Category: Obituary

  • Pacific Media Watch newsdesk

    Retired politics professor and historian Robert “Robbie” Robertson, co-author of the book Shattered Coups about the 1987 coups led by then Lieutenant-Colonel Sitiveni Rabuka, has died in Melbourne, his family has confirmed.

    Dr Robertson wrote the book with his partner Akosita Tamanisau, then a Fiji journalist. It was published in January 1988 and he also wrote other books and papers on Fiji and globalisation.

    He and William Sutherland co-authored the fast moving and readable Government by the Gun: The unfinished business of Fiji’s 2000 coup.

    Shattered Coups cover
    The cover of Shattered Coups … co-author Dr Robertson expelled by Fiji’s coup leader Sitiveni Rabuka.

    His last book on Fiji in 2017 was The General’s Goose: Fiji’s contemporary tale of misadventure.

    Dr Robertson was the second person at the University of the South Pacific to have his work permit rescinded and he was deported to New Zealand by Rabuka.

    Attempts to have him relocated to Port Vila were sabotaged by the then Vanuatu government.

    Moved to Australia
    He moved to Australia and joined La Trobe University and became associate professor of history and development studies in Bendigo.

    Dr Robertson returned to USP from 2004 to 2006 as professor and director of development studies.

    Subsequently, he served as professor and head of school of arts and social sciences at James Cook University (2010-2014) and as professor and dean of arts, social sciences and humanities at Swinburne University of Technology from July 2014 until he retired.

    Retired professor of development studies at USP Dr Vijay Naidu and New Zealand researcher Dr Jackie Leckie recalled his contribution as a progressive and inspirational academic, and his sense of humour, Dr Leckie saying “Robbie was one of the good guys. I am so sorry that he had suffered in health recently.”

    Dr Robertson is survived by his wife Akosita and sons Nemani and Julian.

     

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • In Dawn.com of 12 April, 2021 it is reported that Dawn columnist and human rights advocate I.A. Rehman passed away in Lahore on Monday at the age of 90.

    See: https://www.trueheroesfilms.org/thedigest/laureates/F99462B1-2F8B-DFA2-A10E-7D0319CD0706

    He was a founding member of the Pakistan-India People’s Forum for Peace and Democracy. As director of the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP), he contributed to raising awareness about rights and fundamental freedoms. Rehman started working at a young age, according to human rights activist and former chairperson of the HRCP Zohra Yusuf. She said that Rehman worked as editor of the Pakistan Times before joining the HRCP in the early 90s, first as director and later as secretary general.

    Human Rights Minister Shireen Mazari also expressed her condolences, saying Rehman was a “unique personality … who stood by & struggled steadfastly for what he believed in“.

    He was an icon of integrity, standing steadfast for every single fundamental right, every single democratic value in the worst of times. Pakistan will not be the same without him,” PPP Senator Sherry Rehman said.

    In a statement, the HRCP called Rehman a “titan of human rights” and said that his “conscience and compassion were unparalleled“. “Even after his retirement from the HRCP, he remained a constant source of wisdom and advice, and a mentor to many. We will carry his legacy forward as he would have wished us to” .

    Journalist Syed Talat Hussain said Rehman was to journalism what “constitutions are to civilised countries”. “Every time we needed guidance we looked him up and he showed us the way. A beautiful soul, a great man,” he said.

    Journalist Asad Hashim said Rehman was one of Pakistan’s “foremost human rights defenders and a key part of all of the incredible work that the HRCP does”. “A tremendous loss for all Pakistanis, not just progressives and those who work in the human rights space,” he said.

    https://www.dawn.com/news/1617819

    https://thewire.in/south-asia/pakistan-human-rights-advocate-i-a-rehman-passes-away

    This post was originally published on Hans Thoolen on Human Rights Defenders and their awards.

  • Samarra Iraq 1996, Ramsey Clark visiting pharmaceutical plant. Photo: Bill Hackwell

    Yesterday (April 10) Ramsey Clark died at the age of 93 in New York, and today justice and peace loving people and movements in the US and around the world are in mourning for a man who stood up and fought tirelessly in support of justice, equality and against his country’s drive for endless wars.

    Ramsey Clark, the son of a Supreme Court Justice, was a lawyer who began an 8 year career in the US Justice Department in 1961 where he helped draft the landmark Civil Rights Act of 1964 and 1968 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965, becoming the US Attorney General in 1967. During this time he took on the establishment by banning wire tapping of progressive movements, calling for the abolition of capital punishment and banning federal executions.

    Ramsey could have easily remained in the ruling class circles he was born into but once outside of the US government he became a voice against its policies that could not be ignored. He chose instead to become a beacon of unequivocal support for the people of the world going to literally more than 100 countries on fact finding missions and leading humanitarian delegations. He flew tirelessly to countries being targeted by the Pentagon sometimes even as the bombs were beginning to fall.

    Sanctions as a Weapon of War

    It is almost impossible to list all the countries and peoples that Ramsey Clark stood up for but perhaps his role in helping to expose the 12 years (between the first Gulf War to the full scale attack in 2003) of sanctions against Iraq is the most illustrative one in showing the cruelty of the slow misery and death that sanctions cause. During that time, Ramsey went to Iraq over and over again to document just how horrific it was. In February 1996, I had the honor of accompanying him as the photographer on a delegation to document on the ground evidence for a report being compiled by the UN Food and Agriculture Organization that was claiming that 567,000 Iraqi children had died as a consequence of the draconian economic sanctions being applied in just 5 years. We went from empty hospital to empty hospital where doctors informed us that children were dying from preventable dysentery because they could not even get or produce simple hydration tablets and that diseases that had been eliminated were re appearing because of the conditions. Prior to the war Iraq had the most modern medical system in the Middle East. We witnessed a pharmaceutical factory that lay dormant because they could not get material needed to make medicine. Sewage flowed into the Tigris River through bombed out sanitation plants that could get no spare parts to get them running again. It was obvious everywhere we went, from government officials to people on the street the level of respect and love that people in Iraq and throughout the Middle East for that matter had for Ramsey.

    Today the US has sanctions leveled at over 20 countries for the crime of insisting on their independence. Ramsey Clark was opposed to all sanctions and said, “The lawlessness and cruelty of death-dealing sanctions must be recognized as genocide and a crime against humanity and must be prohibited.”

    Support for Self Determination in Latin America

    Over the years Ramsey played a significant role by leading delegations and participating in events throughout Latin America and the Caribbean including against the US-financed Contras during the Reagan years, to meeting with Hugo Chavez as leader of the Bolivarian Revolution in Venezuela, the Zapatistas in Chiapas and support for the FMLN in El Salvador.

    Ramsey actively opposed the over 60-year blockade of Cuba and called for the closure of the illegally occupied US naval base at Guantanamo and returning the land to the Cuban People. He involved himself in the struggle to send Elian Gonzalez home with his father and the prolonged campaign to free the Cuban 5 from US prisons. In recognition for his endearing and unwavering support Ramsey was awarded the Order of Solidarity granted by the State Council of the Republic of Cuba in November 2013 in Holguin by the mothers of the five Cuban heroes.

    Today, Cuban President Miguel-Diaz Canel Bermudez tweeted, “We mourn the death of
    Ramsey Clark, former US Attorney General. Honest and supportive, he joined us in crucial battles and was critical of the great injustices committed by his country in the world. Cuba pays grateful tribute to him.”

    Fernando Gonzalez, President of the Institute of Friendship with the People (ICAP) added, “Ramsey was a sincere and faithful friend of Cuba. We share common ideals with regard to civil and human rights and the defense of just causes like Palestine… Cuba will never forget a friend as loyal as Ramsey Clark”.

    Today on facebook, anti war activist Brian Willson said from Nicaragua something that rings true to many of us about what a role model Ramsey Clark was. He was just that for a generation of activists, always speaking truth to power, calm and humble, but with unrelenting conviction.

    Ramsey Clark Presente!

  • Source: Resumen Latinoamericano – English
  • Bill Hackwell is an organizer with the International Committee for Peace Justice and Dignity and an editor for the English edition of Resumen Latinoamericano. Read other articles by Bill.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Samarra Iraq 1996, Ramsey Clark visiting pharmaceutical plant. Photo: Bill Hackwell

    Yesterday (April 10) Ramsey Clark died at the age of 93 in New York, and today justice and peace loving people and movements in the US and around the world are in mourning for a man who stood up and fought tirelessly in support of justice, equality and against his country’s drive for endless wars.

    Ramsey Clark, the son of a Supreme Court Justice, was a lawyer who began an 8 year career in the US Justice Department in 1961 where he helped draft the landmark Civil Rights Act of 1964 and 1968 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965, becoming the US Attorney General in 1967. During this time he took on the establishment by banning wire tapping of progressive movements, calling for the abolition of capital punishment and banning federal executions.

    Ramsey could have easily remained in the ruling class circles he was born into but once outside of the US government he became a voice against its policies that could not be ignored. He chose instead to become a beacon of unequivocal support for the people of the world going to literally more than 100 countries on fact finding missions and leading humanitarian delegations. He flew tirelessly to countries being targeted by the Pentagon sometimes even as the bombs were beginning to fall.

    Sanctions as a Weapon of War

    It is almost impossible to list all the countries and peoples that Ramsey Clark stood up for but perhaps his role in helping to expose the 12 years (between the first Gulf War to the full scale attack in 2003) of sanctions against Iraq is the most illustrative one in showing the cruelty of the slow misery and death that sanctions cause. During that time, Ramsey went to Iraq over and over again to document just how horrific it was. In February 1996, I had the honor of accompanying him as the photographer on a delegation to document on the ground evidence for a report being compiled by the UN Food and Agriculture Organization that was claiming that 567,000 Iraqi children had died as a consequence of the draconian economic sanctions being applied in just 5 years. We went from empty hospital to empty hospital where doctors informed us that children were dying from preventable dysentery because they could not even get or produce simple hydration tablets and that diseases that had been eliminated were re appearing because of the conditions. Prior to the war Iraq had the most modern medical system in the Middle East. We witnessed a pharmaceutical factory that lay dormant because they could not get material needed to make medicine. Sewage flowed into the Tigris River through bombed out sanitation plants that could get no spare parts to get them running again. It was obvious everywhere we went, from government officials to people on the street the level of respect and love that people in Iraq and throughout the Middle East for that matter had for Ramsey.

    Today the US has sanctions leveled at over 20 countries for the crime of insisting on their independence. Ramsey Clark was opposed to all sanctions and said, “The lawlessness and cruelty of death-dealing sanctions must be recognized as genocide and a crime against humanity and must be prohibited.”

    Support for Self Determination in Latin America

    Over the years Ramsey played a significant role by leading delegations and participating in events throughout Latin America and the Caribbean including against the US-financed Contras during the Reagan years, to meeting with Hugo Chavez as leader of the Bolivarian Revolution in Venezuela, the Zapatistas in Chiapas and support for the FMLN in El Salvador.

    Ramsey actively opposed the over 60-year blockade of Cuba and called for the closure of the illegally occupied US naval base at Guantanamo and returning the land to the Cuban People. He involved himself in the struggle to send Elian Gonzalez home with his father and the prolonged campaign to free the Cuban 5 from US prisons. In recognition for his endearing and unwavering support Ramsey was awarded the Order of Solidarity granted by the State Council of the Republic of Cuba in November 2013 in Holguin by the mothers of the five Cuban heroes.

    Today, Cuban President Miguel-Diaz Canel Bermudez tweeted, “We mourn the death of Ramsey Clark, former US Attorney General. Honest and supportive, he joined us in crucial battles and was critical of the great injustices committed by his country in the world. Cuba pays grateful tribute to him.”

    Fernando Gonzalez, President of the Institute of Friendship with the People (ICAP) added, “Ramsey was a sincere and faithful friend of Cuba. We share common ideals with regard to civil and human rights and the defense of just causes like Palestine… Cuba will never forget a friend as loyal as Ramsey Clark”.

    Today on facebook, anti war activist Brian Willson said from Nicaragua something that rings true to many of us about what a role model Ramsey Clark was. He was just that for a generation of activists, always speaking truth to power, calm and humble, but with unrelenting conviction.

    Ramsey Clark Presente!

    • Source: Resumen Latinoamericano – English
    The post Ramsey Clark: A Life Well Lived for the People of the World first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • Ramsey Clark, who was attorney general in the Johnson administration before becoming an outspoken activist for unpopular causes and a harsh critic of US policy, has died. He was 93. see: https://www.trueheroesfilms.org/thedigest/laureates/6790030F-0B3B-2518-90DF-DD16787FCA9F

    After serving in President Lyndon B Johnson’s cabinet in 1967 and 1968, Clark set up a private law practice in New York in which he championed civil rights, fought racism and the death penalty and represented declared foes of the US including former Yugoslav president Slobodan Milosevic and Sheik Omar Abdel Rahman. He also defended former Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein.

    “The progressive legal community has lost its elder dean and statesman,” civil rights attorney Ron Kuby said. “Over many generations, Ramsey Clark was a principled voice, conscience and a fighter for civil and human rights.”

    Clark defended antiwar activists. In the court of public opinion, he charged the US with militarism and arrogance, starting with the Vietnam war and continuing with Grenada, Libya, Panama and the Gulf war. When Clark visited Iraq after Operation Desert Storm and returned to accuse the US of war crimes, Newsweek dubbed him the Jane Fonda of the Gulf

    Clark said he only wanted the US to live up to its ideals. “If you don’t insist on your government obeying the law, then what right do you have to demand it of others?” he said.

    The Dallas-born Clark, who was in the US Marine corps in 1945 and 1946, moved his family to New York in 1970 and set up a pro bono-oriented practice. He said he and his partners were limiting their annual personal incomes to $50,000, a figure he did not always achieve.

    Clark’s client list included such peace and disarmament activists as the Harrisburg seven and the Plowshares eight. Abroad, he represented dissidents in Iran, Chile, the Philippines and Taiwan, and skyjackers in the Soviet Union.

    He was an advocate for Soviet and Syrian Jews but outraged many Jews over other clients. He defended a Nazi prison camp guard fighting extradition and the Palestine Liberation Organization in a lawsuit over the killing of a cruise ship passenger by hijackers.

    “We talk about civil liberties,” he said. “We have the largest prison population per capita on Earth. The world’s greatest jailer is the freest country on Earth?”

    https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2021/apr/11/ramsey-clark-attorney-general-critic-us-policy-saddam-hussein-dies-aged-93

    This post was originally published on Hans Thoolen on Human Rights Defenders and their awards.

  • The student from Ghana was insistent. “I want to meet him.” The stubborn, well-attired fool, groomed and keen to make a good impression, was attending the Senate House ceremony in Cambridge for honorary awardees. He was not the only one. In attendance on this warm June day in 2006 were a gaggle of rascals, well-wishers and rogues. This was gawking made respectable.

    The awardees were justifiably brilliant. There were the establishment birds of paradise: the Archbishop of Canterbury Rowan Williams, a man who soporifically charmed; and the Bank of England governor, Mervyn King. The mad cat mathematician’s contribution was also honoured in the form of string theorist Edward Witten of Princeton. Honorary doctorates in law were also conferred upon educator Charles Vest and writer Njabulo Ndebele. Ahmed Zewail scooped the honorary doctorate in science and novelist Margaret Drabble the honorary doctorate in letters.

    The ceremony was softly coated in formal Latin, the awards themselves granted to the bright and the brightest, the hall acting as a brace of history. But it was the Duke of Edinburgh who, as ever, managed to cut through what would have otherwise been a stuffy gathering with his immemorial manner. Cambridge University’s chancellor turned up to preside, and, his cloak train held by the unfortunate subaltern, appeared like a decorated reptile, gown merged with body.

    The reception – for that is what many there had hoped to get a hack at — saw Prince Philip make his various social sorties. These had the usual devastating air about them. Old mocking remarks about colonies; jabs of casual racism garnished with a mock innocence. Andrew O’Hagan of the London Review of Books was not wrong to observe that his questions would often lie “somewhere between existential brilliance and intergalactic dunce-hood.” To the student from Ghana, who sauntered up to him expecting a nugget of revelation, he said this: “I say, are you still a colony of ours?”

    The Prince Philip treasury is laden with such remarks, the sort that inspired other family members such his grandson Prince Harry while enraging commentators such as Hamid Dabashi. To a Scottish driving instructor, the Duke of Edinburgh inquired how it was possible to “keep the booze long enough to pass the test.” To an Australian Aboriginal: “Still throwing spears?” To a group of British students on a royal visit to China: “If you stay here much longer you’ll all be slitty-eyed.”

    A national treasure? A petrified disgrace? For Dabashi, very much the latter, with one redeeming feature. “He is not faking it,” railed the Columbia University professor of Iranian studies in 2017. “This is who he is — and the long panoply of his racist, sexist, elitist, misogynistic, class-privileged and unhinged prejudices is a mobile museum of European bigotry on display.”

    A man such as the Duke of Edinburgh operated in a different dimension, distanced from revolutionary tremor and social evolution, even as the country he presided over with Queen Elizabeth II changed. To expect such a man to evolve with an institution created before an understanding of genetics was hope defiant of experience. He was expected to remain in the putty of permanent infantilism — at least on some level, more role than man. Accepting monarchy is accepting a condition of long service, and the Westminster model demands that the sovereign reigns but does not rule. And that role was reserved for Prince Philip’s wife, Queen Elizabeth.

    So much came to massaging him into roles he did not want, and situations he would have thought peculiar. A man condemned to opening buildings most of his life is bound to get tetchy at some point, strapped to concrete, pillars and boredom. Presiding over the opening of structures can risk turning you into a monument, a biped structure condemned to endless ceremonies of tenured stiffness. Naturally, he had to assume the role of consort as robot, breaking occasionally into performance, his sparkles of misguided human observations rippling through the institutional straitjacket.

    The role of service can be deforming. The Duke of Edinburgh Awards is touted as an example of “Prince Philip’s belief in the infinite potential of young people”. The Royal had a rather different view of it: the awards were not to be celebrated as some deep, insightful contribution to society. It was simply something to do. At points, he seemed to have strange attacks of modesty. On one occasion, he admitted that his greatest speech involved the utterance of a few words: “I declare open the Olympic Games of Melbourne, celebrating the sixteenth Olympiad of the modern era.”

    In the biography of the queen mother by William Shawcross, we find a note written by a newly married Prince Philip to his mother-in-law, touching in so far as it shows an awareness of role and position. “Lilibet is the only ‘thing’ in this world which is absolutely real to me and my ambition is to weld the two of us into a new combined existence that will not only be able to withstand the shocks directed at us but will also have a positive existence for the good.”

    A profound shock was the emerging force of media scrutiny, prompting him to call it “a professional intruder”. That was, is, its job, so you could not “complain about it.” So, in front of the media, he would be able to tell the young children’s rights activist and Nobel Peace Prize winner Malala Yousafzai that children went to school because parents wanted them out of the house. Many wearied parents would have agreed; even the youthful Malala stifled a giggle.

    The river of tributes duly flowed on the announcement of his passing. Few were more suited to delivering one than Britain’s Prime Minister Boris Johnson. The Prime Minister, in various previous incarnations, had merrily offended a good portion of the earth’s nations and races. “Prince Philip earned the affection of generations here in the United Kingdom, across the Commonwealth and around the world,” said the Prime Minister. “By any measure, Prince Philip lived an extraordinary life — as a naval hero in the Second World War, as the man who inspired countless young people through the Duke of Edinburgh’s Award and, above all, as Her Majesty The Queen’s loyal consort.”

    Not much difference was noted on the Labor side of politics. “The United Kingdom,” wrote Sir Keir Starmer, “has lost an extraordinary public servant in Prince Philip.” He noted a life marked by dedication to country, a distinguished career in the Royal Navy during conflict, and decades of service.

    From outside Britain, Barack Obama was off the mark, unable to resist the urge to be modern and very contemporary. “At the Queen’s side or trailing the customary two steps behind, Prince Philip showed the world what it meant to be a supportive husband to a powerful woman.”

    From the European Union, there was understanding without hyperbole. European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen preferred a no-nonsense approach, expressing her sadness and extending “sincere sympathy to Her Majesty The Queen, the Royal Family and the people of the United Kingdom on this very sad day.”

    During the reception of the honorary graduands that day in 2006, the strawberries being readily consumed, the champagne flowing like arteries let, Prince Philip could still muster a few remarks, speared, sharpened, and directed. He mocked those who had not been to Cambridge, geniuses who never had the chance to go to that great educational wonder in the Fens. “Is it true that there are actually a few of you who did not go to Cambridge?” To see him in motion was to see an institution within a man, bones and flesh going through tasks he did with a certain measure of irritation and resignation. The heat of battle must have been much more fun.

  • Image credit: ex-iskon-pleme
  • This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • The student from Ghana was insistent. “I want to meet him.” The stubborn, well-attired fool, groomed and keen to make a good impression, was attending the Senate House ceremony in Cambridge for honorary awardees. He was not the only one. In attendance on this warm June day in 2006 were a gaggle of rascals, well-wishers and rogues. This was gawking made respectable.

    The awardees were justifiably brilliant. There were the establishment birds of paradise: the Archbishop of Canterbury Rowan Williams, a man who soporifically charmed; and the Bank of England governor, Mervyn King. The mad cat mathematician’s contribution was also honoured in the form of string theorist Edward Witten of Princeton. Honorary doctorates in law were also conferred upon educator Charles Vest and writer Njabulo Ndebele. Ahmed Zewail scooped the honorary doctorate in science and novelist Margaret Drabble the honorary doctorate in letters.

    The ceremony was softly coated in formal Latin, the awards themselves granted to the bright and the brightest, the hall acting as a brace of history. But it was the Duke of Edinburgh who, as ever, managed to cut through what would have otherwise been a stuffy gathering with his immemorial manner. Cambridge University’s chancellor turned up to preside, and, his cloak train held by the unfortunate subaltern, appeared like a decorated reptile, gown merged with body.

    The reception – for that is what many there had hoped to get a hack at — saw Prince Philip make his various social sorties. These had the usual devastating air about them. Old mocking remarks about colonies; jabs of casual racism garnished with a mock innocence. Andrew O’Hagan of the London Review of Books was not wrong to observe that his questions would often lie “somewhere between existential brilliance and intergalactic dunce-hood.” To the student from Ghana, who sauntered up to him expecting a nugget of revelation, he said this: “I say, are you still a colony of ours?”

    The Prince Philip treasury is laden with such remarks, the sort that inspired other family members such his grandson Prince Harry while enraging commentators such as Hamid Dabashi. To a Scottish driving instructor, the Duke of Edinburgh inquired how it was possible to “keep the booze long enough to pass the test.” To an Australian Aboriginal: “Still throwing spears?” To a group of British students on a royal visit to China: “If you stay here much longer you’ll all be slitty-eyed.”

    A national treasure? A petrified disgrace? For Dabashi, very much the latter, with one redeeming feature. “He is not faking it,” railed the Columbia University professor of Iranian studies in 2017. “This is who he is — and the long panoply of his racist, sexist, elitist, misogynistic, class-privileged and unhinged prejudices is a mobile museum of European bigotry on display.”

    A man such as the Duke of Edinburgh operated in a different dimension, distanced from revolutionary tremor and social evolution, even as the country he presided over with Queen Elizabeth II changed. To expect such a man to evolve with an institution created before an understanding of genetics was hope defiant of experience. He was expected to remain in the putty of permanent infantilism — at least on some level, more role than man. Accepting monarchy is accepting a condition of long service, and the Westminster model demands that the sovereign reigns but does not rule. And that role was reserved for Prince Philip’s wife, Queen Elizabeth.

    So much came to massaging him into roles he did not want, and situations he would have thought peculiar. A man condemned to opening buildings most of his life is bound to get tetchy at some point, strapped to concrete, pillars and boredom. Presiding over the opening of structures can risk turning you into a monument, a biped structure condemned to endless ceremonies of tenured stiffness. Naturally, he had to assume the role of consort as robot, breaking occasionally into performance, his sparkles of misguided human observations rippling through the institutional straitjacket.

    The role of service can be deforming. The Duke of Edinburgh Awards is touted as an example of “Prince Philip’s belief in the infinite potential of young people”. The Royal had a rather different view of it: the awards were not to be celebrated as some deep, insightful contribution to society. It was simply something to do. At points, he seemed to have strange attacks of modesty. On one occasion, he admitted that his greatest speech involved the utterance of a few words: “I declare open the Olympic Games of Melbourne, celebrating the sixteenth Olympiad of the modern era.”

    In the biography of the queen mother by William Shawcross, we find a note written by a newly married Prince Philip to his mother-in-law, touching in so far as it shows an awareness of role and position. “Lilibet is the only ‘thing’ in this world which is absolutely real to me and my ambition is to weld the two of us into a new combined existence that will not only be able to withstand the shocks directed at us but will also have a positive existence for the good.”

    A profound shock was the emerging force of media scrutiny, prompting him to call it “a professional intruder”. That was, is, its job, so you could not “complain about it.” So, in front of the media, he would be able to tell the young children’s rights activist and Nobel Peace Prize winner Malala Yousafzai that children went to school because parents wanted them out of the house. Many wearied parents would have agreed; even the youthful Malala stifled a giggle.

    The river of tributes duly flowed on the announcement of his passing. Few were more suited to delivering one than Britain’s Prime Minister Boris Johnson. The Prime Minister, in various previous incarnations, had merrily offended a good portion of the earth’s nations and races. “Prince Philip earned the affection of generations here in the United Kingdom, across the Commonwealth and around the world,” said the Prime Minister. “By any measure, Prince Philip lived an extraordinary life — as a naval hero in the Second World War, as the man who inspired countless young people through the Duke of Edinburgh’s Award and, above all, as Her Majesty The Queen’s loyal consort.”

    Not much difference was noted on the Labor side of politics. “The United Kingdom,” wrote Sir Keir Starmer, “has lost an extraordinary public servant in Prince Philip.” He noted a life marked by dedication to country, a distinguished career in the Royal Navy during conflict, and decades of service.

    From outside Britain, Barack Obama was off the mark, unable to resist the urge to be modern and very contemporary. “At the Queen’s side or trailing the customary two steps behind, Prince Philip showed the world what it meant to be a supportive husband to a powerful woman.”

    From the European Union, there was understanding without hyperbole. European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen preferred a no-nonsense approach, expressing her sadness and extending “sincere sympathy to Her Majesty The Queen, the Royal Family and the people of the United Kingdom on this very sad day.”

    During the reception of the honorary graduands that day in 2006, the strawberries being readily consumed, the champagne flowing like arteries let, Prince Philip could still muster a few remarks, speared, sharpened, and directed. He mocked those who had not been to Cambridge, geniuses who never had the chance to go to that great educational wonder in the Fens. “Is it true that there are actually a few of you who did not go to Cambridge?” To see him in motion was to see an institution within a man, bones and flesh going through tasks he did with a certain measure of irritation and resignation. The heat of battle must have been much more fun.

  • Image credit: ex-iskon-pleme
  • The post When Prince Philip Became a Monument first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • Wole Ojewale (former Assistant Program Manager at the CLEEN Foundation) wrote on 5 April 2021 in saharareporters a very warm obituary for Innocent Chukwuma who fought for a liberated and egalitarian Nigeria.

    “Like many friends, comrades and associates of Innocent Chukwuma; I received the cold message from my former colleague by 12:33am on Sunday morning about the shocking exit of a man considered by many as an iroko tree and a big masquerade in the organized civil society and democracy struggle in Nigeria. My initial contact with Innocent was sometimes in June 2015…[and led to] an extremely impactful relationship I have had with Innocent in the last six years. Innocent represents many things to the diverse individuals and groups he has worked with from his days as a courageous student union activist in the pro-democracy struggle at the University of Nigeria; to his adventure in the human rights movement and the Civil Liberty Organization where he possibly developed strong interest in police reform- a cause that led him to establish CLEEN Foundation in 1998 and a field where he would later emerge as a global thought leader, who is widely respected and sought after. See also: https://www.trueheroesfilms.org/thedigest/laureates/1bc54e6a-4a3a-40f4-b8a3-b0c83af62631

    Innocent typified an exceptional breed of change agents imbued with the character, audacity, selflessness, humility and intellectual inspiration to transform a system and lead the society in an upward trajectory. Few stories would suffice to narrate these traits which Innocent was known for. Raised from a very humble beginning in Imo state. Innocent would pass as a typical child that would have been advised and warned by parents to face his study alone and “stay away from trouble”. However, he chose an alternative path to fight for the rights of the common man right from his secondary school days as a house prefect. He once narrated a story about how he led a protest against the school authority at the Holy Ghost College, Umuahia over poor meals served to the students. The heroic act led to his suspension with other students who participated in that protest. This and other daring experiences would later forge him as a gallant human rights activist with many confrontations with military dictators and their brutal state agents. Innocent risked his life many times and suffered wanton harassment alongside other critical voices as they fought steely against dictatorship in the grotesque days of military rule in Nigeria. Highly urbane, cosmopolitan and nationalistic in his intellectual devotion to state building in Nigeria; Innocent’s enduring impacts would be felt in his broader contributions to police reform in Nigeria and his unalloyed commitment to youth development in the country.

    I often consider him as the dean of police studies due to his sheer contributions to knowledge production in police research and practice in Nigeria. One only needs to engage him for a few minutes to perceive his depth of knowledge on the subject. I recall two vivid examples that gave credence to this assertion. One of my learned friends who is also an emerging scholar in the field of criminal justice once confided in me that he found out from his literature review that “Innocent and Professor Alemika have permanently defined the research agenda on police research in Nigeria”. Another more profound instance came when I was approached by a senior police officer to seek my advice on his research topic for a strategic course at the National Defense College in Abuja. Having discussed the topic with me; I advised him to seek an audience with Innocent and interview him.

    I graciously obliged him his contact and he travelled to Lagos to meet Innocent. The senior officer returned to Abuja and came to recount his experience to me at the CLEEN Office in Abuja. In summary, he noted Innocent was recommending books and research papers on police and policing to him at the maximum of five minutes intervals in the course of the interview. He said, ‘Wole, I concluded Innocent knows policing more than me- even as a police officer”. The senior officer would later retire as a Deputy Inspector General of Police. This account attests to Innocent’s profound intellectual exertion on diverse subjects ranging from policing to security, human rights and democracy.

    Innocent also made a significant impact in youth development in Nigeria. Virtually all of us who have had opportunities to be trained by him in many ways had contact with him mostly in our twenties and early thirties. Innocent knew what everyone would need to succeed in the global development profession and encouraged us individually. My Ph.D. research benefitted immensely from such a generous scheme he put in place in CLEEN Foundation. On his twitter handle, Innocent prides himself as a lifelong learner and specialist in identifying gaps and opportunities to solving wicked problems! He piloted this idea and demonstrated how to innovate for radically greater social goods in the society. He challenged bad governance as a human rights activist, and also established Oluaka Academy- a social enterprise and world class centre for innovation, business incubation, skills and enterprise development with a mission to support development of technologies for solving social problems, growth of small businesses and vocational skills in partnership with private, public and social sectors.

    Innocent left indelible footprints on the sand of time and many would continue to benefit from the shades of trees he planted. He maintained national impact and global relevance. From Southern America to the Middle East, Western countries, Africa and Asia, he maintained strong alliances with other human rights activists and scholars. In many instances, when  I have interacted with him, I found out that the intelligentsia I have probably read about are close allies whom he called friends and regularly compared notes with. The enigma around this aura is that most people who admire him have not even met him! But they all have great stories to share about him. Sometimes mentioning his name in international fora automatically confers respect and honour on me. I recall such experience I had in a meeting organized by the World Organisation Against Torture in Geneva in 2019 where I represented Nigeria in a working group meeting of human rights defenders. The Secretary General of the OMCT walked to me at the coffee stand and started a conversation about police brutality and human rights abuse in Nigeria. We discussed extensively and he alluded to the profound respect he has for Innocent albeit they have not met before! Such is the latitude of his impact and the scope of his sphere of influence. Innocent personified humility and dignity. He was highly strategic and inspirational in his approach to life. He was many things to some of us: a mentor, a senior friend and a comrade in the struggle for a better Nigeria. I will treasure the text message he sent to me on the 20th of December, 2020 as the last advice from a general. The text also came as an encouragement- an ideal he represented so well.

    Innocent Chukwuma fought for a liberated and egalitarian Nigeria. The responsibility lies with us to pick the baton from him and complete the race he and his comrades started in their prime.

    Rest in peace and power, Innocent Chukwuma- our departed hero!

    http://saharareporters.com/2021/04/05/tribute-innocent-chukwuma-when-great-souls-die-wole-ojewale

    This post was originally published on Hans Thoolen on Human Rights Defenders and their awards.

  • On 28 March 2021, respected human rights lawyer Professor Christof Heyns passed away, unexpectedly, aged 62.  

    Most recently, Professor Heyns was the was the Director of the Institute for International and Comparative Law in Africa at the University of Pretoria, and had also served as United Nations Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions from 2010 to 2016. See: https://www.trueheroesfilms.org/thedigest/laureates/dfa7df54-3cb2-465c-9655-d139b5486591.

    See also: https://humanrightsdefenders.blog/2020/07/30/christof-heyns-discusses-new-un-comment-on-right-of-peaceful-assembly/

    His friends and colleagues pay tribute to a giant of global human rights: 

    The Centre for Human Rights CHR, in its tribute, called him their “founding father, a trail-blazer, and a constant source of inspiration and encouragement. He was our dynamic initiator-in-chief. He played a pioneering role in positioning the Centre as a pan-African centre of excellence. Constantly brimming with new ideas and grand schemes, plans and projects, he propelled the Centre into new directions and challenged it to explore different dimensions.  “To Christof, if something could be conceived, it could be achieved.”

    On Monday, the CHR created a memorial page on Facebook in his memory which, within hours, contained hundreds of entries from all over the world. The reactions registered on Facebook, on WhatsApp groups and emails speak volumes about how highly Heyns the man, the mentor, the “rock star” and the lawyer was regarded.

    Arnold Tsunga, chairperson of the Southern Africa Human Rights Defenders Network

    “The sudden demise of Professor Christof Heyns is a real tragedy to us as a community of human rights activists in southern Africa. As a member of the United Nations Human Rights Committee his contribution to production of General Comment Number 37 on the right to peaceful assembly is invaluable at a time when we are experiencing democratic regression and authoritarian consolidation globally. He is irreplaceable and shall be sorely missed. May his soul rest in eternal peace.”

    Raenette Taljaard, former politician and independent analyst

    “Prof Christof Heyns was one of South Africa and the world’s great thought leaders and moral authorities on human rights. Beyond his contribution to academia, his work as a UN Special Rapporteur stands as a towering tribute to the right to life in a world where algorithms and lethal autonomous weapons can make life and death decisions that are core to who we are as humanity. His work will live on in the many principled human rights fighters and public intellectuals that have had the privilege to encounter him and to be mentored by him. He will be greatly missed.”

    Jason Brickhill, human rights lawyer and former director of the Constitutional Litigation Unit at the Legal Resources Centre 

    “So very shocked and sad to hear that Christof Heyns has passed on. Such a gentle, wise and self-deprecating soul. I was lucky to be taught by him (about the African regional human rights system) and he supervised my master’s dissertation just over a decade ago.  “He did so much to advance human rights in very real, meaningful ways, especially with his work on the African regional system (he was a true pan-Africanist!) and on the right to life at the UN.  “He shared with me and other classmates his ‘struggle approach’ to human rights, which is still the foundation for how I think about the law’s role in the world. We will remember you, Christof, and carry with us the ideas that you shared.”

    Faranaaz Veriava, head of the Basic Education Rights programme at SECTION27

    “Around 1995 I was young and green in my first job, working in the Idasa Pretoria office. Ivor Jenkins, our director, talked me into meeting with a Moroccan delegation visiting the Centre for Human Rights at the University of Pretoria to discuss human rights law. Prof Christof Heyns hosted the delegation. I was probably terrible in that meeting but Prof Heyns was warm and encouraging and I became very interested in the work of the Centre. The next year I registered in the LLM programme at the centre which was a pioneering programme at the time for students all over Africa interested in human rights law. Later I would teach annually in that same programme. Much later, complete my doctorate through the UP law school and then teach at the law school myself. If Ivor Jenkins had not thrown me in at the deep end that day, I wonder if I would have any history with UP – a historically Afrikaans university – and that is now such a positive part of my life. RIP Prof Heyns, a warm and inspiring man and pioneer in human rights law.”

    Alice Brown, former resident coordinator, Ford Foundation

    “What sad news. I met Christof in the late 1980s through my work with the Ford Foundation. Christof was an innovative human rights academic who was a trailblazer for a number of important rights-focused training programs. In addition, in all my interactions with him over the years, I found him to be a very decent human being.”

    Thuli Madonsela, former Public Protector, current law trust chair in social justice, University of Stellenbosch

    “What a sad occasion. He was such a mensch, resolutely devoted to developing leaders to advance democracy and human rights in this continent. “The news of the passing of Christof Heyns hit me like a ton of bricks. I have known Christof for all my grown-up life.  “A quintessential professional, Christoff invested a lot in developing leaders that are anchored in a sound knowledge and values system regarding human rights and democracy. He was passionate about the African continent and building scholarship in the continent on human rights, democracy and the rule of law.  “The country, the continent and the entire world is poorer because of Christof Heyns’ untimely passing, yet richer because of the legacy he leaves behind. It is said leaders do not die, they multiply. Christof leaves pieces of himself among the many scholars he nurtured and policymakers he touched. May his great soul Rest In Peace.” Christof Heyns and the Outlaws — the rock and roll band of the Faculty of Law at the University of Pretoria. Formed in 2007, they always played at the annual Faculty Festival. (Photo: Yolanda Booyzen)

    Bongani Majola, Chairperson of the SA Human Rights Commission

    “We deeply mourn the untimely passing of Prof Christof Heyns, a giant in the promotion of human rights. Empowering young people has always been his passion. I first met him in the late 1980s/early 1990s when he and I ran a project that sought to open opportunities for final-year law students from the then historically black universities to find placements in commercial law firms. At the time, it was hard for many black law graduates to be admitted to articles of clerkship and even harder – almost impossible to get placed in commercial law firms. 

    “Another empowerment project that Christof Heyns employed significantly to empower the youth was the moot court competitions that he and his colleagues took beyond the borders of South Africa, the borders of SADC and beyond the boundaries of the African continent. Recently, he had taken the promotion of human rights to schools in the basic education environment, a project that he passed on to the South African Human Rights Commission once it had taken a firm hold among basic education schools. 

    “He was a visionary who believed in investing in the youth in order to build a strong human rights culture. The country has lost a true human rights activist. He will be sorely missed.”

    Edwin Cameron, former Constitutional Court judge

    Really terribly shocked and saddened by Christof’s sudden death yesterday. He was a meticulous, conscientious, persistent, courageous fighter for justice and human rights.

    Rose Hanzi, director of Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights

    “Very very sad. Prof Heyns raised the African continent high with his contributions at the ACHPR [African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights] and UN.”

    Muleya Mwananyanda, Amnesty International 

    “So saddened to learn of the death of Prof Christof Heyns. Many of you may know him. He was my teacher and I suspect a few others on this group. What a dedicated Human Rights Activist he was. Beyond teaching, he will be remembered for drafting the General Comment on Freedom of Assembly … he was until his death after a heart attack while hiking a member of the HRC. MHSRIP”

    Steven LB Jensen, Danish Institute for Human Rights

    “Oh no, this is so sad and shocking news. I met him twice – first in Lund for a two-hour conversation just the two of us and again at the Danish Institute for a meeting on collaborations between our institutions. He was a wonderful person and so easy to engage with. He will be sorely missed by many all around the world.” DM/MC

    From Amnesty International staff:

    Dr. Agnès Callamard, the new Secretary General of Amnesty International, said: “Christof Heyns was a brilliant human rights lawyer and thinker, gentle person…He leaves behind such an extraordinary legacy.” 

    Shenilla Mohamed, Executive Director of Amnesty International South Africa, said: “A mighty baobab has fallen! The untimely death of renowned human rights law expert, Professor Christof Heyns, is a devastating loss. In Africa the Baobab Tree is considered a symbol of power, longevity, presence, strength and grace. Professor Heyns was a baobab in the human rights world. A giant in his field, he fought hard for a just world. As Director of the Institute for International and Comparative Law in Africa, he was involved in a number of critical initiatives. His contributions included: Chair of the UN independent investigation on Burundi, leading on the drafting of UN human rights guidelines on peaceful assembly and the use of less lethal weapons. He also served as the UN Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial executions. Hamba Kahle Professor Heyns, Ke a Leboga, Enkosi, Ngiyabonga, Thank you for your service to humanity. You have left indelible footprints and we salute you!”

    Sam Dubberley, Amnesty International’s Head of Crisis Evidence Lab, said: “Christof’s support for establishing a hub of Amnesty’s Digital Verification Corps at the Centre for Human Rights at the University of Pretoria was unequivocal. He gave time, advice and space for this project to emerge, and welcomed the Amnesty team on every visit to Pretoria despite his always frantic schedule. Christof made everyone feel valued, and was a source of energy and sage advice. How he will be missed.” 

    Netsanet Belay, Research and Advocacy Director of Amnesty International, said: “Words fail me to express the profound sense of loss with the sudden passing of Professor Heyns. Like many, I had the privilege of working with him and benefited much from his wisdom, mentorship and guidance. He was a rare breed, one of Africa’s great legal minds, a passionate human rights defender and a kind, passionate, humble person. He nurtured and cultivated a cadre of human rights experts and activists in Africa, including by transforming the human rights centre at the University of Pretoria into a world class institution that produced Africa’s leading human rights scholars and practitioners. His publications on various human rights issues in leading academic journals are testament to his brilliance, wisdom and dedication. He was a true pan-Africanist, as exemplified in his work to champion and strengthen the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights. His passing is also a great loss to Amnesty International. As [recently] as last week we were working with Professor Heyns on the draft report by the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the use of force by law enforcement officials in Africa. We shall strive to ensure his last vision [is seen] to fruition. Rest in peace dear brother!”

    Rasha Abdul-Rahim, Director of Amnesty Tech, said: “It was devastating to hear of the passing of Professor Heyns. All my thoughts and prayers are with his family and friends. Not only was Christof a renowned human rights expert, he was fiercely justice-focused and an absolute joy and pleasure to work with. Christof wrote the seminal Human Rights Council report that put the human rights risks of autonomous weapons systems on the agenda. He was always extremely generous with his expertise and time. This is a huge loss for the human rights movement, and we will miss him deeply.” 

    Avner Gidron, Senior Policy Adviser on Amnesty International’s Law and Policy Programme, said: “I worked most closely with Professor Heyns on The Minnesota Protocol on the Investigation of Potentially Unlawful Death in 2016. It’s a practical tool for human rights defenders and advocates around the world seeking accountability for unlawful killings; and it is now a small, but important, part of Christof’s vast legacy. As well as his importance as a brilliant legal mind, scholar and activist, I will remember Christof for actually embodying human rights values: being an incredibly warm, generous and considerate human being. His death is a tremendous loss for the human rights movement, and an unimaginable tragedy for his family and friends.”

    Simon Crowther, legal advisor at Amnesty International, said: “Christof was a legal giant who approached his work with kindness, humility, humour and immense intelligence. He will be greatly missed.” 

    Anja Bienert, Senior Programme Officer at Amnesty International Netherlands, said: “I first met Christof in 2013 and immediately felt connected to him: his sharp mind, the careful and perfectly articulated thoughts on the many pressing human rights issues, but more importantly, his warm and welcoming personality, with whom it was a pleasure to discuss. Since then, he was an ongoing source of inspiration to me and a great ally in the fight for greater protection of human rights. He constantly strove not just to write excellent publications, but to have a real impact for the respect of human rights across the world. We will miss him incredibly. It will be our mission to uphold his great legacy in the field of human rights.”

    https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2021/03/christof-heyns-tribute/

    This post was originally published on Hans Thoolen on Human Rights Defenders and their awards.

  • RNZ Pacific

    A pioneering indigenous activist is being farewelled today after losing a short battle with cancer.

    Miriama Rauhihi Ness was a member of the Polynesian Panthers and Ngā Tamatoa movements, fighting for both Māori and Pasifika rights in New Zealand.

    Will ‘Ilolahia, a founding member of the Polynesian Panthers, said Rauhihi Ness was always on the frontlines of indigenous activism.

    “She was our Minister of Culture and our first full-time community worker when we existed back in the 70s,” he said.

    “Her fierce, strong, no-muck-around attitude has done a lot of things that a lot of people don’t really acknowledge.”

    Rauhihi Ness (Ngāti Whakatere/Ngāti Taki Hiki) helped lodge the Māori Language Petition of 1972, led the 1975 Land March and was part of the Patu Squad that protested against the 1985 Springbok tour.

    “The Patu Squad that [South African] President Nelson Mandela came to New Zealand to say thank you – she was a member of that squad.”

    Rauhihi Ness was also married to Niuean singer and activist Tigilau Ness and their son was renowned musician, Che Fu.

    Love for her whānau
    Will ‘Ilolahia said her love for her whānau also seemed to give her strength in her final days.

    “She was suffering from cancer from after Waitangi Day,” he said.

    “She went up there and then came back and she was sick. But she held on until Tigilau and Che Fu had their performance last Saturday for the [Auckland] Arts Festival and then she passed away.”

    ‘Ilolahia said for the 69-year-old to be able to endure pain and hold on until after her son performed his major gig of the year was remarkable.

    “That’s a wahine toa.”

    Nō reira e te rangatira, moe mai, moe mai, moe mai rā.

    This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Asia Pacific Report newsdesk

    Sir Michael Somare. Founding father and three times prime minister of Papua New Guinea. Born Rabaul, Papua New Guinea, April 9, 1936. Died Port Moresby, February 26, 2021, aged 84.

    As the nation has mourned for the past two weeks for one of the Pacific’s leadership giants in the cultural process known as haus krai, Papua New Guinea television journalist and blogger Scott Waide threw open his blog, My Land, My Country, for tributes and photographs to the great man.

    On this gallery page is a selection of some of the photos provided by the country’s “citizen photojournalists” from the tribute marches of tribespeople from Hela, Western Highlands and Jiwaka in the capital of Port Moresby on Tuesday.

    The state funeral is on Friday.

    Asia Pacific Report republishes items from Waide’s blog with permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • COMMENTARY: By Murray Horton in Christchurch

    Owen Wilkes, an internationally renowned peace researcher and Campaign Against Foreign Control of Aotearoa (CAFCA) founder, died in 2005, aged 65 (see my obituary in Watchdog 109, August 2005). And yet, 16 years later, I’m still learning more about him and gaining insights into his life and character.

    In late 2020 I was contacted, out of the blue, by an octogenarian Kiwi expat in Oslo, who had been a good friend of Owen’s in Scandinavia in the 1970s and 1980s and then for most of the rest of Owen’s life.

    In 1978, I and my then partner (Christine Bird, a fellow CAFCINZ founder and first chairperson of CAFCA) accompanied Owen on a “spy trip” through Norway’s northernmost province, the one bordering the former Soviet Union, which gave me my first glimpse of the sort of domes with which I’ve become so familiar at the Waihopai spy base during the last 30 plus years.

    We met this expat Kiwi while in Oslo. Although we were strangers, he immediately recognised us as New Zealanders the second we stepped off the train at his station.

    Why? Because of the distinctive shabbiness of our dress. I hadn’t heard from him in decades. In 2020, he went to the trouble of contacting an NZ national news website to get my email address.

    He told me that he had a small collection of Owen’s letters and other material about him, and as he was decluttering and couldn’t think of any Scandinavian home for them, would I like them?

    I was happy to do so. Reading them brought back vivid memories from more than 40 years ago, none more so than in connection with that “spy trip”.

    Thrived in Scandinavia
    Owen thrived in Scandinavia, and particularly loved his 18 months in Norway, paying Norwegians the highest accolade of being “good jokers”. All up, he lived six years in Scandinavia, most of it in Sweden, where he worked for the world-famous Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI).

    He applied his unique talents to researching in both countries e.g., he identified the entire security police staff by the simple expedient of ringing every block of particular extension numbers.

    In 1978, Christine Bird and I did our Big OE, part of which included crossing the former Soviet Union on the Trans-Siberian Express from the Pacific coast and staying with Owen in his Stockholm apartment.

    In this most sophisticated of northern European cities, he still dressed and acted like The Wild Man of Borneo (when I inquired about toilet paper, he told me that he used the phonebook). It was quite a sight to visit the SIPRI office full of oh, so proper Swedes and there was Owen working away at his desk, naked except for shorts.

    Owen Wilkes 2
    Owen Wilkes … New Zealand peace researcher, 1940-2005. Image: File

    We met up with him for a reason, which was to accompany him on a “spy” trip through Norway’s northernmost Finnmark province, which was chokka with North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) military bases and lots of Waihopai-like spy bases, the first time I ever saw those distinctive domes.

    Norway was then one of only two NATO members with a land border with the Soviet Union (the other being Turkey).

    Mad Norwegian adventure
    Off we went, the three of us, on this mad adventure, travelling by boat, train, bus and hitchhiking. We slept in a tent wherever we could pitch it.

    Bird and I went by bus right up to the Soviet border; Owen got the deeply suspicious driver to drop off him beforehand so that he could walk up and check out a spy base in the border zone (photography was strictly forbidden near any of these bases, even at Oslo Airport, because it was also an Air Force base). From memory, he told the bus driver that he was a bird watcher (he had his ever-present binoculars to prove it).

    He told us that if he hadn’t rejoined us within a couple of days, it would mean that he had been arrested and to ring the office in Oslo to let them know. Right on time he turned up.

    We duly delivered the rolls of film back to the International Peace Research Institute in Oslo (PRIO) and they were used in a book co-authored by Owen and Nils Petter Gleditsch, the PRIO Director. The book, Uncle Sam’s Rabbits (a pun on the rabbit ear aerials used at some of the listening post spy bases) caused such a sensation in Norway that both authors were charged, tried, convicted and fined for offences under the Official Secrets Act.

    Much more excitement was to come, not long after, in Sweden. Security agents swooped on Owen as he was returning from a bike trip around islands between Sweden and Finland, he was held incommunicado for several days amid sensational headlines about a Soviet spy being arrested (this was the sort of stuff that gave his poor old Mum palpitations back in Christchurch).

    He was eventually released and charged with offences under Sweden’s Official Secrets Act (after his death, NZ media coverage mistakenly said that he was convicted of espionage offences. That means spying for a foreign country. He wasn’t charged with any such offence, let alone convicted).

    Forded Arctic river in shorts to covertly enter Soviet Union
    This was at the height of the Cold War, when neutral Sweden was being particularly paranoid about Soviet spies (not helped when a Soviet Whiskey class submarine got embarrassingly stuck in Stockholm Harbour, the famous “Whiskey On The Rocks” episode).

    Owen’s trial was very high profile, attracting international media attention. At first, he was convicted and sentenced to six months’ prison. He never served a day of that, because he appealed, and the sentence was suspended but he was fined heavily and ordered expelled from Sweden for 10 years (he used to joke that he should have appealed for it to be increased to 20 years).

    The 2020 package of material from Oslo added one vital detail I didn’t know about that “spy trip” we did with him. The Kiwi expat wrote to a work mate of Owen’s, after his death: “He once even crossed the Norwegian-Soviet border in the high north, wading across an icy river in his shorts and was there several hours – only a few people know about this.

    It doesn’t bear thinking about what could have happened to him, or so-called international relations, if he’d been jumped on by the vodka-sodden Soviet frontier guards. As unshaven as Owen. He would have managed though …

    No wonder that bus driver was so suspicious of him. There is great irony in the fact that both the Norwegian and Swedish security agencies suspected Owen of being some sort of a Soviet spy and both prosecuted him; yet if he’d been caught on his covert visit to the Soviet Union, he would have doubtless been presented to the world as a Western spy.

    A 1981 letter that Owen wrote to his Oslo mate shed some light on his arrest and detention for several days by the Swedish Security Service (SAPO).

    “Overall, it wasn’t such bad fun. I had a clear conscience all along and I wasn’t scared that SAPO would try and plant evidence or anything like that… So, I slept well at night, found the interrogations intellectually stimulating, read several novels. Getting out was fun too…”

    I can personally testify as to how much Owen enjoyed being locked up. We were among a group of people arrested inside the US military transport base at Christchurch Airport during a 1988 protest (the base is still there). This is from my 2005 Watchdog obituary of Owen, cited above:

    “It was a weekend, so we were bailed after a few hours to appear later in the week”.

    “But that didn’t suit Owen, he had things to do and didn’t want to be mucking around with inconvenient court appearances. So, he refused bail and opted to stay locked up for 24 hours so that the cops had to produce him at the next day’s court hearing (which was more convenient for him), where he duly got bail.

    “He told me that he’d found some old Reader’s Digests in the cells and had had a wonderful uninterrupted time reading their Rightwing conspiracy theories about how the KGB was behind the 1981 assassination attempt on Pope John Paul 11. In the meantime, I was left to deal with his then partner, who was frantic about how come he’d ended up in custody, as that hadn’t been part of their South Island holiday plans. In the end, we fought the good fight in court, were convicted and got a small fine each”.

    Getting to read his Swedish security file
    A letter to his Oslo mate at the turn of the century says that he learned that Swedish police files on him would be among those now available to the people who were the subjects of them. He wrote, from New Zealand, asking for access to their files on him from 1978-81.

    He got a reply saying he could have access to 1025 pages and that he had two months to do so. Owen had been planning a Scandinavian trip with his partner, May Bass, and this was the icing on the cake for him (“she is going to find something else to do while I am poring through the archives in Stockholm”).

    When I last saw Owen, in 2002, he told that me that the file showed that the Swedish authorities were absolutely convinced that he was a Soviet spy and there was circumstantial evidence of which he had been unaware – for instance, he had been monitoring a whole lot of radio frequencies broadcasting from the Soviet Union, and in the case of one, he had apparently stumbled onto the means of communication between the KGB (former Soviet spy agency) and their agent in Sweden.

    He had no idea but this reinforced the Swedish spooks’ idea that he was a Soviet spy, rather than an insatiably curious peace researcher.

    By contrast, to this day, the NZ Security Intelligence Service has refused to release anything but a fraction of its file on him (see my “Owen Wilkes’ SIS File. A bit more feleased, a decade after first smidgen”, in Watchdog 150, April 2019).

    The SIS says it holds six volumes on Owen. It still deems the great majority of that too sensitive to be released, even to his one remaining blood relative – his younger brother.

    In 1982, after six years of high drama in Scandinavia, he returned home in a blaze of publicity and CAFCINZ (as CAFCA was then) sent him around the country on an extremely successful speaking tour.

    Christchurch academic, Professor Bill Willmott, nominated him for the 1982 Nobel Peace Prize (funnily enough, he didn’t win it. It was never likely that the Scandinavians would ever award their homegrown prize to a peace activist who had been convicted for “spying” on them).

    A copy of Willmott’s nomination letter is among the material I was sent. After his involuntary return, Owen never lived overseas again, but he continued to be of ongoing interest to Scandinavian media.

    A 1983 Norwegian article reported on Owen from where he was living in the Karamea district. It was titled: “’Spy’ yesterday, farmer today”.

    Extreme adventurer, renouncing Peace Movement
    Owen wasn’t a big fan of Sweden but he absolutely loved Norway. It gave him full scope for the extreme adventures that he loved, whether on foot, in the water, on skis or on a bike.

    His letters describing some of his adventures are wonderful examples of travel writing, although not for the fainthearted reader. This is his description of what happened when he boarded a coastal ferry after one such jaunt through days of unrelenting rain:

    “.. I noticed the people were looking rather strangely at me, which I assumed was just because of the way I went squilch-squelch when I walked, and the way a little rivulet would wend its way out from under my chair when I sat down. Then I chanced to look in a mirror, and discovered that my skin had gone all soft and wrinkly and puffy, so that I looked like a cadaver that had been simmered in caustic soda solution”.

    He would have fitted right in to any movie about the zombie apocalypse.

    His letters shed light on various fascinating aspects of his life and personality. In the 1990s he basically and publicly renounced the Peace Movement (I refer you to my 2005 Watchdog obituary, cited above. See the subheadings “Leaving the Peace Movement” and “Writer of crank letters”). A 1993 letter to his Oslo mate gives a small taste of this.

    It lists his disagreements with “Greenpeas [not a typo. MH] …on quite a few issues. Some of their campaigns are just great, but some of them are pretty bloody stupid, I reckon. And it is only recently that they’ve started going screwy” (he then details six areas of disagreement).

    “Grumble, grumble, it’s no wonder I am getting offside with the peace movement around these parts, is it… Anyway, I am sort of getting out of the peace movement”.

    Another 1993 letter to Oslo (the only handwritten one) is a fascinating, hilarious and white-knuckle account of how – after the unexpected death of his father in Christchurch – he and his brother tried to get their bedridden mother moved by small plane from Christchurch to the brother’s district of Karamea.

    A classic Canterbury norwester put paid to that and they had to land at a rural airstrip (after the sheep had been chased off it). The journey had to be finished by ambulance and took 26 hours. Owen’s parents died within a few months of each other, in 1993. I knew both of them and Becky and I attended both funerals.

    Owen was a depressive, which played a role in his 2005 suicide. That same 1993 handwritten letter concluded with this: “There’s an election coming up in 3 weeks, but I feel quite detached. Basically, I think we’re all totally doomed + the civilisation is into its final orgy of environmental destruction before the end. Rather than trying to improve the future by changing the present, I plan on documenting the past, just in case civilisation is re-established in some distant future + its people are in a mood to learn from our past. Hence my archaeology. It’s a choice between archaeology or alcoholism, I reckon”.

    Pleasure and sadness
    Owen Wilkes was a fascinating and simultaneously infuriating man. He has been dead for 16 years and this quite unexpected package of material goes back more than 40 years. But that passage only reinforces for me what a loss he is, both to the progressive movement nationally and globally, but also as a person, an indomitable adventurer, and as a friend and colleague.

    It was with both pleasure and sadness that I read through this material. It brought back so many memories.

    As for the Oslo expat, he and I went on to have an extensive correspondence in late 2020 and on into 2021. And not just about Owen but about many other people and topics. He has permanently lived outside NZ since the 1960s but we still have people in common.

    For example, in 1960s Christchurch he was involved with the Monthly Review and knew Wolfgang Rosenberg. I sent him my Watchdog obituary of Wolf (114, May 2007). The upshot of all this was that he insisted on sending CAFCA a donation.

    Thank you, Owen, you’re the gift that keeps on giving.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • TRIBUTE: By Frank Senge Kolma in Port Moresby

    Many will now try to recollect some experience, some exchange or brush with the Grand Chief Sir Michael Thomas Somare who fell to pancreatic cancer on February 26 after a long checkered career in politics as our founding Prime Minister.

    That he was an engaging conservationist is true. He was captivating, sincere and focused.

    His humour was infectious and he used it often. He was kind and fair. He could be firm and tough when the situation demanded it.

    And he could lose his temper. Trust me, I know.

    I felt his temper flare once in March 1987 and although I maintain my innocence in that little exchange, the memory is now something I shall hold special as the great man, whom I too call Papa, lies in State.

    He had returned from Taiwan via Singapore to Port Moresby and had called a media conference upon landing. He had read a story on the plane flying in that ran in the Post-Courier under my byline.

    It said a building was going to be built in Waigani and that it was going to be called the Somare Foundation House. Funding was to come from Taiwan which was what the Grand Chief had secured on his most recent trip abroad.

    No particular investigation
    I did no particular investigation for this piece. Somebody sent me a page of a newspaper cutting that had a picture of the Grand Chief shaking hands with an important personality in Taiwan. Nothing else was discernable to me as the newspaper was written in Chinese characterS.

    I had it translated by the Singapore consul and the Chinese Embassy separately and the translated story matched.

    The Chief was incensed which surprised me at the press conference in Parliament because I thought he would announce further details of the deal. Instead, he was guarded and angry.

    Frank Senge Kolma with Somare
    Frank Senge Kolma interviewing Sir Michael Somare. Image: PNG Post-Courier

    I worked out later that the publication would place our country at odds with the Chinese Embassy which had always maintained a One China policy since it first recognised PNG’s Independence and entered into bilateral relations with the new nation in 1976.

    Papua New Guinea respected that stance and had always maintained a Taiwanese Trade Mission but never elevated that to any higher recognition.

    To have our own Grand Chief now appear to have received some assistance to build a building named after himself would create all manner of diplomatic tensions. And so the Chief lost it and my cheek, on the day, was in the way of a swinging open slap. It stung.

    I remember saying: “Why are you attacking me? I did nothing wrong,” but he did not hear me in the commotion as other journalists scurried out of the way fearing they too might receive similar treatment.

    First direct contact
    “And there it was, my first direct contact with the hand that had signed so many things into existence, including my country’s nationhood.

    A week later, in Parliament and witnessed by Ted Diro, Lady Veronica Somare and a few others we made our peace in Parliament.

    He was good like that: a sudden storm and immediate calm weather. I look back now and consider that encounter a rare sort and I cherish the memory.

    Frank Senge Kolma is one of Papua New Guinea’s leading journalists, commentators and newspaper editors. This commentary was first published in the PNG Post-Courier.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • By Scott Waide in Lae, Papua New Guinea

    Sir Michael was a man of many titles. He was father, grandfather and chief.

    As a tribal leader, he was Sana, the peacemaker. His influence and his reputation extended beyond Papua New Guinea’s border to the Pacific and other parts of the region.

    Sir Michael Somare has left an incredible legacy: 49 years in politics, a total of 17 years as prime minister spread out over three terms.

    The state of Papua New Guinea bestowed upon him the title of grand chief in later years. Ordinary Papua New Guineans called him Chief, Father of the Nation, Papa, Tumbuna.

    From the early years of his leadership, his family had to share their father with the rest of Papua New Guinea. Just after midnight, the eldest of the Somare clan, Bertha sent out a statement announced their father’s passing.

    “Sir Michael was a loyal husband to our mother and great father first to her children, then grandchildren and great granddaughter. But we are endeared that many Papua New Guineans equally embraced Sir Michael as father and grandfather.”

    The Grand Chief was diagnosed with late stage pancreatic cancer and was admitted to hospital on the February 19.

    Father among first policemen
    Michael Somare was born in Rabaul, East New Britain on 9 April 1936. His father, Ludwig, was one of the first policemen in the colonial territory.

    He attended high school in Dregahafen in Morobe Province and later went on to work as a teacher and radio broadcaster.

    During the 1960s, the young Michael Somare, became increasingly dissatisfied with Australian colonial rule and the racial discrimination. He, and other like-minded people began pushing for independence.

    He attributed his entry into politics to the former Maprik MP, firebrand politician, Sir Peter Lus.

    In 1972, and during an era that saw a strong push for decolonisation worldwide, Michael Somare, was elected Chief Minister. Three years later, in 1975, he led the country to independence when he became Papua New Guinea’s first Prime Minister.

    Sir Michael was a pivotal, uniting force in a very fragmented country. He brought together the four culturally district regions and people who spoke close to a thousand different languages.

    A master tactician
    “A multitude of tribes – some of whom were forced to transition, rapidly, from the stone age into the age of artificial intelligence in less than half a century.

    In politics, Sir Michael was a master tactician. Highly skilled in managing volatile political landscapes on multiple fronts. He survived multiple instances of political turmoil and retired in 2017.

    As a regional leader, Sir Michael was the longest serving. In many instances, seeing the sons of those he served with take on leadership reins.

    While Papua New Guineans have accepted that this day would come, many are still coming to terms with the news.

    There is still a lot more to tell about Sir Michael.

    Asia Pacific Report republishes articles from Lae-based Papua New Guinean television journalist Scott Waide’s blog, My Land, My Country, with permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • ANALYSIS: By Jonathan Ritchie, Deakin University

    Grand Chief Sir Michael Somare, former prime minister of Papua New Guinea and a giant of Pacific politics, has died from pancreatic cancer. He was 84.

    Known as “Mike” to some and “the chief” to others, Somare in more recent years became widely referred to as “the grand chief” – the highest position in his nation’s honours system.

    In his long career, Somare dominated PNG and Pacific politics.

    He was regarded as the “father of the nation” for his role in moving PNG from colonial dependency of Australia to a fully fledged independent state. He helped build a nation that sits at the meeting point between the Pacific and dynamic East Asia with all the strategic, economic and cultural issues that brings.

    Somare was the colossus of PNG’s political landscape: chief minister from 1972 to 1975 while the country was still an Australian-administered territory, its first prime minister (1975-1980), as well as its third (1982-85) and 12th (2002-2011, although some consider that his term concluded in 2012).

    In fact, for 17 of PNG’s 45 years since gaining independence – more than a third of the period – Somare was its leader. When not in this role, he was very much the power behind the scenes, kingmaker, sometimes troublemaker and – often – peacemaker.

    In 1967, Somare joined with other young nationalists, discontented and angered by the slow progress towards independence from Australia, to form one of PNG’s first political parties, the PANGU Pati (Papua and New Guinea United Party). Their criticism of the worst kind of Australian paternalism brought them attention from the colonial authorities, which Somare wrote about using a pseudonym.

    PANGU’s mild politics
    In truth, PANGU’s politics were of the mildest variety. When anti-colonial movements in other places were pursuing armed revolution, Somare and his fellows – always a small group of educated (and thus, elite) Papua New Guineans – forecast merely:

    […] if the present system of colonial or territory government continues, with all its inevitable master-servant overtones, serious tensions will develop.

    They then made modest calls for self-government by 1968.

    When Somare and other PANGU members were elected to PNG’s territorial House of Assembly in 1968, they formed an unofficial opposition to the administration. In April 1972 – before the election of the Whitlam Labor government in Australia – PANGU, with Somare as leader, was able to form a coalition that took the territory to independence in 1975.

    Sir Michael Somare
    Sir Michael Somare meets with Australian Prime Minister Gough Whitlam (right). Image: ANU/The Conversation

    In that year, Somare – amazingly – found the time to write his autobiography, Sana, which records his journey from his village in the Murik Lakes area of the Sepik River to becoming the nation’s first prime minister on the eve of PNG’s independence. The book provides a first-hand account of PNG’s path to self-government and nationhood, importantly from the perspective of the colonised.

    Always a strong communicator, Somare used the book to foster pride among Papua New Guineans in their own nation, which gained its independence in a way that was both constitutional and peaceful. As its first governor-general, Sir John Guise, famously pronounced on September 16 1975, PNG Independence Day:

    […] we are lowering the flag of our colonisers […] not tearing it down.

    The way PNG gained its independence owes a great deal to Somare’s careful devotion to the spirit of sana: a word from his people’s language that denotes taking a peaceful, consensual approach to resolving disputes.

    In the face of a colonial system that was often stubborn and narrow-minded, and amid an expatriate population – overwhelmingly Australian – who were too often discriminatory and racist, he could have chosen a path of violent resistance. Instead, he chose the way of peace, of toktok (Tok Pisin for discussion) and of consensus.

    ‘Radical, red-ragger’
    Even as a young leader, described in British government confidential notes as “a radical and red-ragger”, he believed in words over guns. It was a quality that was demonstrated in his handling of the separatist movement in Bougainville, which threatened to divide PNG even before it gained independence.

    As well as drawing on the principle of sana to keep the nascent state together and prevent secession, Somare’s greatest achievement was bringing a reluctant people to embrace the creation of their nation.

    Aided by a body of capable and committed PNG leaders in the Constitutional Planning Committee (CPC) that he established soon after becoming chief minister in 1972, Somare set out on a mission to develop a constitution that was, in his words “home-grown”.

    Sir Michael Somare and children
    Somare is swamped by children in Port Moresby in 2003. Image: Jim Baynes/AAP/The Conversation

    The CPC was given the task of consulting widely with Papua New Guineans in their highlands and islands, to ensure they felt their wishes and beliefs would be fully reflected in the new nation’s foundational document. By the time of independence in 1975, it is reasonable to say this goal had been achieved.

    The recently retired secretary-general of the Pacific Islands Forum (PIF), Papua New Guinean Dame Meg Taylor, recalled of that time:

    It is perhaps presumptuous for me to say that I was a constitution‐maker, but in some respects we all were. Anybody who went to a CPC meeting […] was a constitution-maker.

    In following the principles of sana – consensus, discussion, inclusion and peaceful resolution of conflict – Somare was adhering to a way of dealing with others that is shared across the Pacific region. It is appropriate that Taylor, who learned about sana from working closely with Somare, should have held to these principles in her role as PIF secretary-general.

    Shared identity across Pacific
    With her retirement from this role, and even more so with the death of Somare, there is a pressing need for some sana to be deployed, to hold this important Pacific regional organisation together. Toktok, talanoa, or just conversation that recognises a shared identity across the Pacific from West Papua to Rapa Nui (Easter Island), is needed.

    It is a tragedy that perhaps the greatest exponent of this – Michael Somare – has left us. His life spanned the modern history of PNG and now, more than 45 years after his nation gained independence, his influence remains profound.

    He will be remembered as a quiet but persistent champion of his people. In a region that is dominated by superpower rivalry and challenged by climate change, perhaps we would all do well to learn from his example and practise more sana.The Conversation

    Dr Jonathan Ritchie, senior lecturer in history, Deakin University. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons licence. Read the original article.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Asia Pacific Report

    Papua New Guineans awoke this morning to great sadness, reports the PNG Post-Courier.

    As the bells tolled with the sad news of the passing of the much beloved statesman and the founding father of the nation, newsfeeds and social media were abuzz with shock, grief, sadness and tributes to the great man who led his country to independence in September, 1975.

    Grand Chief Sir Michael Thomas Somare was 84 when he succumbed to pancreatic cancer at the Pacific International Hospital in the country’s capital Port Moresby.

    The national government has ordered all flags lowered to fly half mast as the country prepares to mourn a man considered the architect and cornerstone of a free and democratic Papua New Guinea.

    The Somare family announced his passing in a brief media statement saying Michael Thomas Somare had passed away at 2am today.

    In a statement his family announced: “Sir Michael was only diagnosed with a late stage of pancreatic cancer in early February and was admitted to hospital on Friday, 19 February 2021.

    “Sadly, pancreatic cancer is one of the most aggressive cancers that are rarely detected early. We as a family had only two weeks to look for possible treatments.”

    “Sir Michael, born on 9 April 1936 in Rabaul, was a pivotal politician leading PNG to independence on 16 September 1975.

    “His political career spanned half a century from 1968 until his retirement in 2017. He had been the longest-serving prime minister (17 years and four terms of office).

    “He had been minister of foreign affairs, leader of the opposition and governor of East Sepik.

    “As a man of great faith, Sir Michael was able to be given his last rites and anointing by Cardinal [John] Ribat. In our presence Sir Michael opened his eyes to acknowledge the blessing by his eminence before passing away peacefully. We take this opportunity to thank the cardinal for making himself available so quickly.”

    The family said that Sir Michael would be taken home to his final resting place in the East Sepik province.

    “We, his children, know that it is the wish of both our parents to be laid to rest together on Kreer Heights in Wewak.

    “We thank everyone who in those few days had worked so hard to save Sir Michael’s life be it through a Medivac, healthcare itself or providing transport. We also thank everyone who wrote in to express their support and offer their prayers to our father and our family. We are humbled.”

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  •  

    Extra!: Rush Limbaugh's Reign of Error

    Extra! (7–8/94)

    Rush Limbaugh died on February 17, leaving behind a legacy of lies, bigotry, science denial and conspiracy mongering—as well as a media and political system significantly transformed by his influence.

    Limbaugh was a talented broadcaster who forged an intimate connection with his audience. Since he launched his nationally syndicated radio show in 1988, his success has helped to inspire an army of lesser talk radio clones, fueled an explosive growth in right-wing media generally, and introduced a new era of conservative commentary and politics steeped in aggrieved resentment and a willful disregard for facts.

    Limbaugh’s influence can be seen in everything from 1994’s “Gingrich Revolution” to the Bush administration’s baiting of “reality-based communities” to the Tea Party movement to the January 6 storming of the Capitol. It is no exaggeration to say that the Donald Trump movement is in many ways the culmination of the project Rush Limbaugh has been working on for more than three decades.

    By the time FAIR published its pioneering 1994 report on Limbaugh, “The Way Things Aren’t: Rush Limbaugh vs. Reality” (Extra!, 7–8/94), his show was already the biggest thing in talk radio, Ronald Reagan had dubbed him the leader of the conservative movement, and George H.W. Bush had carried Limbaugh’s luggage to the White House Lincoln Bedroom. GOP leaders would soon credit the talk radio host with helping flip the House in their favor in the 1994 elections.

    Our report provided dozens of examples of Limbaugh’s penchant for falsehoods, like his claims that bra size is inversely correlated with women’s IQs, that there is “no conclusive proof” nicotine is addictive and that “the poorest people in America are better off than the mainstream families of Europe.”

    FAIR: They Praise Rush Limbaugh. We Bury Him.

    Ad for FAIR (USA Today, 12/7/95) featuring praise for Rush Limbaugh from politicians and media figures like Ted Koppel and Tim Russert.

    But despite his power and connections, the fact that Limbaugh was a serial dissembler seemed to come as a surprise to establishment media, who treated the report like a breaking story. A clipping service FAIR hired for the occasion found more 1,200 outlets had published an Associated Press story (6/29/94) on our report, while dozens more stories ran from other wire services and newspapers. Why had Limbaugh escaped serious scrutiny for so long?

    One explanation is that many of these outlets were complicit in Limbaugh’s rise. As we wrote at the time (Extra!, 7–8/94):

    Limbaugh’s chronic inaccuracy, and his lack of accountability, wouldn’t be such a problem if Limbaugh were just a cranky entertainer, like Howard Stern. But Limbaugh is taken seriously by “serious” media—in addition to Nightline, he’s been an “expert” on such chat shows as Charlie Rose and Meet the Press. The New York Times (10/15/92) and Newsweek (1/24/94) have published his writings. A US News & World Report piece (8/16/93) by Steven Roberts declared, “The information Mr. Limbaugh provides is generally accurate.”

    A year later, FAIR expanded the report into a book, The Way Things Aren’t: Rush Limbaugh’s Reign of Error, listing even more Limbaugh falsehoods, and much more on his racism and bigotry towards women, LGBTQ people, the poor, the homeless and people living with HIV.

    For many, FAIR’s report and book marked Limbaugh for the first time as a mendacious bigot. David Letterman dubbed him “The Lyin’ King,” House Speaker Gingrich stopped appearing regularly on his show, and media invites became less frequent. When Limbaugh was being considered for a job as a color commentator on ABC’s Monday Night Football program, an LA Times op-ed (6/7/00) by myself and FAIR founder Jeff Cohen reportedly played a role in ABC ultimately denying Limbaugh the job.

    Leave Rush alone!

    Rush Limbaugh

    Rush Limbaugh, 2006

    Based on my long years of listening to talk radio, Limbaugh’s mastery of  the medium owed much to his obvious talents—his voice and his usually light entertaining manner—and to the intimacy of a medium in which listeners, typically alone when they tune in, develop a deep if one-sided personal connection to the hosts.

    And here was where Limbaugh set himself apart from other talkers. As he projected a view of himself as a victim, he also nurtured the same aggrieved sensibility in his listeners. If you listened for any amount of time, the “Rush and me against the world” vibe came through in both host and callers.

    One early example of this was Rush’s false claim (Extra!, 11–12/94) that critics were campaigning to silence him through reinstatement of the Fairness Doctrine, which he referred to as a “Hush Rush” bill. In reality, the doctrine was never a threat to talk radio hosts, who by virtue of taking calls from listeners with various perspectives were seen as naturally complying with the FCC rule. (The rule was widely misunderstood as requiring “equal time,” which it never mandated—Extra!, 1–2/05.) Over its entire history, not one FCC judgment involving the Fairness Doctrine ever concerned itself with talk radio, which flourished locally under the doctrine for decades before its 1987 scrapping.

    If Limbaugh lost some mainstream cachet because of our criticism, by the early ’00s he had served a vital purpose. The right had built up its own outlets, so conservatives didn’t need the validation of the establishment to thrive. The conservative media establishment that the right dreamed of since the days of Richard Nixon (Extra!, 3–4/95) and the Powell Memo had been realized. The year after our LA Times op-ed, Fox took over first place in cable news, and has remained there ever since. The new conservative media firmament adopted the language of grievance and resentment from the man who showed how to use establishment scorn as a recruiting tool better than anyone until Donald Trump.

    It may be too simple to say that without Limbaugh, there would be no Trump, but before Limbaugh there wasn’t really a conservative movement; there was an alliance of convenience between the religious right and pro-business conservatives, who disagreed on several issues (FAIR.org, 3/6/18). Limbaugh’s show taught these disparate parts of the right that they should be one big happy family. Trump took Limbaugh’s lessons to heart, and to the White House; that may be Limbaugh’s most lasting legacy.

    Sidebar:

    Why Talk Radio Blew Up

    Talk radio not only thrived for decades under the Fairness Doctrine, it was rapidly growing in the decade before the doctrine was scrapped. A variety of factors unrelated to the doctrine contributed to the growth of talk radio in general, and conservative talk in particular. As musical programming fled to higher-fidelity FM signals, AM programmers were left with empty schedules to fill. At the same time, improvements in satellite technology and cheaper 800-number telephone lines were making national call-in shows more feasible (“Talk Show Culture,” EllenHume.com; Extra!, 1–2/07).

    This confluence of factors created opportunities, and conservative talk radio, which was already going strong locally across the country, took advantage of them. Limbaugh, who’d been getting good ratings on Sacramento’s KFBK, was just one of many conservative talk hosts who benefited; in 1988, he moved to New York to launch the syndicated show on WABC that brought him to national attention.

    —S.R.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  • Baek Ki Wan, the quiet, thoughtful, progressive conscience of South Korea, and its most impassioned, idealistic voice for reunification, passsed away on February 15th, from pneumonia at the age of 89.  His last words were a message of support for a grieving mother fasting for the passing of Labor Rights Legislation and words of encouragement for the fired labor organizer, Kim Jin Suk.  All intended money for funerary flowers or wreaths was requested to be spent on aiding the poor, the marginalized, the struggling.  In commemoration, 16 regional memorial sites will be held across the nation as well as in the capital, Seoul.   If the old saw,  “the pen is mightier than the sword” has any meaning, it might well apply to Baek: his words, thoughts, and speeches have altered the course of South Korean history.

    While other politicians took the limelight or the applause, Baek continued working selflessly and fluidly in and out of the shadows; both on center stage and from the sidelines, dedicating his whole life in struggle for worker’s rights, people’s rights against Capital and Empire, and for Korean reunification.  He was a key pillar in the struggle against the US-installed  South Korean military dictatorships, which imprisoned and tortured him multiple times–almost to the point of death. He participated in the 1960 April 19 student protests that overthrew the genocidal dictatorship of Syngman Rhee, and the anti-Japan normalization protests in 1964, where he opposed the Park Chung Hee dictatorship’s collusion and “normalization” of relations with Japan which absolved Japan of all responsibility for crimes committed during colonization (this agreement, among other things, unilaterally threw South Korean slave laborers and comfort women under the bus).  Opposition to this agreement, pushed by a US eager to consolidate South Korea as a capitalist neo-colony, resulted in his arrest and torture.

    In the 70’s he was arrested and tortured again for leading protests against the “Yushin Constitution”, the constitutional self-coup by the military dictatorship that gave the US-propped dictator Park Chung Hee powers comparable to the Meiji Emperor.  He was imprisoned and tortured again in 1979 for organizing a mass protest for democracy, and then imprisoned again in 1986 for protesting the sexual torture of a student activist.  In 1987, he urged the two leading progressive politicians (Kim Young Sam and Kim Dae Jung) to unify to defeat the military candidate running for president. (They did not, and a former general held the presidency for 5 more years).  He also opposed South Korean participation in the Iraq war, and was an important elder and leader in the Candlelight Protests that brought down the regime of Park Geun Hye, the daughter of the dictator who had imprisoned him in 2017.  Although he was the director of the Unification Research Institute in his later years, he never relinquished his role as a revolutionary in action: even as he became sick and frail, he implored his daughter, not to put him into institutional care, “Please let me die fighting at labor sites”.

    An autodidact raised in abject poverty but with dignity–his mother told him “chew sand [to stave off hunger] if you have to, but never kneel because of your poverty”–he was also an accomplished artist, writer, and poet.  He penned the words to the protest song that became the anthem of the people’s movement that took down the Military dictatorship in 1989.  The song itself grew out of the martyrdom of protestors at the US-enabled-and-abetted massacre in the city of Gwangju in 1980. It  later became a pan-Asian protest anthem.   If a single poem can be considered to have helped bring down a dictatorship, Baek’s poem is a prime candidate:

    In November 24th, 1979, a large wedding ceremony was held indoors at the YMCA in Seoul. A huge, well-heeled crowd had gathered, but the bride was absent, and the groom seemed distracted. The ceremony went ahead anyway.   The groom’s name was called, and at that moment, loud chanting broke out, and a proclamation was read, demanding an immediate end to military dictatorship, fundamental democratic reforms and elections, and opposition to the farcical election of the president by an unrepresentative, subservient, sycophantic electoral college.

    Within minutes, the rally, announced as a wedding to throw off the authorities–the missing “bride’s” name was an anagram of “democratic government”–was dispersed by massive brute force, and the participants—including some of the most venerated activists in Korean History—were beaten, arrested, and spirited away to the Defense Security Command to be tortured. Baek Ki Wan [the organizer of the protest] was one of them.

    A year later, still in jail, Baek had just been interrogated and tortured within inches of his life, and was writhing alone in a freezing prison cell. Staring up at a 15 watt light bulb in his cell, at the utter end of his rope, Baek told himself, “I can’t just die like this.” Conjuring up his last powers, he composed up a chant, a prayer, a shamanic incantation to give himself strength and to pass on to others should he die. “Moetbinari “,

    Prayer for the Mountain—A Song for a Shamanic Dancer of the South was the result:

    Without leaving love, or name,
    a passionate vow to continue our whole lives,
    The fight was brave but the banner is torn,
    and though time flows,
    the winding rivers know,
    Comrades, until the new day comes,
    Do not falter! Their voices shout out endlessly,
    Rise up, rise up, a blood-coagulated cry:
    I’ll go ahead, and you the living follow!

    After the massacre in Gwangju, at the nadir of the Korean resistance movement, these words, whispered from Baek’s hospital bed into the ears of visitors and transcribed into a poem, were adapted and put to music. They became the basis of the “wedding song” for two Martyrs of the Gwangju democracy movement; a message of strength from the dead or dying to continue fighting.

    In South Korea, at every protest gathering, at every labor action, the March of the Beloved is the anthem that is chanted with upraised fists at the beginning of each rally. It has become a pan-Asian protest song, accompanying mass movements in 7 countries.

    (See here for the full history of the origins of the song ).

    After the defeat of the military dictatorships, Baek continued his struggle fighting on the side of the oppressed against Capitalism, while articulating and teaching a philosophy of communalism, sharing, and love called Nonamaegi“. He also became the most sustained, uncompromising, and passionate voice for Korean reunification and for radical change: “Unless you fundamentally change the rotten society that Capitalism has created, you cannot solve the problem.  As workers, you have to understand that all Labor struggles are a struggle to fundamentally change Society.”

    His passion, clarity, integrity, strength, stamina,  and depth of commitment were inspirational and legendary to generations of activists His words, hummed, shouted, incanted are the soundtrack of revolution in South Korea. His last message, foreshadowed in his poems, urged the continuation of the struggle against Capital, Injustice, and Colonizing Powers.

    No passing could undo his example or message:

    I’ll go ahead, and you the living following!  

    With the neoliberal Biden administration primed to re-escalate tensions against North Korea to thwart reunification, his message to fight against Colonization and Capital becomes even more poignant and important.

    *****

    Slide show of his life:

    Virtual memorial site: baekgiwan.net attachments area

    The post South Korean Icon for Democracy and Reunification Passes Away first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • by K.J. Noh / February 18th, 2021

    Baek Ki Wan, the quiet, thoughtful, progressive conscience of South Korea, and its most impassioned, idealistic voice for reunification, passsed away on February 15th, from pneumonia at the age of 89.  His last words were a message of support for a grieving mother fasting for the passing of Labor Rights Legislation and words of encouragement for the fired labor organizer, Kim Jin Suk.  All intended money for funerary flowers or wreaths was requested to be spent on aiding the poor, the marginalized, the struggling.  In commemoration, 16 regional memorial sites will be held across the nation as well as in the capital, Seoul.   If the old saw,  “the pen is mightier than the sword” has any meaning, it might well apply to Baek: his words, thoughts, and speeches have altered the course of South Korean history.

    While other politicians took the limelight or the applause, Baek continued working selflessly and fluidly in and out of the shadows; both on center stage and from the sidelines, dedicating his whole life in struggle for worker’s rights, people’s rights against Capital and Empire, and for Korean reunification.  He was a key pillar in the struggle against the US-installed  South Korean military dictatorships, which imprisoned and tortured him multiple times–almost to the point of death. He participated in the 1960 April 19 student protests that overthrew the genocidal dictatorship of Syngman Rhee, and the anti-Japan normalization protests in 1964, where he opposed the Park Chung Hee dictatorship’s collusion and “normalization” of relations with Japan which absolved Japan of all responsibility for crimes committed during colonization (this agreement, among other things, unilaterally threw South Korean slave laborers and comfort women under the bus).  Opposition to this agreement, pushed by a US eager to consolidate South Korea as a capitalist neo-colony, resulted in his arrest and torture.

    In the 70’s he was arrested and tortured again for leading protests against the “Yushin Constitution”, the constitutional self-coup by the military dictatorship that gave the US-propped dictator Park Chung Hee powers comparable to the Meiji Emperor.  He was imprisoned and tortured again in 1979 for organizing a mass protest for democracy, and then imprisoned again in 1986 for protesting the sexual torture of a student activist.  In 1987, he urged the two leading progressive politicians (Kim Young Sam and Kim Dae Jung) to unify to defeat the military candidate running for president. (They did not, and a former general held the presidency for 5 more years).  He also opposed South Korean participation in the Iraq war, and was an important elder and leader in the Candlelight Protests that brought down the regime of Park Geun Hye, the daughter of the dictator who had imprisoned him in 2017.  Although he was the director of the Unification Research Institute in his later years, he never relinquished his role as a revolutionary in action: even as he became sick and frail, he implored his daughter, not to put him into institutional care, “Please let me die fighting at labor sites”.

    An autodidact raised in abject poverty but with dignity–his mother told him “chew sand [to stave off hunger] if you have to, but never kneel because of your poverty”–he was also an accomplished artist, writer, and poet.  He penned the words to the protest song that became the anthem of the people’s movement that took down the Military dictatorship in 1989.  The song itself grew out of the martyrdom of protestors at the US-enabled-and-abetted massacre in the city of Gwangju in 1980. It  later became a pan-Asian protest anthem.   If a single poem can be considered to have helped bring down a dictatorship, Baek’s poem is a prime candidate:

    In November 24th, 1979, a large wedding ceremony was held indoors at the YMCA in Seoul. A huge, well-heeled crowd had gathered, but the bride was absent, and the groom seemed distracted. The ceremony went ahead anyway.   The groom’s name was called, and at that moment, loud chanting broke out, and a proclamation was read, demanding an immediate end to military dictatorship, fundamental democratic reforms and elections, and opposition to the farcical election of the president by an unrepresentative, subservient, sycophantic electoral college.

    Within minutes, the rally, announced as a wedding to throw off the authorities–the missing “bride’s” name was an anagram of “democratic government”–was dispersed by massive brute force, and the participants—including some of the most venerated activists in Korean History—were beaten, arrested, and spirited away to the Defense Security Command to be tortured. Baek Ki Wan [the organizer of the protest] was one of them.

    A year later, still in jail, Baek had just been interrogated and tortured within inches of his life, and was writhing alone in a freezing prison cell. Staring up at a 15 watt light bulb in his cell, at the utter end of his rope, Baek told himself, “I can’t just die like this.” Conjuring up his last powers, he composed up a chant, a prayer, a shamanic incantation to give himself strength and to pass on to others should he die. “Moetbinari “,

    Prayer for the Mountain—A Song for a Shamanic Dancer of the South was the result:

    Without leaving love, or name,
    a passionate vow to continue our whole lives,
    The fight was brave but the banner is torn,
    and though time flows,
    the winding rivers know,
    Comrades, until the new day comes,
    Do not falter! Their voices shout out endlessly,
    Rise up, rise up, a blood-coagulated cry:
    I’ll go ahead, and you the living follow!

    After the massacre in Gwangju, at the nadir of the Korean resistance movement, these words, whispered from Baek’s hospital bed into the ears of visitors and transcribed into a poem, were adapted and put to music. They became the basis of the “wedding song” for two Martyrs of the Gwangju democracy movement; a message of strength from the dead or dying to continue fighting.

    In South Korea, at every protest gathering, at every labor action, the March of the Beloved is the anthem that is chanted with upraised fists at the beginning of each rally. It has become a pan-Asian protest song, accompanying mass movements in 7 countries.

    (See here for the full history of the origins of the song ).

    After the defeat of the military dictatorships, Baek continued his struggle fighting on the side of the oppressed against Capitalism, while articulating and teaching a philosophy of communalism, sharing, and love called Nonamaegi“. He also became the most sustained, uncompromising, and passionate voice for Korean reunification and for radical change: “Unless you fundamentally change the rotten society that Capitalism has created, you cannot solve the problem.  As workers, you have to understand that all Labor struggles are a struggle to fundamentally change Society.”

    His passion, clarity, integrity, strength, stamina,  and depth of commitment were inspirational and legendary to generations of activists His words, hummed, shouted, incanted are the soundtrack of revolution in South Korea. His last message, foreshadowed in his poems, urged the continuation of the struggle against Capital, Injustice, and Colonizing Powers.

    No passing could undo his example or message:

    I’ll go ahead, and you the living following!  

    With the neoliberal Biden administration primed to re-escalate tensions against North Korea to thwart reunification, his message to fight against Colonization and Capital becomes even more poignant and important.

    *****

    Slide show of his life:

    Virtual memorial site: baekgiwan.net attachments area

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Rush Limbaugh speaks during the Turning Point USA Student Action Summit at the Palm Beach County Convention Center in West Palm Beach, Florida, on December 21, 2019.

    Talk radio host Rush Limbaugh, who hosted his eponymous radio program “The Rush Limbaugh Show” for the past 32 years, died on Wednesday, his wife announced on his show. He was 70 years old.

    Limbaugh announced in February 2020 that he was diagnosed with advanced Stage 4 lung cancer. Shortly after, former President Donald Trump controversially awarded him with the Presidential Medal of Freedom during that year’s State of the Union address.

    Limbaugh’s rise in talk radio led him to influence, often in detrimental ways, the conservative movement over the past few decades. Often lacking in policy points but heavy on personal attacks, Limbaugh’s show went after a number of groups, including feminists, members of the LGBTQ community, and racial minorities, as well as left-leaning individuals and organizations in general.

    Limbaugh rarely held back or exercised restraint in his attacks, which were often baseless and petty — including several comments he made in the 1990s about the physical appearance of then-teenager Chelsea Clinton. He helped shape right-wing radio with such attacks, which were copied by countless other commentators throughout the country, frequently with the same hateful and vitriolic bantering he’d spout off on the daily show.

    Some of Limbaugh’s more notable and detestable moments included calling Georgetown University law student Sandra Fluke a “slut” and a “prostitute” in 2012 for daring to suggest women deserved access to birth control; promulgating the “birtherism” conspiracy theory that wrongly alleged former President Barack Obama wasn’t born in the U.S.; and more recently, pushing the unsubstantiated claims of a supposed “deep state” working against Trump during his only term in office.

    His commentary often resulted in dangerous views that put his own listeners’ lives at risk. Limbaugh, for example, dismissed coronavirus as nothing more than the “common cold” at the early stages of the pandemic.

    Just last month, the radio host also made some approving remarks about the January 6 attack of the Capitol building, which was carried out by a mob of Trump loyalists and resulted in at least seven deaths, including in the weeks following.

    Several progressive voices spoke out about Limbaugh’s legacy, which they said would not be remembered well. Many recounted Limbaugh in general ways, pointing out that he helped to widen the divisive political gap in the U.S. through his programming and constant attacks over the past few decades:

    Others cited specific examples of Limbaugh’s cruel and bitter criticism of other individuals, sharing personal experiences of his attacks or remembering when he used his golden microphone to launch attacks against others:

    Limbaugh’s rise to fame would not have been possible were it not for the deregulation of the telecommunications industry, former Federal Communications Commission chairman Reed Hundt explained:

    Enacted 25 years ago, the Telecommunications Act barred the FCC from opposing the roll up of thousands of local radio stations by a few firms. These were mostly conservative politically. They wanted to give Limbaugh and similar conservative speakers [n]ational platforms. [Former Speaker of the House Newt] Gingrich insisted on this measure as a price for supporting [the] whole Act. Local radio, with local content matched to local taste, was soon bought up, changed into a conservative platform.

    Many on the right spoke positively about Limbaugh. They also criticized others who recalled his legacy of hate and vitriol on social media — but as journalist Neil King pointed out, the talk radio host himself often engaged in similar behavior when his political opponents passed away.

    “In case you’re shy about lambasting Limbaugh for what he was, he scoffed at the ‘slobbering media coverage’ the day [former U.S. Senator] Ted Kennedy died and called him the sort of politician who ‘takes money from people who work and gives it to people who don’t work,’” King wrote.

    Within an hour of Limbaugh’s death being announced, Trump called into Fox News, breaking a media silence he’s held onto for the past several weeks in order to talk about the life of the radio host.

    “He is a legend. He really is. There aren’t too many legends around. But he is a legend,” Trump said, describing how people who listened to Limbaugh on a daily basis were engaged in “a religious experience” while doing so.

    The White House has so far maintained silence and President Joe Biden has not commented on Limbaugh’s passing. When Press Secretary Jen Psaki was asked whether Biden would speak later on about Limbaugh during a press briefing at the White House Wednesday, she replied that she didn’t anticipate the president doing so.

    Biden’s “condolences go out to the family and the friends of Rush Limbaugh, who have, of course, lost him today,” Psaki added.

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  •  

    WaPo: George Shultz will be remembered as one of the most influential secretaries of state in our history

    Condoleezza Rice (Washington Post, 2/7/21) on George Shultz: “His integrity was unquestioned by friend and foe alike.”

    George Shultz, a prominent cabinet member of both the Nixon and Reagan administrations, holding posts at State, Treasury, Labor and the Office of Management and Budget, died over the weekend at age 100. His death prompted no fewer than three fawning tributes in the Washington Post, in addition to the paper’s official obituary.

    Former George W. Bush Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, who considered Shultz both a mentor and friend, was given column space at the Post (2/7/21) to wax poetic about how Shultz “never lost sight of the centrality of freedom to the human experience and to human dignity,” and concluded that “we are all so much better for having been a part of the consequential life that he lived.”

    Minutes later, the Post published a tribute from the paper’s former reporter Lou Cannon (2/7/21), who lauded a man who “spoke truth to power” and “lived his life in service to his nation and humanity.”

    The next day, Post columnist David Ignatius (2/8/21) offered yet a third hagiography. Ignatius gushed:

    Watching him over so many years was an education in the fact that the good guys—the smart, decent people who take on the hard job of making the country work—do sometimes win in the end.

    Ignatius noted that Shultz “was Post publisher Katharine Graham’s favorite tennis partner,” and the warm, fuzzy feelings clearly persist at the paper long after Graham’s departure.

    But assessments that judge Shultz to be one of “the good guys,” with a commitment to things like freedom, human dignity and humanity, necessarily gloss over his role in both the Iraq War and the Iran/Contra scandal.

    WaPo: George Shultz was the man who spoke truth to power

    Lou Cannon (Washington Post, 2/7/21) on Shultz: “He spoke truth to power—particularly in the face of presidents who tried to push him around or to act unethically.”

    It was Shultz’s influential assertion in the mid-’80s of a right to pre-emptively strike against “future attacks”—what was dubbed the “Shultz Doctrine“—that helped pave the way for the endless War on Terror, and led the Wall Street Journal (4/29/06) to call Shultz “the father of the Bush Doctrine” of unprovoked attacks on nations deemed threats. Shultz was a mentor to both George W. Bush and Dick Cheney, as well as Rice, and after 9/11 Shultz chaired the pro-invasion “Committee for the Liberation of Iraq.” As FAIR (8/2/10) argued more than 10 years ago, when PBS aired a glowing documentary about Shultz that omitted his role in the Iraq War:

    His advocacy for a new norm of international law that legitimizes “active prevention, pre-emption and retaliation” against terrorism is one of the most abiding, and controversial, legacies of Shultz’s tenure at the State Department, providing the justification for two ongoing wars.

    None of the three Post contributors mentioned Bush, Iraq or the War on Terror. Perhaps even more disturbingly, neither did the paper’s nearly 3,000-word obituary for Shultz (2/7/21).

    The Post also attempted to avoid or rewrite another key piece of Shultz’s history—his role in the Iran/Contra scandal, in which the Reagan administration secretly sold arms to Iran in order to fund, against congressional prohibitions, the right-wing Contra terror squads working to overthrow the leftist Sandinista government in Nicaragua. As Iran/Contra prosecutor Lawrence Walsh concluded in his final report (Extra! Update, 4/94):

    The evidence establishes that the central National Security Council operatives kept their superiors—including Reagan, [Vice President George] Bush, Shultz, [Defense Secretary Caspar] Weinberger and other high officials—informed of their efforts generally, if not in detail, and their superiors either condoned or turned a blind eye to them.

    WaPo: George P. Shultz, counsel and Cabinet member for two Republican presidents, dies at 100

    “Mr. Shultz had a reputation for integrity and honesty,” his Washington Post obituary (2/7/21) reported—before relating how as a board member of the Theranos biotech firm, he stuck by the company “in the face of mounting evidence of fraud and tried to pressure his grandson into silence” when the younger Shultz came forward as a whistleblower.

    The Post obituary, written by Michael Abramowitz and David E. Hoffman, tried to spin this, relying on the account of the Reagan administration’s hand-picked investigative board:

    By Mr. Shultz’s account, he argued vigorously in private against the arms sales to Tehran, which were designed to gain Iran’s help in freeing US hostages in Lebanon. But he was criticized afterward for not taking on the matter more directly.

    “Secretary Shultz and Secretary Weinberger in particular distanced themselves from the march of events,” concluded the board chaired by former Sen. John Tower (R.-Texas) that reviewed the Reagan administration’s handling of the matter. “Secretary Shultz specifically requested to be informed only as necessary to perform his job.”

    As if worried that even this apologetic assessment might still put the deceased in an unfavorable light, the paper quickly softened the blow:

    Once the matter became public, however, Mr. Shultz, reflecting the lessons of what he had seen during Watergate, urged others in the administration to come clean. Historian Malcolm Byrne, in his book Iran/Contra, wrote that “Shultz alone proposed to engage the US public rather than keep a tight hold on information.”

    And the Post didn’t even mention Shultz’s position on the Contra half of the scandal—perhaps because he actively participated in discussions regarding how to get around the congressional prohibitions, and almost made a solicitation himself to the Sultan of Brunei (FAIR.org, 8/2/10).

    In Ignatius’s telling, Iran/Contra was an illustration of Shultz’s “good judgment”:

    He could detect bad ideas taking shape in the bureaucracy almost as if by smell. And he tried to stop them, even when that meant challenging Defense Secretary Caspar Weinberger, whose policy ideas he mistrusted, or President Ronald Reagan, whose National Security Council staff concocted a bizarre plot—to fund the contras in Nicaragua by selling arms to Iran—that Shultz abhorred.

    Rice and Cannon simply omitted Iran/Contra in their columns. Either way, by exclusion or distortion, establishment obituaries rewrite history to make the official heroes fit for adoration (FAIR.org, 6/9/04, 7/9/09, 8/29/18, 12/7/18).


    ACTION ALERT: Messages can be sent to the Washington Post at letters@washpost.com, or via Twitter @PostOpinions. Please remember that respectful communication is the most effective.

    This post was originally published on FAIR.

  • On February 3rd, 2021, Anne Feeney died in the hospital in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, with her children at her side.  She was 69 years old.  She was a cancer survivor in poor physical health when she fell and broke her back a month ago, and in the hospital she contracted Covid-19, then pneumonia.Although Anne died too young, she lived a long life.  She lived many lives during those 69 years, really, and she cheated death at least a couple times during her last decade on Earth.

    As I set out to write some words about my old and very dear friend, colleague, and fellow worker (that’s Wobbly for comrade), I feel compelled to note first that this is only going to be one of many remembrances of Anne Feeney that will be written, by many different people.  Anne personally knew many thousands of people around the world.  Many of them she spent a lot of time with over many decades, and knew very well.  A much larger number of people have listened to her music over the course of those decades, and thus had her in their lives in all sorts of other important ways.

    As has been noted in the local Pittsburgh paper, Anne was born in 1951, and spent her childhood in Pittsburgh.  One of her earlier musical appearances, when she was still a teenager, was captured in a beautiful photograph in 1969 singing a Phil Ochs song at an antiwar protest with her recently-purchased Martin guitar.

    The Pittsburgh that Anne grew up in was still one of the main centers of the steel industry in the world, and one of the most vibrant centers of labor activism in the US.  Anne’s grandfather, William Patrick Feeney, was also a musician, and a labor organizer, with the United Mine Workers of America in West Virginia, several mountain ranges south of Pittsburgh.  One of the unfinished projects of Anne’s latter years was a biography of her grandfather.

    Of course, I didn’t know Anne when she was a child.  (I was born in 1967.)  And when I was growing up, and Anne was a young adult living in Pittsburgh, she had a whole life of which I only have second-hand knowledge, for the most part, and I’ll leave it to other people to talk about that.  Anne was a lawyer for the working class for many years, as was her first husband, Ron, with whom she had two kids, both now accomplished people in their thirties, who both went on to pursue very similar interests as their parents.

    Anne’s second career, or third career, depending on how these things are measured, is the one I have some familiarity with — her career as a touring musician, briefly interrupted by a stint as the president of the Pittsburgh Musician’s Union, which she really did not enjoy, as I distinctly recall.

    It’s easy to remember the first time I heard Anne’s music, because it made such an impression on me.  It was a demonstration in Boston at Government Center circa 1993, something having to do with labor issues, I don’t remember what, but through the sound system in the largely empty, sterile space in front of the building was emanating some wonderful music.  I asked one of the organizers who it was, and she told me, “Anne Feeney.”

    I don’t remember which songs they were playing, but in retrospect, it must have been Anne’s kick-ass 1992 debut album of contemporary labor songs, Look to the Left.

    Anne didn’t start making albums until she was in her forties.  So she was already an experienced musician by 1992, and most definitely an experienced labor activist.  That album, as with all the albums she put out under her name in the years after it, is a brilliant mix of obscure cover songs and finely-honed original compositions, recorded with a collection of really talented musicians (all of whom were union members who got paid well for their time, of course).

    In almost all of the remembrances and obituaries I’ve been coming across since an hour after Anne died, she is referred to as a folksinger or a folk musician.  I don’t want to split hairs, and it is most definitely true that Anne loved all sorts of traditional music and played bluegrass herself.  And largely for financial reasons, like so many other artists out there, she mostly toured solo.  However, if you listen to her recordings, you’ll figure out right away that Anne was not just a brilliant live raconteur and folkie, but also a rocker, and a great team player, getting material together with bands that really sound like bands, which is not necessarily the norm among singer/songwriters from the folk scene who make an album with a band.

    The 1990’s is a long time ago now, and my memories about times that far back are a lot less sharp than they once were, so I’m not quite sure when I first met Anne, but the first time I spent any amount of time with her was in the summer of 1997 at the Kerrville Folk Festival in the Texas hill country.

    I was there at the invitation of my old friend Chris Chandler, who would later become Anne’s touring partner and musical co-conspirator for many recording projects as well, spanning a decade.  But for this summer, I was Chandler’s backup band, which became a four-piece by the end of the eighteen-day festival, before we all crammed into a pickup truck and hit the road together.

    The more prominent artists who played at Kerrville tended to just hang around for a night or a weekend, but the dedicated ones, known locally as Kerrverts, spend the entire eighteen days of the long folk festival every year, camping in the dust.  I don’t remember if Anne’s presence camping with us for the whole duration was a surprise to me at the time or not, but what I distinctly recall is that most people at the festival knew Anne mainly from the context of this festival and the broader folk music scene around it, whereas for me, she was already a musical legend of the labor movement, and most of these apolitical folk musicians were less on my radar than folks like Anne and Chris were.

    The political-musical cross-pollination that Anne facilitated at her Camp Revolution at Kerrville was representative of the ecumenical, One Big Union orientation that she approached most everything with.  She was an extrovert and an organizer, always gathering forces, always building, cheerleading, winning hearts and minds, working on projects related to organizing, music, and popular education, looking impatiently to a future where we might stop losing all the time.  Whatever audience she was singing for, whether it was octogenarian coal miners, trans vegan punks, or tree-hugging hippies, she always did her best to communicate to them, always learning about what was happening locally, not just to impress whoever was hiring her, but in that constant effort to build bridges through music and storytelling.

    As far as I’m concerned, of the many Anne Feeney songs that have been recorded by other musicians, the best cover is the Montreal punk band, the Union Thugs’ version of “War on the Workers,” just out a few months ago.  But the cover recording that had by far the most impact on Anne’s career was when Peter, Paul and Mary recorded “Have You Been to Jail for Justice?”, which they sang every year on those PBS holiday specials for a long time.  (As it happened, one of the many great musicians who had made a habit of hanging around the campfires at Kerrville was Peter Yarrow.)

    From that festival in Texas until a few years ago, no year would be complete without several encounters with Anne, each one usually in a different part of the world, some of them extended encounters, such as festivals or protests we were both singing at, or concert tours we were doing together.

    Probably more than any other musician I know, Anne made a very regular habit of organizing tours with other musicians.  Speaking as one familiar with the logistical details of these sorts of endeavors, I can say that many of these tours she did with other artists didn’t end up paying as well as they probably would have if she had just done them by herself, but for Anne, whenever it was the least bit practical, the chance to reach a broader audience and to introduce another artist to her audience, the chance to do some more cross-pollinating, would generally win out over any other considerations.

    Like me, Anne did most of her touring by some combination of flying and driving, and generally staying with friends or gig organizers, wherever she was going.  Unlike me, Anne was very organized about not only organizing tours effectively, but on lining up nice lodging everywhere.  She kept a frequently-updated database of people she knew everywhere, with their guest room accommodations noted, indicating things like whether they had a hot tub in the back yard, whether the guest room had a comfortable bed in it or a springy foldout couch, whether there was wifi.  Whenever I’d be touring and our paths would intersect, she’d make sure to ask where I was heading, and see if she knew anyone en route with especially nice digs for me to take advantage of.

    By some strange coincidence, Anne fell in love with a wonderful Swedish artist named Julie Leonardsson around the same time as I got into a relationship with a European, and beginning in the late 90’s, both Anne and I were spending a lot of time in Europe as well as touring in the US.  Anne’s main stomping grounds on that side of the pond involved Sweden and Ireland.  In Ireland she led many trips for folks from the US who wanted a guided tour of the island from someone with a lot of inside knowledge.  I never managed to run into her in Ireland, but in Scandinavia we shared many good times.

    One of so many examples I could share of Anne’s generosity of spirit occurred there.  A wonderful woman in Copenhagen named Gerd Berlev (rest in peace) was regularly organizing tours of Denmark for both Anne and I.  In 2005, when NATO was planning on having a big summit in northern Sweden, Gerd was involved with organizing the protest that ended up flying Anne and I from Copenhagen up north for the occasion.  There were no plans originally for Gerd to come with us, until Anne suggested to me that together we buy Gerd a plane ticket so she could join us, knowing as she did that Gerd didn’t get out of Denmark much.  As Anne predicted, Gerd had an especially good time on the adventure to the north.

    A few years later, back in Copenhagen during the COP15 events, Anne and her husband Julie were two of 900 or so people to be mass-arrested during a march in Copenhagen.  The next day, Anne and I were swapping songs on the back of a sound truck in another neighborhood in Copenhagen, wondering whether the hundreds of people marching along with the sound truck towards the prison near Gerd and Jan’s place in Valby might be mass-arrested next.  An electrifying atmosphere, that.

    And then it must have been that same year that we were touring throughout the midwestern US together for several weeks, playing for folkies, union activists and the occasional punk — I wouldn’t necessarily remember that this was sometime that same year, 2009, except that my daughter Leila was three, and my wife Reiko somehow kept her entertained in the back seat of a too-small rental car that Anne found somewhere, wedged in next to two guitars, sometimes for five hours at a time, every day.  Throughout the entire trip, neither Anne or I ever sat in the back seat, because it was physically impossible for either of us to fit back there, along with the booster seat and two guitars.

    Months later, I was passing through Pennsylvania with Reiko and Leila, and we stopped to visit Anne in the hospital, where she was being treated for cancer.  The first thing she did when she seemed to be recovering and was able to get around again was organize the most wonderful, week-long birthday party I’ve ever been to.  So many of Anne’s friends, who are, in so many cases, musicians I’ve admired for most of my life, rented cabins around a lake in Maryland for a week, gathering every day to swap songs and tell stories.

    As people who knew Anne or came to her shows over the past decade know, her health problems were getting in the way of a lot of things in life for her.  This recent fall wasn’t the first bad fall.  She also fell down the stairs to her basement and broke both her wrists some years ago, so her guitar-playing suffered a lot after that, as did her memory for lyrics after all the cancer treatment.

    Her decline in health over the past decade happened to coincide with the decline of the music business, with many musicians who used to tour a lot no longer doing so for financial reasons, well prior to the pandemic.  With Anne traveling much less, and many of her friends also traveling a lot less for other reasons, I for one saw a lot less of her in recent years than I used to.

    There were some very special times in recent years when our paths came together again, though.  The centenary of the execution of Joe Hill in Salt Lake City was one such occasion.  The lineup of musicians — including folks I hadn’t seen in a very long time, like Erik Petersen of the band, Mischief Brew, along with old friends like Mark Ross and Anne, and unexpected visitors from far away, such as playwright/actor/singer Tayo Aluko — made for a magical weekend.  In retrospect, perhaps the pall of death hung around the event a bit.  We’re there commemorating an execution, while the person they originally wanted to headline the event, Pete Seeger, died in advance of being asked to headline, and the singer/songwriter of one of the headlining acts, Erik Petersen, would very unfortunately die a few months later.

    I’ll forever be grateful to the folks who brought Anne and I to Madison a couple years ago.  That would end up being the last time I’d see her in person, as there have been no paths crossing since.  I was flown in to Madison to do a little gig, and Anne was flown in just to tell stories.  She graciously did just that.  I think for everyone involved, it felt less like a gig than like the gig was an excuse for a bunch of people from disparate parts of a very large country to hang out together for a few days, which we did.

    One of the folks who organized the first gig where Anne and I were on the same billing was Ben Manski, who used to be one of the principle organizers of anything for a long time in Madison that either Anne or I did, before he went off on academic pursuits that took him elsewhere.  Ben used to be one of the organizers for the Earth Day to May Day events in Madison, which always brought together lots of labor and environmental activists every  late April to early May throughout the 1990’s.

    Ben wasn’t around for this visit, but the location was fitting for a last visit with Anne, in retrospect, if I’m going to get a little mystical about it for a moment.  What I remember most are long conversations with Anne over breakfast about a wide variety of subjects including the dismal state of US politics, her broken water heater in Pittsburgh, and her unfinished book project — and the morning that Anne’s hosts, the Berrymans, had to borrow a walker from a neighbor in order to help her get out of bed.

    That gig in Madison may have been an unusual one, but as with Utah Phillips’ gigs, a lot of people would have been there just for the stories regardless.  Which normally would anyway take up as much of a set, of either Anne’s or Utah’s, as the songs themselves would.  Utah called Anne “the best labor singer in America.”  Anne loved that quote, as any sane person would, and used to say it was “not bad, coming from the best labor singer in America.”  I agree with both of them.

    Thank you, Anne Feeney, for all the organizing, all the songs, all the encouragement, and all the good times.  I wish I had not waited two weeks to call you back last time we played telephone tag, too late to reach you before you came down with Covid, then pneumonia, largely losing the ability to speak, before you died.  I was very glad to hear that Dan and Amy could be with you in the end, and that you were able to tell your beautiful husband way off in Sweden that you loved him.

    I wish the world were a smaller place.  I’ll be one of your many friends who will be both mourning and organizing in the time I’ve got left.

    Anne Feeney is dead.  Long live Anne Feeney.

    The post Remembering Anne Feeney first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • On February 3rd, 2021, Anne Feeney died in the hospital in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, with her children at her side.  She was 69 years old.  She was a cancer survivor in poor physical health when she fell and broke her back a month ago, and in the hospital she contracted Covid-19, then pneumonia.Although Anne died too young, she lived a long life.  She lived many lives during those 69 years, really, and she cheated death at least a couple times during her last decade on Earth.

    As I set out to write some words about my old and very dear friend, colleague, and fellow worker (that’s Wobbly for comrade), I feel compelled to note first that this is only going to be one of many remembrances of Anne Feeney that will be written, by many different people.  Anne personally knew many thousands of people around the world.  Many of them she spent a lot of time with over many decades, and knew very well.  A much larger number of people have listened to her music over the course of those decades, and thus had her in their lives in all sorts of other important ways.

    As has been noted in the local Pittsburgh paper, Anne was born in 1951, and spent her childhood in Pittsburgh.  One of her earlier musical appearances, when she was still a teenager, was captured in a beautiful photograph in 1969 singing a Phil Ochs song at an antiwar protest with her recently-purchased Martin guitar.

    The Pittsburgh that Anne grew up in was still one of the main centers of the steel industry in the world, and one of the most vibrant centers of labor activism in the US.  Anne’s grandfather, William Patrick Feeney, was also a musician, and a labor organizer, with the United Mine Workers of America in West Virginia, several mountain ranges south of Pittsburgh.  One of the unfinished projects of Anne’s latter years was a biography of her grandfather.

    Of course, I didn’t know Anne when she was a child.  (I was born in 1967.)  And when I was growing up, and Anne was a young adult living in Pittsburgh, she had a whole life of which I only have second-hand knowledge, for the most part, and I’ll leave it to other people to talk about that.  Anne was a lawyer for the working class for many years, as was her first husband, Ron, with whom she had two kids, both now accomplished people in their thirties, who both went on to pursue very similar interests as their parents.

    Anne’s second career, or third career, depending on how these things are measured, is the one I have some familiarity with — her career as a touring musician, briefly interrupted by a stint as the president of the Pittsburgh Musician’s Union, which she really did not enjoy, as I distinctly recall.

    It’s easy to remember the first time I heard Anne’s music, because it made such an impression on me.  It was a demonstration in Boston at Government Center circa 1993, something having to do with labor issues, I don’t remember what, but through the sound system in the largely empty, sterile space in front of the building was emanating some wonderful music.  I asked one of the organizers who it was, and she told me, “Anne Feeney.”

    I don’t remember which songs they were playing, but in retrospect, it must have been Anne’s kick-ass 1992 debut album of contemporary labor songs, Look to the Left.

    Anne didn’t start making albums until she was in her forties.  So she was already an experienced musician by 1992, and most definitely an experienced labor activist.  That album, as with all the albums she put out under her name in the years after it, is a brilliant mix of obscure cover songs and finely-honed original compositions, recorded with a collection of really talented musicians (all of whom were union members who got paid well for their time, of course).

    In almost all of the remembrances and obituaries I’ve been coming across since an hour after Anne died, she is referred to as a folksinger or a folk musician.  I don’t want to split hairs, and it is most definitely true that Anne loved all sorts of traditional music and played bluegrass herself.  And largely for financial reasons, like so many other artists out there, she mostly toured solo.  However, if you listen to her recordings, you’ll figure out right away that Anne was not just a brilliant live raconteur and folkie, but also a rocker, and a great team player, getting material together with bands that really sound like bands, which is not necessarily the norm among singer/songwriters from the folk scene who make an album with a band.

    The 1990’s is a long time ago now, and my memories about times that far back are a lot less sharp than they once were, so I’m not quite sure when I first met Anne, but the first time I spent any amount of time with her was in the summer of 1997 at the Kerrville Folk Festival in the Texas hill country.

    I was there at the invitation of my old friend Chris Chandler, who would later become Anne’s touring partner and musical co-conspirator for many recording projects as well, spanning a decade.  But for this summer, I was Chandler’s backup band, which became a four-piece by the end of the eighteen-day festival, before we all crammed into a pickup truck and hit the road together.

    The more prominent artists who played at Kerrville tended to just hang around for a night or a weekend, but the dedicated ones, known locally as Kerrverts, spend the entire eighteen days of the long folk festival every year, camping in the dust.  I don’t remember if Anne’s presence camping with us for the whole duration was a surprise to me at the time or not, but what I distinctly recall is that most people at the festival knew Anne mainly from the context of this festival and the broader folk music scene around it, whereas for me, she was already a musical legend of the labor movement, and most of these apolitical folk musicians were less on my radar than folks like Anne and Chris were.

    The political-musical cross-pollination that Anne facilitated at her Camp Revolution at Kerrville was representative of the ecumenical, One Big Union orientation that she approached most everything with.  She was an extrovert and an organizer, always gathering forces, always building, cheerleading, winning hearts and minds, working on projects related to organizing, music, and popular education, looking impatiently to a future where we might stop losing all the time.  Whatever audience she was singing for, whether it was octogenarian coal miners, trans vegan punks, or tree-hugging hippies, she always did her best to communicate to them, always learning about what was happening locally, not just to impress whoever was hiring her, but in that constant effort to build bridges through music and storytelling.

    As far as I’m concerned, of the many Anne Feeney songs that have been recorded by other musicians, the best cover is the Montreal punk band, the Union Thugs’ version of “War on the Workers,” just out a few months ago.  But the cover recording that had by far the most impact on Anne’s career was when Peter, Paul and Mary recorded “Have You Been to Jail for Justice?”, which they sang every year on those PBS holiday specials for a long time.  (As it happened, one of the many great musicians who had made a habit of hanging around the campfires at Kerrville was Peter Yarrow.)

    From that festival in Texas until a few years ago, no year would be complete without several encounters with Anne, each one usually in a different part of the world, some of them extended encounters, such as festivals or protests we were both singing at, or concert tours we were doing together.

    Probably more than any other musician I know, Anne made a very regular habit of organizing tours with other musicians.  Speaking as one familiar with the logistical details of these sorts of endeavors, I can say that many of these tours she did with other artists didn’t end up paying as well as they probably would have if she had just done them by herself, but for Anne, whenever it was the least bit practical, the chance to reach a broader audience and to introduce another artist to her audience, the chance to do some more cross-pollinating, would generally win out over any other considerations.

    Like me, Anne did most of her touring by some combination of flying and driving, and generally staying with friends or gig organizers, wherever she was going.  Unlike me, Anne was very organized about not only organizing tours effectively, but on lining up nice lodging everywhere.  She kept a frequently-updated database of people she knew everywhere, with their guest room accommodations noted, indicating things like whether they had a hot tub in the back yard, whether the guest room had a comfortable bed in it or a springy foldout couch, whether there was wifi.  Whenever I’d be touring and our paths would intersect, she’d make sure to ask where I was heading, and see if she knew anyone en route with especially nice digs for me to take advantage of.

    By some strange coincidence, Anne fell in love with a wonderful Swedish artist named Julie Leonardsson around the same time as I got into a relationship with a European, and beginning in the late 90’s, both Anne and I were spending a lot of time in Europe as well as touring in the US.  Anne’s main stomping grounds on that side of the pond involved Sweden and Ireland.  In Ireland she led many trips for folks from the US who wanted a guided tour of the island from someone with a lot of inside knowledge.  I never managed to run into her in Ireland, but in Scandinavia we shared many good times.

    One of so many examples I could share of Anne’s generosity of spirit occurred there.  A wonderful woman in Copenhagen named Gerd Berlev (rest in peace) was regularly organizing tours of Denmark for both Anne and I.  In 2005, when NATO was planning on having a big summit in northern Sweden, Gerd was involved with organizing the protest that ended up flying Anne and I from Copenhagen up north for the occasion.  There were no plans originally for Gerd to come with us, until Anne suggested to me that together we buy Gerd a plane ticket so she could join us, knowing as she did that Gerd didn’t get out of Denmark much.  As Anne predicted, Gerd had an especially good time on the adventure to the north.

    A few years later, back in Copenhagen during the COP15 events, Anne and her husband Julie were two of 900 or so people to be mass-arrested during a march in Copenhagen.  The next day, Anne and I were swapping songs on the back of a sound truck in another neighborhood in Copenhagen, wondering whether the hundreds of people marching along with the sound truck towards the prison near Gerd and Jan’s place in Valby might be mass-arrested next.  An electrifying atmosphere, that.

    And then it must have been that same year that we were touring throughout the midwestern US together for several weeks, playing for folkies, union activists and the occasional punk — I wouldn’t necessarily remember that this was sometime that same year, 2009, except that my daughter Leila was three, and my wife Reiko somehow kept her entertained in the back seat of a too-small rental car that Anne found somewhere, wedged in next to two guitars, sometimes for five hours at a time, every day.  Throughout the entire trip, neither Anne or I ever sat in the back seat, because it was physically impossible for either of us to fit back there, along with the booster seat and two guitars.

    Months later, I was passing through Pennsylvania with Reiko and Leila, and we stopped to visit Anne in the hospital, where she was being treated for cancer.  The first thing she did when she seemed to be recovering and was able to get around again was organize the most wonderful, week-long birthday party I’ve ever been to.  So many of Anne’s friends, who are, in so many cases, musicians I’ve admired for most of my life, rented cabins around a lake in Maryland for a week, gathering every day to swap songs and tell stories.

    As people who knew Anne or came to her shows over the past decade know, her health problems were getting in the way of a lot of things in life for her.  This recent fall wasn’t the first bad fall.  She also fell down the stairs to her basement and broke both her wrists some years ago, so her guitar-playing suffered a lot after that, as did her memory for lyrics after all the cancer treatment.

    Her decline in health over the past decade happened to coincide with the decline of the music business, with many musicians who used to tour a lot no longer doing so for financial reasons, well prior to the pandemic.  With Anne traveling much less, and many of her friends also traveling a lot less for other reasons, I for one saw a lot less of her in recent years than I used to.

    There were some very special times in recent years when our paths came together again, though.  The centenary of the execution of Joe Hill in Salt Lake City was one such occasion.  The lineup of musicians — including folks I hadn’t seen in a very long time, like Erik Petersen of the band, Mischief Brew, along with old friends like Mark Ross and Anne, and unexpected visitors from far away, such as playwright/actor/singer Tayo Aluko — made for a magical weekend.  In retrospect, perhaps the pall of death hung around the event a bit.  We’re there commemorating an execution, while the person they originally wanted to headline the event, Pete Seeger, died in advance of being asked to headline, and the singer/songwriter of one of the headlining acts, Erik Petersen, would very unfortunately die a few months later.

    I’ll forever be grateful to the folks who brought Anne and I to Madison a couple years ago.  That would end up being the last time I’d see her in person, as there have been no paths crossing since.  I was flown in to Madison to do a little gig, and Anne was flown in just to tell stories.  She graciously did just that.  I think for everyone involved, it felt less like a gig than like the gig was an excuse for a bunch of people from disparate parts of a very large country to hang out together for a few days, which we did.

    One of the folks who organized the first gig where Anne and I were on the same billing was Ben Manski, who used to be one of the principle organizers of anything for a long time in Madison that either Anne or I did, before he went off on academic pursuits that took him elsewhere.  Ben used to be one of the organizers for the Earth Day to May Day events in Madison, which always brought together lots of labor and environmental activists every  late April to early May throughout the 1990’s.

    Ben wasn’t around for this visit, but the location was fitting for a last visit with Anne, in retrospect, if I’m going to get a little mystical about it for a moment.  What I remember most are long conversations with Anne over breakfast about a wide variety of subjects including the dismal state of US politics, her broken water heater in Pittsburgh, and her unfinished book project — and the morning that Anne’s hosts, the Berrymans, had to borrow a walker from a neighbor in order to help her get out of bed.

    That gig in Madison may have been an unusual one, but as with Utah Phillips’ gigs, a lot of people would have been there just for the stories regardless.  Which normally would anyway take up as much of a set, of either Anne’s or Utah’s, as the songs themselves would.  Utah called Anne “the best labor singer in America.”  Anne loved that quote, as any sane person would, and used to say it was “not bad, coming from the best labor singer in America.”  I agree with both of them.

    Thank you, Anne Feeney, for all the organizing, all the songs, all the encouragement, and all the good times.  I wish I had not waited two weeks to call you back last time we played telephone tag, too late to reach you before you came down with Covid, then pneumonia, largely losing the ability to speak, before you died.  I was very glad to hear that Dan and Amy could be with you in the end, and that you were able to tell your beautiful husband way off in Sweden that you loved him.

    I wish the world were a smaller place.  I’ll be one of your many friends who will be both mourning and organizing in the time I’ve got left.

    Anne Feeney is dead.  Long live Anne Feeney.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Former PM Sir Mekere Morauta … as Papua New Guineans come to grips with the void left by his death on December 19, the impact of his decisions at the turn of this century will continue to be felt decades into the future. Image: Loop PNG

    OBITUARY: By Scott Waide in Lae

    For many Papua New Guineans, Sir Mekere Morauta will be remembered as the straight shooting politician and the reformist Prime Minister, whose work came to be appreciated more than a decade later.

    Up until the 1990s, Mekere Morauta’s public life was rather low key.

    He thrived behind the scenes, helping to develop, shape and implement important government policies.

    He was the first graduate in economics from the University of Papua New Guinea and with it came important responsibilities both for his people and the country.

    In 1971, he began a career in the public service as a research officer with the department of Labour. A year later, he took up a job as economist in the Office of Economic advisor.

    When Papua New Guinea became  self-governing in 1973, the government of Chief Minister Michael Somare sought out its best and brightest to help run the young democracy.

    At 27, Mekere Morauta was thrust into a position of power and responsibility with his appointment as Secretary for Finance – a post he held for nine years.

    Important influencer
    He was always an important influencer in the banking and financial sector of Papua New Guinea.

    In 1983, he was appointed managing director of the Papua New Guinea Banking Corporation.  He held the position for another 9 years until his upward transition to a new job as the Governor of the Bank of Papua New Guinea.

    It was during this short stint as the central bank Governor that he shot to prominence as an outspoken enemy of the corruption that was infecting PNG government institutions.

    Sir Julius Chan was Prime Minister then and in a foreign documentary about corruption in Papua New Guinea, Mekere Morouta spoke out describing the rampant corruption and “systemic and systematic.”

    He was removed one year into the job.

    The period from 1994 to 1997 was politically turbulent.

    The international attention on government institutions and the corruption highlighted by key figures in Papua New Guinea, including Sir Mekere, caused many Papua New Guineans to demand a change in leadership and management.

    The seeds had already been planted.

    South African mercenaries
    In 1997, when the government of Sir Julius Chan opted to bring in South African mercenaries to end the Bougainville crisis, PNGDF commander Brigadier-General Jerry Singirok called for the prime minister to step down and riots broke out.

    It was months before the elections and when Sir Julius was voted out of office, a new group of political leaders, including Sir Mekere Morouta  were voted in.

    For the next three years, the country faced deep economic trouble.

    The decade long closure of the Bougainville mine, a severe drought and high unemployment and government institutions in desperate need for reform… this was the scenario in 1999 when Sir Mekere took over from Bill Skate as prime minister.

    In the next three years, Sir Mekere had the most impact on Papua New Guinea’s political and economic future.

    In 2000, the Mekere government introduced sweeping reforms in the finance and banking sector.  He introduced legislative reforms that strengthened the superannuation funds and banks, effectively eliminating much of the political interference that these institutions had long been burdened with.

    Through the reforms, Nasfund and other superfunds which were  on the brink of collapse, were revived and strengthened

    In the political sphere, constitutional changes were made to strengthen political parties and other institutions of state.

    As Papua New Guineans come to grips with the void left by Sir Mekere’s passing on December 19, the impact of his decisions at the turn of this century will continue to be felt decades into the future.

    Scott Waide is a leading Papua New Guinean journalist and a senior editor with a national television network. He writes a personal blog, My Land, My Country. Asia Pacific Report republishes his articles with permission.

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    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • The world mourns today following the passing of Diego Maradona, the soccer God and revolutionary from Argentina whose play inspired all manner of poetry and prose. The best description of Maradona’s abilities came from the late Eduardo Galeano who wrote of Maradona in his book Soccer in Sun and Shadow,

    No one can predict the devilish tricks this inventor of surprises will dream up for the simple joy of throwing the computers off track, tricks he never repeats. He’s not quick, more like a short-legged bull, but he carries the ball sewn to his foot and he’s got eyes all over his body. His acrobatics light up the field….In the frigid soccer of the end of the century, which detests defeat and forbids all fun, that man was one of the few who proved that fantasy can be efficient.

    That Maradona died of a heart attack at the too young age of 60 seems preordained for multiple reasons. He lived a life of excess and addiction; of cocaine and massive weight fluctuations that undoubtedly placed a mammoth stress on his heart. He also lived a life of passionate, rebel intensity, always standing against imperialism; always standing for self-determination for Latin America and the Global South, always speaking for the children growing up in similar conditions to the abject poverty of his own upbringing in the Villa Fiorito barrio of Buenos Aires. He was the fifth of eight children, living without running water or electricity and never forgot it for a moment. His heart may have simply been too big for his chest. Diego Maradona took political stances throughout his life that were never easy. A Catholic, he met with Pope John Paul II and told the press afterwards, “I was in the Vatican and I saw all these golden ceilings and afterwards I heard the Pope say the Church was worried about the welfare of poor kids. Sell your ceiling then, amigo, do something!”He tried to form a union of professional soccer players for years, saying in 1995, “The idea of the association came to me as a way of showing my solidarity with the many players who need the help of those who are more famous… We don’t intend to fight anyone unless they want a fight.” Maradona always stood with the oppressed, particularly with the people of Palestine. He made sure they were not forgotten, saying in 2018, “In my heart, I’m Palestinian.” He was a critic of Israeli violence against Gaza and it was even rumored that he would coach the Palestinian national team during the 2015 AFC Asian Cup.

    Maradona had tattoos of Fidel Castro and Che Guevara, likening himself to Guevara, calling him his hero. Maradona credited the Cuban medical system with saving his life, when he arrived there, addicted and dangerously overweight, only to emerge looking like he could still take on the next generation of competition. He supported Venezuelan leader Hugo Chavez, at a time when Chavez was undertaking radical plans to redistribute income and education to the country’s poor. He was a steadfast opponent of the Bush regime and the Iraq war and sported t-shirts proclaiming Bush as a war criminal. He once said, “I hate everything that comes from the United States. I hate it with all my strength.” That sentiment made him a hero to the billions who live under this country’s boot.

    Many will surely write about Maradona’s prowess on the pitch; his legendary World Cup runs, his “hand of God” goal against England, his ability to go the length of the field with the ball “sewn to his foot” Others will dwell over his torments, his pain, and his demons. But let’s take a moment and raise a glass to Diego Maradona, comrade, friend, and fierce advocate for all trying to eke out survival in a world defined by savage inequalities. Many are writing today that Diego Maradona is now resting in the “hand of God.” I prefer to believe that he is hard at work organizing the angels. Diego Maradona: PRESENTE!

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.