Category: Myanmar

  • Part of a three-story series on the fight for and rebuilding of Myanmar’s Kayah state following the 2021 coup. Read Part 1 and Part 2.

    DEMOSO, Kayah state, Myanmar – As a young medical student in relatively cosmopolitan Yangon, “Dr. Tracy” dreamed of becoming a great surgeon, a living testament to the possibilities offered in a new, freer Myanmar. The 2021 military coup dimmed her personal ambition, but not her hopes for democracy for her country.

    Tracy, 26, who asked to go by that name for security reasons, was among the young doctors and nurses that as members of the “white coat society” led protests against the military junta after it ousted an elected civilian administration in 2021. She’s now part of a smaller group who fled city centers in the country’s interior to move to border areas to assist rebels fighting the military.

    “This coup is not fair, simply,” Tracy said, from one of the huts that make up the O-1 hospital campus within Demoso township in Kayah state. “I asked myself, do you accept it? My answer was no. So, I resist, resist and resist.”

    Surgeon Aung Ko Myint, right, and Dr. Yori treat gunshot wounds suffered by Saw Thein Win when he was shot by Myanmar junta security forces during a protest of the 2021 coup, at O-1 hospital in Demoso, Kayah state, Nov. 6, 2024.
    Surgeon Aung Ko Myint, right, and Dr. Yori treat gunshot wounds suffered by Saw Thein Win when he was shot by Myanmar junta security forces during a protest of the 2021 coup, at O-1 hospital in Demoso, Kayah state, Nov. 6, 2024.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)

    Tracy has since completed her studies under a curriculum developed by an exile government made up in part by elected officials who managed to avoid arrest after the coup.

    But she doesn’t have the time or the resources to become the specialist she envisioned. It’s enough to help treat the cases of malaria and tuberculosis in the rural population she serves or help mend the shattered limbs of the rebels in her care.

    If she were still living in Yangon, not helping the cause by providing underground medical care, “that [would be] useless of me,” she said.

    “I don’t like it.”

    Karenni State Police officer Yar Zar Tun and others carry his wife, Zin Zin Aung, to a recovery ward after surgery at O-1 hospital in Demoso, Kayah state, Myanmar, Nov. 6, 2024.
    Karenni State Police officer Yar Zar Tun and others carry his wife, Zin Zin Aung, to a recovery ward after surgery at O-1 hospital in Demoso, Kayah state, Myanmar, Nov. 6, 2024.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)

    A taste of freedom

    Tracy and her colleagues at O-1 grew up in a freer Myanmar than their parents had. A decade ago, military rulers seemed to set the country on a path of democratic reform. While Myanmar’s generals retained control of a number of seats in the Parliament and control over some of the country’s most important ministries, they agreed to share power with officials elected in a popular vote.

    After a half of a century of tight-fisted military rule, the changes brought a host of new opportunities for their generation and a taste of what could be, said Dr. Yori, 29, who is also from Yangon and is now the deputy medical superintendent of O-1.

    “We knew there were many things that we could achieve with our own civilization and our own people,” he said.

    Drs. Aung Ko Myint, right, and Tracy look at an X-ray at O-1 hospital in Demoso, Kayah state, Myanmar, Nov. 10, 2024.
    Drs. Aung Ko Myint, right, and Tracy look at an X-ray at O-1 hospital in Demoso, Kayah state, Myanmar, Nov. 10, 2024.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)

    The coup threatened all the progress, they believe. And when a young medical student was killed at one peaceful demonstration directly after the coup, thousands of health care professionals took to the streets and refused to work as part of the civil disobedience movement. Many were arrested by the military.

    In Yangon, Yori and Tracy were a couple (they’ve since wed) with a shared opposition to military rule. Fearing arrest, they both fled to Kayah after a few months. Yori’s initial intention was to join the People’s Defense Forces, militias that are fighting under the exiled National Unity Government.

    “I didn’t want to fight with a syringe. I wanted to fight with a gun,” he said. But he soon realized his skills as a doctor were needed more.

    Dr. Arko, wearing a hat, holds a first-aid refresher for medics at O-1 hospital in Demoso, Kayah state, Myanmar, Nov. 10, 2024.
    Dr. Arko, wearing a hat, holds a first-aid refresher for medics at O-1 hospital in Demoso, Kayah state, Myanmar, Nov. 10, 2024.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)

    Leaving a ‘privileged life’

    O-1, like camps for internally displaced people it shares the hills of Kayah with, is a collection of corrugated steel, green tarpaulin and bamboo. After the hospital where Tracy and Yori initially worked was bombed twice, the wise decision was made to abandon it for a hidden location in the jungle.

    Clean Yangon, an NGO, paid to build a new emergency ward, X-ray and laboratory, and rooms for recovering patients. A new ward for infectious diseases was being built when RFA visited recently. Generators provide light and power. There’s sporadic internet and good food in the commissary.

    All things considered, though, it’s a far rougher existence compared with what many of the doctors and nurses are used to. The Yangon they knew offered air conditioning, international cuisine and new opportunities for women.

    “Before the coup, we were [living] a very privileged life,” said Dr. Hazel, 27, Tracy’s older sister. “We were just going to university and to eat out, and we have nothing else to worry about.”

    There are now four rebel hospitals in Kayah, including O-1, to treat the wounded and the sick. Six doctors work at O-1, supported by seven medical students and about 30 nurses.

    From left, Drs. Aung Ko Myint, Yori, Kaung Hein, Hnin Nu Nu Wai and Tracy have a meal in the O-1 hospital cafeteria in Demoso, Kayah state, Myanmar, Nov. 10, 2024.
    From left, Drs. Aung Ko Myint, Yori, Kaung Hein, Hnin Nu Nu Wai and Tracy have a meal in the O-1 hospital cafeteria in Demoso, Kayah state, Myanmar, Nov. 10, 2024.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)

    Yori said it costs about 50 million kyat, or $24,000, to run O-1 each month. About 150 patients are treated in that span of time, on average. War-related traumas are treated for free. Most poor patients aren’t charged either. Patients and relatives also don’t pay for food in the commissary.

    As deputy superintendent, Yori said he makes about 150,000 kyat a month, or around $33, which is about enough to cover his cigarette habit.

    “We’re not doing this for money or fame,” he said.

    The hospital is funded almost entirely by donations. After four years of war, fundraising is becoming more difficult, Yori said. That raises the stakes for the Interim Executive Council, or IEC, the rebel-formed state government trying to simultaneously meet the needs of Kayah citizens.

    It’s a struggle. Only about 5% of O-1’s budget comes from the IEC. Yori said the council is offering to take over the hospital, but the doctors are insisting that it be able to cover the entire budget.

    “If we are to be called a state hospital, we don’t want to fundraise anymore,” he said.

    Dr. Aung Ko Myint amputates parts of both feet of Victorio, a KNDF fighter, at O-1 hospital, in Demoso, Kayah state, Myanmar, Nov. 5, 2024.
    Dr. Aung Ko Myint amputates parts of both feet of Victorio, a KNDF fighter, at O-1 hospital, in Demoso, Kayah state, Myanmar, Nov. 5, 2024.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)

    A wounded rebel

    When RFA visited, a small group of Karenni Nationalities Defense Forces fighters waited nervously by a tunnel that led to an operating room, buried 18-feet underground to protect against airstrikes. The group had weary smiles of stained teeth from chewing betel and red eyes due to a fraught trip from the front.

    In the damp operating room, Dr. Aung Ko Myint, 33, repaired what he could in a surgery that took about four hours with equipment from the old hospital and anesthesia and medicine smuggled in through military checkpoints. He had to amputate a part of each of his patient’s feet.

    Aung Ko Myint said he hadn’t been trained as an orthopedic surgeon, but he’s picked up the skills in Kayah. Two days later, the young soldier, who uses the name Victorio, was up and smiling, describing how he had been wounded.

    Staffers move KNDF fighter Victorio out of the operating room after surgery at O-1 hospital in Demoso, Kayah state, Myanmar, Nov. 5, 2024.
    Staffers move KNDF fighter Victorio out of the operating room after surgery at O-1 hospital in Demoso, Kayah state, Myanmar, Nov. 5, 2024.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)

    “The battle broke out in Khwee Htoe Lar village,” Victorio said. ”While transporting our injured comrade, we were attacked. Two of our comrades, who were riding a motorcycle, were shot dead.”

    The shrapnel tore through Victorio’s legs and torso. It had taken weeks before his battalion members could clear a road from military troops in order to safely transport him to O-1.

    Aung Ko Myint’s wife, Dr. Hnin Nu Nu Wai, 30, worked as an assistant surgeon at the East Yangon General Hospital before the coup but quit immediately after to participate in the civil disobedience movement.

    She was only able to come to Kayah last summer, however, because while treating rebels and locals in Karen state to the south, she was captured by military troops and charged with terrorism.

    Hnin Nu Nu Wai spent two weeks in interrogation centers, before she was eventually sentenced to three years in prison. After treating female prisoners and prison staff and their families, however, she was given amnesty after two years and three months.

    “I have so many nightmares,” she said. “That’s our life in Myanmar.”

    Dr. Hnin Nu Nu Wai with her dog Kia at O-1 hospital in Demoso, Kayah state, Myanmar, Nov. 6, 2024.
    Dr. Hnin Nu Nu Wai with her dog Kia at O-1 hospital in Demoso, Kayah state, Myanmar, Nov. 6, 2024.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)

    Overcoming distrust

    To cope with such traumas, the O-1 team say they rely on one another, commiserating over being separated from loved ones, the stresses of war and, not surprising for a group of young, ambitious people, nagging disappointment at watching the career advancement of former colleagues who stayed behind in military controlled areas.

    “Now they are taking specialty courses, and meanwhile, we are in the jungle doing as much as we can,” said Arkar, a medical student training to be an orthopedic surgeon. “Everyone has their own choice. I don’t want to blame them. But for me, as a dutiful civilian, we should do the civilian disobedience movement.”

    Beyond the difficulties presented by the war and limited resources, the doctors said initially they faced widespread distrust from the local population, many of whom practice Christianity instead of Buddhism.

    Yori estimated that 90% of the doctors now working in the state are of Burmese origin, while Kayah state is a mix of ethnic groups collectively considered “Karenni.” They were naturally suspicious, associating the new arrivals with the military, also dominated by Burmese, that they have long suffered under.

    Ambulance staff and relatives carry a deceased person out of O-1 hospital in Demoso, Kayah state, Myanmar, Nov. 6, 2024.
    Ambulance staff and relatives carry a deceased person out of O-1 hospital in Demoso, Kayah state, Myanmar, Nov. 6, 2024.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)

    As a gay man, Arkar, 26, said he feels particularly isolated at times. “Here it is very strict about that,” he said. “They never see two guys together in public.”

    The lack of a social scene can compound his mental health struggles – he suffers from anxiety and bipolar disorders – as does being separated from his parents. He has access to a therapist, who recommended he write journals to help him deal with his new circumstances. In his small room a short walk to the hospital campus there is a stack of notebooks filled cover to cover with text and drawings beside his bed.

    Despite it all, he’s here – “free and happy,” he says, to be serving the citizens and soldiers of Kayah.

    “We are suffering so many injustices and painful moments, and so I guess that I should fight back for our country,” he said.

    A patient walks to the recovery ward after minor surgery at O-1 hospital in Demoso, Kayah state, Myanmar, Nov. 5, 2024.
    A patient walks to the recovery ward after minor surgery at O-1 hospital in Demoso, Kayah state, Myanmar, Nov. 5, 2024.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)

    A birthday party

    On a cool, wet night when RFA visited the staff gathered after hours to celebrate Dr. Hnin’s 30th birthday.

    Doctors from other hospitals visited, as did medics at O-1 for training. Everyone swapped stories over river prawns, quail eggs and beef strips cooked over a small charcoal grill.

    They kept the lights off so as not to attract attention from drones or planes overhead. Junta pilots can’t hear singing, however, so someone brought a karaoke machine for later when the case of beer grew more depleted.

    Speaking to RFA, Dr. Tracy often punctuated a thought with a final “that’s all,” as in, “I decided to go to the liberated area to do what I can. That’s all.”

    Though it may be a quirk of translating a thought into a language not native to her, it also seemed to reflect an unsentimental outlook, a straightforward faith that her decision to leave Yangon was the right one. Those qualities are shared by her colleagues, including her sister.

    “Yes, there are slight difficulties comparing to my original lifestyle,” Hazel told RFA.

    “I don’t think of things as sacrifices or something like that. They are my choices. I can participate in this revolution, and I can contribute something – maybe just a little – to my community or society.

    “I’m really grateful for that.”

    Edited by Boer Deng.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Jim Snyder and Gemunu Amarasinghe for RFA.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Part of a three-story series on the fight for and rebuilding of Myanmar’s Kayah state following the 2021 coup. Read Part 1 and Part 2.

    DEMOSO, Kayah state, Myanmar – As a young medical student in relatively cosmopolitan Yangon, “Dr. Tracy” dreamed of becoming a great surgeon, a living testament to the possibilities offered in a new, freer Myanmar. The 2021 military coup dimmed her personal ambition, but not her hopes for democracy for her country.

    Tracy, 26, who asked to go by that name for security reasons, was among the young doctors and nurses that as members of the “white coat society” led protests against the military junta after it ousted an elected civilian administration in 2021. She’s now part of a smaller group who fled city centers in the country’s interior to move to border areas to assist rebels fighting the military.

    “This coup is not fair, simply,” Tracy said, from one of the huts that make up the O-1 hospital campus within Demoso township in Kayah state. “I asked myself, do you accept it? My answer was no. So, I resist, resist and resist.”

    Surgeon Aung Ko Myint, right, and Dr. Yori treat gunshot wounds suffered by Saw Thein Win when he was shot by Myanmar junta security forces during a protest of the 2021 coup, at O-1 hospital in Demoso, Kayah state, Nov. 6, 2024.
    Surgeon Aung Ko Myint, right, and Dr. Yori treat gunshot wounds suffered by Saw Thein Win when he was shot by Myanmar junta security forces during a protest of the 2021 coup, at O-1 hospital in Demoso, Kayah state, Nov. 6, 2024.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)

    Tracy has since completed her studies under a curriculum developed by an exile government made up in part by elected officials who managed to avoid arrest after the coup.

    But she doesn’t have the time or the resources to become the specialist she envisioned. It’s enough to help treat the cases of malaria and tuberculosis in the rural population she serves or help mend the shattered limbs of the rebels in her care.

    If she were still living in Yangon, not helping the cause by providing underground medical care, “that [would be] useless of me,” she said.

    “I don’t like it.”

    Karenni State Police officer Yar Zar Tun and others carry his wife, Zin Zin Aung, to a recovery ward after surgery at O-1 hospital in Demoso, Kayah state, Myanmar, Nov. 6, 2024.
    Karenni State Police officer Yar Zar Tun and others carry his wife, Zin Zin Aung, to a recovery ward after surgery at O-1 hospital in Demoso, Kayah state, Myanmar, Nov. 6, 2024.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)

    A taste of freedom

    Tracy and her colleagues at O-1 grew up in a freer Myanmar than their parents had. A decade ago, military rulers seemed to set the country on a path of democratic reform. While Myanmar’s generals retained control of a number of seats in the Parliament and control over some of the country’s most important ministries, they agreed to share power with officials elected in a popular vote.

    After a half of a century of tight-fisted military rule, the changes brought a host of new opportunities for their generation and a taste of what could be, said Dr. Yori, 29, who is also from Yangon and is now the deputy medical superintendent of O-1.

    “We knew there were many things that we could achieve with our own civilization and our own people,” he said.

    Drs. Aung Ko Myint, right, and Tracy look at an X-ray at O-1 hospital in Demoso, Kayah state, Myanmar, Nov. 10, 2024.
    Drs. Aung Ko Myint, right, and Tracy look at an X-ray at O-1 hospital in Demoso, Kayah state, Myanmar, Nov. 10, 2024.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)

    The coup threatened all the progress, they believe. And when a young medical student was killed at one peaceful demonstration directly after the coup, thousands of health care professionals took to the streets and refused to work as part of the civil disobedience movement. Many were arrested by the military.

    In Yangon, Yori and Tracy were a couple (they’ve since wed) with a shared opposition to military rule. Fearing arrest, they both fled to Kayah after a few months. Yori’s initial intention was to join the People’s Defense Forces, militias that are fighting under the exiled National Unity Government.

    “I didn’t want to fight with a syringe. I wanted to fight with a gun,” he said. But he soon realized his skills as a doctor were needed more.

    Dr. Arko, wearing a hat, holds a first-aid refresher for medics at O-1 hospital in Demoso, Kayah state, Myanmar, Nov. 10, 2024.
    Dr. Arko, wearing a hat, holds a first-aid refresher for medics at O-1 hospital in Demoso, Kayah state, Myanmar, Nov. 10, 2024.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)

    Leaving a ‘privileged life’

    O-1, like camps for internally displaced people it shares the hills of Kayah with, is a collection of corrugated steel, green tarpaulin and bamboo. After the hospital where Tracy and Yori initially worked was bombed twice, the wise decision was made to abandon it for a hidden location in the jungle.

    Clean Yangon, an NGO, paid to build a new emergency ward, X-ray and laboratory, and rooms for recovering patients. A new ward for infectious diseases was being built when RFA visited recently. Generators provide light and power. There’s sporadic internet and good food in the commissary.

    All things considered, though, it’s a far rougher existence compared with what many of the doctors and nurses are used to. The Yangon they knew offered air conditioning, international cuisine and new opportunities for women.

    “Before the coup, we were [living] a very privileged life,” said Dr. Hazel, 27, Tracy’s older sister. “We were just going to university and to eat out, and we have nothing else to worry about.”

    There are now four rebel hospitals in Kayah, including O-1, to treat the wounded and the sick. Six doctors work at O-1, supported by seven medical students and about 30 nurses.

    From left, Drs. Aung Ko Myint, Yori, Kaung Hein, Hnin Nu Nu Wai and Tracy have a meal in the O-1 hospital cafeteria in Demoso, Kayah state, Myanmar, Nov. 10, 2024.
    From left, Drs. Aung Ko Myint, Yori, Kaung Hein, Hnin Nu Nu Wai and Tracy have a meal in the O-1 hospital cafeteria in Demoso, Kayah state, Myanmar, Nov. 10, 2024.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)

    Yori said it costs about 50 million kyat, or $24,000, to run O-1 each month. About 150 patients are treated in that span of time, on average. War-related traumas are treated for free. Most poor patients aren’t charged either. Patients and relatives also don’t pay for food in the commissary.

    As deputy superintendent, Yori said he makes about 150,000 kyat a month, or around $33, which is about enough to cover his cigarette habit.

    “We’re not doing this for money or fame,” he said.

    The hospital is funded almost entirely by donations. After four years of war, fundraising is becoming more difficult, Yori said. That raises the stakes for the Interim Executive Council, or IEC, the rebel-formed state government trying to simultaneously meet the needs of Kayah citizens.

    It’s a struggle. Only about 5% of O-1’s budget comes from the IEC. Yori said the council is offering to take over the hospital, but the doctors are insisting that it be able to cover the entire budget.

    “If we are to be called a state hospital, we don’t want to fundraise anymore,” he said.

    Dr. Aung Ko Myint amputates parts of both feet of Victorio, a KNDF fighter, at O-1 hospital, in Demoso, Kayah state, Myanmar, Nov. 5, 2024.
    Dr. Aung Ko Myint amputates parts of both feet of Victorio, a KNDF fighter, at O-1 hospital, in Demoso, Kayah state, Myanmar, Nov. 5, 2024.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)

    A wounded rebel

    When RFA visited, a small group of Karenni Nationalities Defense Forces fighters waited nervously by a tunnel that led to an operating room, buried 18-feet underground to protect against airstrikes. The group had weary smiles of stained teeth from chewing betel and red eyes due to a fraught trip from the front.

    In the damp operating room, Dr. Aung Ko Myint, 33, repaired what he could in a surgery that took about four hours with equipment from the old hospital and anesthesia and medicine smuggled in through military checkpoints. He had to amputate a part of each of his patient’s feet.

    Aung Ko Myint said he hadn’t been trained as an orthopedic surgeon, but he’s picked up the skills in Kayah. Two days later, the young soldier, who uses the name Victorio, was up and smiling, describing how he had been wounded.

    Staffers move KNDF fighter Victorio out of the operating room after surgery at O-1 hospital in Demoso, Kayah state, Myanmar, Nov. 5, 2024.
    Staffers move KNDF fighter Victorio out of the operating room after surgery at O-1 hospital in Demoso, Kayah state, Myanmar, Nov. 5, 2024.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)

    “The battle broke out in Khwee Htoe Lar village,” Victorio said. ”While transporting our injured comrade, we were attacked. Two of our comrades, who were riding a motorcycle, were shot dead.”

    The shrapnel tore through Victorio’s legs and torso. It had taken weeks before his battalion members could clear a road from military troops in order to safely transport him to O-1.

    Aung Ko Myint’s wife, Dr. Hnin Nu Nu Wai, 30, worked as an assistant surgeon at the East Yangon General Hospital before the coup but quit immediately after to participate in the civil disobedience movement.

    She was only able to come to Kayah last summer, however, because while treating rebels and locals in Karen state to the south, she was captured by military troops and charged with terrorism.

    Hnin Nu Nu Wai spent two weeks in interrogation centers, before she was eventually sentenced to three years in prison. After treating female prisoners and prison staff and their families, however, she was given amnesty after two years and three months.

    “I have so many nightmares,” she said. “That’s our life in Myanmar.”

    Dr. Hnin Nu Nu Wai with her dog Kia at O-1 hospital in Demoso, Kayah state, Myanmar, Nov. 6, 2024.
    Dr. Hnin Nu Nu Wai with her dog Kia at O-1 hospital in Demoso, Kayah state, Myanmar, Nov. 6, 2024.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)

    Overcoming distrust

    To cope with such traumas, the O-1 team say they rely on one another, commiserating over being separated from loved ones, the stresses of war and, not surprising for a group of young, ambitious people, nagging disappointment at watching the career advancement of former colleagues who stayed behind in military controlled areas.

    “Now they are taking specialty courses, and meanwhile, we are in the jungle doing as much as we can,” said Arkar, a medical student training to be an orthopedic surgeon. “Everyone has their own choice. I don’t want to blame them. But for me, as a dutiful civilian, we should do the civilian disobedience movement.”

    Beyond the difficulties presented by the war and limited resources, the doctors said initially they faced widespread distrust from the local population, many of whom practice Christianity instead of Buddhism.

    Yori estimated that 90% of the doctors now working in the state are of Burmese origin, while Kayah state is a mix of ethnic groups collectively considered “Karenni.” They were naturally suspicious, associating the new arrivals with the military, also dominated by Burmese, that they have long suffered under.

    Ambulance staff and relatives carry a deceased person out of O-1 hospital in Demoso, Kayah state, Myanmar, Nov. 6, 2024.
    Ambulance staff and relatives carry a deceased person out of O-1 hospital in Demoso, Kayah state, Myanmar, Nov. 6, 2024.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)

    As a gay man, Arkar, 26, said he feels particularly isolated at times. “Here it is very strict about that,” he said. “They never see two guys together in public.”

    The lack of a social scene can compound his mental health struggles – he suffers from anxiety and bipolar disorders – as does being separated from his parents. He has access to a therapist, who recommended he write journals to help him deal with his new circumstances. In his small room a short walk to the hospital campus there is a stack of notebooks filled cover to cover with text and drawings beside his bed.

    Despite it all, he’s here – “free and happy,” he says, to be serving the citizens and soldiers of Kayah.

    “We are suffering so many injustices and painful moments, and so I guess that I should fight back for our country,” he said.

    A patient walks to the recovery ward after minor surgery at O-1 hospital in Demoso, Kayah state, Myanmar, Nov. 5, 2024.
    A patient walks to the recovery ward after minor surgery at O-1 hospital in Demoso, Kayah state, Myanmar, Nov. 5, 2024.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)

    A birthday party

    On a cool, wet night when RFA visited the staff gathered after hours to celebrate Dr. Hnin’s 30th birthday.

    Doctors from other hospitals visited, as did medics at O-1 for training. Everyone swapped stories over river prawns, quail eggs and beef strips cooked over a small charcoal grill.

    They kept the lights off so as not to attract attention from drones or planes overhead. Junta pilots can’t hear singing, however, so someone brought a karaoke machine for later when the case of beer grew more depleted.

    Speaking to RFA, Dr. Tracy often punctuated a thought with a final “that’s all,” as in, “I decided to go to the liberated area to do what I can. That’s all.”

    Though it may be a quirk of translating a thought into a language not native to her, it also seemed to reflect an unsentimental outlook, a straightforward faith that her decision to leave Yangon was the right one. Those qualities are shared by her colleagues, including her sister.

    “Yes, there are slight difficulties comparing to my original lifestyle,” Hazel told RFA.

    “I don’t think of things as sacrifices or something like that. They are my choices. I can participate in this revolution, and I can contribute something – maybe just a little – to my community or society.

    “I’m really grateful for that.”

    Edited by Boer Deng.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Jim Snyder and Gemunu Amarasinghe for RFA.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.


  • This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Radio Free Asia.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Some Chinese social media users claimed that the United States proposed scammers in Myanmar be called “terrorists” at the United Nations, which was vetoed by China, citing information provided by Chinese AI chatbot Doubao.

    But the claim is false. The U.S. has never made such a proposal. Experts warn that AI responses are not always accurate.

    The claim was shared by an X user on Jan. 12 who said China rejected a U.S. proposal at the U.N. to label scammers in Myanmar as terrorists, following the recent high-profile abduction and subsequent rescue of Chinese actor Wang Xing.

    Wang was rescued after being lured to Thailand under the pretense of a film role and subsequently trafficked to a scam center in Myanmar. Following his return to China on Jan. 11, Wang revealed in a live stream that approximately 50 other Chinese victims were freed from the same facility.

    The X user cited a response from AI chatbot “Duobao” as evidence that the U.S. has proposed calling the scam operators “terrorists.”

    Duobao is an advanced artificial intelligence chatbot developed by ByteDance, the parent company of TikTok.

    Launched in August 2024, Doubao has rapidly become China’s most popular AI application, boasting 51 million monthly active users as of November 2024.

    An AI response was used as evidence that the U.S. had proposed at the U.N. to classify scammers in Myanmar as terrorists
    An AI response was used as evidence that the U.S. had proposed at the U.N. to classify scammers in Myanmar as terrorists
    (X)

    But the claim is false.

    Keyword searches found no official or credible reports to show that the U.S. made such a proposal at the U.N.

    A review of minutes of the U.N. Security Council meetings in 2024 also found no such discussion.

    Duobao response

    AFCL asked Doubao a question about the purported U.S. proposal.

    The AI chatbot responded: “There is currently no firm information confirming the U.S. made such a proposal nor that China or any other country vetoed it.”

    Doubao said there was no evidence that the U.S. had proposed designating the scammers in Myanmar as terrorists.
    Doubao said there was no evidence that the U.S. had proposed designating the scammers in Myanmar as terrorists.
    (Duobao)

    AI systems reflect the material used to “train” them, experts say.

    “Doubao is a large-scale language model trained using similar methods and facing similar problems as ChatGPT,” said Hsin-Min Wang, an information science researcher at Taiwan’s Academia Sinica.

    AFCL has previously reported that Chat GPT is not always credible, as it responds to prompts based on probability calculations after being trained with large amounts of online text.

    Ethan Tu, the founder of Taiwan AI Labs, previously told AFCL that AI learns the bias and ideas from the assorted texts of the collected corpus it is being fed for language training.

    “Its output reflects the cultural ideas found in the market it was trained in.”

    Translated by Shen Ke. Edited by Taejun Kang.

    Asia Fact Check Lab (AFCL) was established to counter disinformation in today’s complex media environment. We publish fact-checks, media-watches and in-depth reports that aim to sharpen and deepen our readers’ understanding of current affairs and public issues. If you like our content, you can also follow us on Facebook, Instagram and X.

    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Dong Zhe for Asia Fact Check Lab.

  • Part of a three-story series on the fight for and rebuilding of Myanmar’s Kayah state following the 2021 coup. Read Part 1 here.

    DEMOSO, Kayah state, Myanmar – The officers of Station 8 in Myanmar’s southern Shan state pile out of their police car, a beat up minivan with bad brakes and a busted front light. Their mission: set up a checkpoint to search for yaba, a type of methamphetamine that’s become a scourge in Southeast Asia.

    Young and slight, this contingent from the new Karenni State Police, or KSP, looks more like students on an immersive career day than a group of no-nonsense cops. A few practice waving cars to the side of the road – striving to convey a confident authority but struggling to suppress embarrassed grins.

    KSP spokesperson Bo Bo is seen at his office in Mese, Kayah state, Myanmar, Oct. 26, 2024.
    KSP spokesperson Bo Bo is seen at his office in Mese, Kayah state, Myanmar, Oct. 26, 2024.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)

    After what locals say was years of abuse by the former police force run by Myanmar’s repressive military regime, a little humility isn’t a bad thing.

    “Before, civilians didn’t trust the police, so they didn’t come to see us,” says Bel Kyaw May, 29, the commander of Station 8 who, like a chaperone, patiently watches over his officers from the side of the road. “We’re more friendly.”

    The KSP was established in August 2021, six months into a civil war triggered by the Myanmar military coup.

    The importance of developing a rebel-backed police force in the midst of this ongoing conflict may not be immediately clear. But rebels and outside observers of Myanmar say that for the insurgency to succeed, its backers must not only beat better-armed government troops on the battlefield but assure a traumatized public that they can replace the services that have been lost in the fighting, including security.

    An officer from KSP Station 8 motions for a motorcyclist to stop at a checkpoint in southern Shan state, Myanmar, Nov. 4, 2024.
    An officer from KSP Station 8 motions for a motorcyclist to stop at a checkpoint in southern Shan state, Myanmar, Nov. 4, 2024.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)

    “If you don’t do that, you run the risk of losing the support of the population, which in the case of the Karenni movement is really critical,” says Jason Tower, a Bangkok-based analyst at the United States Institute of Peace. Karenni is a catch-all for the various ethnic groups in Kayah.

    “The revolution isn’t going to end tomorrow.”

    The rebel effort to rebuild the governmental institutions, they say, can serve as a model for federal democracy and a showcase for how best to avoid the mistakes of the past, which included a Myanmar Police Force that was often an instrument of military repression.

    In other words, quite a lot is riding on the success of Bel Kyaw May and his bright-eyed recruits. “Now it’s revolutionary time,” he said through an interpreter. “Young people are asking, what can I do for the state?”

    Officers from KSP Station 8 prepare to set up a roadside checkpoint in southern Shan state, Myanmar, Nov. 4, 2024.
    Officers from KSP Station 8 prepare to set up a roadside checkpoint in southern Shan state, Myanmar, Nov. 4, 2024.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)
    A female officer with KSP Station 8 explains the checkpoint, in southern Shan state, Myanmar, Nov. 4, 2024.
    A female officer with KSP Station 8 explains the checkpoint, in southern Shan state, Myanmar, Nov. 4, 2024.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)
    KSP Station 8 officers look for narcotics at a roadside checkpoint in southern Shan state, Myanmar, Nov. 4, 2024.
    KSP Station 8 officers look for narcotics at a roadside checkpoint in southern Shan state, Myanmar, Nov. 4, 2024.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)
    Officers from KSP Station 8 examine travelers at a checkpoint in southern Shan state, Myanmar, Nov. 4, 2024.
    Officers from KSP Station 8 examine travelers at a checkpoint in southern Shan state, Myanmar, Nov. 4, 2024.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)
    A KSP Station 8 officer chats with a driver at a checkpoint in southern Shan state, Myanmar, Nov. 4, 2024.
    A KSP Station 8 officer chats with a driver at a checkpoint in southern Shan state, Myanmar, Nov. 4, 2024.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)

    Police as oppressors

    The challenges facing the rebels in general and the KSP in particular, however, are considerable. The biggest is a lack of resources. Insurgent leaders have created a nominal state government called the Interim Executive Council that raises revenue through fundraising, taxes and business levies.

    But 70% of what it collects goes to warfighting, with the remainder split among the KSP and health, education, humanitarian and other agencies in Kayah established by the council. That means that the KSP must try to deal with rising drug use and violence – consequences of the traumas of four years of war – on a shoestring budget.

    Bags of illicit drugs, including a mixture of methamphetamine and caffeine known as yaba, lie on a table at KSP Station 8 in southern Shan state, Myanmar, Nov. 4, 2024.
    Bags of illicit drugs, including a mixture of methamphetamine and caffeine known as yaba, lie on a table at KSP Station 8 in southern Shan state, Myanmar, Nov. 4, 2024.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)

    Bo Bo, the KSP’s chief spokesman, said the monthly allotments are only about 10% of what his force needs. There were 638 officers in the force as of August – 558 of whom were men and 180 of whom were women. Bo Bo estimates a few hundred more officers are still needed.

    The van that ferried the officers to the checkpoint is a 1996 Toyota Granvia that would have a hard time chasing down a scooter. There are more cops than guns and so few uniforms, most days officers stay in civilian clothes.

    They also aren’t regularly paid. Most live at the stations and give thanks to their constituents at every meal because that’s usually where their food comes from.

    “Our effectiveness is a little lower because we don’t have much manpower; we don’t have much money,” Bo Bo, who leads a station in Mese in southern Kayah state, told RFA.

    Officer Angelo Karlo holds a puppy at KSP Station 8 in southern Shan state, Myanmar, Nov. 4, 2024.
    Officer Angelo Karlo holds a puppy at KSP Station 8 in southern Shan state, Myanmar, Nov. 4, 2024.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)
    Bel Kyaw, commander of KSP Station 8, stands near fellow officers at the station in southern Shan state, Myanmar, Nov. 4, 2024.
    Bel Kyaw, commander of KSP Station 8, stands near fellow officers at the station in southern Shan state, Myanmar, Nov. 4, 2024.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)
    A detainee washes dishes at KSP Station 8 in southern Shan state, Myanmar, Nov. 4, 2024. The station lacks funds to hire services, so detainees help with cooking and general cleaning.
    A detainee washes dishes at KSP Station 8 in southern Shan state, Myanmar, Nov. 4, 2024. The station lacks funds to hire services, so detainees help with cooking and general cleaning.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)
    Officers at KSP Station 8 eat a meal provided by civilians in southern Shan state, Myanmar, Nov. 4, 2024.
    Officers at KSP Station 8 eat a meal provided by civilians in southern Shan state, Myanmar, Nov. 4, 2024.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)
    KSP Station 8 officers gather after making their morning pledge to serve the people in southern Shan state, Myanmar Nov.4, 2024.
    KSP Station 8 officers gather after making their morning pledge to serve the people in southern Shan state, Myanmar Nov.4, 2024.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)

    At the heart of the force are officers like Bo Bo and Bel Kyaw May, both of whom were members of the Myanmar Police Force but resigned after the coup to join a countrywide worker strike known as the Civil Disobedience Movement, or CDM, to pressure the junta to back down. More than 100 former MSP officers are now with the KSP.

    In earlier decades, the police force had been accused of harsh tactics, but, according to Tower, it had begun to reform after a previous military dictatorship agreed to share power in 2011.

    In the post-coup crackdown, bad habits resurfaced, as Myanmar Police Force officers busted up rallies and arrested protesters. But the coup also highlighted the fact that a number of officers, like Bo Bo and Bel Kyaw May, were more reform-minded.

    Shy and soft-spoken, Bo Bo said he had dreamed of being a scientist growing up but had gone to the police academy because it was free and offered steady employment after graduation. He was first assigned to a station in his home township but was soon transferred farther away because the military didn’t want its officers to have ties to local communities, he said.

    Debris litters the abandoned junta-run Mese police station in Kayah state, Myanmar, Oct. 26, 2024. It was overrun by rebels in June 2023.
    Debris litters the abandoned junta-run Mese police station in Kayah state, Myanmar, Oct. 26, 2024. It was overrun by rebels in June 2023.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)

    He said he quickly became disillusioned by the corruption he witnessed during those years. A friend once reported his bike was stolen but decided not to pursue the case when he learned that the required bribe was more than his bike was worth.

    Officers could be roused to work on serious offenses like murder or rape, but the outcome was often preordained, Bo Bo said.

    “True and false doesn’t count,” Bo Bo said. “If you had money, you win.”

    A police officer lights the cigarette of a detainee in a cell at KSP Station 8 in southern Shan state, Myanmar, Nov. 4, 2024.
    A police officer lights the cigarette of a detainee in a cell at KSP Station 8 in southern Shan state, Myanmar, Nov. 4, 2024.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)

    The success of the insurgents on the battlefield has given them a chance to reset the relationship between police and the communities they serve, the USIP’s Tower said.

    “Whereas in the past, the police were the oppressors of the communities,” he said. “There was no concept of the idea of community security or community policing.”

    Developing new habits

    Part of what fueled corruption in the Myanmar Police Force was the low-pay of the officers. KSP officers make even less. They often go weeks without pay. As a hedge against the type of graft that plagued the old force sprouting in the new one, recruits must complete courses that include instruction not only on police procedure but also on Karenni history and the principles of democracy and human rights that underlie the revolution here.

    And in the Kayah rebel government organizational chart, the KSP sits under civilian control, unlike the Myanmar State Police, which was overseen by the military.

    Officer “Sunday” is locked in a British colonial-era restraint at KSP Station 8 after reporting back to work a week late following his vacation, in southern Shan state, Myanmar, Nov. 4, 2024.
    Officer “Sunday” is locked in a British colonial-era restraint at KSP Station 8 after reporting back to work a week late following his vacation, in southern Shan state, Myanmar, Nov. 4, 2024.

    Still, there appeared to be a few hiccups in the operation when RFA visited. One detainee at Station 8 was being held with one ankle bound in an old fashioned British stockade, a holdover from colonial days. “Sunday” turned out to be a member of the police force. His crime? He said he’d be gone for one week but took two instead.

    Other detainees at the two stations RFA visited were teens who had been caught by their parents using drugs. Fearing they were losing control of their children, they had asked the KSP to put them in jail as a form of rehabilitation.

    Criminal suspects, meanwhile, can sit in jail for weeks without having their cases adjudicated because there are so few judges and attorneys in Kayah.

    KSP officer Yar Zar Tun comforts his wife, Zin Zin Aung, as surgeon Aung Ko Myint cleans wounds she received in a junta airstrike, at a hospital in Demoso, Kayah state, Nov. 5, 2024
    KSP officer Yar Zar Tun comforts his wife, Zin Zin Aung, as surgeon Aung Ko Myint cleans wounds she received in a junta airstrike, at a hospital in Demoso, Kayah state, Nov. 5, 2024
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)

    A dangerous job

    The other challenge the young officers of the KSP face are the not insignificant dangers of their jobs.

    Station 8 is located off the main road among terraced hills of yellow-green stalks of rice swaying in the wind. The picturesque setting, the youthful attractiveness of the officers, and the fact that they live at the station gives it a summer-camp vibe.

    But the risks are real, and the main benefit of Station 8’s setting is that it’s hidden. The military junta would likely bomb the station if it knew where it was. Station 2 to the south was bombed on Sept. 5, 2024. Among the injured was Zin Zin Aung, the wife of a KSP officer. Her five-month-old fetus didn’t survive the attack.

    KSP officers are also outgunned by local drug dealers, some of whom have ties to ethnic armies in the area.

    Poppies bloom in a field in southern Shan state, Myanmar, Oct. 29, 2024.
    Poppies bloom in a field in southern Shan state, Myanmar, Oct. 29, 2024.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)
    Partially harvested poppy seedpods are seen in southern Shan state, Myanmar, Oct. 29, 2024.
    Partially harvested poppy seedpods are seen in southern Shan state, Myanmar, Oct. 29, 2024.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)
    Farmers harvest the sap from poppy seedpods in southern Shan state, Myanmar, Oct. 29, 2024. “People come and buy our harvest. We don’t ask or don’t care who they are,
    Farmers harvest the sap from poppy seedpods in southern Shan state, Myanmar, Oct. 29, 2024. “People come and buy our harvest. We don’t ask or don’t care who they are,” said one farmer, who didn’t want to be named.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)
    Partially harvested poppy seedpods are seen in southern Shan state, Myanmar, Oct. 30, 2024. Myanmar is the world’s biggest exporter of the raw material used to make heroin and other opiates.
    Partially harvested poppy seedpods are seen in southern Shan state, Myanmar, Oct. 30, 2024. Myanmar is the world’s biggest exporter of the raw material used to make heroin and other opiates.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)
    A farmer harvests the sap from seedpods in a poppy field in southern Shan state, Myanmar, Oct. 29, 2024.
    A farmer harvests the sap from seedpods in a poppy field in southern Shan state, Myanmar, Oct. 29, 2024.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)
    A woman harvests sap from seedpods in a poppy field in southern Shan state, Myanmar, Oct. 30, 2024.
    A woman harvests sap from seedpods in a poppy field in southern Shan state, Myanmar, Oct. 30, 2024.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)

    Poppy fields cover the landscape in southern Shan, near the border with Kayah. In the chaos created by the war, Myanmar has become the number one exporter of opium in the world, according to the United Nations Office for Drugs and Crime.

    “Sometimes the drug dealers give a warning: We can kill you anytime,” Bel Kyaw May said.

    Behind horn-rimmed glasses and a serious expression, Shun Lai Yee Win, 20, acknowledged the risks she and her fellow officers face in a brief interview with RFA. She said she joined the KSP and Station 8 simply because she wanted to be part of the process of building a new, more just society.

    The old police force “was corrupt, always showing their power to civilians,” she said, before the officers set off to establish the checkpoint.

    Officers during a break at KSP Station 8 in southern Shan state, Myanmar, Nov. 4, 2024.
    Officers during a break at KSP Station 8 in southern Shan state, Myanmar, Nov. 4, 2024.
    (Gemunu Amarasinghe/RFA)

    Wiliam Tun, 28, who was among the civilians who were stopped, had the same opinion. “We were afraid of the military police,” he said. “They will put you in jail just to do it.”

    Asked if he minded being stopped and searched by the KSP officers, he shook his head no. He knew several from the community, he said.

    “These are all my friends.”

    Soe San Aung for RFA Burmese contributed reporting. Edited by Boer Deng and Abby Seiff.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Jim Snyder and Gemunu Amarasinghe for RFA.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • A Rohingya woman told BenarNews she was sexually assaulted by Arakan Army insurgents in Myanmar’s Rakhine state who killed three relatives, forcing her to flee to a refugee camp in Bangladesh.

    The woman, who asked to remain anonymous over safety concerns and is not pictured in this report, said she had grown used to the sounds of bombs falling and gunshots, but did not expect to be a victim of violence.

    “One morning in August, I woke up to constant pounding at the door. The moment I opened it, a group from the Arakan Army kicked me to the ground, groped and physically assaulted me in front my family members before slaughtering my father-in-law and two brothers-in-law and dragging them out of our home,” she told BenarNews, an RFA-affiliated online news service.

    She added that her husband was able to flee from the attackers.

    “Though sometimes my village is caught between the Arakan Army and Myanmar military clashes, I never thought this conflict one day would knock on my door.”

    The woman was among at least 60,000 Rohingya who have crossed the border into southeastern Bangladesh since late 2023 to seek refuge from fighting between the Arakan Army (AA) rebels and Burmese junta-affiliated military forces.

    Incidents of sexual violence and other abuses against Rohingya came to light in a report published this week by the Burma Task Force, a coalition of 38 U.S. and Canadian Muslim Organizations led by Justice for All.

    The report alleged that both military troops and AA insurgents had targeted Rohingya, with the rebels in some cases killing Rohingya while sparing non-Rohingya in the same village. In addition, the AA used Rohingya as human shields in battles with the military.

    The Arakan Army specifically targets girls for sexual abuse. Some women knew of rape victims; most have heard of such incidents,” the report said of interviews in the Bangladesh camps.

    Rohingya woman Samira, who lost her family members in clashes between Myanmar’s military and the Arakan Army in Maungdaw, Rakhine state, has settled in a southeastern Bangladesh refugee camp, Feb. 5, 2025.
    Rohingya woman Samira, who lost her family members in clashes between Myanmar’s military and the Arakan Army in Maungdaw, Rakhine state, has settled in a southeastern Bangladesh refugee camp, Feb. 5, 2025.
    (Abdur Rahman/BenarNews)

    The Rohingya woman spoke to a BenarNews reporter at the Jadimora camp in Teknaf, a sub-district of Cox’s Bazar, about the ordeal that brought her to Bangladesh.

    “I lost consciousness during the assault. When I regained it, I saw the village completely razed and fires smoldering everywhere,” she said on Wednesday. “The villagers who were alive and injured set out on an uncertain journey toward the Bangladesh border. They took me with them.

    RELATED STORIES

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    “I trudged along with the caravan for three days through the rugged hills, muddy plains and forest and along the way saw hundreds of bodies scattered in the forest or floating in the water.”

    On a positive note, the woman reunited with her husband at the camp on the Bangladeshi side of the border.

    Arakan Army

    Another Rohingya woman who requested anonymity said she and her family were forced out of their homes in Myanmar and moved into a school building.

    “One day in August the Arakan Army showed up at the school compound, separated the young girls and took them away, leaving their families in the dark about their whereabouts,” the woman (also not pictured) told BenarNews.

    “My family fled the school as my husband feared something worse could happen to me,” she said, adding they arrived at Camp 26 in Cox’s Bazar three months ago.

    A BenarNews reporter talked to a dozen women who had arrived as part of the recent influx triggered by the fighting between AA and junta troops. The Burmese military has led Myanmar since launching a coup against the government headed by Aung San Suu Kyi in February 2021.

    Rohingya line up for drinking water at a Cox’s Bazar refugee camp in Bangladesh, Nov. 22, 2024.
    Rohingya line up for drinking water at a Cox’s Bazar refugee camp in Bangladesh, Nov. 22, 2024.
    (Mohammad Ponir Hossain/Reuters)

    The AA, an insurgent group that has been fighting with the military, is supported by Rakhine state’s Buddhist majority and has been accused of committing rights abuses against Rohingya people.

    Aflatun Khatun, a Rohingya woman in her 60s who took shelter recently at the Balupara camp in Ukhia, recalled how she lost her livestock.

    “Thirteen of my buffalos were killed in a drone attack in September,” she told Benar News, adding, “Many villagers died in that attack. They used the drones to target Muslim villages.”

    Md Yunus, 40, who lived in Maungdaw in Myanmar’s Rakhine state before crossing the border into Bangladesh in November 2024, said AA members arrived at the beginning of that month, threatened the villagers and told them to never return.

    “A few days later, they again came back, set fire to the village and fatally shot those who dared to stay back,” he told BenarNews.

    “That was the moment I felt a desperate need to leave my home with my wife and children. I moved to the woods, stayed there for three days before we managed to cross the border to take shelter here.”

    No food

    The Justice for All report said the Rohingya woes did not end after crossing into Bangladesh, as many of the new arrivals had no food or shelter.

    Nearly 1 million Rohingya live in refugee camps in and around Cox’s Bazar, including 740,000 who fled a military offensive in Rakhine state, starting in August 2017.

    Aflatun Khatun fled with her paralyzed husband and family members to escape an attack by the Arakan Army in Myanmar and took refuge in a Rohingya camp in Teknaf, Bangladesh, Feb. 5, 2025.
    Aflatun Khatun fled with her paralyzed husband and family members to escape an attack by the Arakan Army in Myanmar and took refuge in a Rohingya camp in Teknaf, Bangladesh, Feb. 5, 2025.
    (Abdur Rahman/BenarNews)

    Mohammed Mizanur Rahman, commissioner of Office of Refugee, Relief and Repatriation, said the Bangladesh government was working to determine the number of new refugees in the camps and has sought assistance for them.

    “We provided headcount data to the World Food Program, which started providing food support to the newly arrived Rohingya,” he told BenarNews.

    BenarNews is an RFA-affiliated news service.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Abdur Rahman and Mostafa Yousuf for BenarNews.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • MAE SOT, Thailand – Chinese President Xi Jinping thanked Thailand’s visiting prime minister on Thursday for a crackdown on scam centers in Myanmar a day after Thailand cut off electricity and internet services to five hubs for the illegal operations just over its border.

    As Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra was meeting Xi in Beijing, a Myanmar militia allied with the junta released 61 trafficked foreigners from one of Myanmar’s major scam zones and handed them to Thai authorities over the border.

    Online fraud has mushroomed in parts of Southeast Asia over recent years, often relying on workers lured by false job advertisements and forced to contact people online or by phone to trick them into putting money into fake investments.

    Would-be investors have been cheated out of billions of dollars, with many perpetrators and victims believed to be from China, research groups say.

    Reports about the centers have hit the headlines in recent weeks after a Chinese actor was rescued from eastern Myanmar, alarming the public across Asia and leading to a rash of tour group cancellations to Thailand and raising the prospect of economic damage.

    Thai officials have also cited national security for their decision to cut electricity and internet to the enclaves in Myanmar, though they have not elaborated.

    Xi thanked the visiting Thai leader for her government’s action, China’s CCTV state broadcaster reported.

    “China appreciates the strong measures taken by Thailand to combat online gambling and phone and online scams”, CCTV cited Xi as saying.

    “The two sides must continue to strengthen cooperation in security, law enforcement and judicial cooperation” to “protect people’s lives and property,” Xi said.

    RELATED STORIES

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    Militia promises action

    With the pressure growing, the Myanmar militia group that has overseen and profited from the fraud operations in the Myawaddy region, the Border Guard Force, or BGF, sent 61 foreign workers to Thailand on Thursday and vowed to wipe out the illegal businesses.

    BGF spokesperson Lt.-Col. Naing Maung Zaw said the 61 foreigners, including some from China, were sent over a bridge across a border river from Myawaddy to the Thai town of Mae Sot.

    A Thai group that helps victims of human trafficking said 39 of those released were from China, 13 from India, five from Indonesia and one from Malaysia, Ethiopia, Pakistan and Kazakhstan.

    Media photographs showed Thai officials speaking to the 61, who included some women, as they sat on rows of plastic chairs. Many of them wore blue surgical masks.

    Last month, BGF leaders said they had agreed with operators of the scam centers to stop forced labor and fraud, and Naing Maung Zaw repeated a promise to clean up his zone.

    “At some time, we will completely destroy this scamming business. That’s what we’re working on now,” he told Radio Free Asia, adding that the utility cuts had hurt ordinary people more than the scamming gangs.

    Thai Defense Minister Phumtham Wechayachai greeted the 61 as they crossed into Thailand.

    “Please feel free to give us information and cooperation which will be useful for eradicating this,” Phumtham told them.

    “Please inform everyone about the conditions there,” he said before the 61 were taken to an immigration facility for paperwork.

    Translated by Kiana Duncan. Edited by RFA Staff.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by RFA Burmese and Pimuk Rakkanam for RFA.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.


  • This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Radio Free Asia.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.


  • This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Radio Free Asia.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.


  • This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Radio Free Asia.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Nearly 300 Myanmar nationals living in Singapore have renounced their ties to their homeland and acquired Singaporean nationality last year, according to an announcement from the junta-controlled embassy there.

    A person originally from Myanmar told Radio Free Asia that some are doing this because they were having difficulties extending their passports through the embassy. Others decided they wanted to avoid paying taxes to the junta, which took over Myanmar in a coup four years ago, ousting the country’s democratically elected government.

    Additionally, some said they did not want to return to Myanmar because the junta is aggressively conscripting people to fight the civil war against a patchwork of factions opposed to military rule.

    People are seen near the Merlion statue in front of the Marina Bay Sands resort in Singapore on Dec. 2, 2024.
    People are seen near the Merlion statue in front of the Marina Bay Sands resort in Singapore on Dec. 2, 2024.
    (Roslan Rahman/AFP)

    According to the embassy’s announcement, those who renounced their citizenship must return their Myanmar national ID cards and passports to the embassy by Feb. 28.

    The former Myanmar citizens are mostly educated professionals.

    In order to gain citizenship, they have to have been living in the city state as permanent residents for two or three years.

    Permanent residency is only available to those who earn 3,000 Singapore dollars (US$2,200) per month.

    ‘Bad political situation’

    The uptick in naturalization is directly related to military rule in Myanmar, a worker in Singapore told RFA on condition of anonymity for security reasons.

    “In the past, those who were living as permanent residents had the intention to return home and did not apply for Singapore citizenship,” the worker said. “But now that there is a bad political situation (in Myanmar), they are not willing to return any more.”

    The junta’s push to conscript more and more Myanmar citizens, is also encouraging people to switch, the first source said.

    A person who returned to Myanmar after acquiring permanent residency status in Singapore told RFA that many are switching because they see Myanmar has many problems.

    “If our country was as safe as Singapore in terms of security, economy, and healthcare services, none of our citizens wants to live in another country,” the third source said.

    RFA tried to contact those who were recently granted Singaporean citizenship, but for security reasons, none wanted to speak on record.

    People walk along the promenade at Marina Bay in Singapore on Jan. 27, 2025.
    People walk along the promenade at Marina Bay in Singapore on Jan. 27, 2025.
    (Roslan Rahman/AFP)

    According to Singapore’s Ministry of Human Resources and Empowerment, over 200,000 Myanmar citizens live in the country.

    Meanwhile, an individual who lived in Japan for over 13 years told RFA that he now regrets his decision to return to Myanmar permanently. He returned when the democratically elected government led by Aung San Suu Kyi was in power.

    “(At that time,) returnees came from Singapore, Bangkok, and Japan, believing they could finally build a better future at home,” he said. “But all their hopes were dashed after the military coup, and some who had renounced their foreign citizenship to return to Myanmar now deeply regret their decision.”

    He said that these days, “nearly everyone” is trying to leave Myanmar as the situation worsens.

    Translated by Aung Naing. Edited by Eugene Whong and Malcolm Foster.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by RFA Burmese.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.


  • This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Radio Free Asia.

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  • Ma Phyu, 31, spent years working to protect ethnic minorities in her native Bago region in central Myanmar. She made her way through university and long hoped to get an advanced degree, but though she was a careful saver, she had to care for her parents and the cost of school was always out of reach.

    Finally, last year, Ma Phyu received word that she qualified for a U.S.-funded scholarship program that would cover her tuition, room and board at a public policy program in neighboring Thailand. Upon graduation, she planned to return home to apply her development studies expertise in poverty-hit regions inhabited by ethnic minorities that make up about one-third of Myanmar’s population.

    With news of the program’s cancellation last week, however, she is uncertain what will happen to her and other students — many of whom face forced conscription by the military junta should they return to Myanmar. The country is mired in armed conflict triggered by a military coup against the democratic government four years ago.

    “Given the existing education gap in the country, these scholarships have been a vital lifeline for those who cannot return home,” she told RFA.

    On Wednesday morning, the newly formed Department of Government Efficiency posted to X that a program providing “$45 million in DEI [diversity, equity and inclusion] scholarships in Burma” had been canceled.

    Speaking during a signing ceremony in the White House later that day, Trump referred to the scholarships as part of a list of canceled aid projects deemed wasteful by the new administration.

    “We also blocked $45 million for diversity scholarships in Burma. Forty-five: that’s a lot of money for diversity scholarships in Burma,” Trump said.

    The Department of Government Efficiency posted this documentation showing the cancellation of the “DEI” scholarship program for students in Myanmar. Highlighting in document is from source.
    The Department of Government Efficiency posted this documentation showing the cancellation of the “DEI” scholarship program for students in Myanmar. Highlighting in document is from source.
    (DOGE via X)

    Launched in March 2024, the Diversity and Inclusion Scholarship Program, or DISP, was a five-year project aimed at offering Myanmar students degrees from top universities in Thailand, Cambodia, the Philippines and Indonesia, as well as online courses from the University of Arizona in the United States.

    Funded by the U.S. Agency for International Development, or USAID, the scholarship was intended to provide “quality educational opportunities for young community leaders in Burma, especially those from marginalized and vulnerable groups,” as well as boost the capacity of regional universities, according to a press release issued at the launch, which has since been taken down.

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    There are currently 400 students enrolled in universities across the region, with the program expected to reach approximately 1,000 students over the five-year period, according to a source familiar with the scholarship who asked not to be named because of the sensitivity of the issue.

    The scholarship had several key aims, the source told RFA, including strengthening democracy in the long run by training future leaders; creating a favorable impression of the U.S. in order to counter China; and improving ties between Myanmar and its regional neighbors.

    The word “diversity” reflected the program’s goal to help staunch decades of ethnic conflict by ensuring “all ethnic groups feel they are being treated fairly and have a stake in democracy,” the source explained.

    “We really wanted this program to be politically neutral and merit based, but merit based with an eye to including everyone — giving everyone a fair opportunity.”

    The Trump Administration has deemed DEI programs illegal and on Jan. 20 terminated them by executive order. The same day, he issued an executive order calling for a 90-day pause in foreign aid so that programs can be evaluated to ensure they adhere to the new administration’s priorities.

    President Donald Trump holds executive order after signing in Washington, Jan. 20, 2025.
    President Donald Trump holds executive order after signing in Washington, Jan. 20, 2025.
    (Matt Rourke/AP)

    It is unclear whether the Burma program was reviewed before its cancellation. USAID did not reply to requests for comment by press time.

    Maw Htun Aung, deputy minister of electricity and energy for Myanmar’s shadow National Unity Government, who studied in the U.S. on a Fulbright scholarship in 2010, told RFA the scholarship program appeared to be “hostage due to its name.”

    “When a powerful nation steps away from its responsibility, it is detrimental not only to smaller countries like ours but also to the U.S. itself, as it risks weakening its position as the world’s leading power,” he said.

    Whatever the reason for the cancellation, the news couldn’t have come at a worse time for those suffering from the impacts of the February 2021 coup, which on Saturday entered its fifth year.

    “I see many young people in Myanmar struggling to access education and seeking opportunities for international-level learning,” said Tracy, a scholarship adviser in Myanmar who goes by one name. “The loss of these opportunities is having a deeply negative impact on them.”

    Hlwan Paing Thiha has been pursuing a master’s degree in public affairs in Thailand on a DISP scholarship. He hoped to attain a doctorate and then return home as a teacher. The announcement of cancellation has thrown his future plans into disarray and much of his cohort has been panicking.

    “I have to say it’s quite a blow,” he told RFA in an interview. “The uncertainty for the current students is where they’ll get their tuition for the next semester. We all come from different backgrounds. We’re minorities. So, I think the biggest challenge is going to be for those who can’t afford to go [study] on their own.”


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by RFA Burmese.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • The fourth anniversary of the military coup in Myanmar is a time to mourn the loss of thousands of innocent lives at the hands of a brutal 2025military regime while celebrating the heroism of those who continue to stand up for human rights in a country under siege, a UN expert said on30januaary

    It is also a time for the international community to provide the people of Myanmar a genuine partnership to help end this nightmare,” said Tom Andrews, Special Rapporteur on the human rights situation in Myanmar.

    Andrews said four years of military oppression, violence and incompetence have cast Myanmar into an abyss.

    “Junta forces have slaughtered thousands of civilians, bombed and burned villages, and displaced millions of people. More than 20,000 political prisoners remain behind bars. The economy and public services have collapsed. Famine and starvation loom over large parts of the population,” the Special Rapporteur said.

    “The junta’s plans, including holding sham elections this year in a backdrop of escalating armed conflict and human rights violations, are a path to ruin,” Andrews said.

    He said it was not possible to hold a legitimate election while arresting, detaining, torturing and executing leaders of the opposition and when it is illegal for journalists or citizens to criticise the junta.

    “Governments should dismiss these plans for what they are – a fraud,” Andrews said.

    He lauded pro-democracy activists, journalists, doctors, human rights defenders and citizens from all walks of life who have risked their lives to fight for Myanmar’s future.

    The resilience and courage of Myanmar’s people continue to amaze and inspire others around the world. I am heartened by the courageous efforts of those documenting the junta’s crimes, caring for those injured by the attacks, providing food and shelter to those displaced, and teaching children whose education was upended by the coup. These heroic efforts are compelling indicators that Myanmar’s best days lie ahead,” the expert said.

    Andrews said action by member states including targeted sanctions and a crackdown on the arms trade by Singapore have contributed to a one-third drop in the volume of weapons and military supplies the junta has been able to purchase through the formal banking system since the year ending March 2023.

    “When governments muster the political will, they help save lives and support freedom in Myanmar,” the Special Rapporteur said, calling for stronger action from the international community. “The failure of the Security Council to take action requires that UN Member States who support human rights coordinate strong, sustained actions that can deny the junta the means to continue its brutality against the people of Myanmar.”

    He urged governments to back efforts to hold perpetrators of grave human rights violations accountable, including in the International Criminal Court (ICC), and by supporting the democratic movement and civil society as they build the foundation for a strong justice system and transitional justice processes.

    “Impunity has enabled a decades-long cycle of violence and oppression in Myanmar. Ultimately, this sad chapter of Myanmar’s history must end with junta leaders being prosecuted for their crimes,” Andrews said.

    https://reliefweb.int/report/myanmar/un-expert-urges-support-people-myanmar-they-heroically-oppose-military-oppression

    https://www.frontiermyanmar.net/en/america-first-in-action-trumps-aid-freeze-erodes-an-already-anemic-response-to-myanmar-crisis

    This post was originally published on Hans Thoolen on Human Rights Defenders and their awards.

  • Part of a three-story series to mark the fourth anniversary of Myanmar’s 2021 coup, looking at how the military treats its own soldiers.

    The 2021 coup that plunged Myanmar into civil war has been a disaster for its military. It has lost control of much of the country, and thousands of soldiers have been killed or wounded in the face of rebel advances.

    That’s also made it one of the riskiest places on Earth to enlist as a soldier – one where life insurance sounds like a sensible idea to those on the front line and a risky business for those offering it.

    Not so Myanmar, where members of the armed forces are required to take out life insurance provided by a company run by the son of army chief and coup leader Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing.

    The scheme is operated by Aung Myint Moh Min Insurance, or AMMMI, established in June 2013, when Myanmar opened up life insurance to the private sector. The company, however, is believed to be a subsidiary of Myanmar Economic Corporation, one of the military’s two sprawling business conglomerates.

    Aung Pyae Sone, Gen. Min Aung Hlaing's son, left, and Aung Myint Moh Min Insurance Company in Yangon in 2018.
    Aung Pyae Sone, Gen. Min Aung Hlaing’s son, left, and Aung Myint Moh Min Insurance Company in Yangon in 2018.
    (Justice For Myanmar via X and Google Maps)

    A U.N. report in 2019 said the top general’s only son Aung Pyae Sone, 40, holds a “significant stake” in AMMMI. The U.S. government sanctioned Aung Pyae Sone in March 2021 for profiting from his connection to the coup leader. His business interests extend to telecommunications, real estate and the health sector.

    Families of soldiers killed in the past year tell Radio Free Asia that they have been unable to get a payout from the life insurance that the U.N. report described as “required” for all personnel in the Tatmadaw, as the military is known in Myanmar. AMMMI also offers policies to government employees and the public.

    RFA contacted the company for comment. It said that life insurance payouts are processed within a few days of a policyholder’s death.

    Myanmar military chief Min Aung Hlaing in Naypyidaw on June 10, 2017, at a donations event for victims of the military transport plane crash in the Andaman Sea.
    Myanmar military chief Min Aung Hlaing in Naypyidaw on June 10, 2017, at a donations event for victims of the military transport plane crash in the Andaman Sea.
    (Aung Htet/AFP)

    “It should surprise nobody that control of the military life insurance policies for Myanmar’s army rests with the son of Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing. Corruption in Myanmar’s military flows from the top down,” said political analyst Jonah Blank from the Rand Corporation, a think tank partially funded by the U.S. government.

    “Corruption permeates every rank, with profits flowing straight to the top,” he told RFA.

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    ‘We protect the family’

    Former Maj. Tin Lin Aung, who defected from the military after the coup, said a service member starts paying premiums with their first paycheck, and the policy’s beneficiary is their spouse or other nominated family members.

    Ei Ei Aung, an independent online insurance agent, said that when life insurance was operated by state-run Myanma Insurance soldiers would be fully covered in the event of their death as soon as they submitted their first premium.

    Things became more flaky when Aung Myint Moh Min Insurance, whose motto is “We Protect the Family,” took control.

    Rescue workers carry a body at Sanhlan village in Dawei on June 8, 2017, after a Myanmar military plane crashed in the Andaman Sea off southern Myanmar.
    Rescue workers carry a body at Sanhlan village in Dawei on June 8, 2017, after a Myanmar military plane crashed in the Andaman Sea off southern Myanmar.
    (Ye Aung Thu/AFP)

    The first high-profile sign of the company’s unwillingness to pay out came in 2017, when a military transport plane crashed in bad weather offshore near the southern city of Dawei killing 122 people.

    It was one of the worst aviation disasters in the nation’s history. Among the dead was a captain travelling to see his wife, who was about to give birth.

    “Aung Myint Moh Min Company claimed that only 30% of the premium had been paid and therefore refused to pay the full life insurance amount. They offered to refund only the amount that had been paid,” Tin Ling Aung said.

    When a colleague of the dead captain shared online a photo of the rejection letter from the insurer, it was widely circulated, drawing attention to how the scheme operated, and reportedly causing trouble for the captain’s colleague who was redeployed to the frontline.

    Little information

    There is scant public information about the company, but a university thesis supported by the AMMMI and submitted to Yangon University’s Economics Department in 2019 outlined the company’s revenue stream and payouts in its first five years of operation.

    The thesis, “Customer Perception on Life Insurance Service of Aung Myint Moh Min Insurance,” written by Min Aung, showed that army personnel life insurance was by far its biggest earner and that claim payouts in 2018-19 amounted to less than 7% of premiums paid.

    10,000 kyat banknotes currently in use in Myanmar.
    10,000 kyat banknotes currently in use in Myanmar.
    (RFA)

    Aung Myint Moh Min has a variety of policies catering for different ranks. Payouts on maturation of a policy or the death of the policyholder start as low as $110. Those cost the equivalent of $1.55 to $2.65 per month, depending on the lifespan of the policy. There are policies offering higher payouts with higher monthly premiums.

    RFA could not find publicly available financial information about the current operations of AMMMI, but if the number of military personnel is estimated at 130,000 and each person contributed $2 a month in premiums, the Aung Myint Moh Min Insurance company would be raking in more than $3 million a year in life insurance premiums.

    Concerns over the life insurance have intensified in the past four years since the coup, as conflict has escalated across Myanmar, and the military’s casualties have mounted.

    Insurance agent Ei Ei Aung told RFA there are many ways the company avoids paying out.

    “In the military, there are numerous cases where families of deceased soldiers fail to claim compensation,” she said.

    “This may be due to family members being unaware of the soldier’s death, lack of notification from responsible superiors, or insufficient communication. As a result, many compensation claims go unprocessed and are ultimately lost,” she said.

    Graphic by Amanda Weisbrod
    Graphic by Amanda Weisbrod
    (RFA)

    Documents lost

    One widow, Hla Khin, told RFA about her attempts to secure a military pension or life insurance payment for her husband, Sgt. Min Din who died in a battle in Shan state in June. She discovered after her husband died that applications for any benefit had to be made in person where the soldier last served. The battalion in which he had served suffered major losses.

    “There was nobody in Battalion 501 as many people died. Almost all documents have been lost as some office staff moved out, some died and some are still missing,” she said.

    Six months after Min Din was killed, the paperwork has now been filed. Hla Khin is waiting for a response.

    Tin Lin Aung describes how the process works.

    “If an entire battalion is captured by resistance forces, there are significant challenges. For single soldiers, their parents can still apply for the insurance, but this is little more than a hope because, in many cases, the battalion’s office and records are gone, and the military commander responsible for the claim may also have been captured. In such cases, Aung Myint Moh Min Company seizes the life insurance for the entire battalion,” he said.

    The firm would also have pocketed the payments of the thousands of soldiers who have defected. Two opposition-aligned groups, People’s Embrace and People’s Goal, estimate that nearly 15,000 soldiers and police have defected – at the risk of the death penalty if caught – in the past two years.

    Capt. Zin Yaw defected from the military a month after the February 2021 coup. He provided RFA with a copy of his August 2020 pay slip, which shows the 25,000 kyat ($5.55) deduction for life insurance taken from his pay.

    In 2017, he redeemed his first life insurance policy after it reached maturity. He got nothing out from the next policy he took out because he defected. He also confirmed that families of fallen soldiers are being denied money.

    “If they couldn’t show photos and any proof of the death, then both the army and the insurance company put them on the missing list, not in the dead list,” he said.

    Ei Ei Aung said that claims have to be made within one month of death, although it can take much longer for families to get word that a soldier has died. If there’s no notification after a year, any claim for compensation is forfeited.

    Aung Myint Moh Min Insurance Company deducted a 25,000 Myanmar kyat ($11.93) monthly premium for life insurance from a captain's August salary in 2020. Capt. Zin Yaw, who left the Burmese military in 2021, provided this document to RFA.
    Aung Myint Moh Min Insurance Company deducted a 25,000 Myanmar kyat ($11.93) monthly premium for life insurance from a captain’s August salary in 2020. Capt. Zin Yaw, who left the Burmese military in 2021, provided this document to RFA.
    (Zin Yaw)

    Missing out

    Relatives of Min Khant Kyaw, a 23-year-old from Ayeyarwady region, learned from authorities in November of his death in the military, without saying how, when or where he died. It was the first time the family had learned he was even in the military. Now they say they don’t know how to claim any benefits for him as they have no idea which unit he fought in.

    “The key issue is that the person connected to the deceased must be aware of the death and notify the insurance company,” Ei Ei Aung said.

    “If a death goes unreported, the family of the deceased misses out on significant rights as well. As a result, even though it is undeniable that these people have died, many do not receive the benefits they are due.”

    This is not the only benefit that the junta or its associates are accused of pocketing.

    Former and current soldiers told RFA that deductions from their salaries were made to buy shares in the two military-run conglomerates, Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL) and Myanmar Economic Corporation, which have interests in everything from banking to mining and tobacco, and tourism, and are a direct source of revenue for the military. In 2020, Amnesty International released documents showing that MEHL had funneled up to $18 billion in dividends to the military.

    According to military defector Capt. Lin Htet, soldiers are coerced into buying shares according to a sliding scale according to rank, requiring payments of between 1.5 million and 5 million kyats ($110 and $330).

    Capt. Zin Yaw, another defector, said the practice has been that if foot soldiers can’t come up with the full amount on the spot, deductions are taken from their pay.

    Before the coup, annual dividends were paid to soldiers in September each year, but defectors and serving soldiers have told RFA dividend payouts became sporadic after the coup and stopped altogether in 2023.

    “I left the army in 2023,” said Lin Htet. “From 2021 to 2023, MEHL paid us the benefit very late. Sometimes, they pretended to forget to pay it. They paid us six months late.”

    Currently serving warrant officer Soe Maung’s experience has been similar.

    He was told he had to buy 1.5 million kyats in shares. He didn’t have the money to pay outright, so he paid in monthly installments of 10,000 kyats. He said that after 2021, there was a year-and-a-half delay in getting dividends that used to be paid regularly at the end of the fiscal year.

    The names of many RFA quoted in this story have been changed to protect their identity and their family’s safety.

    Additional reporting by RFA Burmese. Edited by Mat Pennington.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Aye Aye Mon and Ginny Stein for RFA Burmese.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • This post is an adapted version of an article that appears in a special edition of the Journal of Contemporary Asia on “Revolution and Solidarity in Myanmar” (Vol 54 No 5).

    Before the 2021 military coup, solidarity between the Bamar majority and other ethnic groups in Myanmar was scarce. Successive governments and military regimes failed to address ethnic demands for an inclusive nation leading to over 70 years of conflict. The political transition during the 2010s did little to alter perceptions of Bamar dominance and eroded ethnic trust in the National League for Democracy (NLD) as a political partner.

    The 2021 coup marked a radical rupture, as cooperation between the Bamar-led pro-democracy movement and the country’s ethnic armed forces became essential to defeating the military. Many revolution leaders and ordinary Bamar have expressed solidarity for the ethnic struggle, challenging Bamar supremacy. Pencilo, a writer with millions of followers, stated in a now-deleted Facebook post in 2022 that: “Before the coup d’etat, … I was influenced by chauvinism and the propaganda of military dogs. After the coup, my thoughts changed completely. I started to see ethnic grievances and resentment.”

    Building on the concept of a “revolutionary situation” and Burman-ness as racial and class privilege, we ask: how have new forms of Bamar solidarity towards other ethnic groups challenged unequal structures of racial privilege since the coup?

    Our argument draws on David Graeber’s claim that revolutionary moments disrupt “unequal structures of imaginative identification” and open up new “horizons of possibility.” Evidence from semi-structured interviews we conducted with 18 participants from 11 different ethnicities, indicates that this claim has found some confirmation in Myanmar’s revolutionary situation.

    We argue that Myanmar’s “revolutionary situation” has catalysed a profound rethinking of racial views. Mona El-Gobashy’s conceptualisation of a revolutionary situation as a fundamental shift in power relations fits with the Myanmar crisis, where the majority’s engagement with ethnic demands represents a major rupture. This shift is reflected in emerging processes of solidarity-building, both institutionally and from the grassroots. Revolutionary institutions have become more inclusive, demonstrating a higher sensitivity to ethnic concerns. Moreover, the unprecedented grassroots resistance to the coup highlights a deep societal transformation.

    We conceptualise these evolving inter-ethnic dynamics as revolutionary responses to entrenched ethnic and class supremacy. Central to this transformation is the class contradiction of racial privilege, which opens up the “possibility of solidarity” across racial divides. Following Graeber, we contend that this revolutionary situation has disrupted the structures of Bamar supremacy, enabling many Bamar to view the world from an “unfamiliar” perspective.

    To assess the quality of changes in Bamar attitude towards ethnic minorities, we propose a solidarity-building spectrum inspired by Mario Diani’s distinction between “coalition networks”, which are temporary, and goal-oriented and “movement networks”, which are rooted in shared goals and a sense of collective identity. These two types of networks represent the opposite ends of the spectrum. Between the instrumental focus of a coalition network and the deep commitment to social justice of a movement network, we identify two intermediate levels of solidarity: empathy and privilege awareness.

    In our article recently published in a special edition of the Journal of Contemporary Asia on revolution in Myanmar, we explore whether the new forms of solidarity that have emerged since the coup extend beyond instrumentalism, empathy or privilege awareness. We argue that a commitment to social justice holds the potential to transcend ethnic divides and foster new political identities, which in turn increases the likelihood of establishing a functional alternative political order.

    Institutional solidarity-building: instrumental coalitions

    Our findings indicate that institutional solidarity-building in post-coup Myanmar largely reflects an instrumental “coalition network”. Political collaborations between the Bamar elite and ethnic stakeholders have introduced unfamiliar forms of institutional solidarity primarily through the National Unity Government (NUG), the National Unity Consultative Council (NUCC) and the NUG’s foundational document, the Federal Democracy Charter (FDC). These institutions have demonstrated some awareness of ethnic concerns, but responses remain mixed. While some interviewees acknowledged the NUCC as a significant institutional advancement, many respondents have criticised the NUG for perpetuating Bamar dominance.

    The NUG’s rushed formation, dominated by NLD figures in key decision-making roles while most ethnic ministers were relegated to deputy roles with limited authority, raised doubts about its priorities. A Kachin politician observed to us that “the NUG is the only option we have (…) but I don’t know how much we can change them. Most Bamar ministers have no experience with dialogue on federalism and the ethnic nationalist movement.” Moreover, many respondents saw the NUG’s efforts to legitimise itself, including apologies for past injustices and the symbolic recognition of Rohingya citizenship, as attempts to gain international support rather than expressions of genuine solidarity.

    Ethnonationalism and Myanmar’s future

    Framing the war in Myanmar as a ‘fight for democracy’ obscures the crisis of the nation-state at the conflict’s heart

    Some interviewees highlighted the inconsistency of two NUG ministers, pointing to their denial of the Rohingya genocide during the NLD’s tenure. As a Rohingya respondent put it: “The ones who are in decision-making positions are the ones who lied when in power”. While subsequent steps, including the appointment of a Rohingya to the NUG cabinet and apologies by one of the ministers, marked progress, scepticism remains.

    In addition, several interviewees noted that while the FDC presents an ambitious federal vision reflecting ethnic demands for greater autonomy and inclusion its vague terms and the slow pace of constitution drafting undermine its potential. Positive federal policies, such as those in health and education service provision, demonstrate the NUG’s progress in sharing resources without interfering with local delivery.

    Yet entrenched structures of privilege appear largely unchanged. As a Zomi activist observed: “Instead of coming together to form a federal system, the Bamar think they are the owner of the country, that federalism will happen if they are willing to give it.” Overall, despite moves that are “unfamiliar” to pre-coup discourse, most interviewees view institutional solidarity building as instrumental and still tied to Bamar supremacy.

    People-led solidarity-building: from empathy to commitment to social justice

    We also explored how individual or collective expressions of solidarity challenge “unequal structures of imaginative identification” and whether they signal a “movement network”. Our analysis focuses on the solidarity efforts of four Bamar sociopolitical groups: the political elite, social media influencers, progressive groups, and the public.

    Many interviewees viewed political leaders as motivated by instrumentalist goals rather than a genuine commitment to addressing Bamar supremacy. While some revolution leaders like Min Ko Naing expressed empathy for minority oppression, contrasting with previous Bamar elite indifference, several respondents saw this as opportunistic. They doubted the elite’s ability to comprehend the ethnic desire for freedom.

    Many social media influencers, reflecting on their previous blindness to ethnic struggles, apologised or recognised their privilege in response to the military’s crackdown. For instance, activist Me Me Khant tweeted in 2021 that: “For the amount that my privilege has sheltered and provided me, I pledge to work twice more for our collective liberation.” Some interviewees recognised these influencers’ potential to cultivate empathy and raise awareness of privilege among their large followings. However, many felt that solidarity attempts with the Rohingya in particular, appeared performative. As an internally-displaced Rohingya interviewee noted, social media influencers who “did not risk their lives in the protests and first expressed empathy and apologies to the Rohingya after the coup, (…) are only respecting the views of their followers.”

    In contrast, respondents identified two Bamar progressive groups—civil society activists and People Defence Forces (PDF) soldiers—as promoting a “movement network” with transformative potential. Interviewees noted that some young Bamar activists, such as Thet Swe Win, who were critical of the NLD before the coup, have a clearer understanding of structural inequalities than politicians. As one Tavoyan activist put it: “People are not just against the military coup, but they fight against any discriminatory structure. Ethnic people suspect they are being used for political gains, so we need this kind of work to build trust.”

    However, some respondents were sceptical, believing the chauvinistic mindset ingrained in Bamar society might limit trust in these activists. In contrast, most trusted the PDFs’ empathy and commitment to social justice. In Karen State, reciprocal empathy developed as PDF soldiers, initially seeing the Karen as insurgents, were treated kindly and realised their misconceptions. Meanwhile, the Karen community is working to convince older generations that young Bamar PDF soldiers are trustworthy. A KNU liaison officer suggested that this change in attitude will last, as it is rooted in “unity, friendliness, and understanding developed on the ground level”. Other respondents hoped that many will return to their own lives after the revolution, with the capacity to influence the majority.

    Many respondents believed that the coup has prompted the Bamar public to reflect on their privilege and the need for social transformation. A Rohingya respondent argued that public apologies to the Rohingya challenged notions of racial supremacy: “We never expected to have apologies. Now, they [the Bamar majority] are treating people equally (…). Before, because they are Bamar, they feel it is their country (…). Now they understand citizenship. It is a good change of mindset.” One Kachin politician added that solidarity extended further: “this enabled the Bamar public to move beyond empathy and realise the need for political and societal change by rejecting a Bamar-led military regime while accepting the idea of multiculturalism.”

    However, interviewees generally felt that the Bamar public’s awareness of privilege remains limited, with progressive views largely confined to the younger generation and a small segment of the population. Changes in attitude may also be superficial, especially among those living away from conflict zones. Additionally, some pointed out that sustaining any transformation in attitudes will require robust political institutions and an equitable education system that avoid perpetuating systemic inequalities. At the same time, some interviewees believed that the younger, progressive generation lacked the authority needed to advance solidarity effectively.

    Diverging imaginations of the future

    Finally, we explored how these forms of solidarity shape resistance actors’ imaginations of the future and what “horizons of possibility” they have opened.

    First, the institutional dynamics of a “coalition network” reveal a long-standing horizontal majority–minority divide. Despite forming coalitions, deep divisions persist over the role of revolutionary institutions and whose interests they should prioritise. For instance, the polarisation between the old-guard Bamar leadership and the more inclusive NUCC on procedural matters stalled the constitution drafting, exposing diverging visions of political authority. While these divergences limit institutional solidarity, they have not hindered military cooperation. In addition, ethnic armed actors also have diverging visions of the future with various degrees of support (or lack thereof) for the revolution and differing intra-state dynamics. These divergences also impact institutional solidarity, but the coordinated inter-ethnic offensive against the military since late 2023 may signal a more unified ethnic front, with the potential to change the conflict’s trajectory. Yet, it remains unclear if these efforts can move beyond the instrumental goal of defeating the military from politics and address inter-ethnic mistrust.

    Ethnonationalism and Myanmar’s future

    Framing the war in Myanmar as a ‘fight for democracy’ obscures the crisis of the nation-state at the conflict’s heart

    Second, the dynamics of the people-led “movement network” highlight a vertical divergence in imaginations of the future between conservative Bamar leadership and progressive groups. Bamar PDF soldiers in Karen State criticised the leadership for failing to move beyond instrumentalism and called for further steps towards a just society. In our interviews, their commitment to federalism sometimes appeared to surpass their loyalty to the NUG: “We, the youth, will work with ethnic groups to attain their goal if federalism is denied,” said one solider. At the same time, the diversity of PDFs also implies that others may have different political ideologies and personal opinions.

    Old patterns of inter-ethnic relations are being challenged, with Gen Z’s progressive views forming a “movement network” advocating for social justice and an end to racial domination. Yet, the imagination of a collective identity that transcends ethnic categories remains problematic as ethnic categories are not contested—and may have become more firmly entrenched.

    Nonetheless, the Bamar group’s internal divide also reflects a class cleavage between ordinary citizens and the elite, a cleavage that also exists within minority groups. This is a positive shift for social emancipation because the potential for class solidarity between Bamar and non-Bamar ordinary citizens represents a new horizon that Myanmar’s revolutionary situation has opened. Although ethnic categories themselves are enduring, the possibility of a conversation on privilege and class solidarity represents a significant rupture from the past. They are key to the re-imagination of racial views.

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    The post Ethnic solidarities in Myanmar: coalitions or movement? appeared first on New Mandala.

    This post was originally published on New Mandala.


  • This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Radio Free Asia.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.


  • This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Radio Free Asia.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • More than 1,000 civilians have fled Rakhine state’s capital Sittwe and nearby areas in western Myanmar, fearing heavy artillery attacks as tensions rise between junta forces and the Arakan Army, an ethnic armed group that has advanced on junta positions, residents said Friday.

    Ongoing exchanges of fire between junta soldiers and the Arakan Army, or AA, in nearby villages, have prompted residents to seek safe havens out of concern that they might be hit by bombs, sniper fire, drone strikes or air strikes, should the conflict escalate.

    Of the 17 townships in Rakhine state, 14 are under the control of the AA, leaving only three — Sittwe, the military council’s regional headquarters, Kyaukphyu and Munaung — still in the hands of the military junta.

    A Myanmar junta armored vehicle burns after Arakan Army forces attacked a column that left Sittwe in western Myanmar's Rakhine state, Feb. 28, 2024.
    A Myanmar junta armored vehicle burns after Arakan Army forces attacked a column that left Sittwe in western Myanmar’s Rakhine state, Feb. 28, 2024.
    (Arakan Army Info Desk)

    Observers believe that the AA soon could launch an offensive against Sittwe.

    And because of this, civilians say they fear getting trapped in the crossfire of heavy artillery used by junta battalions based in Sittwe if the AA strikes.

    Sittwe is crucial for the junta — which seized control of Myanmar in a 2021 coup d’état — not only as a source of much-needed revenue and foreign currency, but also for its role in Myanmar’s oil and gas trade via the Indian Ocean.

    Besides Sittwe, people in Rathedaung, Pauktaw and Ponnagyun —townships close to Sittwe — are also leaving their homes out of fear of direct attacks, said a Rathedaung resident who spoke on condition of anonymity for safety reasons.

    An aerial view of Sittwe township in western Myanmar's Rakhine state, May 15, 2023.
    An aerial view of Sittwe township in western Myanmar’s Rakhine state, May 15, 2023.
    (AP)

    “Some already fled from Sittwe township, but now they find themselves forced to flee again, adding to their hardships,” the person said. “Many are struggling due to a lack of warm clothing for winter and severe shortages of basic necessities after being displaced.”

    Junta fortifies positions

    The junta’s blockade of transportation routes in Rakhine state, which has made travel for displaced civilians difficult, has compounded the situation, they said.

    Sittwe residents told RFA that the AA has surrounded the city with a large number of troops while the military junta has fortified its positions, increasing its military presence with battalions outside the city, in areas of Sittwe, and at Sittwe University, in preparation for a defensive stand.

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    Myanmar’s Arakan Army draws closer to region’s capital

    Additionally, thousands of Rohingya — a stateless ethnic group that predominantly follows Islam and resides in Rakhine state — have been given military training by the junta, sources said.

    “The army is shooting; the navy is also shooting,” said a Sittwe resident. “People are afraid. They don’t know when the fighting will start.”

    AA’s heavy artillery

    The AA has already fired heavy artillery and used snipers. Local news reports on Jan. 27 indicated that daily exchanges of fire were occurring between the ethnic army and junta forces, including the use of attack drones.

    Civilians displaced by armed conflict flee Sittwe, capital of western Myanmar's Rakhine state, Jan. 29, 2025.
    Civilians displaced by armed conflict flee Sittwe, capital of western Myanmar’s Rakhine state, Jan. 29, 2025.
    (Wai Hun Aung)

    Attempts by RFA to contact both AA spokesperson Khaing Thu Kha and junta spokesperson and Rakhine state attorney general Hla Thein for comment on the issue went unanswered by the time of publishing.

    Human rights advocate Myat Tun said he believes the AA will resort to military action in Sittwe if political negotiations fail.

    “The situation in Sittwe is escalating,” he said. “The AA is preparing to take military action if political solutions are not reached.”

    Translated by Aung Naing for RFA Burmese. Edited by Roseanne Gerin and Malcolm Foster.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by RFA Myanmar.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.


  • This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Radio Free Asia.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.


  • This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Radio Free Asia.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Read RFA coverage of this topic in Burmese.

    Myanmar’s junta has banned employment agencies from sending military aged men abroad as it struggles with a growing civil war while promising to extend peace and stability for an election that it hopes will bolster its legitimacy.

    Millions of Myanmar people have gone abroad to work, many through arrangements it has with other governments, organized by employment agencies.

    While the overseas workers are an important source of income for the junta that seized power in a coup on Feb. 1, 2021, the military is also keen to fill the ranks of its armed forces as it battles ethnic minority insurgents and allied pro-democracy fighters.

    Nearly a year after the junta enforced a conscription law, began recruiting women and arresting young men to serve, it has sought to block prospective soldiers from travelling abroad for work, representatives of employment agencies told Radio Free Asia on Friday.

    “Starting today, people between the ages of 18 and 35 will no longer be eligible for the OWIC,” an official at a Yangon-based oversea employment agency told Radio Free Asia, referring to the Overseas Worker Identification Card, issued by the Ministry of Labor, which everyone hoping to work abroad must obtain.

    “The restriction does not apply to women yet, only males between the ages of 18 and 35,” the official said, referring to a ministry order to stop issuing the cards.

    RFA tried to telephone the junta’s spokesperson, Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Htun, to ask about the policy, but he did not answer. Minister of Labor Nyan Win also declined to comment and referred RFA to Zaw Min Htun.

    The ruling military extended a state of emergency for another six months on Friday saying more needed to be done to ensure peace and stability for a successful general election.

    No date has been set for an election, which anti-junta forces have dismissed as a sham. The constitution mandates that an election must be held within six months after a state of emergency is lifted.

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    In December, junta authorities ordered job agencies to add a clause in migrant workers’ contracts stating they could be called home for military service.

    One young man hoping to get a job through an agency to work in Thailand – where about 1.8 million Myanmar workers are officially employed and many more work unofficially – was despondent about his chances.

    “I already signed a contract with the agency and put a deposit down,” said the 25-year-old who declined to be identified.

    Another employment agency employee said migrant workers who come home for a visit could be banned from going back to their jobs abroad.

    “Some people might come back without studying the situation here … They won’t be given permission to go abroad again,” said the agency staffer, who also declined to be identified.

    Under Myanmar’s Military Service Enactment Law, anyone summoned for military service, as well as anyone who manages to postpone their service, are not allowed to travel to go abroad.

    Translated by Kiana Duncan. Edited by RFA Staff.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by RFA Burmese.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Myanmar’s ruling military extended a state of emergency for another six months on Friday four years after it ousted an elected government in a coup, plunging the country into war.

    Members of the National Defense and Security Council unanimously agreed to the extension, which puts off the junta’s often-delayed plan for a general election until the second half of the year at the earliest.

    Myanmar’s constitution mandates that elections must be held within six months after a state of emergency is lifted.

    “There are still more tasks to be done to hold the general election successfully. Especially for a free and fair election, stability and peace is still needed,” state-run media cited the junta chief, Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing, as telling the military council meeting.

    Ethnic minority insurgent groups battling for self-determination and allied pro-democracy fighters have dismissed the junta’s plan for an election as window-dressing to bolster the military’s legitimacy at home and abroad.

    The military controls about half the country after major advances by insurgent forces over the past year and the country’s most popular politician, Aung San Suu Kyi, has been jailed since the military ousted her elected government on Feb. 1, 2021.

    The junta has repeatedly extended the emergency since then.

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    Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy party, which swept elections in 2015 and 2020, has been dissolved under military regulations and thousands of its members and supporters are in jail or have fled to rebel zones or into self-exile.

    The chairman of Myanmar’s oldest ethnic minority rebel force, the Karen National Union, reiterated on Friday the group’s opposition to an election organized by the military.

    China, which has major investments in Myanmar and is keen to see an end to its turmoil, supports the vote and has offered help to organize it, as have some of Myanmar’s Southeast Asian neighbors.

    Myanmar’s economy had been in freefall since the 2021 coup.

    The United Nations says about 3.5 million people have been displaced by conflict and natural disasters while the World Food Programme said this week some 15 million people in Myanmar are expected to face hunger this year.

    Edited by RFA Staff.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by RFA Burmese.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.


  • This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Radio Free Asia.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Part of a three-story series to mark the fourth anniversary of Myanmar’s 2021 coup, looking at how the military treats its own soldiers.

    Thirty-year-old Aung Aung was arrested at gunpoint on a July morning as he left his house in central Myanmar – one of about 30 people rounded up and taken into custody in his town that day. Their crime? Being the right age to be enlisted in the struggling ranks of the Myanmar army.

    Less than a month later, during a monsoon downpour, he and 10 others fled No. 7 Basic Military Training Center in Taungdwingyi township, about 70 miles from his home in Yenangchaung in Magwe region. They were clothed in little more than their underwear and were drenched in the heavy rain.

    They spent two nights in the forest and had to avoid military checkpoints as they fled northward, relying on local people to provide them food, money, clothing – and directions – until they reached safety three days later.

    “The journey was extremely difficult, unlike anything I had ever experienced,” Aung Aung told RFA Burmese. He requested his name be withheld as he remains at large from the military. The punishment for avoiding conscription is up to five years in prison; those who abscond from the military after enlistment could face the death penalty.

    New junta recruits at No. 7 Basic Military Training Center in Taungdwingyi, on May 13, 2024. This is the same training center where Aung Aung and Zaw Zaw fled in July 2024.
    New junta recruits at No. 7 Basic Military Training Center in Taungdwingyi, on May 13, 2024. This is the same training center where Aung Aung and Zaw Zaw fled in July 2024.
    (Myanmar Ministry of Information)

    It’s not an unusual story in Myanmar. Since the ruling junta declared national conscription in early 2024 for men aged 18-35 and women aged 18-27, growing numbers of men are being forced into the army.

    The military’s ranks have been depleted in the civil war that has ensued since army chief Senior Gen. Min Aung Hlaing launched a coup four years ago against an elected government. The recruits to fill the ranks typically come from poor families that are unable to pay off officials to avoid conscription.

    Reported forced conscriptions are tracked on the Unlawful Conscription Watch website.
    Reported forced conscriptions are tracked on the Unlawful Conscription Watch website.
    (Ministry of Human Rights, National Unity Government)

    The shadow National Unity Government, formed by pro-democrats ousted from power in the coup, says that 23,000 people have been conscripted against their will since the start of 2024.

    But the problem actually pre-dates the conscription law.

    Killed in action

    In November, the relatives of Min Khant Kyaw, 23, got a call out of the blue from authorities that he’d been killed in action. He’d been missing for three years, and it was the first they’d learned that he was in the Myanmar army.

    Authorities offered little information. No details about how, when and where Min Khant Kyaw, who had been living in Yangon, died. They were just told that he was dead and the army would provide his next-of-kin with some benefits. It was only because his national registration card was found in his shirt pocket that authorities were able to contact next-of-kin in his native village.

    His uncle, Lu Maw, recounts the story with sadness and anger. He had raised Min Khant Kyaw since age 7 after he was orphaned during the massive Cyclone Nargis in 2008 that devastated the Ayeyarwady delta and claimed the lives of his parents and three siblings.

    Lu Maw is convinced that his nephew was forced to enlist.

    “None of us, no one in our family, knew he had joined the army,” he told RFA Burmese.

    “After asking all his relatives, we concluded he didn’t join the army of his own will. If he did, his relatives and everyone close to him would have known. We all knew nothing, but the authorities just informed us he died on the frontline,” Lu Maw said.

    “I would not complain if Min Khant Kyaw had joined the army on his own account, but it was not like that. He was dragged into it.”

    The junta's Chief Minister of the Ayeyarwady region, Tin Maung Win, center, inspects new recruits in Pathein, on June 29, 2024.
    The junta’s Chief Minister of the Ayeyarwady region, Tin Maung Win, center, inspects new recruits in Pathein, on June 29, 2024.
    (Myanmar Ministry of Information)

    The Myanmar military has a record of duping recruits and of forced recruitment. The International Labor Organization reported the practice in the 1990s, a time when the military was in the ascendant and was seeking to boost its ranks.

    Its need for recruits has become far more acute since the 2021 coup. The ruling junta has suffered mounting losses on the battlefield and has lost control of most of the country.

    RELATED STORY

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    Snatched off the street

    In an analysis last year, Myanmar expert Ye Myo Hein estimated that by late 2023, it had about 130,000 military personnel – about half of them frontline troops – compared with earlier estimates of between 300,000-400,000. Anecdotal evidence suggests battalions are at a fraction of regular fighting strength.

    In February 2024, when the junta enacted a compulsory conscription law that took effect in April, chief junta spokesman, Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun, indicated that about 50,000 people would be recruited by year’s end. He said women would only be drafted starting in 2025, which has now begun.

    There’s no reliable count of how many have been drafted so far. What is clear is that conscription has accelerated the exodus of able-bodied people from Myanmar. It’s also fueled a cottage industry of graft where families pay administrators the equivalent of hundreds, even thousands, of dollars to avoid the draft.

    Even more sinister is that people are being snatched off the street both in cities and rural areas, multiple sources say.

    Data collected by RFA showed a spike in youth arrests in Yangon, Mandalay, Naypyitaw and Bago in December. The spike appeared connected to clandestine operations at night, which residents described as “snatch and recruit,” by men wearing plain clothes and driving private vehicles. RFA reporting indicated 250 people were caught in the dragnet in those four cities in a single month.

    Zaw Zaw, 27, lives outside the big city. He’s from Salay town in Magwe region. He told RFA Burmese that he was caught in a night raid on his home in early July. He was taken to the local police station before being sent for a medical at another town in the region, Chauk.

    “Even those who were mentally unfit passed the test, as it seemed they accepted everyone regardless of their condition,” said Zaw Zaw – not his real name as he wanted to protect his identity.

    “When I arrived at the training center, they confiscated everything my family had given me: clothes, watches, phones and money.”

    Like Aung Aung, he was at No. 7 Basic Military Training Center in Taungdwingyi, and was among the group that escaped, heading toward an area controlled by an anti-junta People’s Defense Force.

    This image released by the Arakan Army shows the battle for Maungdaw town, Rakhine state, on August 30, 2024.
    This image released by the Arakan Army shows the battle for Maungdaw town, Rakhine state, on August 30, 2024.
    (AA Info Desk)

    No option but to enlist

    Forcible recruitment takes different forms. Not all are snatched off the streets. Others are simply presented with little option but to enlist.

    Moe Pa Pa, a mother of three living in Kungyangon township in Yangon region, says her missing husband, Ye Lin Aung, 29, signed up because he couldn’t afford to bribe his way out of conscription.

    “He said that if he did not go this time, the ward administrator would force him again and again. I told him not to go, he should stay and work here so at least we wouldn’t run out of food. I strongly discouraged him, but he went anyway.” she said.

    She last saw him, for a 15-minute conversation, just before he was shipped out to the front line in Rakhine state, where junta forces have taken a battering from the rebel Arakan Army.

    “The ward administrator told my husband he would pay us 500,000 kyats ($110) up front. He also promised to pay 310,000 kyats per month while my husband was undergoing three months of training, with payments to be made monthly,” Moe Pa Pa told RFA.

    All she’s seen is the bonus, no salary.

    “He called me two or three times after arriving at the front line in Buthidaung and Maungdaw,” Moe Pa Pa, referring to two battle zones in Rakhine state. “He said he would transfer his salary, but since then, I have been unable to contact him. He never sent his payment, and we have been out of contact ever since.”

    She suspects he’s dead. Phone calls made from the Rakhine front line stopped six months ago.

    Other RFA Burmese journalists contributed reporting. Edited by Ginny Stein and Mat Pennington.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Aye Aye Mon for RFA Burmese.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • MAE SOT, Thailand – Groups helping victims of Myanmar’s turmoil are struggling to provide assistance after the U.S. put a 90-day freeze on nearly all foreign aid, one organization said on Thursday, as the U.N. warned of looming hunger five years after the military ousted an elected government.

    More than 3.5 million people have been displaced in Myanmar due to war between a junta that seized power in 2021, which is backed by China and sanctioned by Western governments, and a loose alliance of pro-democracy and ethnic minority groups battling to end military rule.

    In the 2024 fiscal year, which ended on Sept. 30, the U.S. provided $141 million in humanitarian aid to Myanmar, much of which is channeled through groups working on the Thai-Myanmar border.

    The U.S. State Department on Friday announced the freeze on nearly all aid in order to give the State Department time to review programs “to ensure they are efficient and consistent with U.S. foreign policy under the America First agenda.”

    In the days since, stop-work orders have been sent by the U.S. Agency for International Development, or USAID, to implementing partners ranging from media organizations to clinics.

    One aid worker, who declined to be identified, said about 20 relief groups providing healthcare with USAID assistance along the Thai-Myanmar border were at risk of being suspended.

    Nai Aue Mon, program director of the Human Rights Foundation of Monland group,which documents human rights violations, said communication and travel costs, salaries and stipends would be hit.

    “To be honest, it’s widespread, it’s huge,” Nai Aue Mon said of the impact of the aid freeze on humanitarian groups in areas under the administration of the anti-junta Karen National Union in Kayin state and to the south in Mon state, affecting thousands of people.

    “It significantly impacts those groups … nearly every organization is more or less impacted by this executive order.”

    Groups might have some funds in reserve and were scrambling for other sources of donations but the outlook was grim, he said.

    “As far as I know, my organization, we still have some resources but we don’t know after that,” Nai Aue Mon said. “We’re definitely struggling a lot.”

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    Thailand to try to fill the gap

    Some 100,000 ethnic Karen people from eastern Myanmar war zones have lived in camps on the Thai side for decades and people fleeing more recent repression in Myanmar’s towns and cities have also sought shelter on the border.

    Refugee camp hospitals were having to discharge patients because health workers had been suspended from duties, a health worker speaking on the condition of anonymity for security reasons told RFA.

    Thailand will help fill the gap in funding for the camps on its soil, at least for the time being, a government minister said, according to The Bangkok Post.

    “We cannot abandon or chase them away since they have lived here in the camps for a long time,” Thai Public Health Minister Somsak Thepsutin told the newspaper.

    “We cannot just talk about refugees who have been affected … All kinds of healthcare and assistance must be provided to other groups of people who live in this country.”

    The freeze in U.S. aid comes as Myanmar is spiraling into a humanitarian crisis, aid groups say.

    “A staggering 15 million people are expected to face hunger in 2025, up from 13.3 million last year,” the World Food Programme said in a report on Wednesday.

    Almost 20 million people, or nearly one in three people in Myanmar, will need humanitarian assistance in 2025, the U.N. food agency said.

    “Growing conflict across the country, access restrictions, a crumbling economy and successive weather-related crises are driving record levels of hunger,” said the WFP Country Director Michael Dunford.

    “The world cannot afford to overlook Myanmar’s escalating crisis. Without immediate and increased international support, hundreds of thousands more will be pushed to the brink.”

    Edited by RFA Staff.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Kiana Duncan for RFA.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Read RFA coverage of this topic in Burmese.

    A pro-junta Myanmar militia that oversees online scam operations has said it will release more than 60 foreigners who were trafficked into working in its eastern border enclave.

    Scam centers proliferated in lawless corners of Southeast Asia following the outbreak of COVID-19 in 2020, when many casinos turned to online fraud, often staffed by unsuspecting job-seekers lured by false offers of work, to make up for lost gamblers.

    Thousands of people from around Asia — and from as far away as Africa — have been trafficked into centers in Myanmar, Laos and Cambodia, which are often run by ethnic Chinese gangsters, rights groups and law enforcement agencies say.

    “We’re ready to return them,” a spokesperson for the militia, known as the Border Guard Force, or BGF, Maj. Naing Maung Zaw, told Radio Free Asia on Wednesday, referring to the more than 60 people.

    The spokesperson said the foreigners would be released from the notorious KK Park and Shwe Kokko centers in Myanmar’s Myawaddy district, in Kayin state, and sent back over the border to the Thai town of Mae Sot.

    The spokesman did not release any details about the foreigners but the Thai media outlet The Reporters said that they included 39 Chinese, 13 Indians, five Indonesians, one Kazakh, one Ethiopian, one Pakistani and one Malaysian.

    Naing Maung Zaw said his group was waiting for authorisation from Myanmar military authorities to go ahead with the release.

    “We haven’t heard any confirmation back from this side. We’ve submitted it to relevant officials … We’re getting permission from the responsible people,” he said.

    RFA tried to telephone Kayin state’s junta spokesperson, Khin Maung Myint, for information on the return but he did not answer.

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    The rescue of a Chinese actor from a fraud operation overseen by the BGF has raised international alarm in rent weeks and has scared off Chinese tourists from visiting neighboring Thailand and brought pressure on governments to rein in the businesses.

    China and its five Mekong River neighbors have agreed to cooperate to fight the scam operations while the BFG militia said it would stop forced labor and fraud in its eastern Myanmar zone of operations.

    Thai authorities will investigate whether any of the more than 60 people due to be released were trafficked or were involved in trafficking others, The Reporters said, adding that some Chinese nationals being released would be extradited to China for their involvement in crime.

    A senior Chinese official, Deputy Minister of Public Security Liu Zhongyi is due to travel to Myawaddy from Mae Sot, the Thai outlet said.

    The ethnic Karen BGF emerged from a split in the 1990s in Myanmar’s oldest ethnic minority guerrilla force, the largely Christian-led Karen National Union, when Buddhist fighters broke away and sided with the military.

    The military let the splinter group rule in some areas in Kayin state, where it set up the BGF under the auspices of the army and profited from cross-border trade and later from online gambling and scam operations.

    Translated by Kiana Duncan. Edited by RFA Staff.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by RFA Burmese.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • On the Thai-Myanmar border, sick patients are being sent home from hospital. In Laos, school meals have been interrupted. And in Cambodia, hundreds of staff at the agency responsible for clearing land mines have been furloughed.

    The U.S. State Department on Friday announced a 90-day freeze on nearly all foreign aid, followed one day later by a suspension of global demining programs, according to the New York Times. The pause is intended to give the State Department time to review programs “to ensure they are efficient and consistent with U.S. foreign policy under the America First agenda,” according to the announcement notice.

    In the days since, stop-work orders have been sent by the U.S. Agency for International Development, or USAID, to local implementing partners ranging from media organizations to health clinics.

    The U.S. is one of Southeast Asia’s largest providers of aid, and its withdrawal will be felt most in the region’s poorest nations: Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar. Japan provides more to those countries, but the U.S. has gradually increased aid to Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar from $380 million in 2015 to almost $520 million in 2022, according to Grace Stanhope, a research associate at the Lowy Center who works on its Southeast Asia Aid Map.

    Relief supplies from USAID are loaded into a plane at the Yangon International airport on May 12, 2008.
    Relief supplies from USAID are loaded into a plane at the Yangon International airport on May 12, 2008.
    (Sgt. Andres Alcaraz/U.S. Marine Corps via AFP)

    Groups that work with Tibetans, Uyghurs and North Koreans are also feeling the pinch. These include the Tibetan government-in-exile, which is based in Dharamshala, India, and which supports the diaspora community.

    On Tuesday, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio issued a waiver exempting “life-saving” humanitarian aid, including medicine, shelter and food aid.

    While both the order and State Department notice make clear that programs can restart once reviews are complete, the impact in many countries has been immediate. RFA spoke with government officials and NGO staffers to better understand what an aid freeze looks like on the ground.

    The Department declined to respond to specific questions over email.

    Myanmar:

    Saturday marks the fourth anniversary of the Feb. 1, 2021 coup, in which the military overthrew the democratically elected government, imprisoning its top leadership. The spiraling civil war that has ensued has displaced 3.4 million people and expanded the refugee population in neighboring Thailand.

    Within the days of the stop-work order, a range of U.S.-funded healthcare services began grinding to a halt. In fiscal year 2024, which runs from Oct. 1, 2023 to Sept. 30, 2024, the U.S. provided $141 million in humanitarian aid to Myanmar.

    “In-patients at the refugee camp hospital were discharged and told to return home because health workers have been suspended from their duties,” a health worker speaking on the condition of anonymity due to security reasons told RFA. Volunteers were trying to relocate critical patients and send pregnant women in labor to external hospitals, The Irrawaddy reported.

    The worker added that approximately 20 civil relief groups providing healthcare with USAID assistance along the Thai-Myanmar border are now at risk of being suspended. A Reuters report said the International Rescue Committee, which funds the clinics, told them they would have to shut down by Friday.

    People fleeing fighting between the Myanmar military and opposition forces shelter on the Thai side of the Moei river, in Mae Sot district on April 7, 2023.
    People fleeing fighting between the Myanmar military and opposition forces shelter on the Thai side of the Moei river, in Mae Sot district on April 7, 2023.
    (AFP)

    Along the Thai-Myanmar border, nine refugee camps provide shelter to nearly 140,000 people.

    Inside those camps, schools have already “suffered a huge impact,” said Banyar, founder of the Karenni Human Rights Group. Teacher salaries would have to be halted and a pause on the purchase of textbooks and other school supplies, he said.

    Those who work on HIV/AIDS programs said they fear the funding may not resume. According to the CDC there are about 100,000 orphans in Myanmar due to AIDS, and testing and treatment programs have allowed hundreds of thousands to access antiretrovirals as well as lower the likelihood of contracting the virus in the first place.

    On Tuesday, the Trump administration issued a waiver permitting distribution of HIV medications, but this does not appear to restart broader preventative programs.

    In Bangladesh, where more than 1 million Rohingya who fled violence in Myanmar live in chronically underfunded refugee camps, there has been confusion over whether U.S.-funded food programs will continue. Last week, the Bangladesh government said that USAID would continue to provide food aid, but U.S. and U.N. officials appeared unsure where such information originated, according to a report from BenarNews.

    The pause has also already impacted a number of exile media newsrooms, which rely on small U.S. grants to provide open information in a country where journalists are routinely imprisoned, forcing a number of them to suspend staffers.

    A Rohingya refugee carrying a USAID bag reaches out to a woman as they arrive in Teknaf, Bangladesh on Sept. 9, 2017, after fleeing violence in neighboring Myanmar.
    A Rohingya refugee carrying a USAID bag reaches out to a woman as they arrive in Teknaf, Bangladesh on Sept. 9, 2017, after fleeing violence in neighboring Myanmar.
    (Emrul Kamal/AFP)

    Laos

    U.S.-funded programs in Laos range from maternal health to demining operations, a critical need in a country that remains the most heavily bombed in the world, per capita, as a result of U.S. aerial attacks in the 1960s and 70s during the Vietnam War. Less than 10 percent of land in Laos has been cleared of unexploded ordnance, according to Sera Koulabdara, CEO of Legacies of War, which works on education and advocacy around removal of landmines in Southeast Asia.

    “It is absolutely essential that we hold ourselves accountable for the devastation we caused,” she said. “Just this month in Laos, a 36-year-old man was killed while simply cooking, an innocent victim of an American war that continues to plague the country.”

    Chinese tourists take a photo with a China Aid plaque at the Patuxay Victory Monument on April 8, 2024, in Vientiane, Laos.
    Chinese tourists take a photo with a China Aid plaque at the Patuxay Victory Monument on April 8, 2024, in Vientiane, Laos.
    (Lauren DeCicca/Getty Images)

    A staffer at an agriculture NGO who spoke on the condition of anonymity as he was not authorized to speak to the press told RFA he was doubtful other foreign countries would be able to step in if U.S. funding was pulled.

    “After the COVID-19 pandemic, proposing for funding around the globe to support our projects is the biggest challenge — it is very difficult and the amount of the funds is also smaller now,” he said.

    The country faces a severe debt crisis that has sent the cost of food and other basic goods skyrocketing. In Houaphan, which is one of the poorest provinces in the country, a school meals program has already had to scale back, according to a teacher who spoke to RFA on the condition of anonymity.

    Cambodia

    Like Laos, Cambodia still struggles with the legacies of decades of conflict as unexploded ordnance continues to maim and kill. The U.S. halt on funding demining programs is likely to set the government back in its goal to be mine-free by the end of the year.

    Staffers with the Cambodia Mine Action Center clear a minefield in Preytotoeung village, Battambang province, Cambodia, Jan. 19, 2023.
    Staffers with the Cambodia Mine Action Center clear a minefield in Preytotoeung village, Battambang province, Cambodia, Jan. 19, 2023.
    (Heng Sinith/AP)

    Heng Ratana, head of the government’s Cambodian Mine Action Center, said the agency receives about $2 million a year from the U.S. government.

    As a result of the funding freeze, the center plans to furlough 210 members of its approximately 1,700 workforce nationwide, he told RFA.

    “It is a complete shutdown. It is like a forced shutdown,” Heng Ratana said. “We request continued support for the operation because the U.S. funding [agreement] clearly states that it is to clear unexploded ordnance.”

    Brian Eyler, the director of the Southeast Asia Program and the Energy, Water and Sustainability Program at the Stimson Center said the funding pause had impacted his own programs, which focus on the Mekong River as well as broader security issues.

    He noted that a report launch planned for this week on how the U.S. could counter cybercrime in Southeast Asia had been halted, though he hoped the freeze would soon be lifted.

    Nop Vy, executive director of the Cambodian Journalists’ Association, or CamboJa, said 20 to 30 percent of their funding came from USAID, which the group used to run journalist training programs and help fund the independent media outlet, CamboJA News. In recent years, a number of independent media outlets have shut down or been forced by the government to close, leaving a vacuum in access to open information.

    Chok Sopheap, then-executive director of the Cambodian Center for Human Rights, delivers a speech to mark International Women's Day, March 8, 2023, in Phnom Penh.
    Chok Sopheap, then-executive director of the Cambodian Center for Human Rights, delivers a speech to mark International Women’s Day, March 8, 2023, in Phnom Penh.
    (Heng Sinith/AP)

    Heng Kimhong, executive director of the Cambodian Youth Network, said that the suspension of U.S. government assistance would reduce some of its activities related to youth empowerment and the ability to protect natural resources. A USAID fact sheet issued last year noted that deforestation contributed heavily to climate change in Cambodia, which is considered particularly prone to natural disaster.

    Still, Heng Kimhong said he was “optimistic” funding would be restored as the U.S. is “not a country that only thinks about itself,” he said. “The United States is a country that protects and ensures the promotion of maintaining world order, building democracy, as well as building better respect for human rights.”

    Tibet

    Tibet’s government-in-exile, the Central Tibetan Administration, or CTA, represents the Tibetan diaspora and administers schools, health centers and government services for Tibetan exiles in India and Nepal.

    Several sources speaking on the condition of anonymity told RFA that the suspension affects programs run by the CTA, the Tibetan Parliament and a range of Tibet-related non-governmental organizations, raising concerns over the continuity of key welfare programs supporting Tibetans outside of China.

    An upcoming preparatory meeting for the Parliament-in-Exile was postponed as a result of the funding pause, sources told RFA.

    “The directive applies uniformly to all foreign aid recipients. Since Tibetan aid has been secured through congressional support and approval, efforts are underway to work with the State Department and relevant agencies to expedite the review and approval process for continued assistance,” Namgyal Choedup, the representative of the Office of Tibet in Washington, told RFA.

    A person holds an “Aid Tibet” sticker before a press conference to highlight the plight of Tibetans, on Capitol Hill in Washington, D.C., on March 28, 2023.
    A person holds an “Aid Tibet” sticker before a press conference to highlight the plight of Tibetans, on Capitol Hill in Washington, D.C., on March 28, 2023.
    (Stefani Reynolds/AFP)

    Various Tibetan NGOs and activist groups based in India expressed their concerns about the impact of the freeze in foreign assistance programs and said they hoped it would be soon lifted.

    Gonpo Dhondup, president of the Tibetan Youth Congress, emphasized the importance of U.S. aid for the Tibetan freedom movement and community stability. Tsering Dolma, president of the Tibetan Women’s Association, said assistance has been crucial for maintaining the exile Tibetan community.

    “Despite the 90-day suspension, I hope an alternative arrangement can be made to ensure continued U.S. support,” Tashi, a Tibetan resident in Dharamsala, told RFA.

    North Korea

    While the U.S. has long banned providing aid to the North Korean government, it has been a supporter of North Korean human rights organizations. Such programs help with global advocacy efforts on behalf of those living inside the closed nation, and also support refugees abroad.

    A representative from a North Korean human rights organization, who requested anonymity to speak freely, said the group received the stop-work order from their U.S. funders Saturday and requested an exemption waiver.

    “We will not be able to pay staff salaries, making furloughs or contract terminations inevitable. Backpay is also impossible because providing backpay would imply that employees worked during that period.”

    Ji Chul-ho, a North Korean escapee who is the director of external relations at the South Korea-based rights organization NAUH, told RFA he worried about the longer term impacts of such a pause.

    “While this is said to be a temporary suspension of grant expenditures, I worry that it will lead to a reduction in North Korean human rights activities and make it harder for various organizations to raise their voices collectively,” he said.

    Sean Kang, co-founder of the Ohio-based North Korea Human Rights Watch, told RFA a funding pause was hugely disruptive.

    “U.S. government projects related to North Korea require meticulous planning and scheduling, maintaining security, and being carried out cautiously over the medium to long term,” he said. “A three-month [pause] in such projects can cause significant disruptions, and if funding is ultimately canceled, all the efforts made so far could be wasted, leading to an even greater loss.”

    Reporting by RFA Burmese, RFA Khmer, RFA Korean, RFA Lao, and RFA Tibetan.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by RFA.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Instances of kidnapping, robbery and murder have grown significantly in cities controlled by Myanmar’s ruling junta, residents said Wednesday, due to what they claim is lax enforcement by police.

    A legal expert, speaking on condition of anonymity for safety reasons, told Radio Free Asia that police are focused on protecting the military junta from rebel forces, rather than enforcing the law.

    The junta, which seized control of Myanmar in a February 2021 coup, has imposed martial law in dozens of townships in the country to stamp out resistance in areas where anti-regime forces are active.

    “To be honest, the legal system is almost nonexistent,” he said. “The primary reason for this is the country’s loss of peace and stability. The rule of law has completely collapsed.”

    Police are unable to perform their fundamental duties because they must focus solely on security issues, the legal expert said.

    “In terms of security, they are concentrated only on identifying and arresting members of organizations deemed ‘terrorist groups,’ while neglecting their core police responsibilities.”

    A growing trend

    Meanwhile, rising crime has become a trend in major cities and towns across Myanmar, sources said.

    In 2024, at least five people were reportedly kidnapped in Yangon and Mandalay, as well as Tachileik and Muse — border towns in Myanmar’s Shan state.

    A view of Mandalay, the second-largest city in Myanmar, July 5, 2024.
    A view of Mandalay, the second-largest city in Myanmar, July 5, 2024.
    (Sai Aung Main/AFP)

    In an incident in December 2024, a group kidnapped, extorted and murdered an obstetrician-gynecologist in Mandalay region’s Chanmyathazi township.

    On Jan. 3, a group of men abducted Tun Lin Naing Oo, a gas station owner, in Mandalay.

    On Jan. 11, a man armed with a gun robbed a Kanbawza Bank branch in Mahanwesin ward, in Mandalay region’s Maha Aungmye township, in broad daylight. But instead of police intervening, bank security guards and residents surrounded and apprehended him.

    On Jan. 18, three armed men kidnapped a grocery store owner in Muse.

    A resident of Mandalay, who requested anonymity, told RFA that people there live in constant fear because of rampant crime, including robberies.

    “Authorities themselves engage in illegal activities, leaving no sense of security or peace,” said the person, who declined to be identified for fear of retribution.

    “Life has become exhausting,” the person said. “We struggle every day just to survive. This is the harsh reality, and everyone is suffering.”

    Abductors demand ransom

    When young women in major cities like Yangon and Mandalay go missing, it is often kidnappers who claim responsibility and demand ransom for their release, said residents of Yangon, Myanmar’s largest metropolis.

    But their relatives typically refrain from filing complaints with authorities out of fear that the abductors may return to target them again, according to a source close to one such family in Yangon.

    The source, who declined to be named for safety reasons, pointed to the recent kidnapping of a girl who was on her way to school one morning when she was nabbed off the street.

    In the evening, he said, the kidnappers called her mother, demanding 60 million kyats (US$13,500) for her release and threatened to kill or sell her if the ransom wasn’t paid. The mother handed over the cash without contacting the police, and her daughter was released.

    Military junta soldiers patrol in Yangon, Myanmar, Dec. 4, 2023.
    Military junta soldiers patrol in Yangon, Myanmar, Dec. 4, 2023.
    (AFP)

    “I believe families are too afraid to report these incidents, fearing retaliation from the kidnappers,” said the source. “The main issue is that everyone is living in fear.”

    Some of those who have reported such incidents to the police said authorities failed to take action or make arrests.

    Curfew workarounds

    Curfews in Yangon and Mandalay have done little to curb crime, residents said, despite regular military and police patrols.

    A resident of Yangon, who requested anonymity for security reasons, said that criminals simply work around the city’s 1 a.m.-3 a.m. curfew.

    “The looters are taking advantage of the situation, taking to the streets at 4 a.m. or 5 a.m., violating martial law, and looting,” the resident said.

    “There are all kinds of robberies happening,” he said. “As a result, people have been forced to rely on one another, helping each other to protect their streets, homes and neighborhoods.”

    RFA could not reach junta spokesman Maj. Gen. Zaw Min Tun for comment.

    Following the 2021 coup d’état, crime rate statistics were not monitored as local watch groups and activists were prosecuted by the junta for opposing the takeover.

    The United States, Canada, New Zealand, the United Kingdom and other Western countries have issued travel warnings for Myanmar, advising their citizens not to visit the country due to its high-risk status.

    Translated by Kalyar Lwin for RFA Burmese. Edited by Roseanne Gerin and Malcolm Foster.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by RFA Burmese.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Part of a three-story series to mark the fourth anniversary of Myanmar’s 2021 coup, looking at how the military treats its own soldiers.

    Min Din didn’t want to be a soldier. He joined the Myanmar military 33 years ago, seeking a steady income for his wife and his newly born son. Seven months ago, that long career came to a bloody end. The 57-year-old army sergeant was felled by a rocket fire in a rebel assault on a besieged military base in Shan state. His body was buried nearby.

    Far from enjoying financial security, his wife Hla Khin is now a widow without income. She’s still waiting for a payout from his military pension.

    Min Din’s grown-up son, Yan Naing Tun, who has fled Myanmar to escape military conscription, is bitter about the leaders who ordered his father into battle in the first place.

    “Old soldiers like my father fought and sacrificed their lives, but their deaths did not benefit the people,” Yan Naing Tun told RFA, his eyes sharp and full of pain. “My father’s death was not worth it; he gave his life protecting the wealth of the dictators.”

    Smoke rises from Paung Hle Kone village in Khin-U township, which was burned down by junta troops, on Nov. 19, 2022.
    Smoke rises from Paung Hle Kone village in Khin-U township, which was burned down by junta troops, on Nov. 19, 2022.
    (Citizen photo)

    Four years after the coup against a democratic government that plunged Myanmar into civil war, the military has inflicted terrible suffering on civilians. Torching of villages, indiscriminate air strikes and stomach-churning atrocities have become commonplace. Even the military’s own rank and file are paying a price.

    This is a story about two veteran soldiers of the Tatmadaw, as the military is known inside Myanmar, whose bereaved families spoke to RFA Burmese about how they’ve struggled to survive after the soldiers’ deaths in combat after more than 30 years of service. All their names have been changed at their request and for their safety.

    While reviled by many for its long record of human rights abuses, the Tatmadaw remains the most powerful institution in the country – and one that has traditionally offered a career path for both the officer class and village recruits.

    But any appeal that a military career once had has been eroded – not just through its reputation for corruption and atrocities, but by setbacks on the battlefield. By some estimates, it now controls less than half of a country it has long ruled with an iron fist. Its casualties from fighting with myriad rebel groups likely runs into the tens of thousands.

    Junta soldiers search for protesters demonstrating against the coup in Yangon on May 7, 2021.
    Junta soldiers search for protesters demonstrating against the coup in Yangon on May 7, 2021.
    (AFP)

    There are growing signs it can’t look after its own.

    Aung Pyay Sone, the son of Myanmar’s military leader Min Aung Hlaing, has been accused of running a predatory life insurance scheme in which all soldiers make contributions. They are also obliged to make monthly contributions to a sprawling military conglomerate known as Myanmar Economic Holdings. According to families, the life insurance scheme is no longer paying out on the death of a soldier. Families also struggle to get pension payments they are due.

    A way to support a family

    Another recent Tatmadaw fatality, Ko Lay, signed up for the army during what might be considered as its oppressive heyday in the early 1990s when the military was in the ascendant against ethnic insurgencies and expanding its business interests.

    He enlisted soon after the country’s first multi-party democratic election. The pro-military party lost by a landslide, but the ruling junta refused to hand over power – leaving the winning party’s leader Aung San Suu Kyi under house arrest. (That’s a situation similar to now. Suu Kyi, who had led the now-ousted civilian government for five years, has been imprisoned at an undisclosed location since the 2021 coup).

    Against this backdrop of democracy suppressed and the military in control, Ko Lay enlisted aged 20. He was a villager from central Myanmar’s Bago region, who had dropped out of school because his parents could not pay the fees.

    His wife maintains that joining up was never a political decision. The military offered a pathway to employment and a way to support a family.

    “My husband was uneducated,” his wife Mya May told RFA. “He didn’t even pass the fourth grade. His parents did not remember when he was born. When he joined the army, one of the officers looked at him and estimated his birth date and the year and enlisted him.”

    Ko Lay only married in his 40s, but once he did his family moved with him every time he was transferred, which is customary. But after the 2021 coup, with fighting intensifying as people across Myanmar took up arms against the junta, they sent their 10-year-old son to live with relatives near Yangon.

    At the start of 2024, with rebel forces in northeastern Myanmar gaining in strength, Ko Lay was deployed with Infantry Battalion No. 501 in Kyaukme, in northern Shan State. Mya May and her 89-year-old father Ba Maung followed him.

    Under fire

    In February, villagers were starting to flee the area as a military showdown beckoned. Ko Lay’s battalion was meant to be strengthened for this fight, but in reality, it numbered fewer than 200 troops, less than a third of full strength. By late June, the combined forces of the Ta’ang National Liberation Army (TNLA) and a People’s Defense Force unit from the Mandalay region were closing in.

    Sgt. Ko Lay at the front line in northeast Shan State in 2024 before he was killed by resistance sniper fire.
    Sgt. Ko Lay at the front line in northeast Shan State in 2024 before he was killed by resistance sniper fire.
    (Courtesy of Mya May)

    Mya May said that Ko Lay was stationed on the outer perimeter of the military camp at Kyaukme. Inside the camp, Mya May, along with other wives, were put to work loading and carrying ammunition.

    “My husband was stationed on the outer perimeter near a monastery. Resistance forces used the monastery as a strategic position, drilling holes into the brick walls to fire guns and launching missiles from above,” she said.

    As the attack intensified, frontline soldiers, including Ko Lay, retreated into the camp. Snipers began picking them off. At 7:30 a.m. on June 27, Sgt. Ko Lay was killed by sniper fire.

    Mya May never retrieved his body. She believes he was buried at a rifle range.

    She and her father were now under fire themselves. As they sheltered in a building inside the base, rebel rocket fire hit the building and showered glass over them. They fled during a lull in the fighting in vehicles organized by the military that transported them and other families to another military base.

    The remaining soldiers were left to fight. Within a month, their commander would be dead, and almost the entire battalion wiped out.

    Struggling to get by

    Mya May, her 10-year-old son, and Ba Maung are now living near Yangon with relatives. She still feels deep sorrow that she was not able to bury her husband or be with him in his final moments.

    She’s also struggling to make ends meet.

    It took Mya May three months to receive her husband’s pension. She now gets a monthly stipend of 174,840 kyats (about $40), with an additional 19,200 kyats ($4.30) per month for her son – which is scarcely enough to survive in Myanmar’s stricken economy. But because her husband died on the frontline, she received an additional one-off payment of 13,166,500 kyats ($3,006).

    The child benefit of 19,200 Myanmar kyat ($4.30) per month for Sgt. Ko Lay's child.
    The child benefit of 19,200 Myanmar kyat ($4.30) per month for Sgt. Ko Lay’s child.
    (Courtesy of Mya May)

    This frontline death payment was a much-touted inducement offered prior to the 2021 coup aimed at encouraging young men from poor families to sign up.

    Her father, Ba Maung laments their situation after Ko Lay’s death.

    “Seeing my daughter in trouble, having lost her husband and all her belongings, is deeply disappointing,” the 89-year-old said. “When she got married, she promised to support me. She is very clever. But now I can’t help her, and it fills me with great sadness.”

    They’ve also been short-changed by the life insurance scheme that Ko Lay bought. For the past five years, the sergeant had paid 8,332 kyats (almost $2) a month for a policy aimed at providing for his family in the event of his death. Four months after her husband’s death, Mya May has received exactly the same amount that had been taken from her husband’s wages. Not a kyat more.

    Dying in a war zone

    The widow of the other fallen military veteran mentioned in this story, Min Din, who served in the same battalion as Ko Lay and also died in June, has fared even worse.

    His wife Hla Khin learned from a soldier in his company that Min Din was killed in a direct hit on the battalion headquarters by a short-range rocket. He was buried near the central gate of the base.

    “Due to the dire situation in Kyaukme, we couldn’t travel there to see him or pay our respects,” Hla Khin said, adding that the best they could do was to offer alms to monks and donate 100,000 kyats to a monastery in his honor.

    Her attempts to secure a military pension or any payment has so far been unsuccessful.

    Applications are meant to be made in person where the soldier last served, which is no easy matter in a war zone.

    “There was nobody in Battalion 501 as many people died. Almost all documents have been lost as some office staff moved out, some died and some are still missing,” she said.

    Unable to secure her husband Min Din’s military pension, Hla Khin lives in her parents’ house in Ayeyarwady region.
    Unable to secure her husband Min Din’s military pension, Hla Khin lives in her parents’ house in Ayeyarwady region.
    (Courtesy Min Din’s family)

    But Hla Khin, now living in her elderly parents’ house in Ayeyarwady region, said that now the necessary paperwork has been submitted. She sent a formal letter to the commander of another battalion where some of the soldiers and families have relocated. She’s waiting for a response.

    Her plight is compounded by the knowledge that her husband had been desperate to retire from the military for years before his death. Months before the 2021 coup, Min Din, then aged 54, had made that request because of high blood pressure and a heart condition. He went to the army hospital at the cantonment city of Pyin Oo Lwin but was told he would have to wait until he was aged 61 to retire.

    Instead, he ended up deployed on the frontline of the junta’s fight against the rebels – first at Laukkaing, a strategic town on the border with China, where junta forces surrendered under a white flag. After that humiliation, Min Din requested discharge again, and again was denied. He was then redeployed to Kyaukme, where he died.

    Holding onto hope

    Min Din’s eldest son, Yan Naing Tun, 33, said he is filled with overwhelming sadness. He remembers his father as kind and someone who deeply cared for his children. The family often lacked food, and he recounted his father once donating his own blood to earn some kyats to buy food and cook for them.

    Residents cross a river in Kayah State along the Thai-Myanmar border as they flee fighting between the Myanmar junta and the Karen National Union (KNU) on Dec. 25, 2021.
    Residents cross a river in Kayah State along the Thai-Myanmar border as they flee fighting between the Myanmar junta and the Karen National Union (KNU) on Dec. 25, 2021.
    (AFP)

    Like many of his young countrymen, Yan Naing Tun has voted with his feet, fleeing Myanmar for Thailand to avoid the draft and fighting for the “dictators” he says are only interested in protecting their wealth.

    “There are countless young people fleeing the country, many sacrificing their lives, and countless others enduring great suffering. Our shared hope is for an end to the fighting and the arrival of peace. I am one of the young people holding onto this hope,” he told RFA.

    Edited by Mat Pennington.


    This content originally appeared on Radio Free Asia and was authored by Aye Aye Mon for RFA Burmese.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.