Category: Obituary

  • By David Robie

    A tragic day of mourning. Thousands thronged the West Papuan funeral cortège today and tonight as the banned Morning Star led the way in defiance of the Indonesian military.

    There haven’t been so many Papuan flags flying under the noses of the security forces since the 2019 Papuan Uprising.

    Filep Jacob Semuel Karma, 63, the “father” of the Papuan nation, was believed to be the one leader who could pull together the splintered factions seeking self-determination and independence.

    It is still shocking a day after his lifeless body in a wetsuit was found on a Jayapura beach.

    Police and Filep Karma’s family say they had no reason to believe that his death resulted from foul play, report Jubi editor Victor Mambor in Jayapura and Nazarudin Latif from Jakarta for Benar News.

    “I followed the post-mortem process and it was determined that my father died from drowning while diving,” Karma’s daughter, Andrefina Karma, told reporters.

    But many human rights advocates and researchers aren’t so convinced.

    Speculation on reasons
    Some are speculating about the reasons why peaceful former political prisoner Filep Karma was perceived to be an obstruction for Jakarta’s “development” plans for the Melanesian provinces.

    “There were too many strange circumstances around his death and questioning police’s influence on the family. We are not accepting this as an accident,” declared Indonesian human rights Veronica Koman in a tweet.

    She says Filep Karma was so respected by West Papuans that he could have unified all factions.

    Filep Karma
    Filep Karma . . . “father” of the nation in making. Image: Antara/Benar

    “He was a father of the nation in the making – similar to Theys Eluay who was assassinated in 2001,” she said.

    “Indonesia would like to prevent this. An independent investigation must take place into his death.”

    Koman noted that while Indonesian human rights defenders shared their condolences, there was silence from the Jakarta state establishment.

    Amnesty International has also called for an independent investigation.

    Tributes pour in
    Tributes have poured in from many of his friends, colleagues and fellow activists across Indonesia and the Pacific.

    Indonesia researcher Andreas Harsono of Human Rights Watch wrote: “Filep Karma’s humour, integrity, and moral courage was an inspiration to many people. His death is a huge loss, not only for Papuans, but for many people across Indonesia and the Pacific who have lost a human rights hero.”

    The Diplomat’s Southeast Asia editor Sebastian Strangio wrote: “Karma trod a path that avoided the extremes of violent rebellion and acquiescence to what many Papuans view as essentially foreign rule.

    “Whether this approach ever would have achieved Karma’s long-held goal of independence and autonomy for the Papuan people is unclear, but his passing will clearly leave a large vacuum.”

    He was a former civil servant who, dismayed at how many Indonesian state officials treated West Papuans, spurned a good salary to dedicate his life to West Papua.

    Although standing for “justice, democracy, peace and non-violent resistance, he was jailed for 11 years for raising the Morning Star flag.

    One of the most comprehensive tributes to Karma was offered by Benny Wenda, leader of the United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP), saying that the day was a “national day of mourning for the West Papuan people — all of us, whether in the bush, in the cities, in the refugee camps, or in exile”.

    ‘Great leader’
    “Filep Karma was a great leader and a great man,” says Wenda.

    “Across his life, he held many roles and won many accolades — he was a ULMWP Minister for Indonesian and Asian affairs, a Nobel Peace Prize nominee, and the longest serving peace advocate in an Indonesian jail.

    In "Loving memory" for Filep Karma
    In “Loving memory” for Filep Karma . . . “For West Papuans, Filep was equivalent to Mahatma Gandhi, Nelson Mandela, Martin Luther King.” Image: Free West Papua Campaign

    “But he was first of all a frontline leader, present at every single protest, reassuring and inspiring all West Papuans who marched or prayed with him.

    “Filep was there at the Biak Massacre in 1998, when 200 Papuans, many of them children, were murdered by the Indonesian military. Despite being shot several times in the leg that day, his experience of Indonesian brutality never daunted him.

    “He continued to lead the struggle for liberation, whether in prison or in the streets.

    “For West Papuans, Filep was equivalent to Mahatma Gandhi, Nelson Mandela, Martin Luther King.

    “The history of our struggle lived within him.”

    ‘How did he die?’
    Now Benny Wenda says: “The big question is this: how did Filep die?” (He reportedly died while surfing despite being a skilled diver.)

    “Indonesia systematically eliminates West Papuans who fight against their occupation. Sometimes they will kill us in public, like Theys Eluay and Arnold Ap, who was murdered and his body dumped on the same beach Filep died on.”

    But Wenda adds, it is more common for West Papuans to “die in mysterious ways” or face character assassination, as in the case of Papua Governor Lukas Ensemble.

    Filip Karma was a courageous and inspirational man of peace.

    However, tonight at the funeral procession in Jayapura, many have been singing:

    “Because Papua wants to be free. . .

    “Indonesia likes to kill people . . .

    “Indonesia likes to shoot people…”

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • OBITUARY: By Andreas Harsono in Jakarta

    Filep Karma, a prominent Papuan activist and former political prisoner, was found dead  yesterday on a beach in the Papuan city of Jayapura.

    He had been on a diving trip with his brother-in-law and nephew, and apparently went diving alone after his relatives left the trip early.

    Karma, 63, a master diver with three decades’ experience, was found wearing his scuba diving suit.

    His daughter said he had died because of a tragic “accident and drowning”.

    I had met Karma in 2008 when I visited a Jayapura prison to interview political inmates.

    Karma was clearly the leader that the other prisoners looked to for inspiration. He articulated his principles for the human rights and self-determination of the Papuan people.

    We quickly became friends, discussing and debating the human rights situation in Papua.

    Educated about mistreatment
    Filep Karma was born in 1959 in Jayapura, the capital of Indonesia’s Papua province. Karma told me his father educated him about the mistreatment of Indigenous Papuans under Indonesian rule.

    In 1998, Karma organised a protest on Biak Island, calling for independence for Papua while raising the Morning Star flag, a symbol of independence banned by Indonesia’s government.

    Indonesian military forces violently broke up the protest. Karma was imprisoned, then released in 1999.

    In 2004, he organised another Morning Star protest following the killing of Theys Eluai, another pro-independence leader. The authorities tried and sentenced Karma to 15 years in prison for “treason”.

    In 2010, Human Rights Watch published a report on political prisoners in Papua and the Moluccas Islands, launching a global campaign to release the prisoners.

    Karma’s detention a ‘violation’
    In 2011, Karma’s mother, Eklefina Noriwari, petitioned the United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention for Karma’s release. The working group determined Karma’s detention had violated international law, and called on the Indonesian government to release him.

    Filep Karma's coffin and mourners
    Filep Karma’s coffin and mourners. Image: ULMWP

    The authorities only released Karma in 2015.

    After his release, Karma embraced a wider agenda of political activism. He spoke about human rights and environmental protection. He campaigned for the rights of minorities. He organised help for political prisoners’ families.

    Karma’s humour, integrity, and moral courage was an inspiration to many people. His death is a huge loss, not only for Papuans, but for many people across Indonesia and the Pacific who have lost a human rights hero.

    Andreas Harsono is the Indonesia researcher for Human Rights Watch where this article was first published. Republished with the author’s permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Chris Bambery pays tribute to author and class fighter, Mike Davis.

    This post was originally published on Green Left.

  • Asia Pacific Report

    Louis Kotra Uregei, an emblematic and radical figure in the independence struggle in New Caledonia, has died aged 71, announced the Union of Kanak and Exploited Workers (USTKE) in a statement.

    Nicknamed LKU or “Loulou”, this representative of New Caledonian militancy died on Thursday night after a long illness.

    Originally from the small island of Tiga, in the Loyalty archipelago, Louis Kotra Uregei founded USTKE, the very first independence union, in 1981.

    Three years later, the USTKE participated in the creation of the Kanak and Socialist National Liberation Front (FLNKS).

    In 1988, the day after the hostage-taking in Ouvéa, which killed 21 people, Uregei had been part of the independence delegation sent to Paris to negotiate with the French State and signed the Matignon-Oudinot agreements.

    While the USTKE became the second largest trade union force in New Caledonia, Uregei, known for his outspokenness and his radical methods, gradually moved away from the FLNKS and approached anti-globalisation circles.

    ‘Man of conviction’
    In 2007, he founded the Labour Party, in the presence of José Bové, of which he would be the representative at the congress, from 2009 to 2019.

    The independence party and member of the FLNKS Caledonian Union paid tribute on Friday to “an independentist leader, who did not mince his words . . .  and who knew how to remind today’s generation of leaders where and how it had to be fought to be heard on the national and international stage”.

    The French High Commissioner in New Caledonia, Patrice Faure, hailed the memory of “a committed activist and a man of conviction”.

     

  • OBITUARY: By Yamin Kogoya

    The sudden death of activist Leonie Tanggahma has shaken Papuan communities. Her loss last week has shocked West Papuans who regarded her as one of those who had stood strong for decades advocating independence for the Indonesian-ruled region.

    She had lived for decades in the Netherlands among hundreds of exiled Papuans who had left West Papua after Indonesia annexed the territory 60 years ago. She died at the age of 48 on 7 October 2022.

    Papuans continue to express messages of condolence and tribute on social media.

    “Sister Leonie passed away due to a severe heart attack,” said Yan Ch Warinussy, a Papuan lawyer and human rights activist and director of the Legal Aid, Research, Investigation and Development Institute (LP3BH), reports Suarapapua.com.

    A prominent young Papuan independence activist and West Papua diplomat of the Asia-Pacific region Ronny Kareni, wrote on his Facebook page:

    “Sincere and heartfelt condolences for the sad loss of West Papua Woman Leader Leonie Tanggahma. Leonie Tanggahma is the daughter of the late Bernard Tanggahma, Minister for Foreign Affairs in the exile of the Republic of West Papua, which was unilaterally proclaimed by the Free Papua Movement (OPM) in the seventies.

    “She was a liaison officer for the Papuan-based human rights NGO ELSHAM in Europe, for which she provided among others, the regular representation of the Papuan cause at United Nations forums, such as the working group on Indigenous populations, the Commission on Human Rights (now Human Rights Council) and its sub-commission.

    “In July 2011, the Papua Peace Network (JDP) appointed her, along with four other Papuans living in exile, as a negotiator in the event that the Indonesian Government implements its apparent willingness to hold dialogue with Papuans.

    “Following the need for a united political front in a regional and international forum in December 2014, she was appointed as the ULMWP executive member, along with four others to spearhead the national movement abroad, which she served diligently for three years.

    “On a personal note, in October 2013 sister Leonie reached out upon receiving information of a political asylum mission that brother Airi and I undertook for 13 prominent Papuan activists who had fled across to PNG.

    “She fully supported me in terms of advocating behind the scenes to make sure activists were given support and protection, prior to the UN refugee office closure in December of the same year.

    “She followed and listened to The Voice of West Papua despite the time difference and often gave feedback on the radio program. She even shared strong support of the cultural and musical work through Rize of the Morning Star and engaged with the Merdeka West Papua Support Network, where she often sat through countless online discussions during the global pandemic.

    “A memory that I will share with many Papuan youths is the screenshot [partially reproduced above], taken on the 18th of September 2022. It demonstrates sister Leonie’s commitment to strengthening capacity of the movement and how much she enjoyed listening and being present for ‘Para Para Diskusi’.

    “We will miss you in our weekly discussion, sister Leonie.
    Condolences to family and loved ones. May her soul rest in peace.”


    An interview last year with Leonie Tanggahma.   Video: Youngsolwara Pacific

    A legacy hard to forget
    Jeffrey Bomanak, a Papuan figure from Markas Victoria, the historic headquarters of the Free Papua Movement (OPM), wrote:

    “On Friday, October 7, 2022, Mrs Leonie Tanggahma had a sudden heart attack and went to the hospital to seek help. She did not have time to seek assistance from a local doctor and was forced to leave her service in the Struggle of the Papuan Nation at exactly 10:00am, Netherlands time.

    “Mr Bomanak said, the sacrifice, discipline, and loyalty she showed in Papua’s struggle is a legacy that is hard to forget for OPM TPNPB on this day and all the days to come”.

    Octovianus Mote, a US-based Papuan independence figure who worked closely with Tanggahma, paid tribute to her as follows:

    “Sister, we are saddened by your sudden passing at such a young age, as was your father. As believers, we believe that all this destruction appeals to you in heaven, and we will be praying there along with other Papuan warriors who have already gone ahead. We accept death as only a means of continuing a new life since life is eternal and only changes its form. Goodbye, Sister Leonie. We did it, my sister. We did it.”

    Local West Papua news media website Jubi wrote:

    “Hearing of the news of the passing of Mrs Tanggahma is like being struck by lightning, the Papuan nation lost a woman who cared about the struggles and rights of the West Papuan people. Papuans and activists in Papua feel bereaved by this news.”

    Born into the heart of West Papuan struggle
    Veronica Koman, the well-known Indonesian human rights activist and lawyer who advocates for the rights of Indigenous Papuans, wrote on her Facebook:

    “Rest In Peace Leonie Tanggahma.
    “Sister Leonie and I first met in Geneva, Switzerland, in 2017. I was astonished by her demeanour — intelligent, articulate, friendly, assertive, authoritative but not arrogant. She was one of the pioneers of the international human rights movement for West Papua. Sister Leonie is not only one of the greatest Papuan women but one of the greatest Papuans as well. It sometimes occurs to me that if society and movements were not sexist (meaning that men and women have equal value) how far would Kaka Leonie have succeeded? The people of West Papua have lost one of their brightest stars.”

    Benny Wenda, the West Papuan independence icon paid tribute with the following words:

    “Leonie Tanggahma was born into the heart of the West Papuan struggle. She was the daughter of Bernard Tanggahma, Minister for Foreign Affairs in exile of the Republic of West Papua which was unilaterally proclaimed by the Free Papua Movement (OPM) in the seventies. Leonie carried on her father’s legacy by working for the Papuan human rights body ELSHAM and representing her people’s cause at various United Nations forums. Later, she became an ULMWP executive member. In this role she was a dedicated servant of the West Papuan independence movement, helping to lead the struggle abroad.”

    She was a member of a team of five representatives of the Papuan independence struggle (Jacob Rumbiak, Leonie Tanggahma, Octovianus Mote, Benny Wenda and Rex Rumakiek) elected in Jayapura in 2011 to promote a peaceful dialogue aimed at resolving the Indonesian conflict and Papuan independence.

    Daughter of first West Papua ambassador to Senegal
    According to Rex Rumakiek, one of the last surviving OPM leaders from Tanggahma’s father’s generation, who grew up and fought for West Papua’s independence:

    Leonie Tanggahma was the second daughter of the late Ben Tanggahma and Sofie Komber. She had an older sister named Mbiko Tanggahma. Nicholas Tanggahma (brother of Leonie’s father) was a member of the New Guinea Council, formed with Dutch help to safeguard the new fledgling state of Papua.

    In the early 1960s, Leonie Tanggahma’s father was sent to study in the Netherlands so that he would be trained and equipped to lead a newly emerging nation state. However, Ben Tanggahma did not return to West Papua and settled there and worked at the Post Office in The Hague, Netherlands. Her father finally stopped working in the Post Office and participated in the West Papua struggle with the political figures of that time, including Markus Kaisiepo and Womsiwor.

    Rumaiek said Leonie Tanggahma’s father was the first West Papuan diplomat (ambassador level). He was the one who opened the first West Papuan foreign embassy in Senegal, Africa.

    The President of Senegal at that time (1980s) was Léopold Sédar Senghor, a Catholic, as was Ben Tanggahma. Having this religious connection enabled both to develop a special relationship, which allowed West Papua to open an international office in Africa and allowed many African countries to support West Papua’s liberation efforts.

    Ben Tanggahma was sent to Senegal as an ambassador by the Revolutionary Provisional Government of West Papua New Guinea (RPG), which received official fiscal and material support from African countries and stood behind Senegal. During that time, the government of Senegal provided Ben Tanggahma with a car, a building, and other resources as well as moral support.

    These enabled him to lobby African countries for West Papua’s cause of self-determination.

    Rumaiek said he got to know Leonie in 2011, when Benny Wenda, Octovianus Mote, Leonie and he were elected to lead peace dialogue teams in an attempt to resolve West Papua’s tragedies. No results were obtained from this effort.

    Leonie Tanggahma was, according to Rex Rumakiek, a well-educated young West Papuan woman who carried her father’s legacy and came from a family who played a significant role in the liberation movement of the Papuan people.

    Nicholas Tanggahma and West Papua political Manifesto 1961
    Nicholas Tanggahma, brother of Leonie’s father (Ben Tanggahma), was a member of the Dutch New Guinea Council (Nieuw-Guinea Raad), which was installed on 5 April 1961 as the first step towards West Papua’s independence. As soon as the council was formed, Nicholas Tanggahma and his colleague realised that things were about to change dramatically against their newly imagined independent state.

    After a few weeks, on 19 October 1961, Ben Tanggahma called a meeting at which 17 people were elected to form a national committee. The committee immediately issued the famous West Papua political manifesto, which requested of the Dutch:

    • “our [Morning Star] flag be hoisted beside the Netherlands flag;
    • “our national anthem (“Hai Tanahku Papua”) be sung and played alongside the Dutch national anthem;
    • “our country be referred to as Papua Barat (West Papua); and
    • “our people be called the Papuan people.”

    Two months later, on 1 December 1961, the new state of West Papua was born, which Papuans around the world celebrate as their National Day.

    Leonie Tanggahma died in the same month her uncle had first sown the seed for the new nation West Papua 60 years ago. This deep historical root of her family’s involvement in the struggle for a free and independent West Papua shocked people.

    The following are excerpts from a lengthy series of interviews Leonie’s father, Ben Tanggahma had in Dakar, Senegal on February 16 1976. Tanggahma is famous for providing the following answer when asked about the connection between Black Oceania and Africa:

    “Africa is our motherland. All the Black populations which settled in Asia over the hundreds of thousands of years came undoubtedly from the African continent. In fact, the entire world was populated from Africa. Hence, we the Blacks in Asia and the Pacific today descend from proto-African peoples. We were linked to Africa in the Past. We are linked to Africa in the future. We are what you might call the Black Asian Diaspora.”

    Mbiko Tanggahma, older sister of Leonie Tanggahma, wrote on her Facebook:

    “It is true that my little sister, Leonie Tanggahma, passed away on the 7th of October 2022. Although her departure was premature and unexpected, it gives us comfort to know that she was not in pain and that she passed away peacefully. Until her last moments, she continued to do what she loved. She continued to be her determined and fierce self. She fought for just causes, surrounded by her family, friends, activists, and loved ones.”

    • Leonie’s family in The Netherlands has provided this donation link. (Cite “Leoni” and your full name and e-mail or home address).
  • RNZ Pacific

    Flags are flying at half mast across the Pacific and leaders are paying tribute to Queen Elizabeth II, who died at Thursday at the age of 96.

    The Queen visited the Pacific multiple times during her 70-year reign, with a visit a few months after her coronation to Fiji and Tonga, in December 1953.

    Here are some of the tributes paid so far:

    Cook Islands
    Cook Islands’ Prime Minister Mark Brown has acknowledged the Queen’s death “with great sadness”.

    He said all her people of the Cook Islands would mourn her passing and would miss her greatly.

    He said the Queen leaft behind an enormous legacy of dedicated service to her subjects around the world, including Cook Islanders.

    All flags in the Cook Islands will be flown at half-mast until further notice, and a memorial service will be held on a date yet to be announced.

    A condolence book will be opened for members of the public to sign in the Cabinet Room at the Office of the Prime Minister.

    “Her reign spanned seven decades and saw her appoint 15 British prime ministers during her tenure. As world leaders came and went — she endured and served her people,” he said.

    Fiji
    Fiji Prime Minister Voreqe Bainimarama tweeted his condolences.

    “Fijian hearts are heavy this morning as we bid farewell to Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II,” he said.

    “We will always treasure the joy of her visits to Fiji along with every moment that her grace, courage, and wisdom were a comfort and inspiration to our people, even a world away.

    Hawai’i
    Governor of Hawai’i David Ige posted this on Facebook:

    “The State of Hawai’i joins the nation and the rest of the world in mourning the loss of Queen Elizabeth II. Many years ago, Hawai’i hosted the Queen at Washington Place.

    “Her graciousness and her leadership will always be remembered.

    “I’ve ordered that the United States flag and the Hawai’i state flag be flown at half-staff in the State of Hawai’i immediately until sunset on the day of interment as a mark of respect for Queen Elizabeth II.”

    Niue
    Premier Dalton Tagelagi expressed his deepest sadness on the death of “a most extraordinary woman”.

    He said her faithfulness to her duties and dedication to her people was the reflection of a most remarkable leader.

    Flags will fly at half-mast to mark the Queen’s death.

    Papua New Guinea
    In a condolence message, Prime Minister James Marape said: “Papua New Guineans from the mountains, valleys and coasts rose up this morning to the news that our Queen has been taken to rest by God.”

    He said: “she was the anchor of our Commonwealth and for PNG we fondly call her ‘Mama Queen’ because she was the matriarch of our country as much as she was to her family and her Sovereign realms.

    “God bless her Soul as she lays in rest. May God bless also King Charles III. Her Majesty’s people in PNG shares the grief with our King and his family.”

    Solomon Islands
    MP Peter Kenilorea Jr posted a photograph online of his father, Sir Peter Kenilorea Sr, being knighted by the Queen.

    “It was an honour to witness her knighting my late father in 1982. I was 10 and my sister and I were honoured to witness this solemn ceremony at Government House. It was a privilege to meet her.”

    Tahiti
    French Polynesia President Édouard Fritch said the life of Queen Elizabeth II marked upon “the history of the world”.

    The Queen made a stop-over in French Polynesia to refuel with her husband Prince Philip on her way back from Australia in 2002.

    The late Queen Elizabeth with Tahiti's then Vice-President Édouard Fritch in 2002
    The late Queen Elizabeth with Tahiti’s then Vice-President Édouard Fritch in 2002. Image: La Presidence de la Polynesie.

    Fritch, who was Vice-President of the territory at the time, said today:

    “My sincere condolences to the family of the Queen and the people of the United Kingdom. May the Queen’s work for peace continue to reassemble the United Nations among the ‘Commonwealth’ and around the British crown. My prayers will join them in this ultimate voyage of their sovereign.”

    Fritch reminisced on his time meeting the Queen for an hour when they discussed topics on French Polynesia, the Pacific and the Commonwealth.

    Tonga
    Tongan Princess Frederica Tuita made the following statement:

    “We join millions of people in sadness after hearing the news of Her Majesty’s passing. She was loved and respected by our family.

    “We have so many cherished memories including this one of Her late Majesty Queen Elizabeth II with our late grandfather Baron Laufilitonga Tuita. Further right is His late Highness Prince Tu’ipelehake and behind Her Majesty is Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh.”

    Tuvalu
    From the Ministry of Justice, Communication and Foreign Affairs:

    “The Ministry mourns the passing of Queen Elizabeth II. Through 70 years of dedicated service, the Queen provided stability in a consistently changing world, and deepest condolences are extended to the family and loved ones of the Queen in this time of loss.”

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • RNZ Pacific

    Queen Elizabeth II — 1926-2022

    Fiji Prime Minister Voreqe Bainimarama tweeted today “Fijian hearts are heavy this morning as we bid farewell” as global messages of condolences flooded in with the news that Queen Elizabeth, the UK’s longest-serving monarch, has died at Balmoral aged 96.

    She reigned for 70 years.

    “Fijian hearts are heavy this morning as we bid farewell to Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II,” tweeted Bainimarama.

    “We will always treasure the joy of her visits to Fiji along with every moment that her grace, courage, and wisdom were a comfort and inspiration to our people, even a world away.”

    The Queen visited the Pacific multiple times during her reign, with a visit a few months after her coronation to Fiji and Tonga, in December 1953.

    The Queen’s family gathered at her Scottish estate after concerns grew about her health earlier on Thursday.

    The Queen came to the throne in 1952 and witnessed enormous social change.


    UK’s Queen Elizabeth II dies at 96 | Al Jazeera Newsfeed

    King Charles leads mourning
    With her death, her eldest son Charles, the former Prince of Wales, will lead the country in mourning as the new King and head of state for 14 Commonwealth realms.

    In a statement, King Charles III said: “The death of my beloved mother Her Majesty The Queen, is a moment of the greatest sadness for me and all members of my family.

    “We mourn profoundly the passing of a cherished Sovereign and a much-loved Mother. I know her loss will be deeply felt throughout the country, the Realms and the Commonwealth, and by countless people around the world.”

    All the Queen’s children travelled to Balmoral, near Aberdeen, after doctors placed the Queen under medical supervision.

    Queen Elizabeth’s tenure as head of state spanned post-war austerity, the transition from empire to Commonwealth, the end of the Cold War and the UK’s entry into – and withdrawal from — the European Union.

    Her reign spanned 15 prime ministers starting with Winston Churchill, born in 1874, and including Liz Truss, born 101 years later in 1975, and appointed by the Queen earlier this week.

    Queen’s many visits to the Pacific
    Among the Queen’s multiple visits to the Pacific, she attended the opening of the Rarotonga International Airport in 1974.

    In October 1982, her tour included Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, Nauru, Kiribati, Tuvalu and Fiji.

    Together with her husband, Prince Philip, the Queen visited Fiji on February 16-17, 1977, as part of the Silver Jubilee Celebrations of her accession to the British throne.

    Fiji media had reported that during a banquet dinner held in her honour in Suva, the Queen told the 300 guests present Fiji was the first Pacific country she had seen in 1953.

    The Queen visited Fiji six times during her reign.

    Matangi Tonga reported Queen Elizabeth had a special relationship with Tonga and Tonga’s Royal Family after Queen Sālote Tupou III attended her coronation in London.

    In 1953 Queen Elizabeth made a special visit to Tonga. She laid a wreath at the cenotaph in Pangai Si’i, a small park that Queen Sālote had developed (now the site of the St George Government Building) and attended a feast at the Royal Palace in Nuku’alofa.

    At the time of the Queen’s 70th jubilee, British High Commissioner to the Kingdom of Tonga, Lucy Joyce, wrote that Queen Elizabeth’s links to Tonga went back to her coronation.

    She visited the Kingdom three times: in December 1953, in March 1970 when the couple were accompanied by Princess Anne; and during the Silver Jubilee year of 1977.

    The UK was also on hand to provide assistance after the volcano and tsunami in February.

    Joyce wrote it was a clear recent example of the solidarity between Commonwealth nations.

    In Wellngton, RNZ reports New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern Ardern said the Queen’s commitment to her role and to “all of us has been without question and unwavering”.

    “The last days of the Queen’s life captures who she was in so many ways, working to the very end on behalf of the people she loved.

    “This is a time of deep sadness. Young or old, there is no doubt that a chapter is closing today, and with that we share our thanks for an incredible woman who we were lucky enough to call our Queen,” Ardern said.

    “She was extraordinary.”

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    Queen Elizabeth II ... multiple visits to the Pacific
    Queen Elizabeth II … multiple visits to the Pacific. Image: RNZ/Getty ImagesBettmann
  • REVIEW: By Philip Cass, editor of Pacific Journalism Review

    One of the joys of travelling the world and collecting books is the historical oddities that turn up in the most unexpected places.

    I have a splendid copy of the complete works of Shakespeare dating to the Second World War, completely re-set, so the frontispiece notes, due to the original plates having been “destroyed by enemy action”. One wonders at the perfidy of the Luftwaffe in trying to blow up the Bard.

    I have a copy of Grove’s encyclopaedia of music from the 1930s which notes with disdain that attempts to make jazz respectable by using an orchestra have failed—and this written several years after Gershwin’s Rhapsody in Blue. The same volume also contains a section on the influence of Jews in classical music, noting such important ‘Hebrew’ composers as Mahler.

    Both these volumes came from a secondhand bookseller near the bus station in Suva: relics, I suppose, of a long departed British colonial administrator.

    Each of these volumes is a window into the past and into attitudes and ideas that have long vanished.

    In the year of the Platinum Jubilee of the late Queen Elizabeth II—who died yesterday aged 96 after a 70-year reign—it was therefore timely to find a copy of the Royal Tour Picture Album, a lavishly illustrated record of her 1953 tour of the Commonwealth in my local Salvation Army shop.

    The 1953 tour seems to have been a strange affair, a tour of places rarely visited by royalty alongside some more important, but equally far-flung outposts of the Commonwealth. It was rather like Iron Maiden playing in Christchurch or Caracas.

    Pacific and other places
    The Queen and Prince Philip visited Bermuda, Jamaica, Panama, Fiji, Tonga, New Zealand, Australia, what was then Ceylon, Aden, Uganda, Tobruk (Libya), Malta and Gibraltar.

    The African segment seems to have been beset by security issues and Britain would eventually be expelled from Aden and Libya, where the Queen paid tribute to the defence of Tobruk during the Second World War.

    The Sunday Graphic's 1953 Royal Tour Picture Album cover
    The Sunday Graphic’s 1953 Royal Tour Picture Album … the cover. Image: PJR

    What is intriguing is the concentration on the small island states in the Caribbean and the Pacific, places which did not, at the time, seem to have afforded much material benefit to the UK (although the Fijian soldiers who served in the British army and the Windrush migrants might argue otherwise), but which could be relied upon to provide a loyal, colourful and exotic welcome.

    It is the Pacific that takes up most of the pages here. There are some splendid colour plates (one suspects some of them are actually hand tinted) showing, among other things, Her Majesty and the Secretary for Fijian Affairs, Ratu Lala Sukuna, in Albert Park in Suva, surrounded by Fijians with their gifts for the visitors—50 newly killed pigs, 50 cooked pigs, 10 tons of bananas and 50 metres of tapa cloth.

    It is the depictions of the local people that intrigue after so many decades. Some of the Indigenous peoples, like the Tongans, are well defined (at least in the somewhat patronising terms of the day), others are projected as members of a happy, multi-racial Commonwealth (the various inhabitants of Fiji) and others, like the First Nations peoples of Australia are very awkwardly presented, with little or no information or explanation about who they are or why they are there. Given the things we know now, some of the images raise disturbing questions to which we may never know the answers.

    share a banquet with their Tongan hosts in 1953
    The late Queen Elizabeth and the Duke of Edinburgh share a banquet with their Tongan hosts. The visitors were waited on by members of the Tongan nobility. Image: PJR

    It is unclear whether the author, Elizabeth Morton, accompanied the tour or simply worked from a pile of press releases and newspaper clippings. The book was co-produced with the Sunday Graphic, which closed in 1960, so she may have worked for that masthead.

    Whatever the case, she was clearly eager to present Fiji as a multi-racial success story. While we are told that the royal vessel, the SS Gothic, was greeted by canoes manned by ‘fuzzy haired warriors’ we are also told that ‘Fijians, Indians, Chinese and Europeans’ all cheered the Queen.

    Lautoka’s ‘tremendous welcome’
    Later they visited Lautoka where they received ‘a tremendous welcome from the Indian sugar-cane workers’. Alas, it would only take a few more decades for that multicultural vision to be shattered by the first of the coups that have bedevilled Fiji

    From Fiji, Queen Elizabeth and the Duke of Edinburgh flew to Nuku’alofa in a TEAL Solent Mk IV flying boat, the Aranui, which is now in the MOTAT aviation collection in Auckland.
    Despite only visiting for two days, the royal visitors were given a hearty welcome.

    She and the Duke were greeted by Queen Salote, who had entranced the British when she visited London for Queen Elizabeth’s coronation. When the Tongan monarch rode in an open carriage oblivious of the rain, her fortitude drew the admiration of the crowd and prompted both Noel Coward and Flanders and Swan to make jokes that are probably unrepeatable today.

    Despite preserving its independence, Tonga had strong ties with the United Kingdom. During the Second World War, when the then Princess Elizabeth was driving an ambulance, Queen Salote raised enough money to buy three Spitfires for the RAF.

    After being greeted at the wharf by Queen Salote, the Queen and the Duke drove through the rain into the capital where people from all over the kingdom, including its remotest islands, gathered to greet her.

    Ex-servicemen marched through the streets and at the mala’e the British visitors were waited on by members of the Nobility as they and 2000 guests tucked into a banquet of pork, chicken crayfish, lobsters, yams and pineapples.

    A sipi tau (the Tongan equivalent of the haka) was given in honour of the visitors.
    That night they slept at the royal palace and were wakened in the morning by a serenade of nose flutes.

    Overflowing church
    After breakfast they attended service in the Wesleyan church that was full to overflowing.

    In her speech, Queen Elizabeth said: ‘Never was a more appropriate name bestowed on any lands than that which Captain Cook gave to these beautiful islands when he called them The Friendly Islands.’

    The photographs accompanying the report are of the kind we have become used to: The Queen and her party enjoying local hospitality, receiving gifts and inspecting local curiosities, including Tui Malila, the tortoise said to have been presented by Captain Cook in 1777. The tortoise died in 1966.

    And how were the Tongans presented? It is worth reading, 70 years later, Morton’s description:

    The Tongans are a simple, happy, devout people. They share their fervent loyalty between their own Queen and the Sovereign Head of the Empire and Commonwealth which since 1900 has protected their 1000 year old independence. Their land is rich and fertile, their seas teem with fish; for longer than they can remember there has never been poverty or unemployment in their paradise. Queen Elizabeth II came to them as their friend from afar whose navies guard their shores and whose peoples buy all the bananas, copra and coconuts they produce.

    They welcomed the Queen and her husband with sincere and abandoned joy and gave them a feast that was fabulous in its lavishness. But before this began there was a simple little ceremony on the quay at Nuku’alofa shortly after the Queen and the Duke of Edinburgh landed. Five-year-old Mele Siuilikutape, granddaughter of Queen Salote, came shyly forward and, with all the dignity and grace of her ancient race, presented the friend of Tonga with a basket of wild flowers.

    This passage lays out a vision that was very familiar, an Island paradise presided over by a wise local ruler loyal to Britain and a people forever grateful for the protection of the Royal Navy. Was it only slightly more than 50 years since Kipling had prophesied: ‘Far-called, our navies melt away?’ In another 30 years Britain would barely be able to scrape together enough ships to rescue the Falklands from the Argentine invaders.

    Her Majesty Queen Salote welcomes the late Queen Elizabeth II to the Kingdom of Tonga at the start of the British monarch's 1953-54 visit
    Her Majesty Queen Salote welcomes the late Queen Elizabeth II to the Kingdom of Tonga at the start of the British monarch’s 1953-54 visit. Image: PJR

    Queen Elizabeth visited Tonga again in 1970 and 1977.

    ‘Cherished memories’
    When Prince Harry visited Tonga in 2018 he read a message from his grandmother: ‘To this day I remember with fondness Queen Salote’s attendance at my own Coronation, while Prince Philip and I have cherished memories from our three wonderful visits to your country.’

    From Tonga, the Queen travelled on to New Zealand, where, according to Morton, ‘the Maoris, once the most warlike and adventurous of the Polynesian races, now live in peace and understanding with the people of British stock’.

    Later, she writes: ‘The Maoris gave their first vociferous welcome at Waitangi, an historic spot on the placid waters of the Bay of Islands. Here in 1840 the Maori chiefs met Captain William Hobson—who became the first Governor of New Zealand-and signed a treaty acknowledging Queen Victoria as their sovereign.’ It is possibly not too much to suggest that some modern readers might bridle at this interpretation of the Treaty of Waitangi.

    From New Zealand, the Queen travelled on to Australia. Here too we have a picture of a predominantly white nation, but unlike New Zealand the Indigenous people remain in the background; if not unacknowledged then certainly unexplained. Clumsy as the writing about Māori might seem to us today, it is a reflection of the Pākehā view of the day and Māori representatives are present and clearly indicated in several photographs.

    In Australia, the identified Indigenous face practically disappears. Here is a colour photograph of ‘fearsome looking Torres Straits Islanders armed with bows and arrows and wearing elaborate feather head dresses’ providing a guard of honour in Cairns.

    Here is a group of Aborigines from the Northern Territory who had been shipped to Toowoomba in Queensland where they ‘performed native dances’. Here are two Aboriginal girls in ‘immaculate white dresses’ curtseying to the Queen, but they have their backs to the camera. They have no identity. In the background an Aboriginal dancer looks on.
    Here, though, is six-year-old Beverley Joy Noble, from the Kurrawong Native Mission in Kalgoorlie, Western Australia, presenting a bouquet. One wonders whether she was one of the Stolen Generation.

    There are other, unexplained photographs. There is a picture of the royal party in Busselton in Western Australia where they were greeted by a Boy Scout troop—most of whom seem to be Indigenous Peoples, but nothing is said about who they are or how a multi-racial troop evolved.

    Unexplained picture
    And last but not least, there is an entirely unexplained picture of the late Queen reviewing ‘soldiers and sailors from Australia’s Island Territories’. These vaguely determined people are clearly members of the Pacific Islands Regiment (the PIR) from what was then the Territory of Papua and New Guinea.

    The Royal Tour Picture Album is a glimpse into a world that simply never existed for much of today’s population. However, this does not make the book simply a curiosity. Indeed, for the curious, the book is a joy because of what it contains. It preserves images and ideas and views that need to examined, not just for their historical value, or as a mark of how far attitudes have changed, but as a warning that in 70 years our descendants will look upon our own world—and us—and wonder with equal puzzlement at why or how we behaved and thought as we do.

    Dr Philip Cass is editor of Pacific Journalism Review. This review is republished from PJR in a partnership and was written and published before the death of Queen Elizabeth II on 8 September 2022 aged 96 after a remarkable reign of 70 years.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Barbara Pocock pays tribute to Barbara Ehrenreich, best known for her “classic of social justice literature”, Nickel and Dimed, who died on September 1.

  • By Diana G. Mendoza in Manila

    The Philippine media described him as “Steady Eddie,” a warrior and survivor, and an accidental hero of the world-renowned People Power revolution who later became probably the country’s best president.

    But Fidel V. Ramos, or FVR, was also a study of contradictions.

    Also called Eddie by his friends, Ramos died on the last day of July, a month after the namesake son of dictator Ferdinand Marcos, who was ousted in the popular uprising in 1986 that Ramos led, took his oath as the new president in what observers believed was an election that was far from fair due to voting and election irregularities.

    The former armed forces chief died at 94 from a heart condition and dementia, unimaginable to his admirers who saw him as “cool,” “steady,” athletic, maintaining his military bearing until his old age.

    He was also a multi-tasking workaholic who played golf and jogged regularly while briefing journalists or preparing for his next travel to the communities under a rigorous schedule.

    He succeeded Corazon “Cory” Aquino as president of the Philippines from 1992 to 1998 and was instrumental in boosting the Southeast Asian developing country’s growth through economic policies of deregulation, liberalisation and foreign investment, his Social Reform Agenda that reduced poverty and an anti-oligarch and anti-monopoly stance.

    The only Protestant president of the predominantly Roman Catholic country was also known for his transition from a military general who fought leftist and right-wing dissidents and entering into peace agreements with Islamic separatist groups and Communist insurgents.

    Contrast to ruthless military chief
    His commendable turn as president after Aquino was a contrast to his past as a hardline, ruthless Marcos military commander who led a security force that rounded up dissidents and violated human rights.

    His leadership also saw the harassment, incarceration and exile of Aquino’s husband Benigno, who was assassinated on his return to the country in 1983.

    Philippine General Fidel Ramos
    Flashback … Philippine General Fidel Ramos greeting supporters while barnstorming in his home province north of Manila amid the campaign for the national elections that swept him to power in 1992. Image: Romeo Gacad/PIT File/AFP

    The confluence of events in the years that followed, until the 1986 uprising, was marked by Ramos’ decision to break away from Marcos and to support Aquino, who was cheated massively in the elections.

    He and his military comrades, along with Catholic bishops, called on Filipinos to mount a peaceful revolution, making him a people power hero.

    Pulitzer Prize-winning Filipino journalist Manny Mogato, who covered Ramos when he headed the Defence Department and the military, said in a social media post that the late president was “a man of action… he even (did) push-ups with 300 soldiers who took part in an attempt to overthrow Cory Aquino”.

    Ramos neutralised rogue soldiers who attempted multiple coups against Aquino during her presidency.

    Ramos attended the US military academy at West Point, fought in the Korean War in the 1950s as a platoon leader and led the Philippine contingent in the late 1960s in the Vietnam War.

    ‘Best president ever’
    “Ramos was the best president the country ever had, guarded democracy, broke monopolies and made peace, ending right-wing rebellion, half finishing the Muslim secessionist war and almost reaching a peace deal with Maoist-led rebels,” Mogato said.

    “FVR left behind a legacy of peace, stability and prosperity Filipinos now enjoy.”

    Anastacio Corpuz, an 80-year-old war veteran, said he was saddened by Ramos’ passing, saying that he should have continued as a vocal authority and statesman.

    “Through the years, he was always vocal against corruption in government and abuses by the political elite — including the new government under the dictator’s son,” he lamented.

    “He will be greatly missed.”

    Diana G. Mendoza filed this report for Pacific Island Times in Guam. Republished with permission.

  • OBITUARY:  A personal reflection by Scott Waide in Lae

    Australian-born former PNG cabinet minister and Madang businessman Sir Sir Peter Leslie Charles Barter, 82 — 1940-2022

    Papua New Guinean political giant Sir Peter Barter, who died in Cairns on Wednesday, was a strong supporter of the free press and media development. He personally supported generations of students from Divine Word University.

    Watson Gabana and I and many others who came later were beneficiaries of that support.

    On one occasion, we travelled with Sir Peter to Long Island and Karkar to visit health centres and aid posts. He gave me his camcorder to use.

    At the time, MiniDVs were the latest on the market and rare. No TV station was using them yet.

    As a 19-year-old, I was over the moon! I didn’t shoot enough footage.

    Or at least Sir Peter didn’t think I did. He scolded me in the chopper then gave me advice. It stuck. Don’t waste time. Don’t waste money. Don’t waste opportunities.

    Sure enough, I never got a chance to go back to Long Island. But the experience made an indelible mark.

    My first insights
    It gave me my first insights into the workings of PNG politics, its flaws and the failures of service delivery mechanism.

    On Long Island, Sir Peter was furious. He, as Madang Governor, was angered by the fact that the people were neglected and the health system just didn’t work.

    “It’s out of sight, out of mind,” he fumed. “As long as nobody complains, none of this will be resolved.”

    He stormed off towards the beach with the village councillor led in tow.

    It was a statement that has remained true for service delivery in PNG — “Out of sight, out of mind.”

    As much as it seems improper and out of line, the politician gives much needed visibility to issues of importance.

    Sir Peter was an avid photographer. He used his photography to document the Bougainville peace process and the collection and destruction of small arms in Tambul-Nebiliyer and the Southern Highlands.

    Plight of the Manam people
    He filmed the Manam volcano eruptions and gave unique insights into the plight of the Manam people while at the same time conducting rescue operations for men, women and children.

    His sometimes dry sarcastic sense of humour was legendary.

    Two decades later, I found myself at the Madang Resort restaraunt, arguing with the chef about the pizza that didn’t have the ingredients that were promised on the brochure.

    Sir Peter walked up behind me and asked what the problem was. I promptly directed my complaint to him (the owner of the pizza joint). He quickly responded: “Please give the whinging journalist what he paid for.”

    We went away happy and began another discussion with him about the drop in tourism numbers in Madang and PNG.

    Long live the Knight!

    Scott Waide is an independent Papua New Guinean journalist who contributes to Asia Pacific Report.


    Sir Peter Barter passes on.                                                   Video: EMTV

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • RNZ News

    Joe Hawke — the prominent kaumātua and activist who led the long-running Takaparawhau occupation at Auckland’s Bastion Point in the late 1970s — has died, aged 82.

    Born in Tāmaki Makaurau in 1940, Joseph Parata Hohepa Hawke of Ngāti Whātua ki Ōrākei, led his people in their efforts to reclaim their land and became a Member of Parliament.

    He had been involved in land issues in his role as secretary of Te Matakite o Aotearoa, in the land march led by Dame Whina Cooper in 1975, before Ngāti Whātua Ōrākei walked onto their ancestral land on the Auckland waterfront in January 1977 and began an occupation that lasted 506 days.

    He was among the 222 people arrested in May 1978 when police, backed by army personnel, ejected the protesters off their whenua.

    In archival audio recorded during the protest, he exhibited his relentless commitment to the reclamation and return of whenua Māori — his people’s land — and for equality.

    “We are landless in our own land, Takaparawha means a tremendous amount to our people. The struggle for the retention of this land is the most important struggle which our people have faced for many years. To lose this last bit of ground would be a death blow to the mana, to the honour and to the dignity of the Ngāti Whātua people,” Hawke said1977.

    “We are prepared to go the whole way because legally we have the legal right to do it.”

    In 1987, he took the Bastion Point claim to the Waitangi Tribunal and had the satisfaction of seeing the Tribunal rule in Ngāti Whātua’s favour] and the whenua being returned.

    He was a pou for protests and demonstrations thereafter — a prominent pillar in Māori movements.

    In the 1990s Hawke became a director of companies involved in Māori development, and in 1996 he entered Parliament as a Labour Party list MP, before retiring from politics in 2002.

    In 2008, he became a Member of the New Zealand Order of Merit for his services to Māori and the community.

    Hawke’s tangi will be held at Ōrākei Marae this week. Wednesday marks the 44th anniversary of the Bastion Point eviction. His nehu will be on Thursday.

    E te rangatira, moe mai rā.

    The Bastion Point occupation protest lasted 506 days
    The Bastion Point occupation protest lasted 506 days … 222 people were arrested in May 1978 when police, backed by army personnel, ejected the protesters off their whenua. Image: NZ History – Govt
  • Phil Sandford had two consuming passions: jazz and revolutionary socialism, writes Derek Mortimer

    This post was originally published on Green Left.


  • When Clinton-era Secretary of State Madeleine Albright died of cancer last month, a stream of fawning obituaries hailed her as a hero of NATO, a feminist icon and a “champion of human rights and diplomacy” (CNN, 3/24/22).

    Most coverage failed to levy any criticism at all of Albright’s actions in government, despite her presiding over a critical turning point in the American Empire. For the foreign policy establishment, the ’90s under Albright solidified the US self-image as the “indispensable nation,” ready and able to impose its will on the world, a position with repercussions that still echo today. Instead of critically exploring this legacy, corporate media opted for celebration and mythmaking.

    ‘Icon’ and ‘trailblazer’

    Reuters: Madeleine Albright, former U.S. secretary of state and feminist icon, dies at 84

    Reuters‘ obituary (3/23/22) for “the first female US secretary of state and, in her later years, a pop culture feminist icon.”

    Some of the coverage focused on Albright as a “feminist icon” (Reuters, 3/23/22; USA Today, 3/23/22)  breaking the glass ceiling. A commonly used term was “trailblazer” (e.g., NPR, 3/24/22; Washington Post, 3/23/22).

    The New Yorker (3/24/22) declared,Madeleine Albright Was the First ‘Most Powerful Woman’ in US History.” CNN (3/24/22) went as far as to call Albright an early progenitor of “feminist foreign policy.”

    NPR (3/24/22) claimed that Albright “left a rich legacy for other women in public service to follow.” BuzzFeed (3/23/22) found time to discuss the meaning of the jewelry she wore when meeting foreign leaders.

    There is nothing wrong with remarking on the significance of a woman taking charge in the historically male-dominated halls of US power. However, it is far more important to take a critical look at her policies, including whether they jibe with the tenets of feminism as generally understood—something few in the media chose to do.

    Media fell into this same trap when praising Gina Haspel as the first female head of the CIA, or when they applauded the top military contractors for having female heads (FAIR.org, 6/28/20). Similarly, Albright’s violent legacy is being obscured by seemingly progressive language.

    ‘More children than died in Hiroshima’

    Madeline Albright on 60 Minutes

    Madeleine Albright telling 60 Minutes (5/12/96) that half a million dead children is a price worth paying.

    One of the first things many progressives think of when they think of Albright is her championing of the sanctions against Iraq during the ’90s. In between the two US wars on Iraq, Albright presided over crushing sanctions aimed at turning the Iraqi population against the Ba’athist government. These sanctions cut off crucial supplies to the nation, starving its people. A UN survey found that the sanctions led to hundreds of thousands of dead Iraqi children.

    When Albright was confronted with this figure in an interview with CBS‘s Leslie Stahl on 60 Minutes (5/12/96; Extra!, 11–12/01), Albright’s response was cold:

    “We have heard that half a million children have died. I mean, that is more children than died in Hiroshima,” Stahl said. “And, you know, is the price worth it?”

    “I think that is a very hard choice, but the price, we think, the price is worth it.”

    The UN numbers have since been revised downward, but the unavoidable fact is that Albright accepted the number she was given, took willful responsibility for the deaths and concluded that they were “worth it” for the purpose of turning the Iraqi people against their government.

    Common Dreams: I'm an Iraqi and I Remember Madeleine Albright for Who She Truly Was

    Ahmed Twaij (Al Jazeera English via Common Dreams, 3/27/22): “The most prominent memory of Albright that I have in my mind is from an interview she gave to CBS 60 Minutes in 1996.”

    While so many Americans seem to have forgotten this shameful display, the rest of the world has not. Ahmed Twaij, an Iraqi writing in Al Jazeera (3/27/22), said that his “most prominent memory of Albright” was that notorious interview:

    As an Iraqi, the memory of Albright will forever be tainted by the stringent sanctions she helped place on my country at a time when it was already devastated by years of war.

    Despite its resonance around the world, the quote wasn’t even referenced in many of the retrospectives FAIR reviewed. USA Today (3/23/22) mentioned that Albright received “criticism” for calling the deaths “worth it,” and Newsweek (3/23/22, 3/25/22, 3/23/22) mentioned the quote in some of its coverage. But it went missing from the New York Times (3/23/22, 3/25/22), Washington Post (3/23/22), NBC.com (3/23/22), CNN.com (3/24/22, 3/26/22), New Yorker (3/24/22) and The Hill (3/24/22).

    Guaranteed shootdown

    Gen. Hugh Shelton, former chair of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, recounts in his book how Albright suggested to him that the US fly a plane over Iraqi airspace low enough to be shot down, thus giving the US an excuse to attack Saddam Hussein. Shelton recalls Albright’s words:

    What we really need in order to go in and take out Saddam is a precipitous event—something that would make us look good in the eyes of the world. Could you have one of our U-2s fly low enough—and slow enough—so as to guarantee that Saddam could shoot it down?

    Albright was quickly rebuffed, but she was later able to get her wish of war in Iraq. Her efforts culminated in the Iraq Liberation Act, signed in October 1998, which made seeking regime change in Iraq official US policy.

    As the New York Times (3/23/22) mentioned in its obituary, Albright threatened the Ba’athist leader with bombing that year if he didn’t open the country to weapons inspectors. Even though Kofi Annan brokered an agreement on the inspectors, the US bombed anyway in December 1998.

    The Times didn’t explore these events further—not mentioning that the administration justified the bombing using the debunked pretext of Saddam’s weapons of mass destruction—and instead continued ahead with its largely positive obituary.

    Rewriting Yugoslav history

    Time: Albright at War

    When Time magazine (5/9/99) called Kosovo “Albright’s War,” it meant that as a compliment.

    One of Albright’s most notable moments during her tenure as secretary of state was the 78-day bombing campaign in Yugoslavia in 1999. Today, the bombing is hailed as a major victory by the forces of democracy, and Albright’s role is cast in a positive light.

    NPR’s three sentences (3/24/22) on the subject show the dominant version of the events:

    As chief diplomat in the late ’90s, Albright confronted the deadly targeting of ethnic Albanians in Kosovo. Time magazine dubbed it Madeleine’s War. Airstrikes in 1999 eventually led to the withdrawal of Yugoslav forces.

    Americans were told at the time that the war solidified the US as “an indispensable nation asserting its morality as well as its interests to assure stability, stop thugs and prevent human atrocities” (Time, 5/9/99). The Washington Post (3/23/22) seized on this myth, calling Albright “an ardent and effective advocate against mass atrocities.” In this story, she is a hero for mobilizing the timid American giant to use its military might on behalf of humanitarian and democratic ideals.

    But the truth is that the bombing Albright advocated was motivated less by humanitarian concerns and more by the US goal of breaking up Yugoslavia and establishing a NATO-friendly client state via the Kosovo Liberation Army. Indeed, the US’s negotiating tactic with Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic was to offer the choice of either occupation by NATO or destruction. As a member of Albright’s negotiating team anonymously told reporters (Extra!, 7–8/99): “We intentionally set the bar too high for the Serbs to comply. They need some bombing, and that’s what they are going to get.”

    Exacerbating bloodshed

    One fact that quickly debunks the humanitarian pretext is that the US-led bombing greatly exacerbated the bloodshed. According to Foreign Affairs (9–10/99), 2,500 died during the preceding civil war, but “during the 11 weeks of bombardment, an estimated 10,000 people died violently in the province.” And while Albanian civilians bore the brunt of the violence during the NATO attacks, in the year preceding the bombing, British Defense Secretary George Robertson told the Parliament that the NATO-backed KLA “were responsible for more deaths in Kosovo than the Yugoslav authorities had been” (Monthly Review, 10/07).

    As Edward Herman and David Peterson wrote in their detailed essay on Yugoslavia in the Monthly Review (10/07), the US and NATO

    were key external factors in the initiation of ethnic cleansing, in keeping it going, and in working toward a violent resolution of the conflicts that would keep the United States and NATO relevant in Europe, and secure NATO’s dominant position in the Balkans.

    The concern for ethnic minorities was merely a pretext offered to the American people, and lapped up wholeheartedly by a compliant mass media.

    Along with liberal hawks like Samantha Power, Albright helped weaponize human rights and legitimize unsanctioned “humanitarian interventions” around the world. This showcase of unilateral and illegal violence has had direct repercussions around the world, paving the way for US interventions in Afghanistan, Iraq and Libya—to say nothing of the current Russian attack on Ukraine.

    Promoting hawkish policy

    CBS: Madeleine Albright, first woman to serve as U.S. secretary of state, dies at 84

    CBS (3/23/22): “Albright and [President Bill] Clinton clashed with then-UN Secretary General Boutros Boutros-Ghali as she advocated fiercely for U.S. and democratic interests.”

    Much of the coverage framed Albright’s Clinton-era career arc as one in which she repeatedly failed to get the US to play a larger role in advancing its ideals in the post-Cold War world. This fight included taking on international institutions that didn’t understand American exceptionalism.

    Albright clashed with then–UN Secretary General Boutros Boutros-Ghali “as she advocated fiercely for US and democratic interests,” in the words of CBS (3/23/22). She and Boutros-Ghali butted heads over the US role in peacekeeping operations during crises in Rwanda, Somalia and Bosnia.

    In the end, Albright dissented against the entire UN Security Council, using the US veto power to deny Boutros-Ghali a second term as secretary general. His ouster paved the way for the more US-friendly Kofi Annan, as the “Albright Doctrine” took center stage.

    In its cover story on “Albright’s War,” Time (5/9/99) described the Albright doctrine as

    a tough-talking, semimuscular interventionism that believes in using force—including limited force such as calibrated air power, if nothing heartier is possible—to back up a mix of strategic and moral objectives.

    In other words, Albright advocated a policy of unilateral intervention instead of an global order based on international law and mutual obligations. The US could assert itself whenever and wherever it determined the “strategic and moral objectives” were of sufficient importance.

    The diplomat was more blunt about the US chauvinism imbued in the doctrine when she spoke to NBC (2/19/98) in 1998:

    If we have to use force, it is because we are America; we are the indispensable nation. We stand tall and we see further than other countries into the future.

    ‘Albright was right’

    CNN:The West would be wise to heed Madeleine Albright’s lessons on foreign policy

    A CNN op-ed (3/24/22) positively cited Albright’s comment to Joint Chiefs of Staff chair Colin Powell: “What’s the point of having this superb military you’re always talking about if we can’t use it?”

    The media reflect positively on this mindset that “blended her profound moral values from her childhood experience in Europe with US strategic interests,” according to the New Yorker (3/24/22). Some suggested that this mindset should continue to animate American policy.

    CNN.com (3/24/22) published an opinion by Elmira Bayrasli that claimed, “The West would be wise to heed Madeleine Albright’s lessons on foreign policy.” She embraced Albright’s hawkish label, saying that “advocating the oppressed and actively upholding human rights…sometimes meant using the might of the American military.”

    Hillary Clinton, whose “trailblazing” also obscured the deadly cost of her foreign policy initiatives, published a guest essay in the New York Times (3/25/22) under the headline “Madeleine Albright Warned Us, and She Was Right.” To Clinton, the world still needs Albright’s “clear-eyed view of a dangerous world, and her unstinting faith in…the unique power of the American idea.”

    While some pieces were clear in calling her a hawk (e.g., Washington Post, 3/23/22), CNN (3/24/22) wrote, “It is a mistake to see Albright exclusively as a hawk,” because she sat on the board of the National Democratic Institute (NDI) and supported the activities of the US Agency for International Development (USAID). The Hill (3/24/22) also highlighted her support for these organizations, noting that for Albright, “democracy and human rights…were integral to American foreign policy.”

    The NDI exists under the umbrella of the National Endowment for Democracy, a deceptively named organization that spends tens of millions of dollars annually promoting and installing US-friendly governments around the world. USAID has long been used as a front for intelligence and soft power initiatives. During Albright’s time in office, USAID was heavily involved in facilitating the further destruction of Haitian democracy, among a myriad of similar activities around the world.

    These organizations have been well-documented as extensions of US power and bases for subversive activities, but this history is dismissed in favor of the government’s line that they are genuine conduits for democracy. The methods of empire have evolved, but the Albright coverage continues to obscure this fact. Regime change efforts can be recast as efforts to spread democracy around the world if the press refuses to scrutinize the official line.

    NATO expansion

    MSNBC: Madeleine Albright's NATO expansion helped keep Russia in check

    “Madeleine Albright’s NATO expansion helped keep Russia in check,” argued MSNBC’s Noah Rothman (3/24/22)—even as NATO expansion, as predicted, had sparked a bloody Russian invasion of Ukraine.

    NATO expansion, a major initiative during Albright’s tenure, has come to the forefront of US discussion in recent months. The Russian invasion of Ukraine is in part a result of the decades-long expansion of the NATO military alliance, despite the warnings of US foreign policy veterans that the expansion was a “policy error of historic proportions.” (See FAIR.org, 3/4/22.)

    In 1998, legendary diplomat George Kennan (New York Times, 5/2/98) called NATO expansion “a tragic mistake.” He predicted, “I think the Russians will gradually react quite adversely and it will affect their policies…and then [the NATO expanders] will say that we always told you that is how the Russians are.”

    Kennan’s words have proven prophetic, but most articles on Albright’s passing wrote fondly of her role in NATO expansion and the accompanying anti-Russian politics. CNN.com (3/23/22), in an article headlined “Albright Predicted Putin’s Strategic Disaster in Ukraine,” declared that the former top diplomat “died just as the murderous historic forces that she had spent her career trying to quell are raging in Europe again.”

    MSNBC.com (3/24/22) declared that “​​Madeleine Albright’s NATO Expansion Helped Keep Russia in Check.” Columnist Noah Rothman explained that “only the compelling deterrent power of counterforce stays the hand of land-hungry despots.”

    The New Yorker (3/24/22) described NATO expansion as one of Albright’s “major achievements,” despite acknowledging that in the wake of the policy, “​​​​US interests are indeed threatened more than at any time in three decades by Russian aggression in Europe.”

    Some pieces were more reflective. The Conversation (3/24/22) went into detail on her role in expanding NATO, acknowledging that “Albright’s curt dismissal of Russia’s security concerns might seem to have been ill-judged…in light of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.”

    A time for reflection

    In the United States, political figures are merged with the culture of celebrity. Too many judge politicos by their force of personality or lines on their resume, rather than the material changes that occurred on their watch. The substantive history of US policymaking is rarely brought up, and political discussion remains surface-level and incomplete.

    This celebrity culture is on full display whenever a venerated member of the Washington establishment passes away. We’ve seen similar soft media coverage after the deaths of George H.W. Bush (FAIR.org, 12/7/18), Colin Powell (FAIR.org, 10/28/21) and Donald Rumsfeld (FAIR.org, 7/2/21).

    By now, the idea of the United States as the global policeman has been discredited enough to warrant at least some pushback in the corporate press. The passing of one of America’s leading interventionists should be a time for reflection. How did this person’s policies contribute to what is going on now?

    Instead, the media decided to use Albright’s death to reinforce the myths and legitimize the policies that have led to so much destruction around the world.

    The post Selling Albright as a ‘Feminist Icon’: Was the Price Worth It? appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  • For more terrestrially grounded people, writing about cricket can be seen as an exercise in distant planetary speculation.  The Nobel laureate Harold Pinter did not think so, calling this old English game “the greatest thing that God ever created on earth.”  Others might disagree with mild disgust, finding it archaic, jargon heavy and slow.

    In the early 1990s, one figure broke through the stuffiness of willow bats, pads, leather balls and white flannel.  When life left the overly worked body of Australia’s Shane Warne, who expired in Thailand at 52, the reaction was global.  In India and Pakistan, hundreds of millions mourned.  This most celebrated of error-prone buffoons was, as the emperor Vespasian might have said, becoming a god.

    The Melbourne Cricket Ground, on March 30, became the venue for one such occasion: a state memorial service held in honour of the cricketer.  For a brief spell, a sporting stadium had become a cathedral, the occasion heavy with solemnity.  In it, Warne’s followers and admirers communed.

    When Sir Elton John appears to commemorate you, the celebrity value is bound to inflate and discombobulate.  There were others from the Hollywood set with recorded speeches (fittingly, Warne, with his peroxide hair, ear adornments and lifestyle had been given the name of “Hollywood”).  The more cynical observer might wonder whether these people would necessarily know what a cricket pitch looked like, let alone what Warne’s expertise entailed.  But sport in this era can enable a figure to move beyond fringes, catapulted to permanent, social media dissemination. Even prior to the advent of the tech giant platform, Warney had already broken the mould.

    Nothing can be taken away from his expertise, in so far as it was practised on the cricket ground.  The smell of leather whirring and whizzing upon flattened grass.  Deception and guile, packed into the movement of the delivery.  A mastery of tactics, field placements, with a sublime ability that enabled him to execute the “ball of the century” in 1993 against England’s bemused Mike Gatting.

    Memorials, however, always risk going too far, slipping into soppy hagiography.  Malcolm Knox tearily glistens by claiming that the cricketer was “a force of nature and an everyman”.  Writing like a starstruck admirer, Knox is dewey.  “If you ever walked behind Shane Warne through a crowded place, you might get an idea of what it was like.  Some deferred by looking away again.  Others grappled with their phones to take a quick shot.”

    Another admirer of Warne’s, sports commentator Sam Newman, was aghast about Warne’s other, lesser-known activities.  It came out during the memorial service itself.  Warne, Andrea Egan of the UN Development Programme revealed, had joined its wildlife fund, Lion’s Share, in 2021.  Her address seemed to transform the late sports figure into a modern incarnation of St. Francis of Assisi.  She explained how his legacy lived on “in the people of Sri Lanka promoting sea turtle conservation, in an all-female anti-poaching unit in South Africa and the team of the Byron Bay hospital, who were supported in the wake of the bushfires.”

    Egan’s appearance stunned Newman. “They had a representative from the United Nations!  I tell you what, if that man has not taken all before him, I’d like to see someone who can top that.”  It’s not often you hear a good word about the UN in these circles – Newman is as parochially soaked as they come – but he had to concede that Warne’s involvement, and the acknowledgment, “nearly blew me out of the water”.

    Memorial services also serve to iron out wrinkles and add cosmetic touch-ups.  Brilliance, or genius, can be mistaken as being broad rather than confined, somehow seeping into other areas of life.  Unless you have a particular affection for laddish and occasionally loutish behaviour, for acts of spectacular stupidity in public life, cricket remains the throne upon which Warne sat most comfortably.  But when he got off it and wandered around without orb and sceptre, the messiness began.

    Warne made no secret of this tendency, though he proved unapologetic about it.  In one of his three ghost written autobiographies, No Spin, he conceded to having “made a number of mistakes in my life and I will continue to make them. This is what it means to be human.”

    With that standard in mind, Warne proved particularly human in accepting $5,000 in 1994 during a one-day tournament in Sri Lanka from a shady Indian bookmaker by the name of “John”.  This was a stroke of good luck – Warne had frittered away about that same amount at the hotel’s casino in Colombo.  This “gift” with “no strings attached” transpired because Warne’s own Australian teammate, Mark Waugh, had received $4000 from “John” for supplying weather and pitch reports.

    In reflecting upon this incident, Warne gave one of his famously baffling reasons.  He did not wish to insult John, who was offering the money to a figure he described as “a great player”.  He would recall that this was “the sort of conversation I might have had with my dad and brother.”  This dubious family analogy did not extend to the Pakistani cricketer Saleem Malik, who, fortunately for the slow bowler, failed in an attempt to make Warne throw a match for $200,000.

    Family, however, makes an appearance again in 2003.  The occasion was the injudicious taking of tablets, which pushed Warne, and Australia, into the less than flattering light of sports doping.  That year, Warne was found to have taken a banned diuretic.  Like many an idiot son in the lurch, he blamed his unwitting mother, who wished him to look “nice” when facing the media.

    At the time, Dick Pound, former vice-president of the International Olympic Committee, found that explanation incorrigible, “laughable” and on par with the excuse, “I got it from the toilet seat”.  In February 2003, the Australian Cricket Board drugs panel imposed a twelve-month ban.

    An unrelenting Pound would continue to find Warne’s account dubious.  In his 2006 book Inside Dope, the former sporting administrator is withering to the cricketer.  Pointing the finger at his mother for wishing to see a more streamlined version of her son before the cameras concealed the fact that Warne was nursing a shoulder injury.  “The diuretic was a masking agent that could have hidden the possible use of steroids that would help the injury cure faster.  He had returned to play almost twice as quickly as the experts had predicted.”

    With Warne’s entry into the pantheon of cricket’s immortals, ethicists and philosophers will have no reason to lose sleep.  Dick Pound will remain unconvinced.  The most profitable exercise will be to regard the player’s talent on the field with admiration, and his ability to command loyalty as remarkable.  Keep him on cricket’s throne.  He looks best there.

    The post Give Me that Flipper Shane first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • Brazilian-French ecosocialist and scholar Michael Löwy pays tribute to French revolutionary leftist Alain Krivine, who died on March 12.

    This post was originally published on Green Left.

  • SPECIAL REPORT: By Giff Johnson, editor of the Marshall Islands Journal and RNZ Pacific correspondent

    Micronitor News and Printing Company founder Joe Murphy moved the goal posts of freedom of press and freedom of expression in the Marshall Islands, a country that had virtually no tradition of either, by establishing an independent newspaper that today is the longest running weekly in the Micronesia region.

    Murphy’s sharp intellect, fierce independence, vision for creating a community newspaper, bilingual language ability, and resilience in the face of adversity saw him navigate hurdles — including high tide waves that in 1979 washed printing presses out of the Micronitor building and into the street — to successfully establish a printing company and newspaper in the challenging business environment of 1970s Majuro.

    Murphy, who died at age 79 in the United States last week, was the original sceptic, who revelled in the politically incorrect.

    At 25, he arrived in the Marshall Islands capital Majuro in the mid-1960s and was dispatched by the Peace Corps to Ujelang, the atoll of the nuclear exiles from Enewetak bomb tests that was a textbook definition of the term “in the back of beyond.” A ship once a year, and no radio, TV, telephones or mail.

    Still, Joe thrived as an elementary teacher, survived food shortages and hordes of rats, endearing him to a generation of Ujelang people as an honorary member of the exiled community.

    After Ujelang, he wrapped up his two-year Peace Corps stint by taking over teaching an unruly urban centre public school class after the previous teacher walked out. He rewrote what he deemed boring curriculum and taught in military style, replete with chants in English.

    These experiences in pre-1970s Marshall Islands fuelled his desire to return. After his Peace Corps tour, some time to travel the world, and a brief return to the US, Murphy headed back to Majuro.

    No money, but a vision
    He had no money to speak of, but he had a vision and he set out to make it happen.

    “He was determined to start a newspaper written in both the English and Marshallese languages,” recalls fellow Peace Corps Volunteer Mike Malone, the co-founder with Murphy of what was initially known as Micronitor.

    Marshall Islands Journal founder and publisher Joe Murphy in the late 2010s.
    Marshall Islands Journal founder and publisher Joe Murphy in the late 2010s … “Freedom of the press belongs to those who own one.” – “I own one.” Image: Giff Johnson/RNZ

    In late 1969, they began constructing a small newspaper building, mixing concrete and laying the foundation block-by-block with the help of a few friends.

    Before the building was completed, however, they launched the Micronitor in 1970, printing from Malone’s house.

    The Micronitor would be renamed later to the Micronesian Independent for a bit before finding its identity as the Marshall Islands Journal.

    Writing in the Journal in 1999, Murphy commented: “The 30th anniversary of this publication is an event most of us who remember the humble beginnings of the Journal are surprised to see.

    “February 13, 1970 was a Friday, an unlucky day to begin an enterprise by most reckonings, and the two guys who were spearheading the operation were Irish-extract alcohol aficionados with very little or no newspaper experience.

    A worthy undertaking
    “They also, between the two of them, had practically no money, and of course should never, had they any commonsense, even attempted such a worthy undertaking.

    “But circumstances and time were on their side, and with all potential serious investors steering clear of such a dubious exercise they had the opportunity to make a great number of mistakes without an eager competitor ready and willing to capitalise on them.”

    With Murphy at the helm, it wasn’t long before the Journal earned a reputation far beyond the shores of the tiny Pacific outpost of Majuro. Murphy encouraged local writers, and spiced the newspaper with pithy comment and attacks on US Trust Territory authorities and the Congress of Micronesia.

    Joe Murphy in Majuro in the mid-1970s
    Joe Murphy in Majuro in the mid-1970s, a few years after launching the Marshall Islands Journal, which would go on to be the longest publishing weekly newspaper in the Micronesia area. Image: Giff Johnson/RNZ

    In the late 1980s and 1990s Murphy built two bars and restaurants, local-style places that appealed to Majuro residents as well as visitors. He also built the Backpacker Hotel, a modest cost accommodation that turned into a popular outpost for fisheries observers awaiting their next assignment at sea, low-budget journalists, environmentalists and assorted consultants.

    “The first thing that people think about when it comes to my father is that he is a very successful businessman here in the Marshall Islands,” said his eldest daughter Rose Murphy, who manages the company today.

    “But we need to remember him as someone who wanted to give the Republic of the Marshall Islands a voice.”

    “To say Joe was a unique person is a large understatement,” said Health Secretary and former Peace Corps Volunteer Jack Niedenthal.

    An icon with impact
    “He was an icon and had a profound impact on our country because he fostered free speech and demanded that those in our government always be held publicly accountable for their actions.”

    A plaque in his office defined his independent personality and his appreciation of the power of the press. It quoted the famous American journalist AJ Liebling: “Freedom of the press belongs to those who own one.” This was followed by a three-word comment: “I own one.” – Joe Murphy.

    “He fought for freedom of speech and fought against discrimination,” said Rose Murphy. “Regardless of race, religion, and even status, he befriended people from all parts of the world and from all walks of life.”

    In the mid-1990s, Joe Murphy created what became the justly famous motto of the Journal, the “world’s worst newspaper.” It was a reaction to the more politically correct mottos of other newspapers.

    Those three words led to wide international media exposure. In 1994, the Boston Globe conducted a survey of the world’s worst newspapers, reviewing a batch of Journals Murphy mailed.

    When the Globe reporter concluded that despite its claim, the Journal not only didn’t rank as the world’s worst newspaper it was “a first-class newspaper,” Murphy’s reaction was to say, “We must have sent you the wrong issues.”

    The Marshall Islands Journal was the subject of scrutiny by the Boston Globe to determine if publisher Joe Murphy's claim that the Journal was the "World's Worst Newspaper" was accurate.
    The Marshall Islands Journal was the subject of scrutiny by the Boston Globe to determine if publisher Joe Murphy’s claim that the Journal was the “World’s Worst Newspaper” was accurate. Image: Giff Johnson/RNZ

    Murphy knew the key to successful newspaper publishing was not how nicely or otherwise the newspaper was packaged, or if a photograph was in colour. The most important ingredient in any successful local newspaper is original content, intelligently and interestingly written.

    ‘Livened up’ the Journal
    He did more than his fair share to liven up the Journal, from the time of its launch until poor health after 2019 prevented his engagement in the newspaper.

    “My father experienced extreme hardships on Ujelang along with his adopted Marshallese family, the exiled people of Enewetak Atoll, who were moved to Ujelang to make way for US nuclear tests in the late 1940s,” said daughter Rose.

    “He shared these hardships with his children to give them the perspective of being grateful for any little thing we had. If we had a broken shoe or little food, he shared with us this story.

    “Our father, to us, is a symbol of resilience and gratitude. Be resilient in tough situations.”

    From growing up among eight children of Irish immigrant parents in the United States to the austerity of Ujelang Atoll to the early days of establishing what would become the longest publishing weekly newspaper in the Micronesia region, Murphy was indeed a symbol of resilience and independence, able to navigate tough situations with alacrity.

    One of the first editions of the Majuro newspaper Micronitor in 1970
    One of the first editions of the Majuro newspaper in 1970, then known as Micronitor. Image: Giff Johnson/RNZ

    “Democracy was able to establish a toehold, and then a firm grip, in the Western Pacific in part because of a handful of journalism pioneers who believed in the power of truth, particularly Joe Murphy on Majuro,” said veteran Pacific island journalist Floyd K Takeuchi.

    “He had the courage to challenge the powers that be, including those of the chiefly kind, to be better, and to do better.

    “People forget that for many years, the long-term future of the Marshall Islands Journal wasn’t a sure thing. With every issue of the weekly newspaper, Joe’s legacy is made firmer in the islands he so loved.”

    Murphy is survived by his wife Thelma, by children Rose, Catherine “Katty,” John, Suzanne, Margaret “Peggy,” Molly, Fintan, Sam, Charles “Kainoa,” Colleen “Naki,” Patrick “Jojo”, Sean, Sylvia Zedkaia and Deardre Korean, and by 32 grandchildren.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Seventy-three-year-old former Sandinista leader Hugo Torres died in Nicaragua’s capital on February 12. Dick Nichols pays tribute and looks at the circumstances leading to Torres’s arrest and imprisonment eight months ago.

    This post was originally published on Green Left.

  • OBITUARY: Phil Thornton profiles cartoonist Harn Lay, 1963-2022

    I first met cartoonist Harn Lay, who has died peacefully at 59, 15 years ago in the northern Thai town of Chiang Mai. He was then working for The Irrawaddy Magazine.

    I was impressed by his cartoons that never failed to skewer Burma’s military regime and wanted to write a feature about him and his work.

    Today, the military regime still rules Burma with an iron fist. Poets, writers, lawyers, monks, artists, doctors, comedians, musicians, bloggers, politicians, activists and journalists have been hunted, arrested, tortured and jailed for for speaking out against the regime and its 1 February 2021 coup.

    During our series of interviews in 2006, Harn Lay didn’t hold back in his contempt for Burma’s military hardmen.

    Harn Lay said he detested former General Than Shwe and his regime and it showed in the cartoons he drew for The Irrawaddy Magazine, Democratic Voice of Burma, Voice of America and the Shan Herald Agency for News.

    Harn Lay dismissed the generals with a cutting barb: “Than Shwe’s a pumped up bully. I try to show how ridiculous he is, a little fat man in a uniform. His only power, his gun.”

    Despite the humour, Harn Lay took his role as an artist seriously and said it was his duty to point out the emperor was naked, even when it was the so-called “good guys”.

    Cartoons also upset pro-democracy, aid groups
    “It’s like a responsibility. I stand by the victims of the powerful and the ruthless. I try to make people not only laugh, but to be aware of how they can be manipulated. Sometimes my cartoons have upset the pro-democracy and aid groups.”

    Harn Lay was proud of his Shan State heritage and explained he first tried for freedom by joining an ethnic armed group.

    “When I was younger, I joined the Mong Tai Army (MTA) to fight for Shan freedom and independence. But it was an illusion. Khun Sa [the MTA leader] was power mad, the same as Than Shwe and other dictators.

    “He was like a kid, no control, he wanted everything he saw.”

    Harn Lay soon realised it was time to put down the gun and pick up his pen.

    “The gun kills, the pen doesn’t. I tried to use cartoons to express my politics, the injustices people suffer and to make them laugh at the powerful –– they can’t be too powerful if people are laughing at them.”

    Harn Lay told me his intention was always to get under the skin of the ruthless and powerful dictators of Burma.

    “Translated, my name means a leaf that causes irritation and itching. I want to make these powerful generals uncomfortable, I want to show people what they are really like without the protection of their uniforms and I want to show they are mortal.”

    Harn Lay said the cruelty of the Burma regime was never a laughing matter and he was still drawing cartoons lampooning the generals until recently.

    “Every Burmese person has been hurt or touched by their brutality. I’ve given up the gun, but I’ll keep drawing and try to expose this regime for the criminals they are.”

    Until late 2021, Harn Lay was still lampooning the military junta and its generals in his cartoons.

    Harn Lay enjoyed the support of his wife Yuwadee and his daughter Wan Wan, but told me at the time they could be his harshest critics.

    “I met Yuwadee 16-years-ago in Shan State. I test my work out on her for clarity. If she laughs, I know I’m on track.”

    Harn Lay’s art has featured in a number of international exhibitions and he is the recipient of numerous awards for his work.

    Phil Thornton is a journalist and senior adviser to the International Federation of Journalists in South East Asia. This article was first published by Karen News and is republished with the author’s permission. Thornton is a contributor to Asia Pacific Report.

    A Harn Lay cartoon on human rights
    Harn Lay realised it was time to put down the gun and pick up his pen. Cartoon: Harn Lay/Karen News

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Fred Moore was born in Cobar in New South Wales, lived in Lithgow and came into the Illawarra many times to support different struggles before he moved to Dapto to work in Nebo Colliery and later Australian Iron & Steel mine (a subsidiary of BHP at the time).

    He was active in the NSW Miners Federation for more than 30 years.

    This post was originally published on Green Left.

  •  

    Boston Globe: Lani Guinier, civil rights champion and Harvard law professor, dies at 71

    The Boston Globe (1/8/22) framed its obituary for Lani Guinier around her teaching career and civil rights advocacy.

    “Harvard Law Professor Guinier Dies at 71; Known for Civil Rights Work, Public Service,” was the headline on the Boston Globe‘s January 8 obituary for teacher, voting rights advocate and author Lani Guinier. The story cited Harvard Law School dean John Manning, saying that Guinier “changed our understanding of democracy—of why and how the voices of the historically underrepresented must be heard and what it takes to have a meaningful right to vote.” New York’s Daily News (1/7/22) had “Lani Guinier, Civil Rights Attorney, Voting Rights Advocate, Dies at 71.”

    In big national media, it was different: The New York Times story (1/7/22) was headlined “Lani Guinier, Legal Scholar at the Center of Controversy, Dies at 71,” while the Washington Post (1/9/22) went with “Lani Guinier, Law Professor and Embattled Justice Department Nominee, Dies at 71.”

    For some elite media, what’s most important—about an event, a country or a human being—is whatever media have chosen to center, generally just the relationship to the official power that for them is the source of all meaning.

    In Guinier’s case, it’s the fact that she was nominated by Bill Clinton to lead the Justice Department’s Civil Rights Division, but when conservative activists, upset about Supreme Court fights over Robert Bork and Clarence Thomas, campaigned to attack her nomination by transparently distorting her opinions (Extra!, 7–8/93), Clinton dropped her like a hot rock. That is the “takeaway” from Guinier’s life and work.

    New York Times: Lani Guinier, Legal Scholar at the Center of Controversy

    The New York Times (1/7/22) stressed Guinier’s role as the “center of controversy.

    That corporate media center their own perspective does not mean they acknowledge their own role. No; the Times can report that Republican assertions that Guinier championed affirmative action quotas were baseless, and that many of her criticisms around, e.g., redistricting have since become “mainstream.” But don’t expect them to remember that on the day her nomination was withdrawn, the paper ran an op-ed (6/3/93) premised on the false idea that she was in favor of “segregating Black voters in Black-majority districts.”

    Or that when the paper finally devoted an article (6/4/93) to her actual views, rather than to the political firestorm that raged around them, after the nomination had already been killed, there still was not a single quote from any of her writings. “Almost everyone is relying on reconstructions by journalists and partisans, injecting further distortions into the process,” reporter David Margolick wrote—with that ”everyone,” as he acknowledged in an interview with FAIR, including himself.

    The Washington Post (1/9/22) can talk about how “conservative activists” seized on articles whose actual content they neglected to cite, in order to discredit Guinier—without even pretending to explore how some of their own leading lights, like Lally Weymouth (5/25/93), had attacked Guinier’s support for affirmative action while advancing their own support for protection for racial minorities—when they’re white South Africans (Washington Post, 7/15/93).

     

    The post Elite Media Remember Lani Guinier as ‘Embattled’—and Forget How They Battled Her appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  • OBITUARY: By the PNG Post-Courier

    “Iron” we called him. And so he was, our iron man at Papua New Guinea’s Post-Courier in Lawes Road, Port Moresby, to the end.

    Until Wednesday, Isaac Nicholas was the steely fearless reporter who held us up front, and firmly led us from the front page as chief political reporter.

    It is not easy being a political reporter.

    PNG Post-Courier
    PNG POST-COURIER

    Few people survive the beat and the heat.

    Your name is mentioned in the halls of power.

    You are enemy first and friend second.

    Politicians either fear you or hate you.

    Wary of his beat
    Either way, Isaac Nicholas was always wary of his beat. He played the pollies with a calculated intensity like no-one did.

    He was sure fire seeking the truth and quite firm in gaining traction without compromising the essence of fair and unbiased reporting.

    He was a friend to all of them but getting under their skins, irritating them, made the Iron a trademark enemy to none.

    Some of his best friends, like the MP for Goilala [William Samb], criticised him openly when they could about his reporting but at the end of the day, he would stand up in the newsroom and declare, “the member just called me” and that was it!

    This little man from Yangoru, 52, served our newspaper and our country faithfully for the past 15 years, going places where few reporters dare, like the mountains of Goilala and the bush of Telefomin and the crocodile-infested swamps of Kerema.

    You can think of many journos from the Sepik and Isaac Nicholas was among the best.

    He was friendly, good natured and humorous.

    Green iron tins under a mango tree
    At the end of a hard day’s news hunt, our Iron would always retire under his mango tree at East Boroko. How ironic it was that his favourite cooling off was always with green iron tins under a green tree.

    His notebooks were filled with names and stories.

    There’s a box full of them on his table.

    That is his life story.

    Those of us who knew him, walked with him, talked with him, shared a buai [betel nut], shed our tears for the loss of a close friend.

    A protector of junior newshounds, a leader of senior scribes. His leadership and reporting will be missed in Papua New Guinean journalism.

    Life is such that we make friends without knowing when that friendship will pass. PNG woke up on Wednesday to the news that our iron man in news-making had breathed his last.

    From Yangoru to Manugoro, Dagua to Kagua, Vailala to Goilala, Malalaua to Salamaua, Baniara to Honiara, the name Isaac Nicholas was a trusted forte of political drama and conscience leadership.

    Without the generosity of a goodbye, without the curiosity of a farewell, we, his friends at the Post-Courier find it quite hard to fathom losing such a dear brother, news leader and best friend so suddenly.

    We remember the late Isaac and comfort Judy Nicholas and their children in this time of sadness.

    Vale Isaac, you were truly our IRON MAN!

    Tributes flow in for Isaac Nicholas
    Isaac Nicholas, 52, was a giant in the Papua New Guinean media fraternity, known for his ability to get answers from PNG’s political heavyweights on any given day, report colleagues in the PNG media industry.

    Fellow senior journalists, NBC’s Gregory Moses and Sunday Bulletin’s Clifford Faiparik remembered their friend and the light moments they shared while on the beat.

    Moses lamented: “Parliament coverage next week will not be the same.

    “I fought back tears whole day, and sat down and reminiscing all the fun and jokes we shared as colleagues and brothers.”

    Professor David Robie, who was head of the journalism programme at the University of Papua New Guinea (UPNG) in the 1990s, paid tribute to Nicholas as “one of the outstanding journalists in the making of our times on Uni Tavur”, the award-winning student newspaper featured in his 2004 book Mekim Nius.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  •  

    When former South Korean dictator Chun Doo-hwan passed away on November 23, Western media were forthcoming about his brutality, including his direction of the 1980 Gwangju Massacre, in which at least several hundred opponents of his regime were slaughtered. But the US role in supporting successive dictatorships in South Korea and its involvement in the 1980 massacre to preserve South Korea’s status as an American vassal state were either erased entirely, or whitewashed to distance Washington’s efforts to suppress democratic uprisings in Korea.

    Praising a ‘pre-democratic era’

    Economist: The death of Chun Doo-hwan closes a chapter in South Korean history

    The Economist (11/24/21) said that Chun’s death “revived a debate about the legacy of military rule”—maybe “rapid economic growth” makes dictatorship worthwhile?

    The Economist’s brief obituary (11/24/21) acknowledged that Chun’s dictatorship was “better remembered” for the “violent suppression of political dissent” than for the “rapid economic growth” he presided over, and even reported Chun’s unrepentant denialism of his role in Gwangju. Yet the Economist joined right-wing South Korean media outlets in expressing subtle praise for “the achievements of the pre-democratic era,” and made it seem as if there is a legitimate debate to be had about Chun’s legacy:

    Left-wing outlets denied Mr. Chun his presidential title in their obituaries, but right-wing media made allowance for his successful economic policy and his eventual voluntary retreat from power. Mr. Chun may be dead, but the debate over the generals’ legacy will live on for a while yet.

    Even though the Wall Street Journal (11/23/21) described how Chun “dispatched the military around the country and banned all political activities,” in addition to closing schools and forcing media outlets to “shut down or merge into government-controlled TV stations,” it engaged in similar praise for Chun’s rule:

    Despite the political repression, Mr. Chun’s rule from the presidential Blue House was marked by economic prosperity. He successfully hosted the 1986 Asian Games and won the rights to host the 1988 Seoul Olympics, which is widely considered to be one of the most important international events in South Korean history, because it boosted the economy and the country’s morale.

    WSJ: Chun Doo-hwan, Brutal Former South Korean Dictator, Dies at 90

    Wall Street Journal (11/23/21): “Despite the political repression, Mr. Chun’s rule from the presidential Blue House was marked by economic prosperity.”

    Like the Economist and the Journal, Reuters’ obituary (11/23/21) managed to discuss Chun Doo-Hwan’s dictatorship without once mentioning Washington’s support for Chun or its role in the Gwangju Massacre, reporting on events in South Korea as if it were a country independent of the US.

    For instance, when writing on Chun’s military career before seizing power in a coup, Reuters merely wrote: “He joined the military straight out of high school, working his way up the ranks until he was appointed a commander in 1979.” This glosses over Chun’s involvement in what Vietnamese people call the Resistance War Against America, commonly known as the Vietnam War in the US. South Korea’s collaboration in the US invasion of Vietnam has largely been forgotten in the US, although South Korea sent more troops there than any other country besides the US.

    South Korean troops, notorious for their brutality, committed numerous massacres and mass rape of Vietnamese women. Journalist K.J. Noh (CounterPunch, 12/3/21) pointed out that Chun and his handpicked successor, Roh Tae-woo, both fought in Vietnam, and were members of Hanahoe, an elite praetorian guard for their predecessor, Park Chung-hee, a US-backed dictator who collaborated with Korea’s Japanese colonizers (Hankyoreh, 11/23/21; Jacobin, 5/16/21). And the US Defense Intelligence Agency suggested a few weeks after the Gwangju Massacre that the savagery of the special forces involved could partially be attributed to their “Vietnam experience,” citing an anonymous American eyewitness who likened Gwangju to the My Lai Massacre (Jacobin, 6/25/20).

    Whitewashing Washington’s role

    NYT: Chun Doo-hwan, Ex-Military Dictator in South Korea, Dies at 90

    The New York Times (11/22/21) quoted a former US diplomat as saying Chun “manipulated not only the Korean public, but also the United States.”

    While other obituaries in Western media outlets were more transparent about Chun’s history, they also whitewashed the US role in backing Chun during the Gwangju Massacre and throughout his dictatorship.

    The New York Times (11/22/21) noted that Chun took part in Park’s 1961 coup after Koreans in the south had overthrown the widely despised US-backed dictator Syngman Rhee in a democratic uprising in 1960:

    As an army captain, he took part in Maj. Gen. Park Chung-hee’s coup in 1961, a move that secured his place in Mr. Park’s military elite. When Mr. Park’s 18-year dictatorship abruptly ended with his assassination in 1979, Mr. Chun, by then a major general himself, staged his own coup to usurp control.

    The Times also reported on some of Chun’s atrocities while he was in charge:

    Dissidents, student activists and journalists were hauled into torture chambers. Under Mr. Chun’s “social purification” program, the government rounded up tens of thousands of gangsters, homeless people, political dissidents and others deemed to be unhealthy elements of the society, and trucked them to military barracks for brutal re-education. Hundreds were reported to have died under the program.

    The Gwangju Massacre occurred after Koreans in the southwestern city of Gwangju erupted in protest of Chun’s military dictatorship and his declaration of South Korean martial law. Chun sent in special forces troops on the night of May 17, 1980, that would later go on to kill hundreds of people over the course of several days to quash a citizen’s army that had seized weapons from local armories to throw out his martial law forces (The Nation, 6/5/15).

    Nation: The Gwangju Uprising and American Hypocrisy: One Reporter’s Quest for Truth and Justice in Korea

    Tim Shorrock (The Nation, 6/5/15): “The Carter administration had essentially given the green light to South Korea’s generals to use military force against the huge student and worker demonstrations that rocked the country in the spring of 1980.”

    Journalist and Korea expert Tim Shorrock noted that during the brief days where Koreans in Gwangju had resisted Chun’s dictatorship, they had formed a self-governing community that many Koreans liken to the Paris Commune of 1871. The date of the massacre is commemorated every year in South Korea to honor those who took up arms to defend democracy from US-backed dictators.

    Even though the US retained operational control (OPCON) of the South Korean military, the Times uncritically cited Washington’s claims about its helplessness to prevent Chun from carrying out the massacre, without mentioning internal documents which contradict that narrative. None of the troops deployed there were under the control of US authorities at the time, the Times reported, implying that the US was “manipulated” by Chun:

    To young Koreans, Washington’s perceived failure to stop the Gwangju Massacre, even though their country had placed its military under the operational control of American generals, was evidence of betrayal. Later, President Ronald Reagan’s “quiet diplomacy” toward Mr. Chun’s human rights abuses hardened their belief that Washington had ignored Koreans’ suffering under Mr. Chun….

    Washington said that it had been caught off-guard by Mr. Chun’s coup, and that none of the forces deployed at Gwangju were under the control of any American authorities at the time. It criticized Mr. Chun’s martial law and called for restraint in Gwangju, but the government-controlled South Korean news media reported that the United States had approved Mr. Chun’s dispatch of troops there.

    Noh argues that it’s absurd to portray South Korea as a fully sovereign nation when the US retained operational control of the South Korean military during the Gwangju Massacre, and officially retains operational control of the South Korean military during wartime, when Korean soldiers are placed under the command of a US general. Former US Ambassador Donald Gregg also openly acknowledged before Congress in 1989 that the US’s relationship with South Korea has historically been a patron/client relationship (though he claimed it had “evolved” into a “relationship between…equal partners”). Thus Noh argues that South Korean soldiers don’t get to commit massacres on their own without explicit or tacit US approval.

    One recent blatant example of South Korea’s lack of full sovereignty due to OPCON was when South Korea’s Ministry of National Defense secretly had four additional launchers for the US’s Terminal High-Altitude Area Defense System (THAAD) delivered, without informing South Korea’s own supposed commander-in-chief Moon Jae-in (Korea Times, 5/31/17). The South Korean military cited a confidentiality agreement with the US military for not informing Moon.

    Ambassadorial apologetics

    WaPo: Chun Doo-hwan, brutal South Korean dictator, dies at 90

    The Washington Post (11/23/21) wrote that “US Ambassador William H. Gleysteen Jr. came to distrust Mr. Chun”—while the fact that US President Ronald Reagan invited Chun to a White House summit two weeks after his own inauguration was not worth mentioning.

    The Washington Post (11/23/21) engaged in similar apologetics for the US when it implied Chun was operating outside US control and approval during the Gwangju Massacre, as it described Chun’s 1979 coup:

    On the night of December 12—a night that quickly became known as 12/12—Mr. Chun launched the first stage in a two-part coup. The first involved capturing control of the military. Mr. Chun had his superior, a four-star general, arrested on charges of being involved in Park’s assassination. Generals loyal to Mr. Chun arrested key military figures and took over military headquarters, key roads and bridges, and media outlets.

    Mr. Chun and his allies refused direct contact with the Americans until they had established effective control, former Washington Post correspondent Don Oberdorfer wrote in his book The Two Koreas. US Ambassador William H. Gleysteen Jr. came to distrust Mr. Chun, Oberdorfer wrote, and eventually consider him “almost the definition of unreliability…unscrupulous…ruthless…a liar.”

    The Post’s citation of Gleysteen’s characterization of Chun, and self-serving depictions of himself as an unwitting official who was merely deceived by Chun and not complicit in some of Chun’s crimes, is especially ridiculous. Although the US didn’t facilitate Chun’s coup, they certainly accepted the outcome afterwards, as Gleysteen met with Chun two days after his coup on December 12 at his embassy residence. Gleysteen was also the one who made assurances to Chun that the US wouldn’t oppose contingency plans to use military force on May 8, days before the massacre began on May 18, 1980. Gleysteen also cabled the State Department to retract his earlier “careless” depiction of Chun’s takeover as a “coup in all but name,” and advised State Department officials to publicly refrain from using that term, as Kap Seol noted for Jacobin (6/25/20):

    “Whatever the precise pattern of events, they did not amount to a classical coup because the existing government structure was technically left in place.” Gleysteen believed that the United States had to approve the general’s contingency plan to use military force in order to prevent South Korea from slipping into “total chaos.”

    Approving Gwangju force

    Responsible Statecraft: Chun Doo-hwan’s bloody Gwangju legacy is America’s problem too

    Responsible Statecraft (12/14/21): “The US government knowingly supported Chun’s military crackdown on a pro-democracy uprising.”

    Shorrock and Korean journalist In Jeong Kim (Responsible Statecraft, 12/14/21) were the first to document the Carter administration’s approval of Chun’s plans to crush pro-democracy demonstrations in several Korean cities in the spring of 1980 with military force, before the subsequent Gwangju uprising. This contradicts a later 1989 white paper by the Bush administration claiming that the Carter administration was alarmed by Chun’s threats to use military force against nationwide demonstrations in 1980, and did not know in advance that special forces were sent to Gwangju. Shorrock and Kim also reported how the US was aware of key details about the Gwangju Massacre by May 21, yet approved further use of military force to retake Gwangju on May 22, as all of this is documented in the declassified “Cherokee Files.”

    Before Chun sent his army’s 20th Division to destroy the Gwangju uprising, he had to first notify US Gen. John Wickham that he was removing them from Wickham’s control, and Wickham’s acknowledgment that he was notified is taken by many South Koreans to have constituted approval of Chun’s use of military force (LA Times, 8/29/96). In November 1987, in a recently uncovered top-secret report, the CIA confirmed that Washington knowingly supported Chun’s crackdown on a pro-democracy uprising, as the agency reported:

    Most citizens remain bitter towards the government and the military, as well as the United States, because Chun used troops from the 20th Division, which is under the Combined Forces Command.

    US opposition to democracy in South Korea can’t be limited to Washington’s support for brutal crackdowns and military dictators against pro-democracy forces. The South China Morning Post (7/20/19), reporting on CIA documents obtained through a Freedom of Information Act request, noted that the establishment political faction supporting Chun’s handpicked successor, Roh Tae-woo, planned to use “dirty tricks” to ensure that he would win the 1987 election that Chun agreed to after fierce protests against his dictatorship. Although it is unclear to what extent Roh’s ruling political faction followed through on its plans to cheat in the election, Shorrock argued that the documents suggest the US intelligence establishment saw Roh as their preferred candidate at the time, since they indicate no intention to use the information to protect the elections against anti-democratic tactics.

    The US’s installation of former collaborators with Japanese colonizers as the initial leadership of South Korea, its continued support for South Korean dictators like Chun Doo-hwan, its tolerance (at least) of brutal crackdowns like the Gwangju Massacre, its favoritism toward far-right electoral candidates: all contradict the US’s white savior propaganda of invading and occupying Korea under the pretext of defending democracy.

    US complicity in the Gwangju Massacre is a major factor behind South Korea’s anti-imperialist sentiment against the US (crudely caricatured as “anti-American” sentiment in US media). Yet the Western media’s whitewashing of the legacy of people like Chun Doo-hwan betray that, to whatever extent South Korea can be considered a sovereign democracy, it is despite US meddling in the peninsula, not because of it.

     

    The post Obits for a South Korean Dictator Gloss Over US’s Anti-Democratic Role appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  •  

    AP: Desmond Tutu, South Africa’s moral conscience, dies at 90

    AP (12/26/21) noted that Desmond Tutu “campaigned internationally for human rights”—but didn’t mention Israel/Palestine.

    Obituaries in the corporate and establishment press for South African Archbishop Desmond Tutu rightly celebrated him not only as one of the key leaders of the struggle against apartheid in his own country, but as a global advocate against oppression, including being a fierce Christian voice against homophobia.

    These obituaries often underplayed or ignored, however, that Tutu, as a South African crusader against apartheid, helped to normalize the idea that Palestinians suffered under a similar apartheid system. Likewise marginalized was the enormous amount of hate he received for his advocacy for Palestinians and his criticism of the Israeli government.

    The New York Times (12/26/21) obituary reduced his Palestine advocacy to one incident in 2010  when “he unsuccessfully urged a touring Cape Town opera company” to not perform in the country, quoting his urging the company to postpone its production of Porgy and Bess “until both Israeli and Palestinian opera lovers of the region have equal opportunity and unfettered access to attend performances.”

    The AP obituary (12/26/21) ignored this issue entirely, as did obituaries in USA Today (12/26/21), the BBC (12/26/21) and NPR (12/26/21). The Washington Post (12/26/21) did the issue some justice, saying that Tutu “repeatedly compared Israel’s treatment of Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza to South Africa during the apartheid regime.” While CNN‘s initial obituary (12/26/21) devoted only part of a sentence to his call for a boycott of Israel in 2014, a follow-up piece explored his broad range of activism: “As South Africa Mourns Desmond Tutu, So Do LGBTQ Groups, Palestinians and Climate Activists” (11/27/21).

    Guardian petition

    Guardian: The Most Rev Desmond Tutu obituary

    Critics complained that the Guardian‘s obituary (12/26/21) contained all of four words on Desmond Tutu’s criticism of Israel. The paper later printed an op-ed (12/30/21) on his advocacy for Palestinians.

    As of this writing, more than 3,000 people had signed a petition demanding a correction to the Guardian’s obituary (12/26/21). Petitioners complained that while the obit

    documents the archbishop’s tireless struggle against oppression and racism of all kinds…Tutu’s repeated criticism of Israeli apartheid policies, and his commitment to the cause of the Palestinian people, are all simply omitted.

    The article’s lone mention of Israel cited Tutu’s blasting “the US for supporting the Contras in Nicaragua and Israel for bombing Beirut.” The petition said that the article “exemplifies the Guardian’s consistent pro-Israel bias,” a trend FAIR has previously documented (2/22/21). According to the Palestine Solidarity Campaign (12/30/21), activists were concerned with the Guardian’s “deletion of a large number of comments in response to the obituary which all highlighted Tutu’s condemnation of Israeli apartheid.” The comments were restored upon pressure, the group said, but the original deletion, the group said, still inspired unease.

    The Guardian (12/30/21) did eventually publish a piece on Tutu’s Palestine activism, in an apparent response to the media activism.

    As the Middle East Eye (12/26/21) reported, Tutu likened Palestinians’ political conditions to those of Black South Africans under apartheid. He supported the boycott, divestment and sanctions (BDS) campaign as a form of peaceful pressure, and often spoke of Israel’s policies as being contrary to the teachings of Jewish and Christian values.

    Upon his death, the Israeli newspaper Ha’aretz (12/26/21) quoted Tutu’s defense of boycotting Israel, saying those who continue to do business with Israel “are contributing to the perpetuation of a profoundly unjust status quo.” “Those who contribute to Israel’s temporary isolation,” meanwhile, “are saying that Israelis and Palestinians are equally entitled to dignity and peace.”

    Reactionary pushback

    Alan Dershowitz on Fox News

    Alan Dershowitz on Fox News (12/27/21): “Let’s make sure that history remembers both the goods he did and the awful, awful bads that he did as well.”

    Skating over Tutu’s outspokenness about Palestinian rights in his official obituaries does a disservice to Tutu’s life, as his intense advocacy for Palestinians was a major part of his devotion to social justice, and like all campaigns for social justice, it inspired reactionary pushback from defenders of the status quo.

    The pro-Israel Anti-Defamation League (5/3/12) said that he “veered into classical religion-based antisemitism” with his condemnation of Israel’s treatment of Palestinians. AP (10/4/07) reported that Tutu had even been disinvited from speaking at a university because the administration “worried his views on the Israeli/Palestinian conflict would offend the Jewish community.”

    The London Times (1/13/11) reported that a petition “signed by three well-known members of Cape Town’s Jewish community” accused Tutu of being a “bigot, dishonest, and a defamer of Israel and the Jewish community.” “Over the years,” they said, “Archbishop Tutu has been guilty of numerous antisemitic and anti-Israel statements.”

    Alan Dershowitz—lawyer for Donald Trump, Harvey Weinstein and Jeffrey Epstein—even took to Fox News (12/27/21; Crooks & Liars, 12/28/21) to dance on Tutu’s grave: “Can I remind the world that…the man was a rampant antisemite and bigot?”

    This backlash is rooted in the idea that advocacy for the Palestinians must be antisemitic because Israel is an officially Jewish state—an idea that borrows from the now-ridiculous notion that fighting apartheid in South Africa was somehow anti-white. The Jewish Telegraphic Agency‘s obituary (12/26/21) highlighted this absurdity, saying Tutu “identified closely with the historical suffering of the Jewish people in his forceful advocacy against apartheid in South Africa.”

    A lasting legacy

    Underplaying this aspect of Tutu’s life also understates his impact, because it was Tutu, as a hero of South African liberation struggle, who gave major legitimacy to both the movement to boycott Israel and to critics who labeled Israel’s occupation as apartheid. Tutu’s early recognition that Israel’s anti-Palestinian policies mirrored what he had campaigned against in South Africa laid the groundwork for human rights groups like Human Rights Watch (New York Times, 4/27/21) and B’Tselem (NBC, 1/12/21) recognition of Israel’s occupation as a form of apartheid.

    The omission or underplaying of this facet of Tutu’s life is a reminder of how scared many corporate media institutions are of touching what is often called the third rail of politics. That the AP‘s obituary, for example, can highlight Tutu’s heroic commitment against homophobia but not his views on the Israel/Palestine conflict, or the backlash he faced as a result, underscores the limits of intersectional social justice in the establishment press.

     

    The post Tutu Obits Underplay His Advocacy for Palestine appeared first on FAIR.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  • By Rappler

    National Artist for Literature F Sionil Jose has died in the Philippines. He was 97.

    His death was announced by the Philippine Center of International PEN (Poets, Playwrights, Essayists, Novelists) in a Facebook post.

    According to the post, Jose was declared dead at 9:30 pm last evening at the Makati Medical Center, where he was confined ahead of an angioplasty due today.

    Just hours before his death, Jose took to his own Facebook page to post what would become his final words.

    “Thank you brave heart. There are times when as an agnostic I doubt the presence of an almighty and loving God. But dear brave heart you are here to disprove this illusion, to do away with the conclusion that if you doubt Him, you kill Him,” he wrote.

    “I cannot kill you dear heart; you have to do that yourself.

    “For 97 years you have been constantly working patiently pumping much more efficiently and longer than most machines. Of course, I know that a book lasts long too, as the libraries have shown, books that have lived more than 300 years. Now, that I am here in waiting for an angioplasty, I hope that you will survive it and I with it, so that I will be able to continue what I have been doing with so much energy that only you have been able to give.

    “Thank you dear brave heart and dear Lord for this most precious gift.”

    Rosales historical novels
    Jose was known for the Rosales novels, a five-part series that follows a family throughout three centuries of Philippine history.

    Mass, the final novel in the series, earned Jose one of his five Palanca awards.

    He was named National Artist for Literature in 2001. Before that, he had already won a number of prestigious distinctions, including the CCP Centennial Honours for the Arts in 1999, and the Ramon Magsaysay Award for Journalism, Literature, and Creative Communication Arts in 1980.

    He founded the Philippine chapter of PEN in 1958.

    He was also a lecturer and owned the bookshop Solidaridad in Padre Faura, Manila.

    In his later years, he maintained a column at The Philippine Star, where he wrote sometimes inflammatory critiques on Filipino society, culture and politics.

    Republished from Rappler with permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Malik Miah pays tribute to radical feminist, scholar and activist bell hooks, who died on December 15.

    This post was originally published on Green Left.

  • Tucson, AZ – It is with heavy heart that the news of the passing of longtime anti-imperialist organizer Chuck Kaufman reached communities on December 28. Born in a small Indiana town, Chuck’s life saw travels to numerous countries, most notably in the Latin American countries most firmly in the crosshairs of U.S. imperialism.

    In 1987, as Reagan’s illegal Contra War against Nicaragua ravaged the country in an attempt to kill the successful Sandinista Revolution, Chuck answered the call for solidarity. He gave up his advertising business and joined thousands of other U.S. solidarity activists to help in the coffee brigades in Nicaragua aimed at helping the country produce commodities that could help fund the new government projects for the poor and working class.

    The post In Remembrance Of Chuck Kaufman appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • Archbishop Emeritus Desmond Tutu, who was post-apartheid South Africa’s moral compass and the driver of its troubled reconciliation process, has died. He was 90 years old.

    He is the laureate of at least 10 human rights awards: For the complete list, see: https://www.trueheroesfilms.org/thedigest/laureates/3E4065ED-420D-D94E-ECB1-4A2C91FE3BE6

    Andrew Donaldson in News24 of 26 December 2021 published an interesting obituary: A tireless social activist and human rights defender, Tutu not only coined the term “Rainbow Nation” to describe the country’s ethnic diversity but, after the first democratic elections in 1994, went on to become its conscience, using his international profile in campaigns against HIV/Aids, tuberculosis, poverty, racism, xenophobia, sexism, homophobia and transphobia, among others…

    His was a powerful, forthright voice, one that irked both the Nationalist government and its successor, the African National Congress and its allies. He was, an activist noted, “given to expressing his opinion in ways that are guaranteed to be outside the realm of comfortable politics”. As Tutu himself put it, in 2007, “I wish I could shut up, but I can’t, and I won’t.“..

    Both at home and abroad, Tutu’s opposition to apartheid, which he often likened to Nazism, was vigorous and unequivocal. The Nationalists twice revoked his passport, and he was briefly jailed in 1980 after a protest march. Many felt that his increasing international reputation and his advocacy of non-violence had spared Tutu from more harsh treatment by the government…

    He was a born orator and, according to the journalist Simon Hattenstone, “a natural performer [with] his hands and eyes flying all over the place, his voice impassioned and resonant; a tiny ball of love.”

    Tutu would often play down such adulation. “I was,” he once said of his reputation, “this man with the big nose and the easy name who personalised the South African situation.”…

    Following the Soweto riots in 1976, Tutu became an increasingly vocal supporter of economic sanctions and a vigorous opponent of US president Ronald Reagan’s “constructive engagement” with the Nationalist government.

    In 1978, he was appointed general secretary of the SACC, a position he used to further rally support, both local and international, against apartheid. He was just as harsh in his criticism of the violent tactics later used by some anti-apartheid activists, and was unequivocal in his opposition to terrorism and communism.

    Tutu’s finest hour came when he chaired the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, which was set up to bear witness to, record and in some cases grant amnesty to the perpetrators of apartheid-relation human rights violations, as well as rule on reparation and the rehabilitation of victims…

    See also: https://humanrightsdefenders.blog/2013/07/30/desmond-tutu-chooses-hell-over-homophobic-heaven/

    He is survived by his wife, four children, seven grandchildren and great-grandchildren.

    Desmond Tutu was responsible for countless notable quotes throughout his life as an activist and elder. TimesLive (Ernest Mabuza) of 26 December 2021 in “In his own words: Desmond Tutu’s unwavering stance on human rights” published 12 of his best:

    https://www.news24.com/news24/Obituaries/obituary-desmond-tutu-tenacious-charismatic-and-a-thorn-in-the-national-party-and-ancs-side-20211226

    https://www.timeslive.co.za/news/south-africa/2021-12-26-in-his-own-words-desmond-tutus-unwavering-stance-on-human-rights/

    This post was originally published on Hans Thoolen on Human Rights Defenders and their awards.

  • EDITORIAL: By The Fiji Times editor-in-chief Fred Wesley

    I couldn’t help but be drawn to the constant flow of emotions that came in the wake of the death of Professor Brij Lal on Christmas Day.

    People from all walks of life shared their innermost feelings. There was no holding back for many.

    Although he wrote books and learned articles in academic journals, Professor Lal also wrote, when he had time, for The Fiji Times.

    So he and I shared a correspondence. And what came through so often in his writing was that this man, whose intellect would carry him in any place in the world, regarded the country of his birth — our country — as a special place.

    The good professor came from a farming family in Tabia, Vanua Levu. They weren’t rich, but that is from where he rose — to become an emeritus professor of Pacific and Asian history at the Australian National University.

    He was your average farm boy, but he had it in him to become someone who would be held in very high regard.

    He would eventually walk the corridors of the well-established, in many countries around the world, before he finally settled in Brisbane, Australia. Yet he never lost that touch of humility and appreciation of others.

    Today we look at that connection. From Tabia to Brisbane! From a farm boy to an emeritus professor! Professor Lal’s life leaves many lessons to appreciate and value.

    There are platforms for us to achieve, or aspire for. Yet despite the fact that he lived in a more developed country, with better available resources and the potential for a better life, Professor Lal never forgot his roots on Vanua Levu.

    He yearned to return to see once more the “green undulating hills of Tabia”.

    He considered it a special place. We are fortunate to live in a beautiful country abundant with rich resources.

    We are friendly people who have learnt to embrace multiracialism, religion and ethnicity. In the face of all our differences, we have learnt to live together, appreciating these differences, and instinctively embracing them.

    For his part, Professor Lal was proud to tell the world about Tabia. He lived with very strong memories of his childhood, and the special connection he had with people he knew and grew up with.

    Perhaps, when we are able to take a moment, to get a jolt of reality, to truly appreciate what we have now, and the endless possibilities, we should reflect on how hard it would be to be denied the right to return home.

    In one of his most recent pieces for The Fiji Times, Professor Lal wrote:

    “Fiji is a bit like Churchill’s Russia, a ‘riddle wrapped in a mystery inside an enigma’.

    “Here is a beautiful country full of a talented population, sophisticated infrastructure and abundant natural resources which is sadly prone to debilitating self-inflicted wounds that hobble its present and dent its future.”

    Professor Lal epitomised the value Fijians have for their connection to their homeland.

    In the face of the covid-19 pandemic, we are reminded about this sense of appreciation and value. We are reminded about who we are — Fijians!

    This editorial was published in The Fiji Times on 28 December 2021 under the original title of “Our special place in the world”. Republished with permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Archbishop Desmond Tutu, the South African anti-apartheid icon, has died at the age of 90. In 1984 Desmond Tutu won the Nobel Peace Prize for his work fighting to end white minority rule in South Africa. After the fall of apartheid, Archbishop Tutu chaired the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission, where he pushed for restorative justice. He was a leading voice for human rights and peace around the world. He opposed the Iraq War and condemned the Israeli occupation in Palestine, comparing it to apartheid South Africa. We re-air two interviews Archbishop Tutu did on Democracy Now!, as well as two speeches on the Iraq War and the climate crisis.

    The post Archbishop Desmond Tutu (1931-2021) on Apartheid, War, Palestine, Guantánamo, Climate Crisis & More first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.