstanding regulatory practice and devoid of an institutional aim to suppress particular messages or ideas, [therefore] we are not in a position to set it aside.

    And I wanted to hear how you respond to the idea that this has nothing to do with suppressing viewpoints, and it’s consistent with longstanding practice.

    YC: Yeah, I’ll take the last one first. What Judge Srinivasan was alluding to with longstanding regulatory history on foreign control in communications, he’s talking about the broadcast space and the FCC. But broadcast and the FCC is kind of a special realm within the First Amendment, justified by bandwidth scarcity, or the amount of waves that are available to be used. So it receives, actually, a different level of First Amendment protection than other fora. So that’s one distinction.

    And then also, certainly, the government and regulators can put in place restrictions for foreign control, but that doesn’t mean that they can do it in any way possible. So just because the government has that power with respect to some broadcasting does not mean that they have the power here. Remind me of the first part of that question, too.

    FAIR:Appeals Court Upholding TikTok Ban Is a Grim Sign for Press Freedom

    FAIR.org (12/6/24)

    JJ: What do we make of Judge Srinivasan’s contention that this conclusion, this ruling, has nothing to do with an institutional aim to suppress particular messages or ideas? Now I think we can all say that it will, in effect, suppress particular messages or ideas, but this is trying to say, well, that’s not what it’s trying to do, so we shouldn’t address it in that way.

    YC: Yeah, I think that position requires ignoring a lot of the statements that lawmakers said themselves. You have lawmakers on the record making statements about the type of content that not only TikTok is pushing, but US users are creating, that they take issue with. So you have to ignore all of the statements of the people who wrote the law themselves to get to that position. It’s hard to really swallow.

    JJ: The statement that we’re not being offered evidence, actually, that what is being charged is happening—that should raise questions. But also in this context of where, US listeners, we hear all about the free market, the market responds to what people want, so banning an outlet isn’t a thing that should go down easy, generally speaking. And wouldn’t the government need to show that its stated goals could not be achieved any other way, other than banning this outlet? Shouldn’t they have to show that?

    Yanni Chen of Free Press

    Yanni Chen: “It singles out a single app without really providing any justification why, and then they just say, ‘Congress picked this one.’”

    YC: Yeah. So that’s actually the exact requirement of strict scrutiny, is that it needs to be the most tailored, or the narrowest restriction possible, to achieve the need that the government wishes to accomplish. So, yes, I think, formally and on the books, that is the requirement. And I think the application is where you see some problems.

    And I think what you’re seeing, also, between the majority opinion’s application of strict scrutiny and Judge Srinivasan’s intermediate scrutiny dialogue, is that I think it is relatively clear that strict scrutiny does apply, because it is clearly a viewpoint-based restriction. It singles out a single app without really providing any justification why, and then they just say, “Congress picked this one.” That’s the definition of speaker discrimination. So you have that, but then you kind of have to do a backend to make it fit strict scrutiny and pass strict scrutiny. So you’re seeing some mental gymnastics happen in that logic.

    And then, the other side of that, you have Judge Srinivasan, who says, “No, no, no, this is intermediate scrutiny.” And I think one reason, at least, motivating this is that strict scrutiny is a very high bar to meet, and most laws should not really pass it, just by definition of what that test is. And so having a law on the books that passed strict scrutiny does create risk of that precedent I talked about earlier, of creating bad law, where a flimsy application of strict scrutiny could lead to more laws passing strict scrutiny where they shouldn’t.

    So that is one justification for applying intermediate scrutiny, but then making the law fit such that intermediate scrutiny is the right application, or the right test, then it strikes people as odd too, because it doesn’t actually do that. It is a law that requires a strict scrutiny test.

    JJ: And I think it’s just weird, as a layperson, to hear, “Oh, we’re not trying to ban TikTok, Tiktok’s fine, we just need them to sell to a buyer that the US approves of.” I just feel like that lands weird, in terms of common sense, to folks.

    YC: And that is something that was brought up in the litigation too. TikTok did raise the issue that, functionally, this divestment requirement would be a ban, and it’s kind of dealt with relatively, in a flip manner, in the decision itself. So you have Judge Ginsburg saying, “270 days, there’s plenty of time to meet a divestment requirement.” We just bypass the idea that it is something that you can’t do.

    And the court does say, “Well, we can’t let the Chinese government set the standards for our requirements as the US government.” But what we’re talking about is the First Amendment. And the First Amendment applies to what the US government can do to US entities, and its citizens and Americans more broadly.

    Free Press: Insatiable: The Tech Industry's Quest for All Our Data

    Free Press (11/2/23)

    JJ: It just lands so weird to folks who are accustomed, at this point in 2024, to consuming news from around the world, from not unfettered, but relatively open access to media outlets from different countries, from different perspectives. It just sounds strange.

    But part of the reason that this maybe has more legs than it might is that people do see a problem with platforms collecting their data, with using algorithms to push certain messages and to hold back others. And the question has to do with whether a wholesale ban of one platform is really the way to address that, or really how should we address that? If we were really concerned about privacy and targeted disinformation, what are some other responses that we might be looking at?

    YC: Yeah, so TikTok is, as you recognize, not the only platform that collects too much data. Meta, certainly Google, other companies track data; they use it, they sell it, they sell it abroad, they sell it here and they sell it to governments. So TikTok is not a unique case.

    So I think one thing at Free Press that we advocate for is wholesale data privacy protection, across the market, rather than targeting a single platform, and not only targeting a single platform, but taking it off the market. Because even if your concern is data collection by the Chinese government, in TikTok’s case, the Chinese government can still buy US user data through other intermediaries. So it doesn’t really make sense to cut people off from access from this single source—particularly, as you mentioned, people’s livelihoods depend on this platform, people really generate a sense of community through it—instead of addressing that larger issue. So I think there have been plenty of advocates for federal privacy law that is broadsweeping, but we can’t seem to get congressional momentum on that, where we can on a law that is, in at least some part, rooted in xenophobia.

    JJ: And sinophobia, absolutely, which I think we’re going to be dealing with, anti-China—not “going to be dealing with,” we already are. Everything China is bad. It has a very musty feel about it, and I feel we’re in for a lot more of it.

    YC: Yeah.

    JJ: Finally, it feels a little bit like flailing. It feels a little bit like closing the barn door after the horses are out.

    I mean, technology allows us to find news sources. Humanity makes us care about people, even if they are designated “official enemies.” Curiosity impels us to learn about what’s going on beyond our shores, and judgment helps us see what is weird disinformation, and what is news we can use. So the moment feels like people are far out in front of corporations and politicians. And I just want to ask you, finally, what hopeful thoughts you have about this.

    Free Press: Breaking Down the TikTok Ban: Social Media & the First Amendment

    Free Press (YouTube, 12/17/24)

    YC: Hopeful thoughts? I mean, I do think that what you mentioned about, from a layman’s standpoint, that this strikes as odd. I do have a lot of hope that it seems like people are understanding that there’s something not right with this decision, and not right with this law. There was something not transparent about it in the first place. This is targeting a specific company, and how it affects our dialogue and our community, so that gives me a lot of hope that people aren’t taking what the court has said here as a wholesale endorsement of the law, and taking it for what it’s worth.

    I think that that’s been something that’s really heartening, and I think that it puts the power in the people, and that will be even more important moving forward, where, as you mentioned, information like this is important, and it has a democratic value. And in closing that off here, we put ourselves in line with some of the more repressive governments that do this, and we legitimize that further, as the United States doing this as an example for other countries. So having the civilians, and people who aren’t in government necessarily, sense that there’s something wrong here is definitely heartening.

    JJ: All right, then. We’ve been speaking with Yanni Chen; she’s policy counsel at Free Press. They’re online at FreePress.net, and they also have a YouTube channel where you can find their recent webinar on this, breaking down the TikTok ban. Yanni Chen, thank you so much for joining us this week on CounterSpin.

    YC: Thank you for having me.

     

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  • A state of emergency has been declared amid unprecedented gun violence, but no one in our stagnating government is taking responsibility

    Just before the new year, Trinidad and Tobago’s government declared a state of emergency after a weekend of gun violence.

    Trinidad and Tobago, a country of about 1.5 million people and once the wealthiest in the Caribbean, has been plagued by decades of poor economic and social leadership, gang violence, home invasions, murders and corruption.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.

  • Myanmar’s junta has enacted a cybersecurity law that will penalize unauthorized provision of virtual private networks, or VPNs, which many people use to circumvent internet restrictions to get access to news and information and to report on what is going on in their country.

    The law, which came into effect on Wednesday, is aimed at preventing cyberattacks through electronic technology that threatens national sovereignty, peace, and stability, as well as to effectively investigate and bring charges against cybercrimes, the ruling military said in a statement published in newspapers.

    Myanmar cracked down on the internet and the media after the military ousted an elected government in early 2021, sparking an armed uprising that has raised questions about the sustainability of widely unpopular army rule.

    With the media under the control of the military largely a mouthpiece of the generals, many people rely on VPNs to skirt control and get access to independent and foreign media and to send material out of the country.

    The law sets out a penalty of six months in prison and a fine for “unauthorized VPN installation or service.”

    A VPN service provider told Radio Free Asia that the law could be disastrous for his business.

    “It’s really bad for us,” said the service provider, who declined to be identified for security reasons.

    “Even if there’s demand, we don’t dare sell it. We’ll keep an eye on whether they actually take action on it or not. If they really crack down on providing VPN service, we’ll have to register officially.”

    The law also sets out jail for up to six months, and or a fine, for distributing, transferring, copying or selling information that is “inappropriate for the public” through electronic technology.

    It also sets out jail of six months to a year for anyone found operating an illegal online gambling system. Illegal gambling, often organized by gangsters from China, has proliferated in more lawless parts of Myanmar and elsewhere in Southeast Asia.

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    A legal expert, who spoke on condition of anonymity for security reasons, told RFA that there should be a limit to the extent authorities can control online activity and the law posed a threat to public privacy and security.

    “If these technologies are used for gambling or for criminal purposes, there needs to be a provision to take effective action. However, we see that the law’s intent is to harm the public’s security and privacy,” he said.

    The law also states that Myanmar people living abroad can be punished.

    “Myanmar citizens residing in foreign countries shall be liable to punishment under this law if they commit any offense,” according to a copy of the legislation published in newspapers.

    Many Myanmar people living abroad try to report news from their country and organize opposition to the military via online communities.

    Edited by RFA Staff.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by RFA Burmese.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • There are many challenges facing feminism, but a recent global gathering was a sanctuary and a rallying cry

    Last month, 3,500 feminists from every corner of the world came together in Bangkok for a conference hosted by the Association for Women’s Rights in Development (Awid). Eight years of planning went into the event, years that coincided with some of the most challenging and transformative global moments. The Covid pandemic, for example, ensured that an in-person 14th forum could not be held in 2020.

    This December’s theme, Rising Together, spoke not just to the collective resilience of feminist movements but to the journey I have witnessed over decades of activism: one defined by courage, solidarity and a refusal to give up, no matter the odds.

    Continue reading…

    This post was originally published on Human rights | The Guardian.