Category: Op-Ed

  • We live in a world that prefers its revolutions Instagram-ready – all dramatic moments and viral slogans, none of the unphotogenic toil that actually builds power. Modern Monetary Theory has given us the liberating knowledge that money is no true barrier to housing, healthcare, or climate justice, but this truth remains academic until ordinary people decide to make it material through the slow, stubborn work of organizing.   

    The real story of social change isn’t found in the explosive moments that make history books, but in the countless ordinary hours that make those moments possible. It’s in the church basements where the Panthers prepared breakfast for hungry children before sunrise, the kitchen tables where union organizers mapped out shop floor strategies after their factory shifts ended, the living rooms where neighbors plan how to defend their community against speculators and police. These are the uncelebrated spaces where power is actually built – not through grand gestures but through showing up, again and again, when it would be easier to stay home.   

    Fred Hampton’s Rainbow Coalition didn’t spring fully formed from a moment of inspiration. It was painstakingly constructed through late night meetings with street gangs who’d been taught to see each other as enemies, through shared meals between Appalachian white workers and Black Chicagoans who discovered their struggles were intertwined, through the unglamorous work of finding common cause where the system had sown division. The coalition’s power came not from its rhetoric but from its relentless commitment to doing what mainstream politics considered impossible – forging unity across carefully constructed racial and geographic divides.   

    In the mountains of Chiapas, the Zapatista movement has maintained its autonomy for decades not through dramatic confrontations alone, but through the daily discipline of self-governance. Their revolution lives in the Indigenous women learning to be health promoters in remote villages, the farmers implementing sustainable agriculture methods, the communities practicing direct democracy through assemblies that last entire days. What looks from the outside like a heroic uprising is in fact an ongoing practice of everyday people making a difference.   

    This is the paradox we must confront: The path to transformative change is paved with mundane tasks. Understanding that our society could easily provide housing for all means nothing unless someone is willing to track down every vacant property in their neighborhood and organize tenants to occupy them. Knowing that full employment is financially simple changes nothing until workers are ready to disrupt business as usual through strikes and slowdowns. The elegant logic of MMT informed possibilities remains theoretical until people make it concrete by showing up at city council meetings month after month, turning abstract principles into unavoidable political demands.  Even if we cannot vote our way out, we have to find people where they are and build capacity wherever we find opportunities to impact resistance.  

    The capitalist class maintains its power through daily discipline – the board meetings, the lobbying, the relentless pressure to maximize profits regardless of human cost. Our counterpower requires equal consistency: maintaining the phone trees that turn out crowds for actions, resolving the interpersonal conflicts that threaten to fracture solidarity, doing the emotional labor of bringing new people into the fold when seasoned activists burn out. These are the unsexy foundations upon which moments of historical rupture are built.  They are also wasted on electoralism.  

    Grace Lee Boggs, author of The Next American Revolution: Sustainable Activism for the Twenty-First Century, understood this when she insisted that revolution begins with transforming ourselves. Not in some abstract spiritual sense, but in the concrete choices to attend the meeting after a long workday, to knock on one more door when we’re tired, to keep faith with the struggle even when the headlines move on. An awakening must occur. Without that shift, it is all talk. The civil rights movement didn’t succeed just because Rosa Parks sat down on a bus one day. She was part of an entire network of people who had been preparing for years to turn that moment into a sustained campaign, because organizers had painstakingly built relationships and trained new leaders through countless small gatherings. 

    It’s challenging to convince people to shift their energy from electing bum candidates in a fake system. But it’s time to move beyond the oligarch Olympics and the hollow routine of elections. 

    Our task is to become the people who do what needs doing when no one is watching. Be the ones caught working, not ignoring the necessary functions that push the ball forward. Who cook the meals for the sit-in, who drive the carpool to the picket line, who keep the community fridge stocked in ordinary times so it can sustain rebellions when they come. We’ll need to raise the funds, and we’ll need a collective willingness to do the hard, daily work of making liberation inevitable, not when the time is right, but now, when it’s most needed.   

    All of this to say, it is going to take far more than memes and emojis. It will take pushing forward through concrete steps that build knowledge, including study groups that turn economic theory into organizing plans. Tenant unions that transform abstract ideas about housing justice into collective resistance to evictions. Mutual aid networks that prove in practice another world is possible. Networks of hostels to house those who lose their homes as they serve on the front lines of direct action. These are the building blocks of real change. No, it isn’t sexy. No, you won’t be heralded a hero nor will it be the stuff of viral moments, but the slow, patient work of reassembling a broken world, piece by piece, relationship by relationship.  Building community is tough work. But good work. Necessary work. 

    From the powerful to the cowardly, they tell us it can’t be done, or simply ignore us with their silence, and they are right when we give someone the “thumbs up” instead of showing up. We must become the living proof that it’s already being done. Show the hell up for meetings no one tweets about, the actions that don’t make the news, the quiet persistence of ordinary people doing extraordinary things together. Not someday, but today. Not when it’s easy (because it never will be), but now, when it’s hard. This is how we win or at least begin to make progress in waking the zombie hordes, addicted to their phones and excuses, but not doing the hard work that makes a difference. 

    This post was originally published on Real Progressives.

  • Late last month, the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) announced that it was preparing to slash $1 billion from grants that it gives communities to prepare for disaster, even though the agency’s internal memos acknowledge that this will leave the U.S. more vulnerable to “catastrophic incidents.” The cuts will target everything from transport infrastructure to the much-touted Next…

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    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • Star Wars has had its ups and downs as a franchise, but one thing that will never stop being cool is lightsabers. Lasers and spaceships are neat, but a sword made out of light ignites the imagination. As a kid, I spent countless hours playing with my toy lightsaber. Love or hate the prequel trilogy, the lightsaber duels are always fun to watch. So why can’t we say that about the sequel trilogy? Why does lightsaber combat change so drastically between trilogies?

    To understand a film, we can’t just look at the finished product—we have to examine its production to see the whole picture. Changes in how movies are made shape the final result. We wouldn’t keep going to see the same film over and over. But seeing new movies is an experience we share with our friends and families. New special effects or exciting roles for performers get people talking. That’s what makes going to the movies an event.

    We didn’t have much money growing up, so a trip to the movies was a special occasion. Seeing the Star Wars prequels in theaters as a kid awakened a passion in me. I eventually started a movie club and fell in love with classics like Casablanca and Citizen Kane. Movies evoke more emotion when experienced with a group. Even during the sequel trilogy, I got chills every time the Star Wars title crawl appeared, accompanied by its iconic theme.

    The first Star Wars film—Episode IV: A New Hope—featured slow, very defensive lightsaber combat. Darth Vader deflects as much as he attacks, and Obi-Wan simply lets Vader strike him at the end of their duel. Early samurai films heavily influenced George Lucas’s portrayal of cinematic combat. The media a director consumes influences their work—either by inspiring imitation or by encouraging deviation.

    Lucas originally wanted to make a Flash Gordon movie but had to settle for creating his own space fantasy. It could have been a western or another sci-fi franchise that inspired him, but the idea of a space movie lit a fire in his imagination. The next challenge was bringing his big space epic to life with 1970s technology.

    The original trilogy used reflective metal rods for lightsaber props, which were later animated using rotoscoping. But actors getting repeatedly hit with metal sticks was a problem. To minimize injury, the combat was slow and defensive—resulting in the original trilogy’s distinct lightsaber style.

    The prequel trilogy used lightweight, thin rods perfect for stunts. The first major villain—Darth Maul—was played by a martial artist rather than a typical actor. These light props enabled faster, flashier combat, which helped make the prequels so captivating for younger audiences.

    The sequel trilogy, however, used bulkier replica lightsabers. While these made it easier to add the lightsaber effect in post-production, they sacrificed speed and fluidity. The result was slower, more drawn-out fights that didn’t do much to support already lackluster plots.

    Production methods never stay the same—they’re always evolving. The greatest leaps in cinema often come from changes in how films are made. These leaps might be technological, societal, or narrative in nature.

    One of the greatest films ever made was Citizen Kane. Though outdated by today’s standards, in its historical context it pioneered many trends that became industry standards. It wasn’t the first film to use deep focus, flashbacks, or dramatic lighting—but Orson Welles’s decision to combine so many techniques created a novel cinematic experience that influenced generations of filmmakers.

    Citizen Kane explored every way light could be filmed with the technology of its time. From under-lighting a character to make them appear menacing, to hiding faces in shadow until a dramatic reveal, to scenes of shadow puppetry—light was a narrative tool. Even the absence of light became a storytelling device. Lighting is integral to every film set. Even when filming outdoors, scenes must be timed to take advantage of natural light. Finding new ways to use foundational tools like lighting shows true cinematic mastery.

    Lightsabers immediately grab your attention. Giving characters weapons made of light made Star Wars action scenes more dramatic and visually stunning. The prequel trilogy used computer-generated light to match its fast-paced choreography. The sequel trilogy wasn’t trying to do anything new—it didn’t try to find innovative ways to film light. Replica lightsabers weren’t designed to enhance action; they were used to make post-production easier and cheaper.

    Once we understand the importance of production and our relationship to it, we can’t unsee it. Those who control production control society. Are movies being made as artistic expressions of human creativity—or just because they’ll make money?

    George Lucas took care of his investors and ensured returns—but he also found a balance between capital and art, creating something people of all ages could enjoy. Indie director Kevin Smith once said, “We can keep making movies because we’ve never lost anybody any money.” But now that Star Wars is just another property owned by a media monopoly, its only purpose is to generate profit.

    Our relationship to production shapes every aspect of our lives—our jobs, our homes, our food. We don’t get a say in how things are produced; we only get to choose between products designed to profit off us. Capitalism ensures that workers have no control over production.

    Capitalism causes major problems—from denying people healthcare to endlessly funding the military-industrial complex. But it also steals more mundane joys. It alienates us from our labor and from each other’s. The sequel trilogy could have been what fans wanted—made with passion by lifelong Star Wars devotees. Instead, it was produced by a corporation focused solely on profit. Movies should be made for art’s sake, not just to line the pockets of wealthy executives.

    What makes socialism so appealing to me is how much more hopeful it is than capitalism. Under capitalism, we expect movies to be terrible and food to be overpriced. Socialism gives me hope—hope for affordable food and new, more expressive forms of art. A society where art exists only to make money isn’t worth saving. A world where art and film are made to be the best they can be—that’s a world worth fighting for.

    Thanks for reading,

    May the Force be with you!

    Zeta Mail

    This post was originally published on Real Progressives.

  • Amazon may be one of the most powerful corporations in the history of capitalism, but even its executives must bend when confronted with disruptive worker power. That’s the lesson out of Italy, where Amazon delivery drivers ratified a new agreement in July that improves pay and job rights and will reduce working hours slightly. The agreement, negotiated between three Italian unions and the…

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    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • By Daniel Negreiros Conceição and Kal-El

    Introduction: A City of Stone and Shadows

    I walked through Buenos Aires today.

    Its boulevards still carry the ambition of a people who once believed in grandeur — avenidas wide as the dreams of Perón, buildings tall with the pride of past prosperity, plazas designed not just for traffic, but for testimony. It’s a city that was built not for austerity, but for grandeur and memory — for collective presence and pride.

    But beneath that beauty, shadows stretched. Not the kind cast by buildings — but by bodies. Figures curled beneath marbled facades, wrapped in plastic, dumpster diving, eyes open in the cold. Human beings, newly exiled from a social contract that once promised much more.

    And as I looked upon them, I realized the cruelest lie being told:

    That their suffering was a necessary price for economic victory.
    That the taming of inflation was proof that freedom had won.
    That their pain was the medicine, not the wound.

    But none of that is true.

    Inflation in Argentina didn’t fall because austerity worked. No such impoverishment and suffering was ever needed. Nothing good can ever come from wasting creative human potentials and making beggars out of vulnerable people.
    Inflation fell because the State returned — not Milei’s State, but a huge suprastate: the IMF.
    A governmental power he pretends not to see, yet fully depends on.

    And so this is a story about profound hypocrisy.
    About a man who swore loyalty to markets, but owed his (apparent) victory to supranational technocrats.
    About a people betrayed not only by cuts, but by a myth.

    ‘You’d have to be a real coward not to defend the pensioners.’ — Mural in La Boca, Buenos Aires

    The Lie of Laissez-Faire Victory

    Javier Milei tells a simple story:
    The State was the problem.
    The market is the solution.
    Inflation was a beast, and he — through pain, discipline, and freedom — slayed it.

    But here’s the truth: the beast wasn’t slayed. It was tranquilized with borrowed blood.

    In early 2024, Argentina was on the edge. Years of currency collapse had created an inflationary spiral tied less to spending than to trust and inelastic demand for foreign currency. The peso was no longer functioning healthily as money — it was a hot potato. What gripped the country wasn’t a general excess of demand, but a structurally unrelenting need for dollars.

    This wasn’t about TVs or vacations. It was about survival in the face of debt enforcement. Like Weimar Germany struggling to deliver gold and pounds to Britain, Argentina was trapped in an asymmetric monetary regime: it owed liabilities in a currency it couldn’t issue.

    When you owe dollars, and default is not an option, you must get dollars. That demand is inelastic. And when there’s a shortage, the price of dollars (the exchange rate) spikes. When exchange rate spikes are too large, they force price readjustments (monetary correction), further fuelling domestic inflation, even if spending is collapsing. The spiral feeds on itself, regaining energy with each new exchange rate spike.

    Enter the IMF: a $44 billion cushion, a message to markets that Argentina would not fall. The moment that IMF backed credibility landed — inflation began to cool.

    But that wasn’t a market correction. That was state-engineered stabilization — just not the Argentine State. It was the global government, stepping in with the one thing Milei’s ideology cannot generate: collective confidence through coordinated intervention.

    And the miracle?
    It wasn’t “liberty.”
    It was a “generous” dollar loan.

    A City’s Testimony

    Buenos Aires is not a city that hides what it is.
    It parades its contradictions in public squares.

    The Barolo Palace looms like an operatic monument to transcendence — but what it overlooks is not paradise or purgatory, but precarity.
    On its steps, someone sleeps under a manta, a blanket where a banknote should have been.
    And nearby, someone bites into fugazzeta, savoring cheese while their neighbor skips dinner.

    In the Plaza de Mayo, tourists smile before the Casa Rosada. Behind them, the mothers still march.
    To the west, dogs in coats play like kings. To the south, San Telmo readies its market stalls — where survival and culture mingle in every transaction.

    This is not fiction. This is not theory.
    This is a city where economic lies take physical form.
    Where ideology isn’t just printed in books — it’s painted onto buildings, sliced into pizzas, written on cardboard signs held by children asking for food.

    Milei’s myth of self-regulating salvation dies in the shadow of this beauty.
    Because Buenos Aires itself is proof: the State has always shaped reality — whether through public grandeur, or through its violent absence.

    The Hypocrisy of Ancap Salvation

    Hay que ser muy cagón para no defender a los jubilados.”
    “You’d have to be a real coward not to defend the pensioners.”
    — Maradona, immortalized in La Boca

    Javier Milei rose to power by denouncing the State as a parasite, a monster, a thief.
    But when the time came to rescue Argentina from hyperinflation, he turned — not to the market — but to a public power even larger than his own.

    The IMF is no anarcho-capitalist utopia. It is a bureaucratic colossus, backed by States, governed by governors, and answerable to no individual “free market.” Its dollars are not earned — they’re allocated. Its policies are not voluntary — they’re conditional.

    And Milei took them eagerly.

    He slashed subsidies for buses, but accepted a subsidy for his currency.
    He cut aid to pensioners, while securing supranational aid for his presidency.
    He speaks of liberty, but governs with debt servitude as scripture.

    This is not coherence. It is cowardice in the costume of conviction.
    It’s what Diego warned against in that mural: a betrayal of the people, disguised as bravery.

    Because the truth is: defending the poor requires more courage than appeasing the market.
    And in this moment, Argentina didn’t need a prophet of pain.
    It needed a guardian of its people.

    What Could Have Been

    En una villa nació, fue deseo de Dios…”
    “In a villa he was born — it was God’s will…”
    — Rodrigo, La Mano de Dios

    What Argentina needs is a true kind of hero.

    When the IMF dollars arrived and inflation cooled, it proved (once again) that high inflation for externally constrained economies is almost solely an exchange rate problem.
    With the exchange rate problem resolved, a president should be able to say: “The danger has passed. Now let us build the nation we want and rebuild what is broken.”
    He should look to lift the poor instead of blaming them.
    He should restore purchasing power, not cut essential lifelines.
    He should govern not with an iron fist, but with the steady hand of God — the kind that doesn’t slap the weak, but holds them up.

    A president should aspire to become a figure like the Diego of the ballad:
    A son of the people, who never forgot where he came from.

    But instead, Milei used the IMF shield not to protect his people — but to punish them.
    He broke contracts, severed wages, silenced ministries.
    And all the while, he told the nation it was for their own good — like a surgeon who cuts unnecessarily, then forgets to sew.

    And we must be honest: Milei’s lies were not only his. The IMF lifeline was conditional. It would not have been extended had Milei not proven himself a loyal austerian. The Fund does not merely rescue economies; it rescues its own lying narrative. It lends only to those who validate its myth — that pain precedes progress, that slashing the State is a form of virtue.

    The IMF helped precisely because Milei was willing to make the poor bleed. Not despite that. Because of it.

    What Argentina needed was not a slayer of the State,
    but a redeemer of its purpose.

    La Mano del Fondo

    And yet, the miracle was real. Inflation fell. A moment of stability was born.

    But what Milei did and what the Fund required at that moment… was not salvation.

    They could have honored the people’s pain. They could have stabilized with dignity.
    Instead, Milei used la mano del Fondo — the hand of the IMF — not to lift his country, but to strike it.

    Milei calls himself brave. But here in Argentina, bravery has a different name.
    It’s what Maradona said, painted on a wall in La Boca:

    “Hay que ser muy cagón para no defender a los jubilados.”

    In this land, defending the people is sacred.
    And you don’t need divine right to govern —
    but you do need to remember:
    the ball must never be stained.

    Two Argentinas

    Yesterday, we walked through a miracle.

    It was winter recess in Buenos Aires. The streets were pulsing — not with protests or despair, but with children. Tens of thousands of them. Filling museums, libraries, theaters, science pavilions. In the Ecoparque, they waited in lines that snaked through the city’s lungs, eager to glimpse flamingos, marvel at a hippo, or feed a goat.

    It wasn’t a luxury — it was survival.
    A society trying to hold its children close. A city giving its public equipment to the people for free, even as the president looks to privatize everything.
    A city proving, against every cut and every decree, that public joy still matters.

    We stopped in a café, warm from the walk. The television was on.
    It showed a live shot of the very same plaza we had just crossed — fronting the Casa Rosada.
    But now it was occupied again — this time by old men and women.

    Retirees. Marching. Demanding dignity.

    Then came the other miracle: the rage of the State.
    Lines of riot police. Shields. Advance. Three detained.
    The ticker read:
    No apto para niños, niñas y adolescentes.”
    Not suitable for children.

    How fitting.

    The same country where children were welcomed to learn about jaguars and glaciers,
    is now one where they must not witness the elderly being beaten for demanding a pension.

    Hay que ser muy cagón para no defender a los jubilados.”

    Diego said that. His mural watched over us the whole time.

    And so, this is where our piece ends:

    In a country where the children still visit museums,
    the poor still sing at stadiums,
    and the old still march in front of palaces.

    A country holding on.
    With joy. With memory. With pain.
    And maybe, still, with hope.

    Epilogue: Le Bren

    We ended the night at a little takeout place called Le Bren. You might miss it if you blinked — just a glass front, a wooden counter, and four handwritten signs offering the specials of the day. It had no branding, no rustic lamps, no performative charm. But it had something rarer: truth without costume.

    As we waited for our milanesa with papas, we realized something:
    This wasn’t austerity. This was sovereignty.
    This place didn’t try to look like Brooklyn.
    It tried to feed people.

    And it did — dozens per hour. Efficient, warm, unpretentious.

    Then came in an older man — short, stout, radiant. He noticed we were Brazilian and struck up a conversation. When Beth remarked how many children we’d seen out in the parks, he nodded, and said:

    This is the period of truce between us and the government. This week belongs to the kids. Next week we’ll start protesting again.”

    He looked tired. But he also looked alive.

    “This president is destroying Argentina,” he continued.
    “There used to be no homeless people. Now they’re starving.”

    We told him we understood. We’d had our share of welfare destroying monsters back home.

    He nodded again — the way only people who have seen it all can nod.

    And so, in that humble takeout joint, amid kids in parks and retirees in plazas, we found the real Argentina:

    Not the one that Milei is cutting.
    But the one that refuses to be erased.


    Republished with permission from The Disobedient Model on Medium.

    This post was originally published on Real Progressives.

  • On November 9, 2023, just over one month into Israel’s genocide in Gaza, a group of U.S.-based journalists published an open letter. “We stand with our colleagues in Gaza and herald their brave efforts at reporting in the midst of carnage and destruction,” the letter’s authors wrote. “We also hold Western newsrooms accountable for dehumanizing rhetoric that has served to justify ethnic cleansing…

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    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • FBI agents are patrolling the streets of Washington D.C. The National Guard has been mobilized via text message. The president has seized control of the city’s police. The nation’s capital is becoming a laboratory for the president’s vision for U.S. cities. We are witnessing authoritarian consolidation — not the rise or threat of fascism, but its enactment. Many people are understandably voicing…

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    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • For nearly 90 minutes, the woman in a sari spoke uninterrupted, her voice echoing over the microphone into a cavernous room at the main temple hall of the Umiya Dham Mandir in Edison, New Jersey. “So long as the last enemy is on Earth, peace is impossible!” she shouted. “So long as the last demon is on Earth, peace cannot come!” As she spoke, some attendees walked into the temple to offer…

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    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • For nearly 90 minutes, the woman in a sari spoke uninterrupted, her voice echoing over the microphone into a cavernous room at the main temple hall of the Umiya Dham Mandir in Edison, New Jersey. “So long as the last enemy is on Earth, peace is impossible!” she shouted. “So long as the last demon is on Earth, peace cannot come!” As she spoke, some attendees walked into the temple to offer…

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    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • There is increasing evidence that “widespread starvation, malnutrition and disease” are driving a rise in hunger-related deaths“ in Gaza, a group of United Nations and aid organizations have repeatedly warned. A July 29, 2025, alert by the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification, a global initiative for improving food security and nutrition, reported that the “worst-case scenario of…

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    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • Does the tired spectacle of electoral politics make your eyes roll? The carefully staged Truman Show where citizens are duped into believing their participation matters? The US is a masterclass in manufacturing consent, a well-choreographed farce where politicians prattle on about solving problems they have no intention or ability to fix. The performative outrage, the catered sit-ins, the hollow filibusters (looking at you, Cory Booker), the grotesque photo-ops of kneeling politicians in kente cloth (that infamous act of cultural cosplay by Pelosi and Co.) – it’s all theater. It is designed to keep us distracted and yapping about manufactured crises while ignoring the atrocities unfolding around us: the funding of an ongoing genocide, the Zionist project’s land grabs, Israel’s near-completion of its ‘final solution’ to the ‘Palestinian Question.’ Indeed, the examples are global, from debt slavery and forced privatization of water in Africa to funding state terror in Latin America.

    And at the center of the current circus stands Donald Trump – not as an aberration, but as the logical conclusion of a decades-long capitalist project. Some call it Trumpism, a shorthand for this moment, just as Thatcherism and Reaganism personified the neoliberal onslaught of the 80s. But this isn’t just about one man. It never is. It’s about the system that produced him – a system in its death throes, lashing out with increasing desperation.

    The Unitary Executive and the Ratchet Effect

    Trump’s presidency didn’t emerge from nowhere. It was the inevitable result of the bipartisan neoliberal ratchet where each administration, whether draped in progressive platitudes or right-wing bluster, pushed policy further toward corporate oligarchy. Obama expanded the surveillance state and deported more immigrants than any president before him. Bush bailed out Wall Street while working-class families lost their homes. Clinton dismantled welfare and turbocharged mass incarceration. And Trump? He just says the quiet part out loud.

    His brand of authoritarianism – racist, xenophobic, and anti-labor in practice but faux-populist in rhetoric – mirrored Thatcher’s union-busting and Reagan’s war on the poor. As David Harvey, the Marxist geographer, put it: “Capitalism never solves its crises. It just moves them around.” And under Trump, exacerbated crises have landed squarely on the backs of workers: wages are stagnating, rents are skyrocketing, and the executive branch is amassing frightening new powers.

    The Myth of Inevitability and the Reality of Revolt

    Marx and Engels once wrote that socialism was inevitable; capitalism’s contradictions would eventually force its collapse. But later Marxists, like Antonio Gramsci, warned against blind faith in historical destiny. “The old world is dying, and the new world struggles to be born,” Gramsci wrote from his fascist prison cell. “Now is the time of monsters.”

    And what are Trump, von der Leyen, Starmer, Macron, Milei if not the monsters of this dying order? They preside over a world where the cost of living strangles workers, where entire generations are locked out of homeownership, where healthcare is a privilege, and where genocide is funded without hesitation. The Palestinian struggle lays bare the hypocrisy of Western “democracy” – the same politicians who kneeled for photo ops with Black Lives Matter went on to send billions to Israel’s war machine.

    Rupture

    Revolutions occur when people are pushed past the brink. When rent consumes 80% of a paycheck. When a single hospital bill means financial ruin. When parents skip meals so their kids can eat. Trumpism – like Thatcherism and Reaganism before it – is accelerating that process.

    The ruling class knows the tide is turning. That’s why they’re militarizing police, criminalizing protest, and tightening their grip on power. But as Rosa Luxemburg warned: “Bourgeois society faces a choice – socialism or barbarism.” We’re already living the barbarism: in food lines that stretch for miles, in cops murdering with impunity, in bombs dropping on refugee camps.

    The question isn’t if the working class will rise, but when. Because history doesn’t belong to the billionaires, the politicians, or the media hacks who spin their lies. It belongs to the rank-and-file workers – the ones who keep the world running while the exaggerated decadence of the elites reaches new heights of absurdity. Trumpism is just another name for a collapsing system. And when it falls, it will be at the hands of the people – not by voting but by seizing control of a world that is theirs to rebuild.

    This post was originally published on Real Progressives.

  • Imagine you are a student in a U.S. public school classroom in the year 2030. You hear of this concept called “critical race theory” and want to learn more, so you ask your AI instructor to give you some information. It replies that it cannot tell you about this idea because it’s a dangerous and banned piece of information. You press further and the AI concedes: Okay, I’ll tell you about critical…

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    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • The fight over abolishing the Department of Education isn’t about saving money or giving parents more choices. It’s about power. The truth is, the wealthy and powerful benefit when regular people don’t understand how the system works. The people in power want schools that produce obedient workers, not critical thinkers. They want parents too busy struggling to pay bills to question why their kids’ textbooks are full of lies. And they’ve convinced millions of Americans to cheer as they destroy one of our last tools for fighting back. 

    The idea that we need to cut the Department of Education to balance the budget is a lie. The federal government can fully fund education instead of leaving kids to the mercy of the zip code their parents can afford. The United States creates its own money. It can never run out of dollars the way a family can run out of savings. When politicians claim we “can’t afford” good schools, what they really mean is they’re duty bound to their wealthy donors and powerful lobbyists to spend on tax cuts for billionaires and endless wars while making us believe there isn’t any funding left for things like education. Alan Greenspan, former Chairman of the Federal Reserve even admitted under oath, “There is nothing to prevent the federal government from creating as much money as it wants and paying it to somebody.” But they don’t want us to know that. If we understood how money really works, we’d demand better schools, universal single-payer healthcare, and truly livable wages. 

    The Department of Education, for all its flaws, is the only thing stopping some states from completely abandoning public schools. Without federal rules, places like Mississippi and Alabama would let their schools crumble while wealthy suburbs hoard all the resources. Federal programs help ensure that kids with special needs are accommodated, that girls have equal opportunities in sports, that all students’ nutritional needs are met and that poor students can get help paying for college. When these protections exist at all it’s because of federal oversight and federal dollars. The politicians pushing to eliminate the Department of Education don’t want parents to have any control. They want to let corporations and religious extremists take over our schools. 

    Study after study proves that America isn’t really a democracy. Princeton researchers found that what the rich want becomes law; everyone else is ignored. The average American has virtually zero influence on public policy. This isn’t an accident. It’s by design. When only 25% of adults can name all three branches of government, when half the country reads below a sixth-grade level, when 41% of young people don’t know what Auschwitz was, that’s not a failure of individual students. That’s the system working exactly as intended. An ignorant population doesn’t fight for unions, demand healthcare, or question bottomless funding for forever wars. It blames immigrants, falls for conspiracy theories, and keeps electing politicians who make their lives worse. 

    If we let them destroy the Department of Education, here’s what will happen. First, corporations will turn schools into profit centers. We’ve already seen this with charter schools that take public money but answer to billionaire investors. Next, religious extremists will rewrite history books to pretend slavery and colonialism were not so bad, that climate change is a hoax, and that evolution is just a crackpot theory. We’re seeing this happen now in states like Florida and Texas. Finally, the gap between rich and poor schools will grow even wider. Kids in wealthy neighborhoods will get small classes and new technology while everyone else gets overcrowded, under-resourced classrooms with overworked, underpaid teaching staff. 

    Who benefits from this? The same people who always benefit when regular people lose. The billionaire owners of charter school companies who get rich off local taxpayer dollars and inappropriately redirected federal subsidies. The corporate bosses who need workers too desperate and uneducated to demand better pay. The politicians who rely on voters being ignorant of basic historical or scientific facts. They’re all counting on us to believe the lie that public education is the problem, when in reality public education is one of the last things standing between us and complete corporate control. It’s one of the last surviving public services. 

    This isn’t just about schools. It’s about what kind of country we want to live in. Do we want a nation where every child gets a real education, where facts matter, where people understand their rights? Or do we want a country where the rich get richer while the rest of us fight over scraps? The attack on the Department of Education is part of a much bigger fight. It’s a fight between the people who profit off our ignorance and division, and the people who believe education should set us free. It is yet another battle in the ongoing class war.  

    We need to stop falling for their tricks. The money exists. The resources exist. Saving public education means more than just defending the Department of Education. It means seizing control and demanding 100% federally funded schools that teach critical thinking and the scientific method as well as communication skills, reading, art, and history free of whitewash. Anything less means abandoning our kids and any hope for the future. 

    This post was originally published on Real Progressives.

  • Since World War II, the United States has repeatedly supported governments that have been committing mass atrocities, which are defined by genocide scholar Scott Straus as “large-scale, systematic violence against civilian populations.” This includes U.S. support for Israel, which has remained consistent despite President Donald Trump’s recent disagreement with Prime Minister Benjamin…

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  • The first time they gassed us, I was reading in my cell. It was 2009, and I had just arrived in prison. There was no warning, no incident — just the sudden hiss of oleoresin capsicum, better known as pepper spray, deployed because the guards said someone “refused to comply.” This refusal was defined as not returning to their assigned cell fast enough during count time…

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  • While incarcerated at California’s Wasco State Prison in November 2024, I woke up drenched in sweat. I quickly became sicker: body aches, shortness of breath, and no energy. I recognized the symptoms of valley fever, a lung infection caused by fungus that grows in the Southwest. Despite repeated requests to be tested for it, I was instead told it was pneumonia and given antibiotics.

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  • I was in the middle of writing an email to my friend Patricia (Patty) Berne when I got a text message from our mutual friend. “Come to the hospital quickly,” they said. “Patty’s dying.” My first thought was, ‘But that’s impossible. We’re right in the middle of a conversation.’ I knew that Patty had been sick, but it didn’t seem possible to me that they might die. Patty’s impact on me and the…

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  • The ruling class has weaponized economic illiteracy as a tool of social control. Workers wake up every day to a barrage of lies that Social Security is going bankrupt (Kelton 2020), that national debt will crush our grandchildren (Mitchell 2019), that we must accept crumbling infrastructure and climate collapse because “there’s no money.” These myths persist because the capitalist state actively obscures a simple truth that Modern Monetary Theory (MMT) makes clear: currency-issuing governments like the United States create money by spending it into existence (Wray 2015). Taxes don’t fund federal spending; they regulate demand and redistribute wealth (Mosler 2010). The entire framework of “how will we pay for it?” is a carefully constructed illusion meant to keep the working class fighting over scraps while the rich loot the planet (Hudson 2021). 

    We see this deception play out most brutally in the climate crisis. As wildfires incinerate towns and floods drown cities (IPCC 2023), politicians from both corporate parties wring their hands about “fiscal responsibility.” They claim we can’t afford a Green New Deal while rubber-stamping bank bailouts and trillion-dollar Pentagon budgets (National Priorities Project 2023) without hesitation. The reality, as MMT economist Stephanie Kelton demonstrates in The Deficit Myth, is that the only real constraints are physical resources and labor capacity, not money. When the COVID pandemic hit, Congress created $5 trillion overnight (FRED 2021). When Wall Street crashed in 2008, the Federal Reserve conjured $29 trillion in bailouts (GAO 2011). But when workers demand a livable planet? Suddenly the “money printers” break.

    This manufactured scarcity serves capital’s class interests. Fossil fuel corporations rake in $4 trillion annually in subsidies (IMF 2023) while blocking climate action through their captured politicians (Mayer 2016). Private equity vampires buy up housing and healthcare systems to extract rents from basic human needs (Sokol 2023). The entire austerity project, as historian Clara Mattei exposes in The Capital Order (2022), was never about economic necessity but about disciplining labor and maintaining capitalist power after the revolutionary wave of the early 20th century. Today’s inflation panic follows the same script using price hikes (often caused by corporate profiteering) as an excuse to crush wages and dismantle social programs (Weber 2022). 

    The working class cannot vote or lobby its way out of this trap. The Princeton oligarchy study (Gilens and Page 2014) proved what we already know the US government responds to wealthy donors, not voters. When Bernie Sanders’ 2020 campaign promised a Green New Deal, the political establishment smothered it in procedural roadblocks. When Biden took office, he approved more oil drilling than Trump (E&E News 2023) while abandoning his climate corps promise. This isn’t betrayal, it’s the system functioning as designed. As Marxist theorist Nicos Poulantzas (1978) observed, the capitalist state exists to manage the long-term interests of the ruling class, regardless of which party holds office.

    Our only path forward is building working-class power outside the official channels that have failed us. The UAW’s 2023 victory (Bureau of Labor Statistics 2023) showed that militant unions can force concessions, but we need to go further organizing general strikes that halt profit extraction entirely. Community land trusts (DeFilippis 2012) and public utilities like Maine’s Pine Tree Power initiative (Maine Beacon 2023) demonstrate how we can reclaim control of essential resources from corporate predators. When Minneapolis tenants passed rent control against landlord opposition (MinnPost 2021), or when Puerto Rican communities restored solar power after Hurricane Maria while the privatized utility collapsed (Sanzillo 2018), they proved that real change comes from below, not from begging politicians.

    Time is running out. The billionaire class would rather burn the planet than surrender their power to create artificial scarcity through monetary myths (Klein 2019). As Marxist economist Samir Amin (2013) warned, there are no peaceful transitions. Only organized working-class power can dismantle the capital order fast enough to prevent climate catastrophe. The tools for our survival exist. The Federal Government can fund a full green transition tomorrow, just as it bailed out the banks. What’s missing isn’t money, but the political will forged through mass struggle. Either we tear down the monetary veil and seize our collective future, or we perish under the weight of capitalist lies. The choice is ours to make, but the pathway to exercise that agency will not be through the normal state approved channels. No, the unfortunate juxtaposition we find ourselves in breaks down at the level of democracy, which these revelations lead us to a pandoras box of pretend democracy and electoral fantasies that serve as an invisible prison to progress. Time is indeed short.

    To be continued…

    References:   
    Amin, S. (2013). The Implosion of Contemporary Capitalism   
    DeFilippis, J. (2012). The Community Land Trust Reader   
    FRED (2021). COVID-19 Stimulus Spending Data   
    GAO (2011). Federal Reserve Emergency Lending   
    Gilens, M. & Page, B. (2014). Testing Theories of American Politics   
    Hudson, M. (2021). The Destiny of Civilization  
    IPCC (2023). Climate Change Synthesis Report   
    Kelton, S. (2020). The Deficit Myth  
    Klein, N. (2019). On Fire: The Burning Case for a Green New Deal   
    Mattei, C. (2022). The Capital Order   
    Mitchell, Wray, Watts (2019). Macroeconomics   
    Mosler, W. (2010). Seven Deadly Innocent Frauds   
    Poulantzas, N. (1978). State, Power, Socialism   
    Wray, L.R. (2015). Modern Money Theory, MMP Blog Archive   
    Weber, I. (2022). Sellers’ Inflation, Profits and Conflict  

    This post was originally published on Real Progressives.

  • Washington’s designation of armed groups as Foreign Terrorist Organizations (FTO) has always been politicized, but it may now reach a new level of absurdity thanks to a bipartisan resolution in the U.S. House of Representatives introduced by Joe Wilson (R-South Carolina) and Jimmy Panetta (D-California) targeting the Frente Polisario, the government of Western Sahara, officially known as the…

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  • British Prime Minister Keir Starmer’s announcement on July 29 that the U.K. will formally recognize a Palestinian state was a moment of stunning clarity — just not the moral kind. That’s because the proclamation came with a huge caveat: The U.K. will only move forward with its plan in September if Israel fails to agree to a ceasefire with Hamas. Never mind that Palestinians have been demanding the…

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  • After months of outrage and denouncements from judges, lawmakers, and the general public, 252 Venezuelans sent from the U.S. to a prison in El Salvador have finally been released. For six months, those imprisoned at El Salvador’s notorious Centro de Confinamiento del Terrorismo (CECOT) were denied core human rights, including the right to due process. Former prisoners said they were subject to…

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  • Americans love a Victorian asylum. As paranormal entertainment, they offer thrill-seeking with the assumption that the days are long gone when almost anyone could have you committed for almost any reason, often for life. Yet for decades, academics, pundits, and politicians across the political spectrum have been openly calling for a return to the asylum. Now, a new executive order signed by…

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  • It was an average Tuesday, nearly four in the afternoon, and I was saturated with sweat. Everybody was. All we could do was corral around a stand-up fan and try cooling off. Even the wall-mounted fans didn’t help us stop sweating. Shoot, even the exhaust fan, the one that sounds like a giant vacuum and drowns out our phone calls, didn’t help. Nothing did. Someone yelled for us to turn on the…

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  • We live in an era where nearly everything is characterized as a “distraction.” From the genocide in Gaza to the rollback of of trans rights, and most recently, the ongoing scandal around the so-called “Epstein files.” After hyping up plans to release the files, which Attorney General Pam Bondi suggested included an Epstein “client list,” the Justice Department reversed course on July 7 with an…

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  • A new ruling from the World Court provides climate activists new tools for demanding accountability. On July 23, in a stunning 140 page advisory opinion, the International Court of Justice (ICJ, or World Court) held for the first time that there is a human right to a clean, healthy, and sustainable environment, and countries have a legal obligation to protect the climate from greenhouse gas…

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  • The Department of Justice Civil Division issued an internal memorandum in June that got coverage in Fox News and very little attention elsewhere. The memo empowers the Civil Division – which had come under new leadership as of the week of the memo – to proactively advance several of Donald Trump’s right-wing priorities. The memo encourages the division to investigate “illegal private-sector DEI,”…

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  • Columbia University announced on July 23 that it had accepted an unprecedented “deal” with the federal government to settle claims brought by the Trump administration that it had discriminated against Jewish students. While the settlement did not include an admission of wrongdoing by the university, Columbia has agreed to meet a wide range of demands, which include paying more than $200 million to…

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  • Early this year, and seemingly out of the blue, a group of Republican lawmakers in the North Carolina House introduced an alarming new bill. “Revise the Law on the Death Penalty,” otherwise known as HB 270, proposes bringing back the electric chair and implementing a firing squad as a means of forcing incarcerated people to choose their own ghastly method of execution. Should the person not want…

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  • A federal appeals court just made it a lot harder for West Virginians to access abortion and in the process may have given abortion opponents a new path to banning abortion through the courts. And the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) and federal agencies may have taken a serious blow. The Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals, in a divided decision among a three-judge panel, upheld West Virginia’…

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