Category: Opinion

  • Over summer, BroadAgenda is republishing some of its most popular articles. This compelling piece was first posted earlier this year.

    My great Auntie Rita grew up in an Australia where being Aboriginal, with dark features, saw her dismissed, degraded, and all but shut out of society.

    My beloved late Aunt told me that growing up in country Victoria in the 1940s and 50s, she had to learn to fight at school because of the level of bullying she faced. She ate her lunch in toilet cubicles by herself, to avoid the taunts from other students.

    Dan with his Aunt Rita

    Dan with his Aunted Rita circa 2008/09. Picture: Supplied

    Getting a job was just as hard. Auntie Rita was forced to say she was Indian, in order to be shown some respect, and get a job.

    On top of that, Auntie Rita told me being a woman made life even harder in the workplace, as it was trying to find somewhere to live. She told me of being turned away from rental properties she wanted to inspect, because she didn’t have a man to chaperone her.

    Given all of this – which is only a snapshot of some of what she faced – you could understand if Auntie Rita felt resentful to her country, and those who bullied, harassed, or dismissed her.

    But she wasn’t.

    In fact, she was positive, even optimistic, with a killer sense of humour. She told me that she was encouraged by the enormous change she had seen – in recognition and respect of First Nations Australians. But she added there was much more still to be done.

    And when I asked her about how she didn’t hold on to the anger about how she was treated – in her typically pragmatic way, she pointed to me. She told me that the fact I had the opportunity to share people’s stories and talk about big issues, spoke to the changes in Australia. She believed my generation was where there would be the greatest change.

    Auntie Rita faced the worst kind of exclusion throughout her life – it’s why she encouraged me to always think about inclusion.

    Inclusion is something I think about every day.

    Taking a stand

    As ABC Canberra’s 7pm Newsreader, a senior ABC presenter, and non-executive director on a number of boards, I am often asked to speak to groups, facilitate panels and discussions, and host events.

    I also regularly speak about my Indigenous heritage, and about being gay and part of the LGBTQIA+ community. Diversity and inclusion are topics I regularly speak to.

    These are fantastic opportunities – particularly when I am helping to navigate through tough or confronting issues or topics – with respect and care.

    When I’m asked to speak or host, I have Auntie Rita’s calls for inclusion ringing in my ears.

    That’s what drove me to take a stand.

    I won’t host any panel discussions or events that don’t include women. I just don’t agree with it and won’t be a part of it.

    (And I certainly won’t agree to sit on panels, as a guest or panelist, that don’t have women on them either.)

    Dan WIM event

    Dan, centre, at a Women in Media event on cultural diversity in the media at National Press Club earlier in 2021. Also pictured (left to right) are journalists Aarti Betigeri, Shalailah Medhora, Gabrielle Chan, Paula Kruger. Picture: Ginger Gorman

    Nor will I host events about groups of people, if they are not part of that conversation. Meaning, I won’t facilitate a panel about Indigenous Affairs, without other Indigenous people on the panel; I won’t facilitate a discussion about a group of people, without that group of people filling the panel.

    This may seem relatively simple. But it’s seen me walk away from leading high-profile discussions and events. It’s the first question my manager asks when approached for me to host or be involved in events.

    For me it’s simple – I have a public profile and have a platform when I speak. And to me, it’s important that I use that profile and platform to make a point about diversity and inclusion. And I call on anyone with some kind of platform to do the same.

    At the start, I didn’t know if it was having any impact, other than anecdotal comments from event organisers and those sitting on panels. But after a number of years of doing it, I know it makes event organisers stop and think, and it definitely cuts through with the audience.

    Ngunnawal Elder here in Canberra, Auntie Caroline Hughes wrote after one event I hosted: “What a wonderful ambassador for our people you are Dan! Well done.”

    This feedback is so heartening. It’s not what drives me – shifting the conversation is!

    Conversation is the change maker

    I was recently asked to host a panel about communicating with Indigenous Australians.

    Before my manager could ask his first question, he was told it was a panel of all women, and most of them Indigenous.

    Danika Davis is a writer and editor, and was part of that panel. She later wrote to me: “The audience came away feeling informed and empowered to improve their work with First Nations communications, which is the best result we could hope for.”

    I agree. It’s all about listening and changing our perspectives. Feedback from others in the crowd centred on the importance of the diverse lived experience and perspectives.

    The media

    There are significant challenges when it comes to the media, bore out in the 2020 Media Diversity Australia report: Who Gets To Tell Australian Stories.

    The report was confronting, but not surprising. It spoke to structural, systemic, and cultural issues.

    The report raised red-flags about the dramatic lack of culturally diverse women and men in the media as journalists and presenters – but also highlighted the lack of cultural diversity of commentators, case studies, and those highlighted in the media.

    I’ve recently been doing a lot of backfill hosting on ABC News Channel from my home in Canberra – to help ease the pressure on colleagues in Melbourne and Sydney, while we were all in lockdown.

    I’ve been fortunate to work with a fantastic team, who I work closely with to get a range of views and perspectives on air.

    In writing this article, I asked about the breakdown of talent – those that we picked to discuss specific topics – over September and October, while I’ve been backfilling the Afternoons show.

    I was thrilled to see women making up 58% of guests in September, and 52% in October.

    Indigenous guests made up 14% and 20% respectively across those months, while guests who were culturally and linguistically diverse were 17% and 16% across those months.

    I’m proud of the different perspectives that I’ve helped to bring to air – but know that I, and all media leaders, have much, much more work to do.

    There is also much to consider about building trust with communities that have lost trust in the media because of what’s happened in the past.

    The task for all media companies, is to look at their diversity on air, and ask themselves if it reflects the country they are communicating to.

    Language on air

    I’ve saved this for last, because I want to leave you with a sense the importance of language.

    In 2019, ABC Canberra colleagues and I embarked on a series of conversation with Canberra’s Ngunnawal Elders, through the United Ngunnawal Elders Council, and the Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies.

    Dan with Canberra’s Ngunnawal Elders. Picture: Supplied.

    Dan with Canberra’s Ngunnawal Elders. Picture: Supplied.

    We wanted to explore options to build greater relationships with Elders and the Ngunnawal community, while seeing if there were appropriate acknowledgements to their heritage and story across ABC Canberra.

    It began with Ngunnawal Elders, welcoming listeners across ABC Radio Canberra programs, in their language and English.

    That grew to be an acknowledgement behind me as I read the 7pm News each night – where I begin and end the bulletin by using Ngunnawal language – ‘yuma’ means hello and ‘yarra’ means goodbye.

    For the first broadcast, we invited the United Ngunnawal Elders Council into the studio to see and hear it.

    There were tears from Elders, as they told me they never expected to see and hear their language on the news.

    And the Elders have told me they love hearing Canberrans using their language – and say it’s what will help to preserve and protect the language for future generations.

    Acknowledgements like this have now spread far and wide across the ABC – with different approaches in different cities after discussions with the local Elders.

    It’s now commonplace to hear ABC Canberra presenters use Ngunnawal language on air, to see presenters on News Channel acknowledge the Indigenous people of the land they are broadcasting from, while Landline includes the name of the Indigenous people next to the name of the town at the start of each report.

    I’m so proud to be part of the team to lead this work.

    Recently Channel 10 presenter, Narelda Jacobs began using her Noongar language from her country, on air, and pointed to our work as the inspiration to do this on her network.

    And the more it happens, the more we will see and hear of language and culture on air – that’s something I’m really proud of.

     

     

     

     

    The post No women involved? You can count me out. appeared first on BroadAgenda.

    This post was originally published on BroadAgenda.

  • It’s taken almost a decade for the Metropolitan Police to apologise to Koshka Duff for the language they used when they sexually assaulted her. Back in 2013, she was arrested after offering legal advice to a 15-year-old who was being stopped and searched. Her treatment that followed at the police station was disgusting. Female police officers handcuffed her and used leg restraints, pinned her to the floor, and cut her clothes off her while male officers were watching.

    Duff describes her experience in Novara Media:

    Imagine you are surrounded by an armed gang. They tie your hands and legs together, pin you to the ground, and cut off your clothes with scissors. While grabbing you all over, ripping out your earrings and hitting your head off the concrete floor, they crack jokes about the benefits of strapless bras. They call you childish for objecting.

    That was my experience of being strip-searched at Stoke Newington police station.

    CCTV, obtained by Duff and shown to the Guardian, shows the vile language the police used. A female officer comments on her having “a lot of hair” on her body, while the male officers make disgusting ‘jokes’ about a smell coming from her possessions (“oh, it’s her knickers, yeah?”). One of the men tells his female colleague that she needs “defumigating” after touching Duff. Then they comment on whether they find Duff’s body “rank”.

    One police officer is even caught on camera bragging about the size of his dick and how his former partner couldn’t keep all his sperm in her mouth.

    Misogyny is instrumental for the police to thrive

    It makes me feel sick to read that Duff was talked of like this. But at the same time, it doesn’t surprise me at all. In the UK, comments about women and teenage girls being “rank” is commonplace, as are comments about their body hair, or misogynist insults about the smell of women’s genitalia. Nothing ever improves, and this CCTV footage is one more example of what campaigners and activists have shouted time and time again: that the British police force is a misogynist institution.

    In fact, misogyny is key to the police thriving. Toxic masculinity, macho violence, and a desire for dominance over other human beings are traits that police officers need to do their job well enough to suppress the population. As is the ability to dehumanise people so much that either you get a kick out of treating them like scum, or you’re apathetic about their safety.

    As Duff points out, it doesn’t matter what gender the person is when they’re working for a structure that’s misogynistic to its core:

    In my experience, female officers can be cruel and vindictive with the best of them. They throw misogynist insults and impose the diktats of normative femininity just as readily as their male counterparts – in fact, they often take this as their distinctive prerogative.

    Punishment for refusing to cooperate

    It’s important to note that the police haven’t apologised to Duff for the strip-search itself, nor have any of the police officers been disciplined, even after this disgraceful footage was released.

    Back in 2018, the police officer who ordered Duff’s strip search was cleared of gross misconduct, saying that her treatment was “for her own safety”. It’s completely unbelievable that pinning someone down, hitting their head on the ground, cutting their clothes off, and then giving them injuries could ever be for their own benefit, and yet the officers involved got away with it, and they will continue to get away with it around the country.

    The police use their strip-search powers as a way to punish those who don’t comply with their questions, or who passively or actively resist their arrest. And they know that for those who aren’t cisgendered men, the experience is likely to be even more degrading and traumatic. The Canary’s Emily Apple says:

    I’ve been strip-searched several times by the police. On several occasions by force. And predominately, it’s been a punishment because I’ve refused to co-operate.

    Apple describes one of these incidents:

    I was dragged to a cell, pinned down by male officers, and only realised what was happening when other officers started removing my clothes. Other male officers, including the custody sergeant, watched from the corridor.

    Apple talks about the psychological impact that this misogynist, violent policing has had on her:

    writing the facts of what happened to me, or reading what happened to Duff doesn’t covey the physical sickness I feel. It doesn’t convey the pain I’m feeling in my arms, neck and back. It doesn’t convey the fact that I have to keep pausing this narrative due to flashbacks and waves of nausea.

    And this is important. Not because I want sympathy. But because I think it’s crucial that we recognise the impact repressive and vindictive policing has on mental health. Sometimes the mental scars take far longer to heal than the physical ones.

    Holding the police to account is almost impossible

    I myself am another woman who has been strip-searched by the police (for my own safety, of course). I also tried to take a civil case, but after a long, drawn out process, my solicitor didn’t think I had much chance of winning, and the case was dropped. It’s only Duff’s gruelling persistence that’s ensured she received her apology and the CCTV footage of her assault.

    Duff, Apple, and myself are in positions of privilege: we’re all white women, we know the legal system pretty well, and we know of lawyers who take cases against the police. But most people who have been arrested and strip-searched won’t realise that they can try to take a civil case. And so most incidents continue to happen behind cell doors, and police officers usually aren’t held accountable for what goes on. Even if people do realise that they can take a civil case, the whole system is rigged so that you can’t succeed.

    Duff says:

    The costs of a civil action against the police are prohibitive. …

    Legal aid is paltry and unavailable to most. The application procedure is so complicated that trained lawyers struggle to fill in the forms.

    If this is how they treat privileged people…

    After reading Duff’s account of how she was treated as a white woman, I can’t help but think about all the BAME women and gender-queer people who are strip-searched. We know that the police are institutionally racist and we know the way BAME people are treated behind cell doors is likely to be worse than anything we face as white women.

    And then there’s children. A 2019 report concluded that a “high proportion” of children were strip-searched by the Metropolitan Police. And we know of cases like Georgia Wood, who was strip-searched by South Wales Police at the age of twelve without an appropriate adult present.

    There are also all those in prison, the majority of whom are working class, who are subject to extensive strip-searches. We know that more than half of female inmates are victims of sexual or domestic abuse. Strip-searches will only re-traumatise people who have been abused by men.

    Duff’s case perfectly portrays the police force as an institution that isn’t willing to change its misogynist ways. This is a Met Police force with a staff member who murdered Sarah Everard, and with other staff members who took photos of Bibaa Henry and Nicole Smallman’s bodies as they lay dead. So it’s perhaps no wonder that the Met can’t even be bothered to discipline its officers over Duff’s treatment. But make no mistake, it is yet another example of why the public should never put their trust in the rotten, violent institution that is the British police.

    Featured image via The Guardian / Screenshot

    By Eliza Egret

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • Real human needs are easily defined, and rational economic policies on a global scale could readily fulfill them.  Yet in the last 50 years, the disastrously fraudulent, supply-side economic policy has resulted in the truly astounding accumulation of wealth by less than one-hundredth of 1% of the world’s population.  The rationale for this “neo-liberalism”: drastically reduce taxation of the wealthy, drastically reduce regulatory and labor costs for the big investors, and–voila! — these incredibly enterprising entrepreneurs will have the mega-capital and mega-incentives to “create prosperity,” which will then inevitably, in the now-infamous phrase, “trickle down.”

    Yet wealth-concentration has now reached such an extreme that, in the U.S. alone, over 500 billionaires ride roughshod over the hapless, wage-frozen populace, a populace largely condemned to lifelong indebtedness in its elusive (illusive?) quest for long-term financial security.

    Meanwhile, in this topsy-turvy economic universe–as billions struggle to fulfill their basic human needs–the mega-billionaires play with certain options regarding their mountains of “surplus-capital”:

    1.  Infiltrate virtually all moments of daily experience with marketing, thereby browbeating the populace into ignoring their basic, unsatisfied needs–directly them instead to  “desires” and “cravings” for gadgets (toys), “luxury” merchandise, wildly overpriced housing, and (last but not least) an endless supply of vulgar “entertainment” (and its concomitant, non-nutritive snack “food”).
    2. Utilize the political apparatus (thanks, Citizens United) — to create problems, which then require expensive “solutions.”  Also known as “foreign policy.”  Despite the end of the Cold War thirty years ago, this remains a remarkably “easy sell.”  Every so often, cook up a “world crisis”:  border tensions, “terrorism,” mysterious troop movements, ad nauseam.  Heavy investment in the “defense” industry remains incredibly profitable– what with public acquiescence, lack of DoD auditing, etc.  (Moreover, share-prices predictably go way up–as soon as a lot more Hellfires or cruise missiles are on order!).
    3.  Use this treasure-trove of capital for bizarre, self-aggrandizing projects which offer no benefit to humanity but are the ultimate in status-display (cf. Thorstein Veblen’s classic Theory of the Leisure Class, 1902).  Such is the grotesque vanity involved that palatial estates and private virtual-fiefdoms are no longer enough.  For these demi-gods, one’s name must be emblazoned across the heavens–in rockets-to-nowhere (Bezos, Branson, Musk, ad nauseam)!  But more fundamentally, such infantile narcissism reveals the pathetic pointlessness of their hyper-addiction to wealth-accumulation.  Like Icarus, they fall back to Earth, only to sense uneasily the pointlessness of such momentary “glory.”

    Meanwhile, a struggling humanity looks on, baffled and appalled by the conspicuous waste involved–but suspecting that such rockets will one day take jaded, billionaire-sybarites on luxury tours of lifeless, barren destinations which mirror their emotional void within.

    The post The Grandiose Irrationality of “Surplus-Capital” first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • Over summer, BroadAgenda is republishing some of its most popular articles. This compelling piece was first posted earlier this year.

    Content notification: This story discusses family violence, coercive control, reproductive coercion and financial abuse

    I first heard Britney Spears when I was 16 in a changing room in Sydney – to the horror of all around me, I was obsessed, and I wasn’t alone. The world was fascinated and hungry for her.

    At 17 she was highly sexualised in the media, often with older men asking her questions about her virginity, breast implants, men she was dating. One Australian reporter declared to her: “To many you are a condtradiction On the one hand you’re a sweet, innocent virginal type. On the other hand, you’re a sexy vamp in underwear.”  This highlights the complicated relationship of sexuality, young women and the media. The obsession with purity, youth and “Good Girls”.

    She often appeared visually shocked by this line of questioning about her sex life, her body but persevered with her girl next door smile and an embarrassed laugh. As a young adult myself it felt gross and exploitative, but also normal she was in the public eye, right?

    When she came to tour Australia, I lined up to buy tickets. I was nearly 30 at this stage, I didn’t care; I just loved her music.

    What I didn’t know was the complicated and horrific life that she was trapped in.

    We all have seen or read about “Britney’s 2007 Breakdown”  hundreds of photographers carefully documented it; Britney shaving her head,  Britney attacking the paparazzi, Britney not wearing underwear, Britney in underwear in the ocean and tragically Britney being sectioned to a mental health facility.

    There was a visceral moral panic and outrage about Britney globally, she became an internet meme, a popular culture joke.

    Kat in her Britney gear during the 'Circus' tour in 2009. Not shown: Britney tour underwear. Picture: Supplied

    Kat in her Britney gear during the ‘Circus’ tour in 2009. Not shown: Britney tour underwear. Picture: Supplied

    The reality? At 25 she was already burnt out, recovering from a failed marriage and a very public battle for the custody of her two children. She was placed under the conservatorship of her father, Jamie Spears. This meant he was in full control of her estate and her person. In unsealed court documents, the reason for this was early onset dementia.

    Jamie Spears seemed an unusual choice – there were accusations of family abuse, alcoholism and gambling addiction when she was growing up and Mr Spears himself admitted he had no relationship with his eldest daughter prior to being placed in complete  authority over her life.

    Amid this chaos in her personal life, Britney recorded her most critically acclaimed album “Blackout” hailed as one of the best and most influential pop albums of the 21st Century . She went on to earn $113 million USD, record 3 additional albums, and give over 300 performances globally, all while she was deemed unfit to manage her finances and body.

    She had a contraceptive device implanted, she had no say over her medication, doctors or legal representation. But she could earn money, and a lot of people got paid…just not Britney, who needed permission for any expenditure. Not sure the same conditions were in place for her court appointed lawyer who earned a lazy $3 million USD while representing her since 2008. He resigned this year and has refused to comment on the case.

    The constant threat to Britney was if she refused to comply, they would take her children away. The most damning words of all about this case are from Britney herself. She told her management she didn’t want to do another Vegas residency- which triggered a chain of events she had no say over including a stay in rehab she had no oversight on and was required to pay for that she didn’t want or understand its purpose.

    “I’m sorry, Britney, you have to listen to your doctors. They’re planning to send you to a small home in Beverly Hills to do a small rehab program that we’re going to make up for you. You’re going to pay $60,000 a month for this.” I cried on the phone for an hour, and he loved every minute of it. The control he had over someone as powerful as me — he loved the control to hurt his own daughter 100,000%. He Loved it.”

    The testimony was harrowing. It rang true for thousands of women around the world who have lived in family violence the fear the control using child access as a weapon. As we recently reported on BroadAgenda, the frustration felt by women with a disability who are ignored and infantilised, this is not a new discussion or fight for them.

    Conservatorships have come under scrutiny as an industry that people can profit from rather than being patient centric and about their needs. It is a legal arrangement that is clearly easy to exploit the people with severe cognitive impairment and abuse can occur ranging from imposition of restrictions to financial mismanagement, it’s a catch 22 nothing can be done if people don’t find out about the abuse.

    All eyes on me in the centre of the ring – Britney’s Circus tour. Picture: Shutterstock

    The darker side of the documentaries, interviews and hundreds of thousands of words written about Britney is the constant fascination with her pain and the need to capture it for discussion and dissection.  It has sparked a necessary discussion on how women were treated in the music industry in the 90s and the exploitation of her story in the media. Britney herself has been vocal on her embarrassment at how she has been portrayed and the emotional distress it has caused. Perhaps the duality of her story can’t be resolved – there is an inherent voyeuristic, uncomfortable feeling when participating and consuming the story.

    Britney has told her story in song lyrics interviews and social media; asking for help, feeling trapped, begging to be seen and having her pain and anger validated. Perhaps if people were more invested in the human being than the product of Britney, her story may have had some different chapters.

    The truth is: hers are the only words we should be reading and listening to from now on.

    I felt sad when I read on Instagram that she has spent so long waiting for this situation to end she now feels afraid to do anything in case she makes a mistake. That people will judge her, and she will continue to have her every move documented.

    I’m a year older than Britney, I think of all the rich and varied mistakes I’ve made in my life, relationships, as a parent and as a friend. None were ever captured or scrutinised; I got to crash, pick myself up and hopefully learn, without the judgement of the world on my shoulders.  Someone asked me recently what I would say to her if I met her, I thought about it a lot.

    “I’m so sorry that I participated in a system that kept you a prisoner in your own life, I hope you have a lot of peace from now on and ‘as for being the kind of girl who likes to put on a show’ me too Britney, me too”.

    The #freebritneymovement have been lobbying for legal services to review her conservatorship for the past decade. Picture: Shutterstock

    The #freebritneymovement have been lobbying for legal services to review her conservatorship for the past decade. Picture: Shutterstock

     

    • Feature image (at top): Britney Spears performing at her ‘Piece of Me’ residency in Las Vegas. Picture: Rhys Adams. This file is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 2.0 Generic license.

     

     

     

     

     

    The post They called her “Lucky”. But she wasn’t. appeared first on BroadAgenda.

    This post was originally published on BroadAgenda.

  • If you’re after escapist TV this summer you won’t find it in the Sex and the City reboot …And Just Like That.

    Each week I tune in hoping for a glamourous date with Carrie, Miranda and Charlotte but leave deflated and increasingly cross.

    I can’t help but wonder … have they changed, or have I? The miserable trio on my television have very little in common with the exuberant older women I know in my own life.

    The writers of And Just Like That… have plonked our protagonists into a world they struggle to navigate, as if they’ve been cryogenically frozen in the 11 intervening years since the critically-panned film Sex and the City 2. This gap in their narrative development has also deprived them of the intellectual and emotional development they should have gained during this time.

    Carrie doesn’t appear to have written any new books and now pays for her Manolo’s as a participant on a dating podcast. Far from the woman who posed scantily-clad on the side of a bus and wrote confidently about sex, she’s now a meek shell of her former self. Her famously cutting one-liners to her friends seem more bitter than sarcastic.

    Miranda has quit her job as a corporate lawyer, again, and enrolled at university. We find out she hates her life, can’t get her head around race politics, and has a drinking problem.

    Charlotte has not returned to work as an art dealer and is somehow more insecure than ever as a wealthy stay-at-home mother to two teenagers.

    It’s clear that the writers haven’t wanted to shy away from the trials of mid-life. Illness, death, addiction, parenting horrors and career cul-de-sacs are all part of the rich tapestry of middle age. Indeed, there is Australian research indicating that just prior to menopause, women’s negative mood scores and depressive symptoms are at their highest.  The good news is, that post 50, negative mood scores start to reduce for each year of increasing age. Our happiness increases to such a level as we age that some researchers have described it as a ‘superpower.’

    By focusing on the hard parts of mid-life, the show has destroyed what made the original series special in the first place – the glamour and excitement of four independent women, looking for love or just a good time in the Big Apple. As I said to a friend of mine – if I wanted gritty, I’d watch a Mike Leigh documentary.

    Of course, the absence of Kim Cattrall’s Samantha (who always had the best lines and the most fun) doesn’t help. Her role has been replaced in part by a supporting chorus of actresses of colour.

    Nicole Ari Parker brings us Lisa Todd Wexley, a documentary maker. We also meet law professor Dr Nya Wallace and real estate broker Seema Patel. All of these characters are worldly and interesting and glamourous, in contrast to Carrie and Co. They have fantastic wardrobes, are in charge of their own careers and aren’t afraid to tell it like it is.

    I see this in my own circle of friends. The forty and fifty-something women I know are heading up businesses and charities – and loving it. They’re climbing mountains and taking up mountain biking or ocean swimming. They’re enjoying relationships that have hit new strides now their children are older or moving on to new partners and experiencing deeper connections than they’d ever thought possible.

    This is consistent with new research on the impact online dating apps have had on the sex lives of older women, who are having more casual sex than they’ve ‘probably ever had’. Technology allows women to feel safer when searching for potential partners, and enables them to ‘take the reins’ and control the speed of the relationship. Even more curious then, that Miranda has apparently never listened to a podcast and Carrie has to have a friend set up an online dating profile for her.

    Amber says "And Just Like That" focuses on the hard parts of mid-life and ignores the fun and exciting parts. Picture: HBO

    Amber believes “And Just Like That” focuses on the hard parts of mid-life and ignores the fun and exciting parts. Picture: HBO

    Some of my mid-life friends have mostly eschewed dating all together and are single by choice, happy in their own spaces. They’ve grown up and discovered who they are and what they want. And they certainly aren’t wearing heel-breaking stilettos like Carrie Bradshaw. Us older women save our good heels for a big night out but get around during the day – just as Sarah Jessica Parker does when not filming – in comfortable kicks.

    A better portrayal of a woman in her prime was brought to us in season two of Emily in Paris. Sylvie Grateau, former head of the Paris marketing agency Savoir (played by Philippine Leroy-Beaulieu) was season one’s villain, but is fleshed out further in the second season. Blunt, intelligent and drop-dead gorgeous, she has a refreshing intolerance for Emily’s selfish antics and is more emotionally vulnerable than we first thought. Here’s a show that marries the glamour of one of the world’s most beautiful cities with high fashion and escapist, high-saccharine drama. A little bit like Sex and the City used to.

    As a budding journalist, I once wanted to be Carrie Bradshaw when I grew up. But then I grew up, and realized I feel a bit sorry for who Carrie has become. It’s only halfway through the season, so I hope things soon look up for our protagonists. Mid-life isn’t a bed of roses, but it’s not a misery-fest either. And in the meantime, we still have Paris.

    • Feature image: And Just Like That. Source: HBO

     

    The post Why ‘And Just Like That’ fails older women appeared first on BroadAgenda.

    This post was originally published on BroadAgenda.

  • As The Canary extensively reported during Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership of the Labour Party, figures from the Conservative Party, the Labour right, and the establishment media orchestrated a transparently politically-motivated smear campaign against him. Their weapon of choice was employing a litany of bogus accusations of antisemitism to paint the lifelong anti-racism campaigner as some kind of bigot.

    The purpose of the campaign was straightforward – they sought to derail his chances of becoming prime minister and distract attention from his (widely popular) policy proposals. Their motive was equally straightforward – they rightly feared the threat that a Corbyn-led government would pose to the status quo and their own political and economic interests. Now, one of the major players in this campaign has admitted that its whole underlying premise was false all along.

    From name-calling to contorted attempts to tar by association

    Canary readers will hardly need reminding that Corbyn’s time as leader as of the Labour Party saw him and his supporters come under a relentless attack from all the usual suspects. This included all the predictable childish name-calling about Corbyn belonging to the so-called ‘loony left’, taking part in ‘student union‘ politics, and acting like an ‘armchair revolutionary‘. It also involved desperate attempts to tie him to controversial organisations such as Hamas and the Irish Republican Army (IRA).

    All of these smears were transparently preposterous and easy to debunk. But they nonetheless pail in comparison to the prime weapon used to besmirch him. Namely, political opponents latched on to a tried and trusted tactic for attacking friends of the Palestinian people – the risible notion that those who criticize Israel’s human rights abuses are usually motivated by hatred of Jews.

    As would be expected, the right-wing gutter tabloid press played a leading role in utilizing this false premise to smear Corbyn. Again, these attempts, from the wreath laying controversy to the ‘muralgate‘ scandal (which even the nominally progressive Guardian joined in on), have been roundly debunked by journalists and scholars. But nonetheless, the antisemitism smear campaign has continued apace and, indeed, morphed into an all-encompassing attempt to attack anyone on the left more broadly.

    A stunning admission

    But now, in early 2022, over two years since the peddlers of the campaign succeeded in derailing Corbyn’s chances of becoming prime minister, one of the most flagrant offenders of all has now essentially admitted that the whole thing was a farce all along. Astonishingly, during a radio broadcast of BBC 5 Live, presenter Rachel Burden said matter-of-factly:

    there is absolutely no evidence that the leader of the Labour Party at that time [in 2019], Jeremy Corbyn, was or is antisemitic.

    Burden made the comments to clarify some of the comments made during an interview early in the show with the Conservative Party donor and ‘Phones4U’ billionaire John Caudwell. She acknowledged that Cauldwell had described Corbyn “as being an antisemite and a Marxist.” She added:

    I redirected him back on to the conversation, which was all about Boris Johnson. That’s what I wanted him to talk about. But I should have challenged him on the particular allegation of antisemite [sic].

    She reiterated:

    I apologize for not challenging that more directly, should have done, and I want to emphasize there is no evidence for that at all.

    An allegation that’s absurd to its core

    Burden’s apology should be welcomed (though it’s all rather a case of ‘too little, too late’). But the bigger point is that this admission exposes how the central underlying premise behind the smear campaign as a whole is, and always has been, completely false. As The Canary has argued on many occasions, the idea that most or even many critics of Israel are antisemitic is patently absurd. Indeed, many of Israel’s fiercest critics are themselves Jewish. This includes political scientist and expert on the conflict in Palestine Norman Finkelstein, who is himself not only Jewish but the son of Holocaust survivors, and Israeli historian Ilan Pappé, whose father fled from Nazi occupied Europe to Palestine.

    Finkelstein explained to The Canary during an exclusive interview how the British ruling establishment cynically and enthusiastically went along with, and indeed actively participated in, the antisemitism smear campaign because they had a common enemy in the form of Jeremy Corbyn. He said:

    The British elites suddenly discovered ‘we can use the antisemitism card in order to try to stifle genuine… leftist insurgencies among the population’. And so what used to be a kind of sectarian issue waged by Jewish organisations faithful to the party line emanating from Israel vs critics of Israel, now it’s no longer sectarian because the whole British elite has decided they’re going to use this antisemitism card to stop Jeremy Corbyn and the political insurgency he represents.

    Finkelstein went on to liken the smear campaign against Corbyn to the Salem Witch Hunts. He said:

    Except when you take the classic examples, the anti-communist hysteria, the Salem Witch Hunt hysteria, you really can’t come up with parallels.

    Another shot at Number 10?

    Such an admission from the BBC demonstrates perhaps better than anything else just how cynical the smear campaign was all along. It also raises some serious questions about the legitimacy of the outcome of the 2019 general election, and, indeed, the legitimacy of British democracy more broadly. After all, if one party leader was getting constantly attacked with false allegations then he can hardly be characterized as having had a fair shake at striving for the UK’s top job.

    This raises the question of whether Corbyn should be given another shot. And it seems that many in the public now think so. According to one poll, reported in the Express of all places, “Jeremy Corbyn is the preferred choice of Red Wall voters for Labour leader if Sir Keir Starmer was to step down.” Though Starmer’s position seems to have been saved for the time being by improved polling for Labour (likely due mostly to increasing dissatisfaction with the Tories), this might not even end up mattering.

    There are rumors swirling around social media that Corbyn might be on the brink of establishing a new party. This, of course, would free him from the ossified internal structures of the Labour Party, not to mention the constant backstabbing from the Labour right he experienced as leader. Perhaps there will soon be an opportunity to challenge the status quo and bring about radical change once more.

    Featured image via Wikimedia Commons and Flickr – Elliott Brown

    By Peter Bolton

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • Hundreds of senior politicians and civil servants are reported to have attended lockdown-breaching parties on government premises over the last two years. The revelation that people working at No.10 partied as the public cancelled weddings and had Zoom funerals was a new low for the government.

    It would also have been a huge scoop for a newspaper. So why did it take so long for the truth to emerge?

    Politicians and the press are too close.

    Now we know. One of the lockdown parties, on 16 April 2020, was organised in honour of – and attended by – James Slack, now the Sun’s deputy editor. The newspaper has long claimed that independent press regulation to protect the public (and part two of the Leveson Inquiry into the relationship between journalists and the police) would affect its ability to hold power to account. However, it did not reveal the fact that this party happened.

    The failure of the Sun to publish this story suggests that the newspaper cares more about protecting its deputy editor or their connections with senior members of the government, than exposing government wrongdoing. Either way, the suppression of the story shows how dangerously close our politicians and the national press have become.

    This follows the revelation a year previously that the Spectator’s assistant editor knew that Dominic Cummings had driven across the country while infected with Coronavirus (Covid-19), in breach of government guidance, yet did not include this detail in her own coverage of those events.

    The Sun and The Spectator may not be alone.

    On 27 November 2020, editors and executives from the Daily Mail, the Daily Telegraph, the Sun, and the Sunday Telegraph all met with the prime minister. This was on the same date as a lockdown party is alleged to have taken place.

    Then on 17 December 2020, editors of the Daily Express and the Financial Times met with the prime minister on the date a party is reported to have occurred. What’s more, on the same day the Telegraph also met with the cabinet secretary Simon Case. The party is reported to have taken place in his office.

    None of the newspapers represented at these meetings reported on the parties at the time. Of course, there is no evidence that they were aware of these parties, and it may have been a coincidence that they had un-minuted meetings at No.10 on the same date. But what if they had been aware? The public would never know.

    The Sun’s hypocrisy is breathtaking.

    The Sun may have been slow to expose lockdown breaches in the government, but it is quick to attack the public for breaches of the rules. In December 2020 it labelled a series of well-known individuals as “Covidiots”, including Rita Ora, Kay Burley, Piers Morgan, AJ Pritchard, Kylie Jenner, Madonna, and Gordon Ramsay. Their offences included a hug and visiting a friend.

    That same month, it has since been reported, the Sun hosted its own staff party with “booze and food”. Despite this party, the Sun did not include itself among its list of “Covidiots”. Sun editor Victoria Newton responded to recent questions about the event from the BBC, saying:

    There was an investigation into that at the time, that’s all I’m prepared to say

    Even if an investigation was undertaken at the newspaper, any publisher genuinely committed to exposing wrongdoing would reveal what was going on in its own office. Instead, the editor still won’t divulge the full truth more than a year later.

    This is not what real journalism is about.

    Genuine public-interest journalism holds the powerful to account. If reporters are to be able to do their jobs right they cannot have close and friendly relations with the powerful. Editors of independent publishers like The Canary aren’t invited to dinners in Downing Street. And that’s how it should be.

    But it’s another story when it comes to the national press, which is so close to the current occupant of No.10 that it wouldn’t be surprising if Rupert Murdoch had a spare key. The way these lockdown parties were hidden from the public for so long is the tip of the iceberg.

    Just a few months ago it was widely reported, for example, that Boris Johnson left a climate change conference – by private jet – to attend a dinner with various Daily Telegraph journalists including its former editor and self-confessed climate change sceptic Lord Moore.

    Days after the Daily Mail was humiliated in court in litigation with Meghan Markle, the government announced plans to change the law to make cases like Markle’s less likely to succeed in the future. Hacked Off research has found that government representatives meet with the Murdoch media – on average – every other day that Parliament is in session. This isn’t a relationship of necessity. It’s a partnership. An alliance that, too often, puts the interests of the press and the government ahead of those of the public.

    Things must change

    That’s why Hacked Off has launched a petition, calling for such an investigation to take place – with almost 10,000 signatures already.

    We can’t trust the national press to investigate and report fairly on itself. We need a full, independent investigation to get to the bottom of the unhealthy relationships between the government and the media, in the form of a public inquiry like Leveson Part Two.

    Nathan Sparkes is the chief executive of the Hacked Off Campaign

    Featured image via – YouTube – The AustralianYouTube – Sky News

    By Nathan Sparkes

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • Over summer, BroadAgenda is republishing some of its most popular articles. This compelling piece was first posted earlier this year.

    I groan at the screen when I see my kids watching one of the typical portrayals of the ‘modern dad’. Perhaps the most common depiction is the well-intentioned, loving but equally clueless, hopeless and bumbling father. I grew up on this imagery courtesy of Homer in The Simpsons in the 90s and now that I am a father, the representation has not changed much at all. This type of dad is in way too many stories and shows.

    My two children have loved Peppa Pig, where Daddy Pig is doing not much of anything, except falling over and lazing around. Of course, there’s the dad who is off working all day and comes home ready for dinner and a cuddle. In my home, we recently discovered the animated show, The Tiger Who Came to Tea, with its surprisingly scintillating British voice cast, and catchy tune from Robbie Williams. Even though the show is based on a 1968 book it doesn’t appear dated in 2021 because so little has shifted culturally. Then there’s the emotionally distant, aloof or altogether absent father who doesn’t tend to his children at all. Almost every Disney movie fits this category.

    The fact is, kids love storytelling. Reading a book, watching an adventure-filled show or creating some fantastic backstory for a new game to play, storytelling adds colour and vibrancy to childhood experiences, instils children with lifelong values and passions and significantly influences their cognitive development. But what are kids learning from stories about the role of dads in their lives?

    At a time when more men are trying to juggle work to allow more family time, when young dads are trying to take parental leave and share the load, fatherhood depictions remain horribly outdated and narrow.

    This Facebook post is a classic example of dads being shown as hopeless and incapable of doing their share. It’s meant to be funny. But what message does it really send? 

    Research demonstrates all men are capable of providing the physical and emotional support children require to develop into skilled, confident and socially adjusted people. Yet one of the great parenting myths is that men are thoroughly incapable and inattentive, and women naturally attuned to children’s needs. We are feeding that myth to our kids every day because it remains deeply ingrained in our popular culture and children’s entertainment.

    If we go back to popular culture again, sadly, Bandit Heeler on Bluey (pictured above), the loving, emotionally involved and active dad, is the exception to the rule. He is doing almost all the heavy lifting to change the perception of fatherhood. While we all celebrate this show, we can’t expect one gorgeous animated blue heeler and his adorable family to change perceptions alone. And we can’t just let the next generation passively absorb such counter-productive tropes. Role modelling inside our homes offers a much more positive depiction of fatherhood than books and screens ever could, and is an absolute necessity. Our kids must experience dad nourishing them, playing games, nursing them on sick days, and counselling them with vulnerability, sensitivity and affection when problems arise. Our children need a high-definition dad ‘for real life’ as Bluey and Bingo would say.

    Equally, we must help our children develop a healthy curiosity about how gender norms are depicted. When we bump up against the unhelpful depictions of dopey dads and overworked mums, we can pause and inquisitively ask our kids whether this reflects their life, and even whether they think it’s fair only one parent runs the home. One of the best qualities we can gift our children is the capacity to question the order of all things, especially gender norms. Ginger Gorman, author and editor of BroadAgenda, says she finds herself regularly engaging in such a commentary with her kids,

    “Not long ago one of my kids brought home a home reader. And mummy was cooking everyone breakfast and getting the kids to school, meanwhile Daddy just walked out of the door to go to work. This kind of cultural indoctrination teaches very small kids that in heterosexual relationships, this is what can be expected from Dads – they don’t share the domestic load and put the burden entirely on their partner.”

    Ginger says she can see the progress she’s made within her family, “I’ve taught my kids to be gender literate, and my then 6-year-old daughter instantly picked up on this disparity. At the time, she said: ‘Why is mummy doing all the housework and daddy just goes off to work? That will make mummy cranky and tired, and she won’t have time for a shower before she goes to work [herself].’ It was cute that she could so clearly see the issues. But also infuriating that little people are being taught this gender inequity from such a small age”.

    The culture inside our homes is as important as anything portrayed in a book, show or game. Every family can reshape the representations of fatherhood by taking concrete action every day. If we do this, over time, hopefully our children start creating more empowering and enlightening stories of their own.

     

     

    The post Our storytelling around fatherhood must change appeared first on BroadAgenda.

    This post was originally published on BroadAgenda.

  • You might get excited when you read stories in the mainstream media stating that the government has suffered a “series of defeats in the House of Lords” over the Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Bill. It is true that we have had a minor victory. And if it wasn’t for the relentless protesting and campaigning by the Kill The Bill movement over the last ten months, we would be facing a much worse bill. But don’t get too carried away with optimism.

    For a start, most of the measures chucked out by the Lords were the additional amendments to the bill: these were added at a later stage by the Lords themselves. There’s still a raft of laws that weren’t challenged, and there’s a number of measures that, even though thrown out by the Lords, can still be added again when the bill goes back to the Commons.

    Yes, the Lords’ amendments to protest law were scrapped

    As hoped, the Lords scrapped the proposed additional amendments to protest. The offence of ‘locking on’ or being ‘equipped to lock on’ has been thrown out, as has the power to search someone for lock-on materials.

    The government had proposed increasing the penalty for highway obstruction from a maximum of a £1000 fine to six months imprisonment and an unlimited fine. Whilst this was rejected, an amendment increasing the sentence for those obstructing “strategic road networks”, such as the M25 did get approved. 

    However, the new offences of blocking key infrastructure or infrastructure projects have been thrown out.

    These amendments can’t be added back in by the Commons because they were proposed by the Lords in the first place.

    Conditions on protests

    The Lords did vote against the measure to give police more powers to impose conditions on a protest if they’re deemed too noisy or disruptive. But this can be added again when the bill goes back to the Commons, making a mockery of the whole process. Early indications from the government suggest this is exactly what it will do.

    But not so widely reported is the fact that a massive watering down of the threshold for prosecution for breaching conditions imposed on a protest did go through. This is a key change of the wording of the 1986 Public Order Act meaning that a successful prosecution can be brought if someone “ought to know” the conditions imposed by the police. In other words, you could be convicted of breaching a condition even if you didn’t know they’d been imposed. Currently, it has to be shown that a person knew the conditions were in force.

    And there’s a raft of measures that weren’t challenged at all

    Most of the very laws that we began protesting about back in early 2020 weren’t challenged at all, so it doesn’t make sense to be celebrating a victory. The bill will still criminalise the way of life for Gypsy, Roma and Traveller communities by making trespass with the intention to reside in or near a vehicle criminal offence. It will allow the police to arrest travellers, and/or confiscate their caravans or vans, which are literally their homes.

    And then there are the other new protest measures that will still be introduced. Offences such as prison sentences of up to ten years for tampering with a statue, or the prospect of up to a decade in prison for causing “serious distress, serious annoyance, serious inconvenience, or serious loss of amenity” on a demonstration are still in the legislation.

    But there’s also a raft of measures in the bill that haven’t received as much attention that we should be just as concerned about.

    The bill will change the minimum age of receiving a life sentence in prison from 21 years old to 18 years old, locking up young offenders who are usually from the most working class and difficult backgrounds. On top of this, the bill will introduce secure schools, which the government describes as a “planned new form of youth custody”. Secure schools will, essentially, be prisons for children aged from 12 to 18 years of age, and they will be run by charities: yet more money being funnelled into the private sector.

    It will also introduce the Serious Violence Duty, which would force a range of local authorities such as youth groups, schools and health boards to collaborate with the police by sharing intelligence and data with them. The duty by these authorities to share data would undermine existing data rights and doctor-patient confidentiality.

    This intelligence gathering is also likely to lead to the state issuing people with Serious Violence Reduction Orders (SVROs), which will be rolled out in a pilot scheme.

    The whole process highlights that we’re living in a facade of a democracy

    While some campaigners are getting distracted by our victory in the House of Lords, we should really be focussing on is the fact that we live in a charade of a democracy. The very fact that we are relying on a house of unelected elites to salvage our basic rights should be sounding the alarm that we need serious system change. And the fact that certain parts of the legislation can be reintroduced anyway by the Commons makes even more of a mockery of the whole process. There are also complaints that the government deliberately forced the late timing of the debate in the House of Lords so that the bill couldn’t be unpicked properly.

    So don’t get too excited by the victory. We still have a massive fight ahead of us, and we shouldn’t let this distract us from thinking that much has changed. Instead, let’s use this slightly good news as a starting point to regroup and reenergise the fight against the rest of the bill.

    Featured image via Eliza Egret

    By Eliza Egret

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • This story originally appeared in The Tourist on Jan. 16, 2022. It is shared here with permission.

    The news of the firing of Mark Schlissel, my university’s president, brought joy to many households last night, not least my own. (He had a relationship, apparently consensual though who even knows, and definitely against regulations, with a subordinate.)

    Franzen himself could not have better arranged the details: an anhedonic rich man, trying to pursue a little self-indulgence, who scandalizes his university and tanks his career, as well as, presumably, destroying his marriage (though you have to figure that was tanked a while ago, and this was the outward manifestation), in order to have what sounds like the lamest affair ever. He shares his Hulu password with her; he sends her gifts from Etsy; he flirtatiously forwards racy New Yorker articles. I have way more swag than this guy. You have way more swag than this guy.

    The system selects for blandness. Increasingly it selects for incompetence: just look at the current and previous administrations.

    The insulting part of Schlissel’s presidency was always that: the evident mediocrity of the man whose job it was to tell you that the university was safe to reopen when it wasn’t, that wildly aggressively sex pest professors were being dealt with when they weren’t, that the new rules which work to endanger the job of every employee ever accused of a felony were a necessary early-warning system against those same sorts of sex pests when they weren’t. (We had lots of early warnings about Philbert, Daniels, Conforth and the rest. The new rules will be very helpful if the U ever wants to fire a woman who kills her abuser in self-defense, though.) For a guy who I never once heard say a single interesting thing, neither in his public statements nor in his private emails to a lover (where you’d at least expect a little show of personality), to bring my union to the brink of striking twice in four years, and to inspire an actual strike by grad students, because he truly believes that if we mattered, we’d have tenure and he’d know our names already: you could start to think he must be right. There is nothing interesting about this guy, and yet he can make everyone’s life worse. There must be some other scale of interesting/not interesting, valuable/not valuable, significant/not significant that I am too dumb to see, to explain such a person’s proximity to power.

    There never was, though. This guy is so stupid that he doesn’t even know how to properly wreck a career (and, in the process, tear up a golden parachute so lavish that his petty-cash account in retirement was higher than my 2013 starting salary). The system selects for blandness. Increasingly it selects for incompetence: just look at the current and previous administrations. (I could pick on any number of moments from the visibly sundowning Joe Biden, but there’s just such greater poetry in Kamala Harris’s “It is the time for us to do what we have been doing, and that time is every day.” It’s like a bit imitating Ashbery.) Even the people who maintain this machinery seem to realize how little of themselves the machinery needs, how little are the selves it needs. They aren’t having that much more fun than we are. (Kamala and Joe both used to know how to be, if nothing else, floridly cruel. Now they just sound depressed.) They’re lonely.

    The system will promise you a little more power in exchange for a little more compromise, but by the time you have enough personal power to run anything, you’ll be so compromised on the inside that you’ll forget how to want anything interesting, let alone anything morally beautiful.

    It depresses me that Schlissel loses his job for writing “lonely. m” on company time to a subordinate, and not for ignoring his own public-health specialists or alienating the people who do the bulk of the teaching. It also gives me hope that my undergraduates are seeing the emptiness of his life. We like to talk about “mediocre white men” (or we did a few years ago), as though white people were actually a race and mediocrity were carried in germ-plasm. But the reality is that even Mark Schlissel is a child of God, and he had it in him, at one point, to be much more interesting than this. If you ever forget this, just spend some time in a kindergarten classroom. Children who will grow up to be the blandest functionaries on earth act as strange and alien as the kids who will grow up to be outsider artists. Mark Schlissel probably cared about public health at one point. He probably really did have intellectual problems that made him curious. He has stuffed his face behind this mask; he has learned to be this boring, because that’s what success is now, and he was told, or told himself, that no other goals exist.

    And every student at University of Michigan, from sheer rubbernecking prurient curiosity, is now seeing the details of how boring it is behind that mask. At just the moment when the process really accelerates, the process of lopping off bits of aspiration and curiosity and anger so that you can find a place within the system where you can work your way toward your goals, my students are seeing that at the end of that process is nothing. The further down that road you go, the less you are. The system will promise you a little more power in exchange for a little more compromise, but by the time you have enough personal power to run anything, you’ll be so compromised on the inside that you’ll forget how to want anything interesting, let alone anything morally beautiful. You’ll be trying to woo your mistress with knishes, or (as in Jeff Bezos’s case) sexting “I love you alive girl” like some kind of robot. My students are getting a chance to see that, and maybe it will inspire them to think harder about the compromises they make, to name the things that will not be worth trading away because without those things there’s nothing left. Maybe it will inspire them to doubt personal power, and to look at forms of collective power—after all, it was union power that finally checked Schlissel, despite his confidence that we had no forms of influence that he was bound to respect. Maybe it will inspire them to want to live somewhere besides the U of Lonely M.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • Every so often, the story about soy causing men to grow boobs reemerges. It is a story as uniquely suited for our era as anything: Sensationalistic? Check. Fear-mongering? Check. Factually unsound? Check. The notion of soy causing “man boobs” is silly on the surface but it is still one that doesn’t seem to be able to be contained—not by underwire, not by racerback, and certainly not by push-up. One could certainly say it’s been abundantly padded, though.

    The moob chronicles
    Man boobs, or moobs—or gynecomastia, if we’re going to be adults here—refers to an enlargement or swelling of breast tissue in males, creating a physical feature normally associated with the female chest region. It’s hard to know where this idea of soy contributing to men and boys busting out originated, but often you can find this notion repeated by Weston A. Price Foundation (WAPF) enthusiasts, an organization named after a dentist who died in 1948 and one that promotes consuming copious amounts of unpasteurized dairy and considers fermented cod liver oil a superfood. According to a WAPF co-founder, soy is “more insidious than hemlock.” But lard? You should lay that on thick. The most recent flare-up in the moob chronicles is brought to us by James Strangle, a South Dakota veterinarian, who wrote a hot take in Tri-State Livestock News (I can’t believe no one’s bought me a subscription yet) (please don’t). It’s not a surprise that a trade publication for the livestock industry would be threatened by the growing interest in plant-based foods—and they have certainly shown their stripes repeatedly if there was any doubt—but this latest volley by Strangle is all kinds of unhinged, even for an industry newspaper seemingly without a copy editor or fact-checker. Basically, Strangle holds that the boob-splosions caused by eating Impossible Whoppers (as opposed to  ground-up dead cow Whoppers) at Burger King are so massive they could be seen from outer space. I mean, in so many words.

    An unsupported claim
    Strangle’s reasoning hinges on whether you believe that phytoestrogen—the compounds found in plant foods (and therefore found in an Impossible Burger)—is synonymous with estrogen, the primary female sex hormone. Despite the fact that Asian populations have consumed soy for centuries and at a much higher per capita rate than in other cultures, somehow they are not replete with men with bodacious cleavage. Could this be because estrogen, as described by Harvard School of Public Health’s Nutrition Source, has a much stronger effect than what is derived from plants? That estrogen and phytoestrogen are not interchangeable? “For the majority of people, any estrogen-like effect is indiscernible, but the benefits of these isoflavones is pretty clear,” Matt Ruscigno, MPH, RD, author of Plant-Based Sports Nutrition, told VegNews. “Soy can absolutely be a part of a healthy diet and is the only specific food—as opposed to groupings like ‘vegetables’—to have an FDA statement recommending its consumption for disease prevention.” You will find lots of sketchy links about the soybean’s supposed Powerful Feminizing Effects if you choose to go down that rabbit hole, but no published, peer-reviewed research that supports this claim. Given that there is no factual basis behind this anxiety, it does make one wonder if all this unrest about the male breast could be (yes, I’m going there) internalized sexism or transphobia—or maybe a delightful mashup of the two—especially considering that the “soy boy” slur is intended by the far-right to be a pejorative against the males deemed to be not quite tough enough by adults who are literally drinking breast milk.

    Manipulating the message
    I don’t mean to go tit-for-tat here but it’s interesting that as dairy, also a new symbol of white supremacy, is the one with estrogen and progesterone, not soy. Even so-called hormone-free milk still has the mother’s naturally-occurring hormones in it. It is also true that in recent years, the powerful animal agribusiness industries have declared open season on plant-based companies that are making a dent in their market share. Is it any wonder that it’s the perfect storm for more unfounded claims about man boobs? “The idea that it would feminize men is an exaggeration crafted purposefully to confuse those who don’t know the science,” Ruscigno said. To anyone who is tempted to freak out about a bean’s capacity to make men sprout breasts, I recommend you take a deep breath breath first. Enjoy a nice soy chai latte while you spend a few minutes contemplating the vested interests of the stories pushed in front of you this year: Who benefits from you believing them, including which industries? What are the implicit messages, biases, and bigotries? And how are these stories trying to manipulate your insecurities? 

    Thank you for letting me get this off my chest.

    This post was originally published on VegNews.com.

  • If I was to say prince Andrew Windsor is something of an oddity, you’d probably look at his family and say “so… like the rest of them then?”. And you wouldn’t exactly be wrong. But what I mean specifically is that unlike most of his military-cosplaying family, he actually did serve in a conflict. In his case, it was the Falklands/Malvinas War as a helicopter pilot.

    It was there, he told the BBC (during a now infamous interview meant to offset the impact of abuse allegations), that he suffered an overload of adrenalin which left him allegedly unable to sweat. That unusual claim has since been challenged by his accuser, Virginia Giuffre. Giuffre claims to have been sex trafficked by the now-convicted Ghislaine Maxwell at the direction of the late paedophile Jeffrey Epstein. She claims she was subsequently sexually abused by the prince – charges he denies.

    The latest turn in Windsor’s ongoing scandal of alleged sexual abuse shows something important. That is, like the monarchy, we place the military on a pedestal it does not deserve. As if it’s an institution which represents the very highest moral standards.

    Stripped

    It must have stung the duke to lose his titles by order of the queen this week. The duke’s ‘His Royal Highness’ (HRH) title was also rescinded. As a result, he was told he would have to face the coming civil action as a private citizen.

    The move followed an open letter to the queen from a group of 150 ex-military members. It asked that the prince be removed from the various honorary military roles he had occupied. So, no more LARPing as a colonel in the Grenadier Guards for Windsor.

    Other roles removed include, according to the Guardian:  

    honorary air commodore of RAF Lossiemouth; colonel-in-chief of the Royal Irish Regiment; colonel-in-chief of the Small Arms School Corps; commodore-in-chief of the Fleet Air Arm; royal colonel of the Royal Highland Fusiliers; deputy colonel-in-chief of the Royal Lancers (Queen Elizabeths’ Own); and royal colonel of the Royal Regiment of Scotland.

    Veterans

    150 former military personnel published their open letter on 13 January. The letter was formulated with the anti-monarchist campaign group Republic. In it, the veterans say Windsor’s position was “untenable”:

    We are therefore asking that you take immediate steps to strip Prince Andrew of all his military ranks and titles and, if necessary, that he be dishonourably discharged.

    Republic’s Graham Smith added:

    It is clear for all to see that Prince Andrew has been proven unfit to wear the uniform of any of Britain’s armed forces. That he is able to continue in numerous roles within the military is a disgrace, and an insult to those who continue to serve with distinction.

    Martial fantasy

    But there’s a problem with these claims. And it isn’t just that it shows how limited and centrist republicanism is in this country. More importantly, there’s no basis whatsoever for the suggestion that the military is adverse to a culture of misogyny, rape, or sexual abuse. If current reports are anything to go by, these issues are endemic.

    In 2021, a landmark parliamentary report showed that two-thirds of women service personnel had faced sexual harassment or abuse. As the Guardian had reported, it:

     …features evidence of gang rape, sex for career advancement and trophies to ‘bag the woman’

    This was the real face of military culture around women.

    Under the rug

    MP, veteran, and subcommittee chair for women in the armed forces Sarah Atherton said at the time:

    The stories we heard paint a difficult picture for women. A woman raped in the military often has to live and work with the accused perpetrator, with fears that speaking out would damage her career.

    She added that:

    We heard accusations of senior officers sweeping complaints under the rug to protect their own reputations and careers. While many commanding officers want to do the right thing, it is clear that, too often, female service personnel are being let down by the chain of command.

    Spike

    In October 2021, the Child Rights International Network published figures on sexual violence against young women and girls in the military. These showed a spike in such offences in recent years.

    Then in December 2021, measures were proposed as amendments to the Armed Forces Bill 2021. The aim was to make the military a safer place for women. But in the end, key proposals were voted down. And Atherton, who rebelled in the final Commons vote, resigned from her government role.

    No moral institution

    There’s a problem in the way we look at our major institutions in this country. The truth? Well, neither the monarchy nor the military set a moral example for us. And the notion that the military is too upstanding to have an accused abuser associated with it is wrong. Ultimately, this kind of poorly thought out claim does a disservice to us all.

    Featured image – Wikimedia Commons/Thorne1983, cropped to 770 x 403, licenced under CC BY-SA 3.0

    By Joe Glenton

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • On Monday 10 January, campaigners announced that Elbit – Israel’s biggest private drone maker – will close its Ferranti factory in Oldham. The company has sold Ferranti business despite a massive £6m drop in resale value.

    The shutting down of Elbit’s Ferranti factory in Oldham is the culmination of years of campaigning by local organisers in solidarity with Palestinians and Kashmiris.

    The victory in Oldham should be a reminder of how powerful the combination of community organising and militant direct action can be.

    And – for me – it reminded me of the people I’ve met whose lives have been torn apart by Israeli drones, and who have been calling for these factories to be closed down for years.

    Elbit: profiting from the death-trade worldwide

    Elbit manufactures around 85% of Israel’s drones which have been used to massacre Palestinians in Gaza.

    For example – during Israel’s 51 day attack on Gaza in 2014 – Israeli drones killed 840 Palestinians. Drones were also used extensively in Israel’s 11 day attack on Gaza in 2021.

    Elbit’s Ferranti factory in Oldham manufactured imaging and surveillance systems for Israel’s Hermes drones, which have been used to kill Palestinians in Gaza. Elbit is also responsible for manufacturing small calibre ammunition for the Israeli army.

    The company is part of a joint venture to manufacture drones for the Indian army, drawing criticism from local people in Oldham – where there is a large Kashmiri population – many of whom are horrified at the prospect of “drones that were used in the bombing of Gaza” being “mass produced in India” and used in the repression of Kashmiri people.

    “Campaigners must prevent these Israeli war crimes that kill our dreams and kill our children”

    The news of the closure of Elbit’s factory also reminded me of a series interviews I carried out with another comrade as part of a Corporate Watch research project into Elbit in Gaza in 2013. We interviewed survivors of drone attacks and family members of Palestinians killed in Israeli drone strikes.

    I remember Gazan mother and father Mona and Basil Ash-Shawa, whose 18-year-old daughter was killed when an Israeli drone fired a missile through the window of their living room a year earlier. They told me how they had failed to find any justice for their daughter through the Israeli court system and how it was up to campaigners to find that justice. Basil told us:

    The death of my daughter was a war crime by the Israeli military. There is no excuse for it. When you have an 18 year old daughter that is a dream and that dream was killed. She was my only daughter. Campaigners must prevent these Israeli war crimes that kill our dreams and kill our children. When will it stop? Our case shows that Israel does not care about international law. People should take note.

    I also remember the Abu Zor family, who we interviewed as they sat with their children amid the ruins of their house in Gaza City. They had survived an attack by an Israeli drone and an F16, which had killed three other members of their family. A female family member – who wished to remain anonymous – called on people internationally to take action against Israeli military companies operating internationally:

    These weapons are being tested in Gaza on us. If they brought tanks to fight us they would lose but instead they bring warplanes. These kids now do not have a mother, if their father is sick, who will care for them? We do not need just words.

    There is a big profit in it for Israel to market these drones. They want to be the strongest and selling these weapons helps them to do that. Other countries should not buy weapons from Israel. Israel wants war all over the world. We want these factories to be destroyed completely.

    Years of campaigning

    International movements have been taking the Palestinian struggle to the doorsteps of Israeli arms companies for many long years, in an attempt to heed the calls for solidarity from people like the Ash-Shawa and Abu Zor family

    In response to Israel’s brutal occupation – and to the massive Israeli attack on Gaza in 2009 – Palestinian civil society groups called for a two way arms embargo of Israel in 2011. This two-way embargo demanded that states cease selling weapons to Israel, and also that they refrain from buying armaments from Israeli companies.

    The Palestinian Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions campaign (BDS) calls for global campaigns against Elbit.

    The movement in the UK begins to take off

    Demands for the closure of Elbit’s UK sites snowballed during Israel’s murderous attack on Gaza in 2014, which killed at least 2,251 Palestinians. Direct actions against Elbit’s factories increased in momentum as Israel attacked Gaza. Campaigners occupied the roof of Elbit’s Shenstone factory on the Midlands, and they blockaded the gates with lock-ons at the company’s Kent premises.

    The Canary spoke to two local organisers: Adie Mormech – a long time Palestine solidarity organiser from Manchester Palestine Action – and Wakas, from Oldham Peace and Justice.

    Adie told us that the campaign against Elbit in Oldham started in earnest in 2016:

    We started in 2016, and we’d done a lot of awareness raising with stalls and petitions and everything else – as well as the regular demonstrations.

    Wakas said:

    our first protest took place in 2016. So it’s nearly been a five year long campaign. Oldham Peace and Justice was formed in 2019, off the back of so many groups doing smaller actions.

    Wakas continued:

    I think [the victory in Oldham] just shows you that it’s all about the grassroots, it’s from the bottom up.

    We didn’t get much cooperation from the council. We did get some support from some counsellors, and some support from MPs. But that was about it. And we did realise that if you were going to do it, it was going to be from the people. It was the community coming together to push out Elbit Systems of the town

    Urgency

    Adie has lived in the Gaza Strip – working as a teacher and organising in solidarity with Palestinians – for two years. He said:

    Many of us – like myself – have been to Palestine. I was there in Gaza for two years. I saw what these weapons were doing. I lost a lot of people myself, including my own students. All this just increases the urgency of the actions – and that’s how it should be bearing in mind the crime that’s taking place.

    According to Adie, the key to the campaign’s success was the combination of local organising with direct action:

    it was only once serious direct action [started] to actually stop what the factory was doing – then the benefits of having such a great support base of local campaigning on the ground – local groups such as Oldham Peace and Justice and United For Palestine – paid off

    Adie told us that he was part of a three day rooftop occupation of Elbit’s Oldham factory in 2019. But – up until then – actions at the Oldham factory had been “sporadic”. According to Adie, there was a “massive intensification” in the campaign once direct action group Palestine Action began to target the factory.

    Palestine Action was founded during the first coronavirus (Covid-19) lockdown in 2020 with the aim of ending UK complicity in “the ongoing colonisation and military occupation, and subjugation of Palestine”. Since the group was set up, it has regularly targeted the Oldham site with the aim of closing it down. A statement from the group says:

    The first action taken in Oldham by Palestine Action, in late August 2020, involved spraying premises in blood-red paint, symbolising the Palestinian bloodshed made possible with Elbit Ferranti technologies. Following this, actions accelerated. Windows were smashed in an occupation in November 2020, while an action taken in collaboration with XR North in February 2021 caused over £20,000 in damages. In April 2021, activists not only occupied the site but gained entry to the factory, smashing the roof, windows, air vents, and undermining future operations by covering equipment and computers in red paint – over £100,000 of damages were caused, and the site remained shut for well over a week.

    On July 5th, three activists gained entry to the site, allegedly causing £500,000 of damage and closing the factory for a number of weeks. More recently, in August of this year, activists blockaded the factory – blocking roads with vehicles and locking onto gates – and occupied the factory itself again. There have been a number of other actions taken at the Oldham site, with the factory forced to closed for a significant number of weeks in total due to damage caused.

    Palestine Action says that 36 people have been arrested for actions against the factory, but that none of them have yet been brought to court.

    ‘A crescendo’

    In May 2021, Israel bombarded Gaza for 11 days running. An uprising began across all the parts of historic Palestine, and the international solidarity movement rallied to support it.

    This Israeli attack marked a crescendo in the campaign – according to Adie – and led to the setting up of a group called United for Palestinians. From May, determination to close down the factory increased. Adie said:

    A lot of the Asian families got involved locally after May. We had demonstrations every week from May until now – 30 weeks. Blocking the road every time and – of course – some terrific direct actions in January, February, April, and more

    Adie said that the campaign pushed hard in Oldham to get the message out in local media, and on social media. He said that after May there were:

    lots of great young activists rousing the community and making great speeches to come [to the demonstrations]

    Adie said that the trick was:

    Upping [the ante] so that we were taking the road every time… It wasn’t just about standing outside. We had to disrupt business as usual, because business as usual is creating these horrific weapons and killing machines purely based on the need to cause damage and destruction – that’s what their profit margin is depending on – on that level alone, that was the impetus to do a whole lot more… and it was all levels that we were upping it – and that’s where we win.

    Persistence

    Wakas told us that when people in Oldham took their first actions against Elbit, “the police and Elbit Systems thought it was a one off”. He said that it has been all about persistence and determination. According to Wakas:

    It’s just been a campaign of being persistent and patient, and sometimes it looked like we were getting nowhere. And others it seemed like we got somewhere one step forward and two steps back… This campaign has always been like that. And it was just about who would buckle first. It was either Elbit Systems or it was going to be the people of Oldham. And the people Oldham have lasted longer than Elbit Systems!

    Not the first time

    This isn’t the first time that a concerted campaign by Palestine solidarity campaigners has closed down an arms company premises. In 2010, US arms giant Raytheon closed its doors after a years long local campaign in Derry in the North of Ireland. Campaigners protesting the sale of weapons to the Israeli state broke into the Raytheon on two occasions and – on one occasion – successfully destroyed computers and other equipment. Members of the Derry campaign visited Oldham in 2020 to speak to campaigners and to give inspiration for the campaign against Elbit.

    It “took us all by surprise”

    Wakas said that campaigners had been aware that the factory might close, but that the speed with which it happened was a surprise. He told us:

    We had an inkling feeling that Elbit Systems and Ferranti Technology were on the way out. And we’ve known for a while that something big was going to happen. But the speed and the secrecy around Elbit Systems exit from all them, has took us all by surprise.

    Adie and Wakas agree that it is a great victory, but that the struggle to push Elbit out of the UK will continue. According to Wakas:

    It’s just so great. I’m lost for words. But at the same time, you’ve got to remember this is just one site, there are eight other places that Elbit profits from – including three factories – in England

    The company also operates out of the ParcAberporth drone testing facility in Wales.

    Adie agrees with Wakas’ point:

    Its a wonderful wonderful day – its a wonderful achievement. But there’s a whole lot more to do, its just one factory, there’s a lot more around the country. We are hoping that this is the green light for more action, a domino effect… We are hoping that that [this] can take place around the country and we can finally get all these Elbit arms factories out.

    “Palestinians are not struggling alone”

    Campaigners held their weekly demonstration outside the Oldham factory for the last time on 11 January, except this week the demonstration was a celebration. Shahd Abusalama – a Palestinian woman who is originally from Gaza but now lives in the UK – was one of the revellers. She told The Canary:

    I was just at the rally party in front of the no longer Elbit factory! The atmosphere was electric, and many people came from other cities in the UK! The best street party I attended with such a diverse crowd of few hundreds I’m guessing, all celebrating Elbit-free Oldham.

    Such grassroots-led organisations revive our hope and reassure us that we the Palestinians are not struggling alone. They also remind us that it seems impossible until it’s done, with the people’s will and power.

    Elbit has repeatedly dismissed the demands of the local community in Oldham to leave their town, and its presence has inflicted a lot of emotional distress on them throughout the past 5 years of consistent campaigning to shut Elbit down, knowing the central role they play in the oppression of the Palestinians and the Kashmiris and other oppressed communities around the world. But they never gave up and continued to protest week after another, inspired by the persisting Palestinian anti-colonial resistance against British and Zionist colonisation of our lands.

    Now Oldham people don’t have to put up with having Elbit so close to their homes, schools and workplaces, but there are 9 other Elbit sites remaining in the UK, and many more around the world. Until [they are gone] the struggle to shut Elbit and all profiteers of oppression continues, and so does the struggle to free Palestine!

    Featured image is of the final celebration outside what used to be Elbit’s Ferranti factory, via Adie Mormech (with permission)

    By Tom Anderson

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • EDITORIAL: The PNG Post-Courier

    Whether the leaders of Papua New Guinea realise it or not, sorcery is a big social issue.

    It is wreaking havoc while politicians seem to look on in disdain.

    If there is a law on sorcery, it is being disregarded at will.

    PNG Post-Courier
    PNG POST-COURIER

    It means perpetrators of sorcery torture and killings are making a laughing stock out of the country’s laws and they seem to be winning.

    The world has been watching Papua New Guinea and is laughing away on how we are handling this issue.

    We have gone down this low into the holes.

    As recent as two weeks ago, SBS Queensland ran a documentary by a reporter from CNN who visited Papua New Guinea to report on the problem sorcery is causing.

    Image of PNG tainted
    That is how far this matter has gone.

    Yet our lack of response makes it look all that bad.

    The image of the country has been tainted by this nonsense.

    Sorcery accusation related violence (SARV) killings are nothing more than murder, the way it is happening. Since sorcery cannot be proven, it is being used as an excuse for wanton murder.

    Yet no one sees murder except sorcery.

    It is an excuse not to do anything to curb the problem because we’re afraid. We’re afraid, not of sorcery but what the perpetrators might do to us.

    These people, we say, are terrorist.

    They have gained notoriety because of the barbaric way in which the victims have been treated.

    PNG Post-Courier

    These people, we say, are terrorist.

    They have gained notoriety because of the barbaric way in which the victims have been treated.

    That is the root of the fear.

    If the sorcery law is vague and ambiguous, what about murder?

    What about terrorism?

    Murder and terrorism crippling society
    Is murder and terrorism crippling society that we blame sorcery as the easy way out and ignore it?

    This matter has been raised before.

    But no one is changing because lives are being lost or ruined and no one seems to care.

    Women especially are being targeted so there must be people who have deep hatred for women.

    They could be sick in the head.

    We say the perpetrators should not only be locked up when they are rounded up, they should also undergo a check on their mental condition.

    If mental health issues are on the rise, you cannot send mentally deranged people to prison; they must be sent to a prison of their own.

    Tribal enmity creeping in
    It would also appear that tribal enmity is creeping into the so-called sorcery killings and it is a payback in disguise.

    Payback killings are well known in PNG so why are we naïve about it?

    If they are not payback, slap murder charges on the perpetrators and they go through the process of being innocent until proven guilty.

    If there is no evidence of sorcery but the victims are being killed on suspicion, then the same can be said of people who are suspected of being behind the killings.

    The way the law is being implied here makes the criminal law and justice system look like a page taken from a primitive tribe’s book of reasoning.

    Let’s not bury our head in the sand on this and hope the problem will go away.

    It won’t go away by itself so leaders; get your head out of the sand and take action.

    We see murder here.

    We see terrorism.

    What do you see?

    If women are not to be protected, the future development and progress of the country will crawl at snail’s pace until we come to our senses.

    This PNG Post-Courier editorial was published on 12 January 2022 under the original title “Sorcery issue has gone way out of control”. Republished with permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • People are rightly furious after Boris Johnson admitted that he was at the Downing Street party. Social media is full of heartbreaking stories of relatives who died without seeing loved ones, and sacrifices that people made because of the pandemic. Other people are highlighting the covid fines or warnings they faced as the police ran rampant and abused their powers on ordinary citizens.

    But there’s an even bigger scandal that’s hit the headlines today. And it’s vital that it’s not ignored.

    The government broke the law over PPE contracts

    The High Court has ruled that the government’s use of a so-called “VIP lane” to award millions of pounds worth of contracts for personal protective equipment (PPE) was unlawful.

    The Good Law Project and EveryDoctor took legal action over nearly £600 million of contracts awarded to pest control firm PestFix and hedge fund Ayanda Capital at the height of the first wave of the coronavirus pandemic.

    The High Court was told a VIP lane was reserved for referrals from MPs, ministers and senior officials, with campaigners arguing the government “prioritised suppliers including PestFix and Ayanda because of who they knew, not what they could deliver”.

    In a judgment on Wednesday, justice O’Farrell said the use of the VIP lane was unlawful.

    The Department of Health and Social Care (DHSC) had contested the claim, telling the court it “wholeheartedly” rejected the case against it and that the VIP lane was rational and resulted in a “large number of credible offers” in an environment where PPE deals often failed within “minutes”.

    But at a hearing last May, the Good Law Project and EveryDoctor argued a VIP supplier was “more than 10 times as likely” to get a contract compared to a non-VIP supplier.

    O’Farrell said DHSC’s evidence “establishes that presence on the high priority lane did not confer any advantage at the decision-making stage of the process”.

    However, she concluded that the VIPs lane did give a “material advantage” to selected contractors.

    The Good Law Project summarised the judgment:

    And as the Good Law Project pointed out, most of the PPE produced by these companies wasn’t even suitable for the NHS:

    Enough is enough!

    This is a corrupt government that thinks it can get away with blatantly breaking the law whilst awarding multimillion-pound contracts to its friends. It’s time to say enough is enough. We cannot and should not put up with this morally bankrupt government any longer.

    By The Canary

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • So far, 12 people have been sentenced to prison for the Kill the Bill demonstration that took place in Bristol on 21 March 2021. Their convictions range from arson to riot after they fought back against state brutality in what was some of the worst policing I have ever seen in the UK.

    Eight of the prisoners are currently serving their sentences at HMP Portland in Dorset. Portland prison is an imposing fortress, built in the 1880s, designed to grind down those trapped inside. But on 9 January, activists from around the country travelled to Portland in solidarity with the prisoners. They made as much noise as they could outside the prison walls, unfurled banners, set off fireworks, and chanted to the prisoners that they weren’t alone.

    One of the activists explained to The Canary why they had driven across the country to take part in the demonstration. They said:

    Noise demonstrations like this are extremely important. We do this to remind those who have been imprisoned that they are not alone, and that the struggle continues on their behalf outside of the prison walls. People are not forgotten as soon as they are behind bars. They are bearing the consequences of the repressive laws that we are fighting against, and they remain a central part of our movement.

    In response, prisoners waved from their cell windows, shouted back at the activists, and later on sent their love.

    State wrath

    Since scenes of Bristol’s burning police cars were broadcast around the world, the state has been intent on saving face and showing its might. It’s doing this by making an example of those who dared to fight back against both police violence and the draconian policing bill being brought in. It hopes that by cracking down on the Bristol ‘rioters’, it will ensure that the rest of the population tows the line.

    So far, 82 people have been arrested – most of them for riot – following the 21 March demonstration. 12 of them have now received sentences totalling over 49 years in prison, including Ryan Roberts, who was sentenced to a brutal 14 years in prison in December. Putting his conviction into perspective, the starting sentence for someone convicted of murder is 15 years.

    Support the prisoners

    Bristol Anarchist Black Cross, a group that supports prisoners, is urging the public to write to those locked up. It says:

    Writing to prisoners is one of the most important acts we can do to break the isolation that prisons enforce on people. It can make a huge difference to prisoners knowing that people on the outside are thinking of them.

    2022 will see many more court cases and potential convictions over the Kill The Bill demonstrations of 2021. And when the police bill passes, we’re likely to see a myriad of different arrests as the police get increased powers. This is a historical moment in British history, and will be remembered as a time when people either stood up for their rights or stayed silent while the state took our last freedoms away. There’s another Kill The Bill demonstration on 15 January: let’s make ourselves heard.

    Featured image via Nigel Mykura / Wikimedia Commons / licensed under CC BY-SA 2.0

    By Eliza Egret

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • 10 January saw the highly controversial police bill back in parliament yet again, this time to vote on one of its most racist elements. The House of Lords voted on amendments to Part 10 of the bill, which will introduce Serious Violence Reduction Orders (SVROs).

    But home secretary Priti Patel faced a blow to her powers after the Lords voted to adopt an amendment to stop her rolling out SVROs after a pilot scheme. Instead, once the pilot scheme is completed, both the Commons and the Lords will have a chance to debate the evaluation of the scheme before its implemented further. As Green peer Jenny Jones pointed out:

    Why on earth would they be brought in before they [SVROs] have been measured? It is essential that the Government prove the efficacy of these measures and demonstrate that they are not being used in a way that is racially or otherwise discriminatory.

    The amendment will now go back to the House of Commons where MPs will decide whether they accept it or whether the bill goes back to the House of Lords without the amendment.

    But while any curtailment of government power is welcome, SVROs should not be introduced in any area and this amendment will do nothing to help all the people who will be harassed and criminalised under the pilot scheme.

    SVROs

    In March 2021, the government announced pilot schemes for SVROs in four police force areas – Thames Valley, West Midlands, Merseyside and Sussex.

    According to Liberty:

    Serious Violence Reduction Orders (SVROs), created under the Policing Bill, are a new civil order that can be given to an individual, including if they knew, or ought to have known, that someone else had a knife or would use a knife. The police will be given the power to stop and search people who have an SVRO without suspicion at any time in a public place.

    This will give the police much more power to harass certain individuals with impunity, as they will no longer require the ‘reasonable grounds’ generally needed to stop and search someone. Instead, the individual can be searched at any time, whenever they are in a public space, if they have been issued with an SVRO.

    Of course, this will have a massive impact on the Black community, which is already traumatised by the police’s stop and search powers. Before this bill has even passed, Black people are already 9.7 times more likely to get stopped and searched. Individuals listed on the Met Police’s Gangs Matrix – a database of people that the Met suspects to be gang members – are likely to find themselves particularly targeted.

    According to Garden Court Chambers:

    People who have never been involved in violence are added to the Matrix and it’s disproportionate. In October 2017 78% of the people on the Matrix were Black, an even more striking statistic in light of the fact that only 28% of those responsible for serious youth violence were Black.

    Guilt by association

    As Liberty has stated, someone can be issued with an SVRO if they know, or ought to have known, that someone else had a knife. The term ‘ought to have known’ is so subjective that it’s laughable. It gives the state the power to issue an SVRO to pretty much anyone it doesn’t like, and that person doesn’t need to be guilty of any crime. It will, however, be a crime to breach the restrictions.

    Campaigners argue that this will effectively expand the crime of ‘joint enterprise’. While the Supreme Court ruled in 2016 that the law had been wrongly used for thirty years, campaigners are still fighting for the law to be reformed. Jun Pang, policy and campaigns officer at Liberty, argued:

    Joint Enterprise is widely recognised as an unjust way of dragging people into the criminal justice system, and is used overwhelmingly against people from poor and minoritised communities, especially Black men and children.

    We know that existing stop and search powers don’t reduce crime, and that they’re used “unfairly and sometimes unlawfully“. SVROs will make racial discrimination even more prevalent in society.

    They are just one proposal in a long line of draconian measures that will be brought in once the racist police bill is passed. It’s time scrap the whole ludicrous bill.

    Featured image via Ilovetheeu/Wikimedia Commons, resized to 770px x 403px, licensed under Creative Commons (CC BY-SA 4.0)

    By Eliza Egret

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • Julian Assange in 2019. (photo: Matt Dunham/AP)

    Any wishlist for the future is potentially infinite. My Wishlist for 2022 is finite, limited to the first several things that came to mind, more than can be expected to be fulfilled, but things to hope for in a year that is about as inauspicious as any we’ve had of late.

    Global Wishlist for 2022

    UKRAINE recedes into its proper status quo as a quasi-Nazi independent state that is neither a threat to Russia nor a pawn of the hegemonic forces of the US and NATO. Easy to achieve if the US acknowledges that a non-threatening Ukraine is as valid a concern for Russia as a nonthreatening Canada is for the US.

    IRAN becomes a non-issue because the Biden administration abandons Trump policy, restores the nuclear agreement to its pre-Trump status. And negotiates in good faith with all the parties to the agreement. It’s hard to understand why it’s taken a year for Biden to break with Trump over Iran.

    YEMEN recedes from the brink of humanitarian catastrophe because the US finally ends its support for and criminal collaboration with Saudi Arabia’s illegal war. Biden has pretended to do this, but American support for the Saudis continues at the war crime level.

    AFGHANISTAN avoids mass starvation because the US and NATO countries release Afghan-own resources. Also, the criminal invaders who lost a stupid 20 year war lift the sanctions that have no more justification than the spite of sore losers.

    CHINA is recognized as the fake threat US and global mainstream media portray it. Ask yourself: how is Chinese activity in the South China Sea meaningfully different from US behavior in the Caribbean? How is Chinese treatment of its Uyghers meaningfully different from US treatment of its minorities?

    ISRAEL ends its criminal war on Palestinians, who also give up fighting back when they’re no longer under genocidal assault.

    COVID and its pandemic extensions recede as a global threat because the rich nations end their self-defeating selfishness and commit to vaccinating the world population. Public health is recognized as a higher value than profit, even if it means nationalizing drug companies.

    CLIMATE MITGATION actually begins on a coordinated, committed, global scale.

    DRONE ATTACKS are recognized as war crimes. The US and others outlaw the use of armed drones, even if it means prosecuting American presidents Bush, Obama, Trump, and Biden as war criminals.

    JULIAN ASSANGE is freed and exonerated for having revealed the truth about US criminality in Iraq. Telling the truth becomes an absolute defense in any criminal or civil trial anywhere.

    Domestic Wishlist for 2022

    AMERICAN VOTERS get protection from election corruption pushed by Republicans. Democrats in the Senate will all have to act like Democrats and patriotic Americans, but that’s not impossible, is it?

    IMMIGRANTS in the US (and everywhere else) are treated humanely and their appeals for asylum are treated honorable and quickly. This would require Biden to break with Trump, Obama, and other predecessors, but it would be a minimal threat to “national security” (whatever that is) and have the presumed virtue of being the moral choice.

    POLICE lose the legal protection that allows them to kill at will without consequences. This has begun to happen. It needs to continue. It’s bad enough that cops are allowed to assault people with impunity.

    STUDENT DEBT is erased with a stroke of Biden’s pen.

    INTELLECTUAL INTEGRITY breaks out across the land. People in and out of government tell the truth to the best of their ability. So do people in and out of media. People evaluate evidence honestly. People identify their conflicts of interests. Corporations, as people, also learn to behave honestly.

    2022 Wishlist comes down to one Master Wish

    None of these wishes are predictions. You knew that. If I were predicting, the list of expected, positive events would be short to non-existent. In the US, much will depend on the laws that shape the fall elections. Currently that’s looking disastrous. And much will also depend on how the January 6 Insurrection investigations play out. Will the proposed hearings have anything like the same effect as the Watergate hearings? Is there even time?

    The continuing impact of Covid is unpredictable. The continuing impact of climate disasters is unpredictable. The impact of outlawing abortion is unpredictable. The outbreak of unimaginable violence is unpredictable. What am I missing here?

    Whatever happens, almost anything would be mitigated by the granting of the one Master Wish referred to above. That would be:

    EVERYONE JUST GROW UP

    The post Wishlist for 2022 first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • On 9 January 2021, 24-year-old Mohamud Hassan suspiciously died after being detained by South Wales police. Mohamud had been arrested by the police and then released without charge the next morning, but died in his flat that day. Witnesses say he had been severely beaten, with blood on his clothes and bruises all over his body. A post-mortem did not state the cause of this death.

    At the time, Mohamud’s cousins said:

    He told our family members that he was tasered twice and through images they could see bite marks all over his body. Additionally, he stated that he was brutally kicked in the head and suffered injuries to his face and knee- it was dislocated, and he struggled to walk. Witnesses say that he was covered in blood with significant injuries to his mouth.

    The police involved haven’t even been suspended

    Disgracefully, the six police officers who were put under investigation following Mohamud’s death haven’t been suspended from duty. Back in March 2021, it came to light that one police officer:

    saw [Mohamud] collapse, literally slumping over in the back of the police van, and still did not report this to his senior officer.

    In failing to report and get urgent medical attention, the officer missed a real opportunity to have potentially prevented Mohamud’s untimely death.

    And yet, this police officer, as well as the others who had contact with Mohamud, has kept his job. This is a prime example of the blasé attitude of a police force that is institutionally racist and sees Black people as second-class citizens. South Wales police doesn’t even consider Mohamud’s death as serious enough to suspend those who are suspected of being responsible. Can you imagine the public outrage over this if Mohamud had been a white person?

    Lee Jasper, spokesperson for the campaign to get justice for Mohamud, argued:

    In no other profession can you be under investigation for suspicion of causing death and remain at work.

    It doesn’t bear thinking about that those who are responsible for inflicting the brutal violence on Mohamud that might have led to his death, are still free to ‘police’ others in a similar way.

    Release the bodycam footage

    It’s disgusting that one year on, Mohamud’s family are still campaigning for the release of the police’s bodycam footage. This begs the vital question, what is South Wales Police hiding? Mohamud’s family has stated:

    The Police and the IOPC [Independent Office for Police Conduct] have conspired to cover up, obscure, frustrate, delay and dispute our search for the truth.

    The family continued:

    most families who suffer a death in custody are routinely denied access to this footage because the IOPC wishes to dampen down public outrage whilst the police, we believe, use these body cam videos to construct a plausible legal defence.

    Had the footage of Mohamud’s last moments been released to us, then we would have been spared the slow torturous agony of consistently speculating day by day on precisely what happened to him that awful night.

    Defund the police

    According to Inquest, in England and Wales there have been 1,803 deaths either in police custody, or following contact with the police, since 1990.

    The organisation says:

    people with Black, Asian and Minoritised Ethnicities (BAME) die disproportionately as a result of use of force or restraint by the police, raising serious questions of institutional racism as a contributory factor in their deaths.

    Black people have always known that the police aren’t here to protect the people. But those of us who are white are brainwashed from a very early age to believe that the police are there to do exactly that. As white people, we can never know what it is like to be singled out, stopped and searched, arrested, or even murdered, primarily because of the colour of our skin.

    But there is some hope. 2021 saw greater calls from both BAME people and white people to defund the police. We are coming together to question the police’s role in society, and why they wield the complete power to brutalise the public, which has no right to defend itself. Whether it be the police officers responsible for the death of Mohamud Hassan, the Met police officer who murdered Sarah Everard, or the disgusting police officers who took selfies of themselves next to the bodies of murdered women Bibaa Henry and Nicole Smallman, we are, as a society, finally waking up to the brutality of the police. We are scrutinising the police’s role full-stop, questioning whether that role is even necessary, and talking about alternatives.

    This spring will see the passing of the new police bill, which will give the police terrifying new powers. Once enacted, we are likely to see the police using greater violence, safe in the knowledge that the law is there to protect them. This will, of course, disproportionately affect Black and Traveller communities the most. The government will introduce Serious Violence Reduction Orders, giving police significantly more power to stop and search people on the street. Statistics from 2019 showed that Black people were 9.7 times more likely than white people to be stopped and searched. Meanwhile, the way of life of Travellers will effectively become unlawful.

    Mohamud’s case is, sadly, not an exceptional case but an example of the systematic rot that exists across UK police forces. But it highlights exactly why the police don’t need more powers.

    15 January will see a National Day of Action to protest the bill as it passes through the Lords. Once more, it is time to show up in numbers to stop this racist and classist bill before it’s too late.

    Featured image via Lee Jasper

    By Eliza Egret

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • SPECIAL REPORT: By Joyce McClure in Guam

    I spent five years as the lone journalist on the remote Pacific island of Yap. During that time I was harassed, spat at, threatened with assassination and warned that I was being followed.

    The tyres on my car were slashed late one night.

    There was also pressure on the political level. The chiefs of the traditional Council of Pilung (COP) asked the state legislature to throw me out of the country as a “persona non grata” claiming that my journalism “may be disruptive to the state environment and/or to the safety and security of the state”.

    During a public hearing of the Yap state legislature in September 2021, 14 minutes of the 28-minute meeting was spent complaining about an article of mine that reported on the legislature’s initially unsuccessful attempt to impeach the governor.

    One politician then posted about me on his Facebook page, under which a member of the public posted a comment saying I should be assassinated.

    American Bill Jaynes, editor of the Kaselehlie Press in Pohnpei, one of Yap’s sister states in the Federated States of Micronesia (FSM), has had his share of death threats over the years, too.

    Several death threats
    “In the 15 or so years I’ve been at this desk I have had several death threats,” he said.

    “Early on in my tenure, some angry individual carved a request for me to perform an act of physical impossibility into the hood of my car which then rusted for posterity. Most of that was during the early days before I came to be trusted to view things from an FSM rather than a foreigner’s point of view and to handle things factually rather than sensationally.”

    Freedom of the press is included in both the FSM and the Yap State Constitution, but as Leilani Reklai, publisher and editor of the Island Times newspaper in Palau and president of the Palau Media Council, says: “Freedom of the press in the constitution is pretty on paper but not always a reality.”

    These incidents are shocking, but sadly are not isolated. Journalists in the Pacific face imprisonment, loss of employment and banishment from their homes.

    “While there might not be assassinations, murders, gagging, torture and ‘disappearances’ of journalists in Pacific island states, threats, censorship and a climate of self-censorship are commonplace,” professor David Robie, founding editor of Pacific Journalism Review, wrote in a 2019 article for The Conversation.

    A Fijian journalist, who asked to remain anonymous, said that after he posed questions to a politician during a public forum, the politician replied that he knew where the reporter lived. The following day, the reporter’s car was broken into.

    Soon after, the reporter was told that if he didn’t stop being critical, he would be kicked out of his job “and can go bag groceries instead” and he was evicted from his housing. The reporter believes all of these incidents stemmed from the questions he asked of the politician.

    “Within one week my life changed completely,” he said. “I do not see a future for me or any other journalist who is curious and questioning to make a career in journalism in Fiji.”

    Fiji ranked 55th in world
    According to the Reporters Without Borders’ 2021 World Press Freedom Index, Fiji is ranked as 55th out of 179.

    The index highlights the “draconian” Media Industry Development Decree, introduced in 2010 and turned into law in 2018. “Those who violate this law’s vaguely-worded provisions face up to two years in prison. The sedition laws, with penalties of up to seven years in prison, are also used to foster a climate of fear and self-censorship,” said Reporters Without Borders.

    In 2018, senior journalist Scott Waide of Papua New Guinea was suspended by EMTV after the airing of his report critical of the government for purchasing 40 luxury Maseratis and three Bentleys to drive attendees during the APEC conference.

    Reinstated after a public and media outcry, Waide stated during an interview on ABC’s Pacific Beat programme: “Increasingly, not just EMTV, but nearly every other media organisation in Papua New Guinea has been interfered with by their boards or with politicians, or various other players in society.

    “They’re doing it with impunity. It’s a trend that’s very dangerous for democracy.”

    Daniel Bastard, Asia-Pacific director of Reporters Without Borders, said the situation is complicated by how small and connected many Pacific nations are.

    “The fact is that political leaders are also economic bosses so there’s a nexus. It’s symptomatic of the small journalistic communities in the Pacific islands that need to deal with the political community to get access to information. They have to be careful when they criticise knowing the government can cut advertising, publicity, etc. There’s still a strong level of intimidation.”

    While there are particular dangers faced by local journalists, foreign reporters living in the Pacific are not safe either.

    Denied renewal of work permit
    Canadian Dan McGarry, former media director of the Vanuatu Daily Post and a resident of the island nation for nearly 20 years, was denied renewal of his work permit in 2019. The reason given was that his job should be held by a local citizen.

    But McGarry said he believed it was politically motivated due to his reporting on “Chinese influence” in the small nation. He was then denied re-entry to Vanuatu after ironically attending a forum on press freedom in Brisbane.

    Regional and international news organisations came to his defence and the court granted McGarry re-entry, but the newspaper’s appeal to have his work permit renewed is ongoing.

    I have written about some sensitive and difficult topics and like to think of myself as pretty fearless. In 2018 I wrote about illegal fishing by Chinese commercial fishing boats around the Outer Island of Fedrai. That coverage resulted in the expulsion of the fishing vessel and significant political consequences.

    I’ve written about issues in the customs and immigration processes in FSM, that were potentially jeopardising tourism to Yap, which is so important to so many people’s livelihoods, and also about a huge and controversial proposed resort that would have seen thousands and thousands of Chinese tourists flown in to that tiny island on charter flights.

    These stories matter and just because some Pacific nations are small and remote does not mean that they do not need or deserve the scrutiny of a free press.

    But eventually, the threats to my safety were too much to handle. I spent too much time looking over my shoulder, living behind locked doors and never going out alone after dark.

    In mid-2021, I moved to Guam for greater peace of mind where I am continuing to write about this largely invisible, but crucial part of the world.

    Joyce McClure is a freelance journalist based in Guam. This article was first published by The Guardian’s Pacific Project and has been republished with permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • Orientation

    In his time, the late 19th to mid-20th century, Pierre Janet was considered a great psychologist and rival to Freud. But in Yankeedom he is barely known today. I bring him up in this article, not only because his ideas are worthy of being known, but because in many ways his was a precursor to the work of the communist psychology built by Lev Vygotsky, Alexander Leontiev, and Alexander Luria. In the early part of this article, Janet’s ideas are favorably compared to Freud in the importance of conflict; the origin of neurosis; the ways in which patients are trapped; how centralized the personality is; therapeutic techniques; the place of transference; the ideal patient; and adherence to the scientific method. In the middle section of the article Janet’s theory of three levels of personality are discussed.

    Psychologists have spent many years dissecting different spectrum of the mind. These include all aspects from sensations to perceptions to thinking, to analyzing, comparing and contrasting, evaluating, deciding and planning. But what about what people do? After all, psychology is not just what is in the mind or heart. Psychology also studies gestures, postures and movement. Part of this article distinguishes reflexes from behavior, actions, habits, conduct and practical-critical activity. In the last third of the article, these different forms of doing are compared. I close with the similarities and differences between Janet and Vygotsky and socio-historical psychology. As resources for this article, I used Henri Ellenberger’s large tome, The Discovery of the Unconscious: The History and Evolution of Dynamic Psychiatry which has a long Chapter on Janet. The second resource is Jaan Valsiner’s and Rene van der Veer’s book The Social Mind. Valsiner is also the author of a large biography of Vygotsky. Lastly I shall reference B.R. Hergenhahn’s book An Introduction to the History of Psychology, which I used for many years while teaching the subject.

    Family background

    Pierre Janet was a medical doctor born in 1859 who died in 1947. His early years of psychological work overlapped with the great hypnosis period of Jean-Martin Charcot and the The Nancy school. Janet was a consummate Parisian. He was born and died in Paris. He came from an upper middle-class family who produced many scholars, lawyers and engineers. His father became a bookseller, specializing in music while his mother was very religious. Pierre was the oldest son of a young mother who was 21 at time of his birth, while his father was 45. His parents were very distant and the only relative who showed interest in Pierre was his uncle, Paul.  Paul wrote books on philosophy which were classics in France for two or three generations. He also wrote many studies on the history of philosophy. Paul’s son wrote studies on philosophy of science and on the psychology of scientific discoveries. Pierre’s mother died in 1885 well before Janet became famous. He wanted to do psychopathological research and decided to take up medical studies. Janet began his medical studies in 1889 and completed them in 1893. He worked in Charcot’s wards. Charcot died in 1893. In 1894 Janet published a book on philosophy he had been working on for 12 years. He was married in 1894. Janet wrote two books on neurosis: Character and Neurosis: An Integrative View and Obsessions and Psychasthenia.

    Intellectual influences

    Janet was deep into French intellectual life, and he crossed paths with Maurice Blondel, the sociologist Emile Durkheim; the socialist Jean Jaures, and the psychologist Alfred Binet. Janet was very intellectually ambitious. In his Latin dissertation, Janet chose Francis Bacon and the alchemists as topics and thought he was in a similar situation as Bacon. He wanted to found a new experimental psychology based on synthesizing science and magic. He became life-long friends with process philosopher Henri Bergson who was very interested in memory for his arguments about creative evolution. Late in his book Matter and Memory, Bergson refers to Janet’s research on dissociation of personality, hypnosis and suggestion.  They shared an interest in Charcot’s work. Janet also studied the work of Proust and Valery on memory. Over the years, he built a vast and comprehensive system in which almost every possible aspect of psychology found its place. He kept a card catalogue of his books. Late in life he became friends with the author James Baldwin.  Further In his quest to understand the unconscious mind, Janet became interested in graphology and narcoanalysis as a way to link hypnosis to chemical substances. Lastly, he explored electric shock therapy for curing depression. He kept an extensive herb garden in which he collected and classified herbs. He enjoyed hiking and botanizing in the Fontainebleau woods.

    He was not only a scholar but a very skillful clinician and psychotherapist, and an admirable lecturer. As a teacher he tried to follow the Socratic Method. He believed there would come a time when a man could travel through the past in the same way as he now travels through air. He would have nothing to do with journalists and granted no interviews.

    Freud vs Janet: Similarities and Differences

    Both Freud and Janet were medical doctors and they were interested in the same kinds of neurotics, namely obsessives and hysterics. Both were interested in the importance of traumatic events in the shaping of personality and they both valued working with hypnosis to get to the trauma.  Both were interested in patients who were “stuck” (fixation) and they both thought fixation kept people from living in the present. They both also believed that fixation haunted the patient’s future. For Janet, fixed ideas narrowed consciousness in the present which kept the person from completely functioning in the here-and-now at work. They both dismissed parapsychology and religion. Janet thought that therapy would eventually replace religion.

    However, they differed in important ways. First, here is a summary of Janet’s psychological analysis.

    • The discovery of subconscious fixed ideas is caused by a traumatic or frightening event that has been replaced by symptoms. This narrows the field of consciousness.
    • Hysterical crisis are disguised reenactments of fixed idea.
    • Fixed ideas are subconscious characteristic, a feature of hysteria vs obsessive neurosis, and were unconscious.
    • Obsessions and phobias were conscious.

    For Freud neurosis came about because of repressed sexuality, and as the patient being arrested at the phallic stage of development in either the Oedipus or Electra complex. Janet thought Freud’s ideas about sexuality were “over the top”.  Janet thought the foundation for neurosis was the inability to do creative work in a consistent, expanding manner which he called “conduct”. There were two types of neurosis:

    • Asthenias syndrome – insufficiency of psychological force; and,
    • Hypotonic syndrome – insufficiently of psychological tension.

    These will be discussed later.

    Both agreed on the importance of conflict psychologically, but the location was different. For Freud the conflict was driven by the clash between the id and the superego.  For Janet, there was conflict between psychological force and tension. Their techniques were different. Freud interpreted dreams and used free association techniques to get at the unconscious.  Janet, anticipating the surrealists, used automatic writing as an active role play to get at unconscious drives. Though Freud did not think much of the ego compared to the id and the superego, he still saw the ego as a centralizing and coordinating force in the structure of the psyche. Janet thought neurotics had no centralizing force. Like Gurdjieff, Janet thought his patients did not already have an I. They had to make one. Janet claimed priority over Freud in having discovered a cathartic cure for neurosis brought forth by the clarification of traumatic origins.

    They were on opposite sides of the fence when it came to the relationship between patient and therapist. Freud wanted to cultivate transference and this meant encouraging dependency in his patients. Janet discouraged dependency and expected his patients to internalize their conversations and to become autonomous, the sooner the better.  For Janet it was very bad for someone to be overly dependent. This craving to be hypnotized and need to confess to the psychiatrist had to be gradually stopped. Janet’s method was to phase the sessions out.

    Further, the settings and the classes they worked with were different. Janet worked in public hospitals with working-class and poor people. Freud had a private practice with upper-class people. Lastly, their ideal types were different. The motto of Freud’s genital character was “love and work are the well-springs of life”. For Janet, rational-ergastic work was the goal which Janet claimed was scientific practice. The table below summarizes their differences.

    Janet vs Freud Compared

    Janet

    Medical Doctor

    Category of comparison Freud

    Medical Doctor

    Yes – psychological force vs tension Importance of conflict Yes – id vs super ego
    Lack of activity practice in work

    ·      Asthenias syndrome -insufficiency of psychological force

    ·      Hypotonic syndrome –

    insufficiently of psychological tension

    Origin of neurosis Repressed sexuality

     

    Oedipal complex

    Electra complex

    Fixed ideas narrowed consciousness in the present now In what way are patients stuck? Fixations haunted people at different stages of development
    No centralized I

    (The same as George Gurdjieff)

    How centralized is the personality? Ego was relatively centralized vs id and superego
    Automatic writing

    Active role play

    Therapeutic techniques Dream interpretation

    Free association

    Discouraged dependency Place or misplace of transference Encouraged dependency
    Rational Ergastic work: scientific practice Ideal Genital character

    “Love and work are the well-spring of life.”

    Worked in hospitals

    with working class

    Setting and social class of patients Worked privately with the upper classes
    Experimental Scientific follow-up Speculative

    Janet’s ideal state

    The highest manifestation of humanity for Janet, like Vygotsky and Marxists, is the ability to act upon external objects and change reality in the service of adaptation and to introduce an increase of order (today called negentropy). This includes an ability to completely focus on the here-and-now at work.  Janet called this “conduct”. For Janet, the individual is capable of controlling both force and tension in his conduct. This opposes the natural tendency of the mind to roam through the past and the future rather than staying present when working.

    Levels within Psychology

    Janet divided the human being into three levels.

    Lower tendencies

    Lower tendencies include reactive tendencies like expressive, explosive acts. Without psychological regulation, these are tendencies which are like instincts or reflexes. Still within the lower level there are perceptive tendencies which aim at modifying something in the exterior world through waiting and searching rather than taking the initiative. Habitual actions are also included.

    The second layer within the lower level are imagination, representative memory, fantasy and daydreaming. There are two inferior levels: emotional reactions and useless muscular movements. Lastly, at the highest of the lowest level are the socio-personal tendencies in which there is differentiation between conduct directed at others and the conduct directed at one’s own body. Examples of this are imitation, collaboration, command and obey, learning and playing roles, hiding and showing, play, sex, and ceremonies.  Social emotions at this level include effort, fatigue, sadness, joy, and delusions of persecution

    Middle tendencies

    Middle tendencies include elementary intellectual tendencies These include verbal language, symbolic thought, production, and explanation. Human actions began to be dissociated from bodily contact.  Results from discussion among individuals and other social members include doubt, deliberation, and decision.

    Highest tendencies

    Higher tendencies are labeled by Janet as rational–ergetic tendencies or conduct.

    This is the tendency of focused work. This means the capacity to stick things out even if it derives no initial satisfaction.Virtues include voluntary action (rather than being told what to do) initiative, perseverance and patience. It includes the capacity to endure waiting and using the rules of logic. The person at this level is capable of experimenting when a system is criticized according to its practical result.

    Then Janet says something very interesting. He says the search for individuality extends into time (history) and space (around the world.) By this he means that conduct at this level involves being concerned about how his work is part of history and interacts with other cultures around the world. A person at this level has confidence in the concept of progress.

    Exploration of Neurosis

    For Janet neurotics were for various reasons stuck at levels one or two and were not capable of conduct.  For Janet, a good experimental approach consists in knowing one’s patient well—in his life, schooling, characters and his ideas—and to be convinced that one never known him enough. Psychological energy consists of force and tension. Psychological force is the quantity of elementary psychic energy available to accomplish numerous prolonged and rapid acts. They are both intended and manifest. Psychological tension is the capacity to utilize his energy at a high level in the hierarchy of tendencies of coordination and any creative and scientific act.  Janet did not believe the supersession of neurosis involved an absence of tension. Tension can be good depending on the right kind. The greater the number of psychological operations synthesized, the more novel the synthesis. The more novel the synthesis, the higher the psychological tension.

    When dealing with a neurotic, the first concern is to evaluate psychological force and psychological tension involved. There are two syndrome that can result from this evaluation.

    Asthenia syndrome— is where there is an insufficiency of psychological force

    In a mild version of this syndrome, patients are dissatisfied with themselves. They are unable fully to enjoy happiness or pleasure and they become easily anxious or depressed. An intermediate stage is a kind of withdrawal. It is not so much that they are dissatisfied with themselves, per se, but there is an unhappiness with people. There is a feeling of a void, where they do not like people and do not feel liked by others, The most severe form of the asthenia syndrome. This syndrome is where someone is unable to work at a steady occupation. For Janet, like Marxists, meaningful work is the most important thing in life.

    Hypotonic syndrome – is where there is insufficiency of psychological tension for managing higher level functions.

    Primary symptoms are the incapacity to performs acts of psychological synthesis. This means the lower, middle and higher functions are not coordinated. Secondary symptoms are a waste of nervous energy that cannot be utilized at the desired level. For example, distracting oneself on the job on the internet or with mindless chattering with others. What also goes with this are feelings of inadequacy which come from working at a job below their qualifications.

    The treatment of asthenia syndrome: managing the psychic economy

    Janet’s suggestions for treatment of the first syndrome was to

    • Increase in energy. These involve some very practical suggestions about regulating energy. Teaching patients the best way to prepare for sleep; structuring the distribution of breaks throughout the work day, and taking vacations during the year. Secondly having a qualitative diet, including vitamins.
    • Diminishing expenditures. Janet emphasized getting rid of what he called “energy leeches”, people who drain energy with their problems and not contribute anything. Janet said that people are very bad at terminating relationships, even when they are counterproductive.
    • Liquidating debts – Janet had a very strange term for this, but what he meant was getting rid of fixed ideas or traumatic reminiscences.

    All these interventions are involved in helping patients get to level three to be able to conduct rational-ergetic tendencies.

    Treatment of hypotonic syndrome

    Derivations meant channeling agitations by transferring them into useful or tolerable activities to increase and heighten psychological tension. Janet looked down on drugs, travels, and love affairs because they are temporary and uneconomical. Lastly, there is training in performing a complete and achieved action and build-up to those steps.

    On the whole, when therapy went well it was a therapeutic revolution. The reason for this is because it demonstrates how a healthy relationship to the therapist can be a model for the patient’s relationship with others. In an optimal sense the patient would be able to use the modeling of their relationship with the therapist to build a new community based on what has been learned. Most importantly, the therapeutic relationship should be able to promote conduct at the highest level, preforming work that is rational-ergastic.

    From Janet’s Conduct to Vygotsky’s Practical-Critical Activity

    In order to understand how Janet’s concept of “conduct” is a bridge to Vygotsky’s “practical critical activity,” we must start by defining a whole spectrum of human “doings” or “ways”. I begin with reflexes at the simplest part of the spectrum on the left, moving toward practical critical activity as the most complex level on the right.

    Reflexes

    Reflexes are innate instincts that happen very quickly and are a product of biological evolution. All animals have reflexes, and no mental life is necessary to have them. Neither do you have to be conscious for reflexes to happen. Examples include sweating, pulling away from a fire, or knees reacting to the tapping of doctor’s hammer. Reflexes stay more or less the same during the lifespan but they become less sharp with age. Human beings have little control over reflexes. They are a normal part of everyday life. They are in place because they help us to survive since biological beings’ reflexes do not require any theory coming from an individual experiencing them. Reflexes are biological doings which are innate, automatic, and part of nature’s formula for success as a biological species.

    Behavior

    Behavior is different from instincts because it is based on learning and occurs among virtually all mammals. Like reflexes, no mental life is necessary. Behavior can change simply because of associations happening before the behavior (Pavlov) or consequences after the behavior (Skinner). Consequences can be reinforcers (positive and negative) and punishers (positive and negative). You don’t have to be conscious of your behavior in order to have it. For example, a male who is violent with his partner and children might not know what his behavior will be right before he becomes violent. However, his “warning signs” are known by his wife and children because it is in their interests for survival to recognize it. Behaviors are not as fast as reflexes because learning takes time before the behavior becomes automatic through associations and consequences.  Examples of behavior include most postures, gestures and voice inflections that are molded without any conscious or mindful intention.

    Behaviors can change over time, or they can become habits, as we shall see. Unlike reflexes, behavior can be changed if feedback is received. Like reflexes, behavior permeates the everyday life of virtually all mammals, but unlike reflexes, behaviors can be maladaptive. Like reflexes, behavior requires no theoretical activity on the part of an individual member of a species. it is important to keep in mind that what is automatic and occurs below the level of consciousness is not necessarily biological. It seems natural because it happens quickly. But there was a time when it did not happen quickly, but we weren’t paying attention. An example is driving a stick shift. There was a time when you had to think about what you were doing, and your behaviors were awkward. But then your body “got it” and you performed it well and quickly. It seems like a reflex. Behaviors are doings which are learned, occur below the level of consciousness. They can be individual or social, given the level of complexity of the organism.

    Actions

    Unlike either reflexes or behavior, actions require the participation of the mind and being conscious of what the individual is doing. Actions are limited to primates and are especially prominent in human beings. Actions are the result of the intentions of the mind carried out in space and over time. Actions occur more slowly and are more deliberate because, at least in humans, they require setting goals, making plans, and making lists before carrying them out. Unlike reflexes and behaviors, actions may have a direction which persists over time and is less subject to interruptions. Actions are part of everyday life, but they are often crowded out by reflexes and actions. A standard to measure actions are individual evaluations of past problems along with actions designed to reduce stress. Actions are doings which are learned, can be cultural and involve the mind’s intervention in solving problems and changing one’s direction constructively.

    Habits

    Like actions, habits can be either individual or cultural experiences, but their focus is mostly on primates and especially human beings.  The mind is involved some of the time and sometimes not, as habits can be formed consciously or they can be acquired unconsciously. Bad habits are usually unconsciously formed but it takes the mind to develop a plan in order to form new habits. Sometimes consciousness is necessary, and with bad habits it occurs unconsciously. Habits are learned slowly at first but can be sped up and dropped into the unconscious. A way to think about this is at its best, habits are behaviors that have stood the test of time, by first making them actions.

    Examples of bad habits are drinking too much alcohol, drug abuse, smoking, or eating junk food. Good habits are painting four hours a day every Tuesday and Thursdays from 6pm to 10pm. Another good habit can be writing four days a week from 5am to 7am every Wednesday or Friday. Habits are actions that have thickened and have a more committed direction. Other primates are likely to have unconscious habits but not conscious ones. Habits can be controlled and strengthened with negative feedback as the system is held in equilibrium. Or habits can result in positive feedback where bad habits are amplified and can drop from the socio-cultural level to a biological level, such as alcohol or drug addiction. The standards to be measured are the past of an individual and relationship to present circumstances and future goals (actions). There is no theoretical activity required for habits. What makes good habits unique is that unlike behaviors, they can be repeated over time when steered by a particular goal that comes from action.

    Conduct

    This is what Janet was most interested in cultivating in his work with patients. For him it was the indicator of a most evolved human being. Conduct is drawn from social-cultural sources, particularly scientific practice. Individual learning is involved but that learning is disciplined by the rules, procedures and methods of science. It is unique to humans and both mind and consciousness are necessary. Conduct is a thick, very slow process that takes years of formal training that is required to be a doctor, lawyer, architect, teacher, engineer, or musician. Conduct requires the highest degree of control, not just for the individual but for the entire professional community. The standards to be measured include socially established standards of excellence which are collectively analyzed, criticized, and improved upon at conferences, in journals, or in the case of musicians, through cooperation, competition and critical audience response.

    Unlike any other form of doing, in conduct theory it is necessary to inform conduct. Conduct improves theory, and theory then improves conduct by taking it to a higher level. Conduct is not a habit because it is not thickened by an individual’s goals, which come out of action, but instead out of the goals of a scientific field.  Conduct which is part of a social-cooperative institution has historical traditions with standards which are emulated and improved. The individual “conductor” is both the product of that professional community and a co-producer of it.

    From Conduct to Practical Critical Activity

    Similarities between Janet and Vygotsky

    Vygotsky and Janet were similar in important ways. Both were against the reductionism of behaviorism – there was more to human beings than stimulus-response. Both thought that the study of consciousness was important for its role in mediating the relationship between reactions to the environment and the behaviors that followed. They were both sympathetic to Gestalt theories of perception as wholes rather than bits or atomistic information. Yet they were critical of the passive sense of the environment that Gestalt’s perceptions emerged from. Both Janet and Vygotsky were also critical of subjectivist psychology such as psychoanalysis because they ignored the place of doings that we have discussed.

    At the same time, both Janet and Vygotsky were against biological reductionism. They would oppose theories of temperament which argued that people are born with a certain personality. Rather they would say that personality is the result of temperament and socialization. In the process of being socialized, individual experiences accumulate resulting in a personality which is more than temperament. Both Janet and Vygotsky were against overspecialization within a field at least in part because they were well-rounded as intellectuals. Both were interested in theatre, painting, and poetry, and these made their theoretical insights into psychology richer.

    Furthermore, both Janet and Vygotsky were committed to sociogenesis. For each, the origin of all psychological functions begins not inside the individual, but in cooperation between people. Only later do these socio-historical experiences become internalized. These internalization processes become social again when the individual goes back into the world to work. Lastly, both psychologists thought that meaningful work was central to psychological health. Each felt that human beings were at their best when they were working. For Janet it was rational-ergetic conduct, while for Vygotsky it was practical-critical activity.

    Differences between Janet and Vygotsky

    Scale of sociogenesis

    A major difference between Janet and Vygotsky has to do with the scale at which conduct and practical-critical activity took place. For Janet what was social was pretty much at a micro-social interaction. For him, sociogenesis was between the individual and their families, teachers, and therapists. The closest Janet came to a larger scale sociogenesis was when he referred to the scientific community. For him, conduct expresses itself in two settings:

    • In the therapist’s relationship with his patient.
    • In the psychologist’s relationship with the scientific community.

    In both cases the psychologist has a theory, and the theory is turned into conduct in therapeutic interventions and at scientific conferences. As a result of this conduct the theory is improved so that the next round is improved because the theory has improved.

    In the case of Vygotsky (please see my two articles What Is Socialist Psychology Parts I and II for more in-depth coverage.) Practical critical activity does not take place between an individual and a community. Rather, practical critical activity is a collective political practice in which communities intervene politically to change a society. For example, a socialist community has a theoretical commitment to run candidates from their party in the next election. Some want to do this while others say it is a waste of time, and that their practice should be focused on organizing workers. They go ahead with the campaign. The campaign results in a certain number of votes. That was their practice. The practice then turns into a more refined theory based on how they made sense of the results. The new theory then engaged in a deeper, hopefully more advanced practice. In other words, there is a dialectical spiraling interaction between theory and practice. Janet would not disagree with the process but the process would be taking place at a collective and political level.

    Social class

    Janet worked in public hospitals with working-class and poor people. But as far as I know, he never incorporated class differences into his theory of conduct. On the one hand, his references to conduct were to professional activities. However, a lot of his interventions were with classes well-below those professions. What would make sense is that it was more likely the poor and working-class people would have trouble with lower levels, such as adequate sleep, good food and exercise. At the middle level working-class people might have difficulty fending off “energy leeches”, such as their families or counterproductive friendships. Working-class people might well have problems concentrating, since their work was often miserable and they are less likely to have mind-body integration where they were totally focused on the present, as in conduct. Vygotsky, like Janet, also worked with poor and working-class people, and as a communist I suspect he would be more likely to integrate social class into his practical-critical activity, but I am not aware that Vygotsky did this explicitly.

    Human history

    Janet’s sociogenesis not only operated at a micro level, but his incorporation of history into his theory of conduct was only vaguely developed, if at all. It is reasonable to think he had an appreciation that his interventions were not limited to immediate social interaction, but that these interactions accumulated and became a thickening historical collective conduct embodied in the practice of psychology as a professional field. Janet was well aware that his conduct interventions were part of a history that was developing between Charcot, the Nancy School, Freud and himself. He did have a sense that this accumulation of knowledge of the scientific community led to progress historically, as well as progress between Europe and the United States.

    Vygotsky was extremely conscious of his theory as rooted in history. He was also conscious that his work with Leontiev and Luria was attempting to create a communist psychology. He knew his practices were political and he struggled to overcome whatever anti-communism he faced when he journeyed to psychology conferences. He had a deep sense that what he was co-creating was new. He wanted to create a Das Kapital for the field of psychology.

    Practical, Critical Activity Defined

    Like Janet’s conduct, practical critical activity is unique to the human species. No other animal does this. But unlike Janet’s conduct, practical-critical activity is not primarily about individual learning, but rather a socio-cultural relationship between socialist political theory intervening in industrial capitalist society. Likewise, the reflective moment of mind is not an individual mind but the superstructure of knowledge of society (science, art, math, philosophy) from which theory is drawn. Being collectively conscious is essential to practical critical activity. The speed at which the theory – practice-theory takes place is slower than conduct because more people are involved, and the interventions take place at a larger scale. The direction of practical-critical activity is a spiral – either improving the world or making the world worse because of the existence of wars, economic crises, or fascism. Practical critical activity is not a normal part of everyday life – with the exception of revolutions. Days and weeks can elapse between rounds of theory – practice – theory. The standards by which practical critical activity is judged is optimally that the self-organization of the working class is improved. What happens is that new technologies are invented which shrink the ratio between necessary labor and freedom, so the human species creates more and more negentropy with less and less collective labor. This practice is critical, reflective and, at its best, resists habits not becoming old and conformist because the social-historical world is constantly changing.

    In sum, practical-critical activity is a uniquely human socio-historical activity. It is the structured, recursive, and meaningful political process executed by human beings. We intervene in the infrastructure, structure, and superstructure of society for the purpose of promoting socialism. We do this by drawing from the accumulated wisdom of past super-structural knowledge to reflect, analyze, compare, and contrast, evaluate, and plan our next intervention. Optimally, this takes the shape of a spiral, with higher and higher interventions which are more depthful, fuller of breadth, and expansive.

    Conclusion

    The purpose of this article is fourfold. The first is to introduce the neglected work of one of the great psychologists of the late 19th and mid 20th century, Pierre Janet. I do this by contrasting him favorably to Freud. Secondly, I present his theory of three levels of human functioning. Thirdly, I present a neglected subject of psychology, the field of “doings”. I contrast five ways of doing: reflexes, behavior, actions, habits, and Janet’s category which he called “conduct”. Fourthly, I close the article by contrasting the similarities and differences between Janet and Vygotsky. One of the main differences between them is that Vygotsky’s theory allows for a sixth way of doing: practical-critical activity. The last part of my article shows the ways practical-critical activity is different from Janet’s conduct.

    • First published in Socialist Planning Beyond Capitalism

    The post Building Bridges from Pierre Janet to Lev Vygotsky: Transitions to Communist Psychology first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • Even a broken clock is correct twice a day.

    Likewise, an incompetent, historically ignorant, politically naive, diplomatically challenged, shallow, impulsive, narcissistic reality show host elected by a conned citizenry to the highest office in the land can occasionally get a few things right as well.

    I won’t get into a spitting contest over whether the election was rigged to an extent necessary to “steal” it from Trump. Every election is rigged, to varying degrees. To deny that is to be out of touch with how fundamentally corrupt our electoral system is at all levels, and what an abysmal state our last-gasp democracy is in. Recall that on one occasion, election rigging wasn’t up to the task, so a president was elected by judicial fiat.

    Nor will I come anywhere near Trump’s motives or level of involvement in the shambolic insurrection that took place on January 6.

    The important thing he got right was this: We should throw every last bum out of our legislative branch, both House and Senate. I didn’t say assassinate or torture them, although a good case could be made for “disappearing” the entire lot … for good! And for the good of the nation. At least barring them from public life. I include everyone, even Sanders, AOC, the rest of the squad, all of the virtue-signaling mannikins now in Congress who spend more time raising money for their reelection campaigns and their corrupt corporate-oligarchy political parties, than taking care of the business of governing and caring for the people.

    A clean sweep.

    A fresh start.

    Yes, there have been a few promising initiatives. But overall, there is no evidence that any of the people in power, and I also include Biden, Harris, and just about everyone in the collection of self-serving mediocrities which populate this and past administrations, know or care the first thing about serving everyday citizens and “promoting the general welfare”.

    I’m sure I’ll get a barrage of comments defending these lackluster sock puppets of the ruling elite. Let me just recommend in advance: I’m not talking about measuring these phonies by the vapid standards we become accustomed to. The bar has been lowered so many times, it’s not a bar anymore. It’s a broken pipe laying in the mud. Reach deep inside, folks. Use your imagination. Recall the dreams and idealism of your youth. Imagine what the U.S. could be instead of trying to decide how much humiliation and misery we should tolerate.

    I don’t have to defend the necessity of an occasional revolution. As you can see from the above quote, Thomas Jefferson did it for me. By his measure we’re about 12 revolutions overdue.

    Even John F. Kennedy recognized that when confronted with extreme abuse of power, we are left with no alternative.

    What he said was unambiguous. If the system isn’t able to self-correct, then the system gets a big bloody nose. In extreme cases, we skip the left hook to the nose and go right for a decapitation. I hear Chanel makes a nice line of designer guillotines. How timely.

    Let’s be clear. At no time in recent history has the need to replace those in power been so urgent and obvious. Real democracy is dead in the U.S. and the country is ruled by oligarchs. Not very smart oligarchs. Not oligarchs with a shred of decency. But money talks. The ruling elite have the money. Most everyday people are scrambling to survive. There’s no contest.

    As much as many of us prefer to ignore or deny, Donald Trump got a few things right.

    Unfortunately, he suffered from a debilitating case of ADHD. He’d say the right thing, then either contradict himself in action or appoint opponents of his ideas to key positions, who then went on to sabotage whatever occasional flash of brilliance he had. Plus he was an unbroken stallion, and the Deep State realizing they couldn’t control him, deep-sixed his presidency. Most of us are grateful for that but we have to keep in mind that the cure in the long term might be worse than the disease. Turning more power over — perhaps the entire control of our nation — to the invisible autocrats of our intelligence agencies and the untouchable puppet masters of technocratic tyranny is not a very smart idea. If that’s our strategy, we might as well just get it over with and take a blow torch the Constitution. How about during half-time at the next Super Bowl.

    In some incredibly twisted way, Trump was the voice of the people — at least some people — probably not the kind of people anyone here would want to hang out with. But he had (and still has) a lot of fans. His campaign was the first time in a long time that it was publicly acknowledged that a lot of regular folks were tired of getting screwed by a rigged system. Yes, Trump couldn’t have been a worse bearer of this torch. But at least we got a fleeting glimpse of the flames.

    Now we’re back to the default setting: Guys like Biden and gals like Harris spouting slogans that are ear candy and brain anesthetics, woke gender-blenders like Buttigieg striking poses to get a third-leg up on the next presidential election, fake progressives cheerleading their walk-in-place approach to solving the most serious problems in history, and hapless, hopeless, pathetic voters looking at fake radicals like the Squad as the flickering pilot lights for real change. What all of this screams is form without substance. We get fooled again. New boss is the old boss with a focus-group tested bumpersticker on his BMW.

    The sad thing about January 6 — and everybody knows what I’m referring to because the Alice in Wonderland narratives around are still being milked by pundits and politicians alike — is that it had both sides working to make sure it flopped, that instead of representing an actual challenge to power or a wake-up call to the public or a warning label for the buffoons and criminals now holding office, it was a huge embarrassment, an unfunny joke, a reminder that politics is Pro Wrestling, only without sexy ring girls.

    Joe Biden calls January 6 “The worst attack on our democracy since the Civil War.”

    Liz Cheney — talk about strange bedfellows, Cheney and Biden — claimed the forces behind January 6 “represent a threat America has never seen before.” Which is certainly easy to say if you’ve never picked up a history book in your life.

    The Congressional resolution which established the investigation of January 6 called the mob assault “one of the darkest days of our democracy.”

    The Democratic Party elites are calling January 6 the domestic equivalent of the 911 attacks.

    Did all of these people get their education watching Saturday morning cartoons?

    What are these pathetic snowflakes going to do when some tech-savvy insurrectionist strolls onto the national mall carrying a suitcase nuke and turns DC into a caramelized crater?

    For better or worse, the whole thing was pure spectacle — that’s the way Trump and the MAGA crowd see the world — a pathetic attempt at symbolism wrought by morons. The government was in no danger of being overthrown by such a disorganized, ragtag bunch of urban hillbillies. The real danger lay in the weaponization and politicalization of this non-event by the Democratic Party and the intelligence agencies, which had a number of embedded provocateurs, on the scene as the PR stunt devolved to its disastrous denouement.

    Granted, I can’t prove this. It’s impossible in an era of fake news and fake justice to prove anything. But if a little logic and common sense are applicable here, it’s axiomatic that our internal intelligence agencies knew exactly what was going to happen, and if they didn’t actively engineer this embarrassment, then they let it unfold knowing they could use it against their current and future enemies — that would be the American people. This is a classic, well-established, and usually effective drill.

    Where is this headed? A bill authored by truly one of the most lackluster congressmen in our history, Adam Schiff, will open a second war on terror, this one targeted domestic terrorism. More surveillance, more eavesdropping, more curtailing of free speech and dissent, more false flags, more fear, more anxiety, the final nails in the coffin of what was once for the world the beacon of civil liberties and respect for human rights. Yes, it’s 911 all over again. Wash, rinse, repeat.

    With friends like these, who needs enemies? With people representing us like Adam Schiff, who needs a foreign enemy to destroy our democracy and turn our citizens into slaves?

    Put the right label on it: MADE IN AMERICA! The destruction from within of our country, its ideals, its constitution, its promise of government by the people, its self-anointed role in the world as defender of human rights, guardian of human dignity, promoter of democracy.

    There’s only one remedy . . .

    A clean sweep.

    A fresh start.

    Maybe these “extreme” ideas are starting to make more sense?

    But you ask: “What will happen? Congress has all sorts of protocols and procedural precedents, established rules and guidelines for committee assignment and processing of legislation. What about all that legislative infrastructure?”

    Exactly! What about it, folks? How about throwing out the babies AND the bathwater? Is any of it serving “we the people”? Sometimes you have to completely raze a building and start from scratch. YES . . . THAT IS WHAT I’M RECOMMENDING!

    It’s either that or a constitutional convention or . . . uh-oh . . . we’re back to what Jefferson and Kennedy said.

    Here’s a pop quiz. Do these words ring a bell? If they do, do they resonate?

    “When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature’s God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.”

    If that’s too arcane and brainy, then tune into something more street hip, if somewhat less precise.

    REVOLUTION

     

    The post A Radical Assessment of January 6, 2021 first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • An explosion at the CSX facility—the second largest coal export pier on the East Coast—in South Baltimore on Dec. 30 is just the latest example of Baltimore City government working in lockstep with private industry and prioritizing their interests while sacrificing citizens’ health and well-being.

    With worker control, community ownership, and serious regulation, the residents of Curtis Bay would be prioritized over profits.

    The explosion occurred at the coal transfer tower of the CSX Curtis Bay Pier in Curtis Bay, but the effects of the explosion were felt all over the city of Baltimore. Windows exploded and glass shattered into the streets. Some residents described it as feeling like a “bomb”; others compared it to an “earthquake.” How many more public safety crises like this will it take for Baltimore City leaders to learn that we need worker-led and community-owned development now, and regulations with teeth? 

    With worker control, community ownership, and serious regulation, the residents of Curtis Bay would be prioritized over profits.

    It was not always this way. The South Baltimore region was once a beautiful peninsula that, as recently as the early 20th century, was filled with fruit trees, row homes, and access to waterways where there was an abundance of fish and fishermen. Much of that ended when Baltimore City leaders made a decision to annex this region from Anne Arundel County to the City of Baltimore in 1918 and, subsequently, CEOs aligned with city officials chose to make the Curtis Bay area a sacrifice zone. Annexation gave the city more control over this region for industrial zoning, which led to the expansion of and transport of oil and other non-renewable fossil fuel industries like coal in the early 20th century. Surrounding towns were completely razed in the fifties to accommodate the expansion of the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad’s Curtis Bay terminal, which led to more fertilizer and chemical companies in the area. 

    Annexation gave the city more control over this region for industrial zoning, which led to the expansion of and transport of oil and other non-renewable fossil fuel industries like coal in the early 20th century.

    Since then, the Curtis Bay community has been routinely sacrificed for the benefit of extractive and exploitative industry, with human bodies regularly treated as expendable resources to be exploited (or disposed of) in the interests of capital accumulation. Risk and hazards have been commonplace in Curtis Bay throughout the 20th century. Industrial-grade fires were quite common on the peninsula, the first of which occurred in 1911 at the United States Asphalt Refining Company. The fire raged for more than 26 hours and two boats were required to help extinguish the fire by pumping water from the Patapsco River. 

    But for Baltimore City, which has routinely placed its toxic industries and dumps in Curtis Bay, what is out of sight—hidden miles from the downtown area of Baltimore—remains out of mind. Until, that is, a massive explosion like the one late last month occurs and reminds the public that all of our safety and human health is at risk. 

    The CSX coal pier located in Curtis Bay is the second largest export coal pier on the East Coast—and the local community does not reap the economic benefit of any of the coal revenue.

    The CSX coal pier located in Curtis Bay is the second largest export coal pier on the East Coast—and the local community does not reap the economic benefit of any of the coal revenue. In 2017, the coal terminal exported 9 million tons of coal. In 2017, coal exports were up 19% from the previous year. Most of the coal at the pier was being exported out to France, Ukraine and Japan. The coal arrives at CNX from mines in Pennsylvania, West Virginia, and Ohio. When driving into Curtis Bay, one notices the 130-car trains that transport open-air coal to the pier, which are dumped into the pile surrounding the community of Curtis Bay and then shipped en route to customers in 23 different states. The company, CNX Marine Terminals, only has 41 employees in Baltimore—14 salaried and 27 hourly.

    A few years ago, in 2017, the Curtis Bay community experienced a lockdown; residents were told to “shelter in place” and keep windows and doors locked as Solvay USA INC, a chemical plant, leaked chlorosulfonic acid—a powerful and lethal chemical used to make soaps and detergents—from a tanker. The gas released was potentially lethal. Hazardous industries often locate to areas like Curtis Bay due to cheap lands and perceptions that Brown, Black and impoverished white bodies are merely expendable in the interests of capital.

    The health cost is felt most powerfully by the local community. For example, coal dust, a product of the port’s daily import and export work, contains heavy metals that can be lethal, including selenium, chromium, arsenic, mercury, and lead. Dust flies off of piles of coal being loaded and unloaded onto the CSX Chesapeake Coal terminal Pier—a park and a community recreation center lies directly in front of this large black coal mound. Coal dust has accumulated in the lungs of residents. Simultaneously, it has seeped into the soils. Some coal dust particles are microscopic, less than 2.5 microns. The consequent inhalation of this coal dust has been linked to respiratory illnesses like chronic obstructive pulmonary disease and emphysema. The dust has also elevated the risk of cancers. 

    While there were no noted “fatalities” in the most recent incident, there will be long-term effects for local residents and businesses. Most likely, workers and residents will suffer illness and many forms of disability from poor air quality as a result of this concentrated exposure.

    But coal is just one of the many harmful industries located in Curtis Bay. The city of Baltimore has also utilized these lands not just as a dumping ground for toxins and chemicals but to expand waste facilities. From oil and gas to trash and medical waste incinerators, to landfills, all have wreaked havoc upon soil, waterways, and lands. The entire Curtis Bay community has suffered from policies that have concentrated toxins in their neighborhoods and inside their bodies. 

    The entire Curtis Bay community has suffered from policies that have concentrated toxins in their neighborhoods and inside their bodies.

    From 2005 to 2009, the Curtis Bay zip code (21226) ranked among the top ten zip codes in the country for the quantity of air toxins released, and it ranked first in the country for toxic air pollution from stationary sources, with 20.6 to 21.6 million pounds of air pollutants released into the atmosphere each year. In 2012-2013, the Environmental Integrity Project research team noted that as a result of the cumulative effects of stationary toxic industries, Curtis Bay-Brooklyn is one of the highest-risk areas in the nation for respiratory problems.

    Of particular importance is the incineration of toxic garbage and medical waste in Curtis Bay. It has made it hard for many living on the South Baltimore Peninsula to breathe. Incineration produces mercury and dioxin pollution. Mercury can lead to immune system failure and lung and kidney damage. Dioxin is a known carcinogen that is able to disrupt hormones and reduce fertility. It is one of the most toxic chemicals known to mankind.

    It is well beyond time for all of us to end the addiction to fossil fuels and “bury and burn” strategies of dealing with our waste. The extractive economy of coal, oil, gas, and plastics, which are all housed on the South Baltimore Peninsula, only exacerbates the ecological and humanitarian crisis. Implementing zero-waste facilities now would reduce the need for the extraction of non-renewable fossil fuels through reduction of consumption and re-use. 

    Baltimore is poised to receive $641 million in federal funding for COVID-19 relief and the city should allot a portion of the funding to initiate a zero-waste jobs and education center, including a compost facility, in Curtis Bay as a small beginning to pay reparations for all the damage that the city has caused to this community. This would cost approximately $50 million, and community activists and residents have already been working alongside labor unions to map the plan for the facility.

    The South Baltimore Community Land Trust has even identified a 64-acre site to house a compost facility plus a campus for the growing zero waste sector in Baltimore. Reuse, composting, and recycling create 10 times as many jobs as burning and burying materials. At the same time, communities and institutions across the city are calling for a community- and worker-owned compost facility as an important intervention to stop the burning and burying of food scraps.

    It has been nearly two years since local residents and experts wrote one of the most progressive zero-waste plans in the nation. Baltimore’s Fair Development Plan for Zero Waste outlines the root causes of the waste crisis and how it intersects with racial and economic injustices; it also outlines a course for a just transition from an economy of extraction to one of reuse and regeneration. The climate and the waste crisis are interconnected, and the plan recognizes how to address both simultaneously. The city council voted to implement it in March of 2020.  

    In order to truly make Black and Brown neighborhoods matter in Baltimore, we need investments from Baltimore City in zero waste and the will to make alternate forms of economic development happen now.

    Despite the clear need and recent city legislation to reduce harm and create green industries for Curtis Bay residents, city and institutional leaders are again dragging their feet. This is especially criminal in light of not only the historic exploitation of Curtis Bay but the explosion at the coal transfer tower just days ago at the CSX pier. City leaders—no matter their progressive political rhetoric—appear to be content with empty platitudes, such as the ones used by Brandon Scott with the Baltimore Brew in October of 2020. “Under my administration, we’re going to work to not burn as much at the incinerator as possible,” Scott said. “And I will work my butt off to make sure that this is the last time we ever give them a new contract.” 

    Statements like this only confuse when city officials fail to put significant resources towards zero-waste infrastructure. 

    In a Jan. 3 op-ed responding to the CSX explosion, The Baltimore Sun editorial team declared that the CSX fire should be a “wake up call” for Baltimore to stop housing coal for export, which is exacerbating the climate crisis. The Sun once again missed the mark. The Sun sidestepped the local toxic disaster and issues of racism and classism, which they might have been able to mitigate by holding our local leaders accountable, and instead tried to address a global disaster that is beyond them. The op-ed is a missed opportunity to connect coal to other harmful industries (the extractive economy is intimately tied to our waste infrastructure)—industries that wreak havoc upon Black and Brown bodies and are supported and funded by local politicians working in lockstep with the private sector.

    The truth is plain to see on the ground. Residents are made ill and exposed to serious illness despite the hollow promises of change. In order to truly make Black and Brown neighborhoods matter in Baltimore, we need investments from Baltimore City in zero waste and the will to make alternate forms of economic development happen now. We want community-owned and community-controlled industrial development that does not sacrifice the health and environment for profit. These zero-waste industries will bring good, unionized jobs while simultaneously diverting materials from trash incineration and landfills to green, zero-waste forms of industrial development.

    We need real solutions from Brandon Scott’s administration, not more of the same empty progressive rhetoric that does nothing to mitigate exposure to toxicity for Curtis Bay residents. As we are dealing with multiple and intersecting crises—a never-ending public health crisis, climate change, and economic fallout—we must begin to transition as quickly as possible to zero-waste infrastructure. The time is now in Curtis Bay. There has never been more urgency.

    This post was originally published on The Real News Network.

  • 2022 has begun with yet another ridiculous claim from the Metropolitan police that it’s “supporting women’s safety“. There’s been uproar from the public since the Met tweeted a video on 2 January of its Taskforce Officers swabbing people’s hands for evidence of drug usage on the streets of Shoreditch. Embarrassingly for the Met, just one person – a woman – was arrested in the very operation that claimed to protect women.

    It’s exhausting to hear the same rhetoric parroted again and again, both by the police and by the government, claiming that they care about women’s lives. The government is doing nothing to tackle the systemic sexism and misogyny in society and in the police. Instead, it’s passing new laws that actually make women less safe, and is giving some of the country’s most violent men – police officers – inexhaustible new powers through both the police bill and the Covert Human Intelligence Sources Act, which was passed in 2021. The state has even provided further funding for Stasi-style undercover cops to lurk around in nightclubs (in the name of women’s safety, of course).

    Police are a danger to women

    While the police continue to claim that they’re making women safer, let’s remind ourselves of the fact that Sarah Everard was murdered by a Metropolitan police officer, and that the women who gathered to remember her were physically assaulted by the Met.

    And this is only the tip of the iceberg. Everard’s murderer was not just one ‘bad apple’. A document called #194andcounting shows that at least 194 women have been murdered by the police and prison system in England and Wales, either in state custody or in prison, since the 1970s. And let’s also remind ourselves of the disgusting Metropolitan police officers who took selfies of themselves next to the bodies of murdered women Bibaa Henry and Nicole Smallman.

    The police aren’t just a menace to women on the streets. They’re also dangerous in their own homes. Back in May 2021, Channel 4 News reported that 129 women had come forward in the last two years to report that their police officer partner was abusing either them or their children. Channel 4 said:

    At least 129 women have approached the Centre for Women’s Justice (CWJ) since 2019 with claims of being raped, beaten and coerced by their police officer spouses and partners.

    One former police commander described officer perpetrated domestic abuse as an “epidemic” within the force.

    Feminist group Sisters Uncut argues that while the police have power those who identify as women can never feel safe:

    In November 2021, Sisters Uncut stated that it was ‘withdrawing its consent to police power’. The group argued:

    The police claim Wayne Couzens was one bad apple, a lone monster, but we know 15 officers have killed women since 2009. We know colleagues referred to Couzens as ‘the rapist’. They did nothing. We know he exposed himself not once, but multiple times. They did nothing. We know he sent vile misogynistic racist and homophobic messages to colleagues on WhatsApp. They did nothing. We know that even after Couzens pled guilty, colleagues attended court to provide positive character references for him.

    It continued:

    We know the police treated the family of Bibaa Henry and Nicole Smallman with utter contempt: officers took photos of their dead bodies and turned the horrific violence they’d experienced into a joke. Women in Black, immigrant, disabled and working class communities bear the brunt of complicity in this corruption.

    You are not obliged to cooperate with the police

    Of course, when hassling people on the streets, the police count on the fact that many of us don’t actually know our rights. If an officer questions us, or demands to search us, we feel obliged to comply with them. But if the police are going to continue randomly swabbing people’s hands for drugs, it’s important to know that we can walk away. The police’s stop and search powers do not extend to random drugs tests as Green and Black Cross makes clear:

    So while the police continue to rely on the public’s naivety as it hassles people on nights out, remember that we all have the right to resist rather than comply.

    There’s still time to stop the policing bill

    We can see that the police do not make our streets any safer for women, nor will random drugs tests or stop and searches make any difference. The problem is the ingrained misogyny of men in our society, and of those who have the monopoly of violence against us.

    The police already abuse the powers they have – so giving them even more powers is terrifying. The police bill, with its frightening new amendments, is currently in the House of Lords and could soon become law. Now is our last chance to resist these sweeping police powers. A national day of action has been called on 15 January. Let’s take to the streets again and kill the bill before it’s too late.

    Featured image via screengrab

    By Eliza Egret

    This post was originally published on The Canary.

  • Over summer, BroadAgenda is republishing some of its most popular articles. This compelling piece was first posted earlier this year.

    There is a passage in Carmen Maria Machado In The Dream House about going back in time to talk to your younger self. I love it because I am a chronic time-travel day dreamer. I also love it because it made me laugh out loud at the unsentimental answer Machado gives to the ridiculousness of this preoccupation:

    “If, one day, a milky portal had opened up in your bedroom and an older version of yourself had stepped out and told you what you know now, would you have listened? You’d like to think so, but …you didn’t listen to any of your smarter, wiser friends…so why on earth would  you listen to a version of yourself who wrecked her way out of a time orifice like a newborn?”

    Still, I can’t help but daydream. Often these daydreams focus on medicine and the body. My body. My fragile, strong, pain in the arse body. A body that has been misdiagnosed by doctors. Ignored by doctors. Condescended by doctors.  A body that doctors only now, in 2021, have the knowledge to diagnose.

    Medicine moves so slowly. On average, outside of a pandemic, it takes from ten to seventeen years to move from concrete tested research findings to routine clinical practice. It moves more slowly again when it comes to women’s bodies. I learnt in my first year of university, with much horror, that women are routinely excluded from drug and medical trials.

    We are excluded for having difficult bodies that don’t conform to the controlled environments of experiments. And if you layer intersectionality onto that, even fewer non-white women are included in research studies. Never mind that men actually have quite considerable levels of hormonal variance too. That men might be a little unruly as well; for them it is more hidden – their variances don’t draw blood. And, well, we live in a patriarchy, so this is just one in a very long list of ways in which medicine has mistreated women and their bodies. From the infamous hysteria diagnoses to the on-going underdiagnosing and undertreatment of women’s chronic pain and health issues, ignoring women’s bodies and women’s suffering has a long history.

    Still today, women are less likely to receive lifesaving care for a heart attack than men, because most doctors don’t know, or simply don’t take seriously, the very different symptoms of heart attacks in women. It took years of suffering and thousands of complaints for women to have problems associated with ‘vaginal mesh surgery’ for incontinence to be recognised, and that technique to be banned as an ineffective and damaging treatment.

    The inequities run to denying women treatments routinely available to men. Testosterone replacement therapy is known to help women as well as men, but it’s only on the national pharmaceutical benefit scheme for men. Viagra, which is helpful for treating problems with the lining of the uterus, is also not covered for use by women, though the government will happily subsidise a routine erection. Women are even excluded from universal health services: at the time I write this, only 37% of people receiving benefits from one of the largest social and health welfare programs in our history – the National Disability Insurance Scheme – are women. This is despite the fact that our population statistics indicate that disability is at least equally split between men and women.

    When I nearly bled to death in a storage room in a Sydney hospital, the director of the emergency department allowed me to spend as much time as I felt I needed speaking to him about the incident. This was my compensation for nearly dying because of medical neglect. It didn’t feel like much compensation, but I made of it what I could.

    I grilled him on the differences in health care received by men and women: no, he did not know women underrate their pain when it is likely higher than men’s. No, he did not know that women are less likely to be treated for heart attacks when they present to emergency. No, he did not know that women are less likely to be listened to when they present with health problems – from chronic pain to serious disability. This, I told him, is why a woman in her thirties came moments from losing her life in your ER – “because you didn’t see me, you didn’t hear me. Because of my gender, you disregarded me”.

    Globally, in our fight to overcome the gendered biases in medicine, women have dedicated whole months to specific female diseases in the hope that that doctors will be unable to continue to ignore them. We have endometriosis month, post-menstrual dysphoria month, polycystic ovary awareness month, amongst months for other long ignored but serious conditions.

    We give months in an attempt to overcome years of medicine not taking women’s pain and health seriously.

    I have had an adventurous time with my body. I tell each new doctor I see ‘I’ve collected every reproductive health condition there is’. And they laugh, until I list them off and they realise I wasn’t making a joke and it’s probably not great practice to laugh at the multiple, life altering, diagnoses of your patient.

    First, I got endometriosis which is pretty well known now; it’s when the lining of the uterus grows on, and into, organs and in the abdominal cavity. It’s painful and can cause significant damage to women’s organs in some cases. Soon after that diagnosis, I developed some variant of polycystic ovarian syndrome that at the time they weren’t sure about because “only overweight women have PCOS” (a statement now known to be completely untrue). Later on, when trying to get pregnant, I found out I had adenomyosis; a disease I describe as the evil cousin of endometriosis. It is endometriosis growing inside the muscles of your uterus. It is exactly as messed up and painful as that sounds. And somewhere back there in that mix I also developed post-menstrual dysphoria disorder, before we had a name for it.

    When I was twenty, and three endometriosis surgeries had not cured my pain and none of the treatments made the PCOS systems liveable, a doctor put me on a drug that induced menopause. When I came back several months later and said “this is amazing, you’ve given me my life back. The pain is gone. The fatigue is gone. My moods feel stable and normal again”, he nodded.

    He then said, “I wasn’t sure if you had a reproductive health problem or a psychiatric problem”.

    I wanted to yell at that doctor. I wanted to slam my first on his desk and say ‘seriously?! You’re telling me you haven’t believed the things I’ve been saying to you for years?! And you think I should trust you as a doctor, trust you with my health… still?’. But I also wanted to prove it was a reproductive problem, not a psychiatric problem, and I wanted to stay on the drug that had transformed my wellbeing and my life. So, I didn’t say anything. I just nodded back, gathered my script and left his office.

    How often have women not said something, because we are socialised to not speak? To not make a scene? To not challenge male authority figures?

    In the famous book ‘Men Explain Things To Me’, Rebecca Solnit wrote about how any woman in any professional field knows, more often than not, their male counterparts won’t listen to them. That male authority figures will speak down to them. I have found far too often that this overconfidence extends to knowing women’s bodies and bodily experiences better than the woman who inhabits that body. And this silencing, in reaction to that over confidence, extends to speaking out about our own bodies – because at best we might not be heard, and at worst our words might be used against us.

    I argued with doctors for years to stay on that one menopause drug that helped me. I described my body as being “allergic to its own hormones”. Artificial were fine, but if I came off the menopause drug and started producing my own again everything went sideways. When I described my experiences, I was told ‘hormones can’t do all the things you say are happening to you’. Time travelling me would like to go back and say ‘hormones can cause psychosis, so I think that proves they can do pretty much anything’. It’s true, while rare, post-partum psychosis can be brought on by hormones that flood the female body after pregnancy. Of course, saying the word ‘psychosis’ in a medical setting is, in itself, a dangerous thing as a woman.

    I remember spending a whole day ugly crying on my living room floor when they said they wouldn’t let me stay on the drugs for more than 6 months. By the end my day of crying I decided I would have a hysterectomy at all of 22, because I would not go back to what my life was like before. And then I cried some more, because it felt so unbearably unfair that this was all medicine could offer me.

    When I asked for the surgery, the doctors yielded and gave me the drug. All of a sudden, the un-doable was doable. No doctor wanted to leave a woman in her early twenties sterile. Women’s ability to reproduce matters, their quality of life does not. That’s what 22-year-old me learnt from those doctors.

    I then spent years feeling as though I was some kind of ‘unnatural woman’ for being hormone supressed, and kept it a secret from almost everyone I knew.

    That girl in her late teens, three surgeries down and still in pain.

    That young woman who felt there was nowhere to turn when the best women’s health doctor in the country said he’d been thinking she had a psychiatric disorder not a pain disorder.

    This woman in her early twenties who wept on the floor of her living room for six straight hours because if they refused her a drug, her only option was removing her entire reproductive system.

    The women in her late twenties still hiding she had medical conditions so severe she was chemically menopausal.

    This is who I now daydream of going back in time to speak to.  I want to go back and tell her she is right. That one day a doctor will say “we find some women react very strangely to their own hormones… it’s almost like they’re allergic to them”. I want to tell her that doctors will say “we believe you”. That “treatment options are limited. But we believe you”. Because there is such power in being believed. In not feeling like you are in an endless fight with a system much larger and more powerful than you.

    Solinit argues that to be a woman is to face your own annihilation in numerous ways, because we live in a society that relishes women’s erasures. Reflecting on her youth, she said “The fight wasn’t just to survive bodily, though that could be intense enough, but to survive as a person possessed of rights including the right to… dignity”.

    The failure of medicine to listen to women, to invest in the health of women, is an attack on both our bodies and our dignity. And our struggle is not just to receive treatment, but to be seen as worthy of treatment. To matter enough, individually and collectively, that society will not tolerate medical complacency.

    Eventually, medicine does and will catch up – which is to say, eventually society catches up. For medicine and society are enmeshed; society reinforces medical views of women, and in turn medicine reinforces societal views of women. Women were diagnosed as hysterical when it served the broader social project of keeping women subservient. Women don’t need drugs such as testosterone cream when it serves the neoliberally governed public purse not to finance them.

    Almost every doctor I’ve met is loath to admit it, but medical knowledge is cultural.

    The fact that it is cultural, however, means that it changes and can be changed. The story I have told here is a personal one, of personal problems. But the cure is not personal – it is cultural and communal. So many women have begun to speak both privately and publicly about their pain. About the things we are meant to keep hidden – bleeding, periods, hormones, and what it’s like to experience them all going wrong.

    When we collectively use our voice, we make complacency unacceptable. And in doing so, better treatments will come; medicine will catch up. We must continue to rebel against the erasure of our suffering.

    Feature image of Gemma Carey at home, by Hilary Wardhaugh. 

    The post Time to stop excluding women for having difficult bodies appeared first on BroadAgenda.

    This post was originally published on BroadAgenda.

  • I like small towns. I grew up in the Hudson Valley of New York state, just beyond the reach of the commuter trains to Manhattan; spent 15 years in rural Colorado, living in a town with no traffic lights and a population well under 2,000; then moved to a similarly tiny town in southwestern Washington state, where I live today. I could, in theory, settle anywhere with reliable internet service and a reasonable cost of living, and sometimes I wonder why I continue to choose places that by any conventional measure are both inconvenient and unhip. 

    I’m drawn to the big landscapes that surround them, but most of all, I think, I value my membership in these cranky, intimate communities. I like that my neighbors come from many different walks of life, and that they regularly (and sometimes uncomfortably) puncture my assumptions about their experiences and interests and political leanings — just as I puncture theirs. I like that I know the librarians by name, and that they know when I have books overdue.

    Since the 2016 election, the national media has frequently used the term “rural Americans” as shorthand for middle-aged, white Trump supporters. The conflation obscures the fact that about one out of five rural Americans identify as Black, Latino, or Indigenous, and that immigrants are responsible for much of the recent population growth in rural areas. An estimated 15 to 20 percent of LGBTQ Americans live in rural places, and rural youth are now just as likely to identify as LGBTQ as their urban peers.

    Rural Americans are also politically diverse; while it’s accurate to say that I live in a deep-red county, it’s also accurate to say that I live in a powder-blue town surrounded by precincts that range from pale pink to brick red. And though both rural and urban Americans are more politically polarized than they used to be, the politics of rural voters don’t always fit neatly into partisan categories. Many rural people are deeply skeptical of both parties. Others are suspicious of government regulations, but also critical of the environmental damage done by unregulated industry. (The decline of local news, which is most acute in rural places, means that nuanced reporting on rural issues is scarce, and that media stereotypes often go unchallenged.)

    In my experience, there’s only one characteristic that essentially all rural people share: We hate being told what to do, whether by a neighbor who doesn’t like our political yard signs or a state wildlife official charged with enforcing new hunting regulations. When it comes to addressing climate change, this reflexive independence can pose a stubborn obstacle, but it also holds opportunity — renewable energy, for instance, can appeal to those who prize autonomy. Turning opportunity into progress, though, requires a willingness to see rural people clearly.

    Rural Americans value the protection of their air, water, and soil as much — or even more — than their urban counterparts, but boy do they use different words for it. While progressive urban activists might consider “conservation” and “environmental” to be more or less interchangeable, for instance, many rural people may cautiously accept the former but reject the latter, assuming that those who call themselves conservationists will be less confrontational and friendlier to hunting, fishing, and farming. (That said, plenty of people worldwide are wary of the term “conservation,” too, given the movement’s history of violating the land claims of Indigenous and other rural people.) 

    “‘Environmentalism’ is seen as intrusive, top down, and driven by people who don’t make their living from the land,” says Virginia farmer and rural economic development consultant Anthony Flaccavento. “Anyone who has the term in the name of their organization is going to have a hell of a time, even if they’re trying to come down on the side of farmers and fishermen.” 

    Farmers who support sustainable agricultural practices may nonetheless react to terms like “regenerative agriculture,” offended by the implication that other forms of agriculture are somehow non-regenerative. Campaigns against the environmental and economic sins of “Big Ag,” however warranted and well-documented, are similarly unlikely to sit well with farmers who are forced, however unwillingly, to depend on Big Ag for a living. 

    People eating at a diner
    The Dinky Diner is a prime gathering spot in Decatur City, Iowa, which had a population of 175 in the 2020 census. Justin Sullivan / Getty Images

    “Climate change” is another loaded term, given that many rural people associate climate fixes with government regulation. As Kate Yoder reported for Grist recently, urban climate activists may make more headway with potential rural allies by talking about the need to mitigate and adapt to floods, fires, and heatwaves — independent of their root causes. 

    Like almost all urban-rural misunderstandings, these and other language barriers result from both real grievances and deliberately inflated resentments. But by avoiding hyper-polarized words and phrases, climate activists can start a conversation that would otherwise be shut down.

    Over the past 40-plus years, U.S. economic policies have widened the gaps between rich and poor, Black and white, and rural and urban. Farmers and farmworkers have been hit hard by corporate consolidation, losing land and livelihoods to international agricultural conglomerates; many of the manufacturers that employed generations of rural families have moved overseas. Recent history has compounded these troubles, as rural employment rates have never recovered from the Great Recession, and rural economies have been disproportionately affected by the pandemic. 

    The cost of rural living is rising, too: In my small town, for instance, telecommuters with far deeper pockets than I have are driving up real estate prices, and trailer parks are being replaced with second homes. These and other genuine economic disparities aren’t just practical problems; they’re often emotionally agonizing, and in recent years they’ve increased the risk of farmers and farmworkers dying by suicide. They’ve also created a rural audience receptive to divisive messages, with some eager to blame their troubles on city people, Democrats, government workers, and — in the case of some white rural residents — people of color. (The sheriff in my county recently attracted national attention, and not a little local support, by threatening to arrest any public employees, from schoolteachers to county commissioners, who tried to enforce COVID-related health regulations.) 

    Meanwhile, the real causes of rural suffering, such as inadequate healthcare, chronically underfunded schools and the persistent technology gap, are rarely prioritized by either party — fueling yet more toxic resentment. The result, says Flaccavento, is that “many rural people, especially white folks, may simultaneously have a greatly exaggerated sense of grievance and real and long-standing grievances that have not been addressed.”

    Two Black men on horses in a bronc riding competition
    A bronc-riding competition at the Bill Pickett Invitational in Memphis in 2017, the only national touring Black rodeo. Nearly one in five rural Americans identify as Black, Latino or Indigenous. Scott Olson / Getty Images

    Bridging the rural-urban divide is rarely easy. Rural resentment of city dwellers is pervasive and sometimes poisonous. Rural places can be hard to get to, and can take years to get to know. At the same time, rural places are often heartbreakingly gorgeous and surprisingly diverse, and they’re almost guaranteed to upend whatever expectations you might bring to them. By taking the time to understand rural issues, and by seeking climate solutions that restore livelihoods as well as landscapes, the climate movement can broaden its reach and increase its power. Which looks more and more like a matter of survival, no matter where you happen to live.

    Some of the most promising solutions to the climate crisis lie in the rural places I call home. The conservation of Indigenous lands and privately owned rural landscapes is central to the Biden administration’s America The Beautiful plan, an ambitious initiative designed to benefit the climate as well as biodiversity. Much of our wind and solar energy production — existing and potential — is located in rural areas, as are our best remaining opportunities to sequester carbon in forests and grasslands. 

    Yet surveys of rural Americans find that most of us are wary of concerted climate action. We value clean water, wildlife, and parks as much as urban dwellers, and we’re at least as well-informed about environmental policy. We’re also facing some of the worst effects of climate change, from megafires to storm surges to landslides to drought-induced crop failures. But in our experience, environmental regulations tend to burden the wrong people. Government policies designed to stablize the climate, many of us worry, will mean more of the same.

    When nurtured by the right-wing media ecosystem, these concerns too often blossom into paranoia. But understanding their legitimate roots is key to building rural support for climate action, and that’s politically essential, especially given that the Founding Fathers gave rural people an outsized voice in the U.S. Senate. 

    To be clear, I’m not suggesting that anyone indulge the lies and conspiracy theories so common in what passes for political discourse today. I firmly believe that seeing rural people as the complex human beings we are is a form of resistance — resistance to the disinformation, and the climate disruption, that threatens us all. 

    This story was originally published by Grist with the headline To get rural Americans involved in climate crisis, see them for who they are on Jan 3, 2022.

    This post was originally published on Grist.

  • Consider this article as a postscript to my earlier psychological portrait of Barack Obama as “The Ultimate Status-Seeker” (Dissident Voice, May 5, 2012).  Many unanswered questions remain about Obama: the nature of his emotional life and attachments, his primary motivations for becoming president, and his ultimate values and principles (if any). Here was a man who planned, decades ahead of time, his ascent to the pinnacle of power – and hewed single-mindedly to that single-track goal until he attained it. As president, he was at once a compulsive compromiser – even with the most extreme positions and pathetically unworthy opponents – and a clandestine State-terrorist, using the lawless, criminal army known as the CIA. (“What the CIA wants,” he admitted in a moment of candor, “the CIA gets.”)

    The case of Obama is especially disconcerting because of his carefully measured words and mastery of equivocation and double-speak. By contrast, of course, the crudely aggressive Bush and the fast-talking con-artist Trump were “primitives,” their brazen lies and cruel rhetoric out-in-the-open and identifiable for all who cared to look closely. Obama, fairly skilled actor and p.r. man, displayed a far more sophisticated persona (mask). His invariably articulate, uncannily calm demeanor seemed indicative of entirely rational motivations behind his decisions. But true rationality and defensive rationalization are worlds apart.

    Psychoanalysts have distinguished motivations as both manifest and latent. For instance, Trump’s CIA director Gina Haspel might say that she rose through the ranks of the CIA in order to “serve the national security interests of her country.” But what were her latent motivations when she ran the most notorious of the secret black-sites (Thailand), producing no useful “intelligence” but letting loose a veritable frenzy of endless torture. “She tortured,” observed CIA whistleblower John Kiriakou, “just for the sake of torture” (Democracy Now, 3/14/2018).  And hiding evidence of her crimes, she made sure that the 90-plus videotapes were destroyed. (Manifest vs. latent: had operatives at the facility repeatedly watched the tapes for analytical “study” — or for “pleasure”?).

    Classical psychoanalytic theory also emphasized the formative consequences, often devastating for a lifetime, of early trauma (cf. John Bowlby, Attachment and Loss). As we know, when still an infant Obama was abandoned by his father, who abruptly returned to Kenya after having studied in the U.S. and sired a baby boy. When Barack Sr. finally did return for a brief visit, some 10 years later, he immediately imposed his pig-headed authority, forbidding the boy from staying up late to watch the TV special, The Grinch Who Stole Christmas. At that moment, as Obama recounted in his memoir, his father-idealization collapsed. And, of course, after the short visit, his father left – abandoning him yet again. To her credit – as Obama acknowledged – his mother made great efforts, with the help of her own parents, to be a good mother. But she had her career ambitions as well, which focused on long-term absences doing fieldwork in Indonesia for a doctorate in anthropology. Obama wrote thoughtfully about all this in what appeared to be a mature, if somewhat detached, manner. Significantly, Obama did write with affection about his maternal grandmother, who no doubt provided some compensation for his feelings of being under-valued and rejected. But the reality was that the boy was, for long and/or intermittent periods, abandoned by both parents.

    From whence came Obama’s inordinate, burning ambition for supreme political power? My point here, hardly path-breaking, is that unhealed wounds from early childhood may linger throughout a lifetime. In re-making his observable personality, substituting feelings of weakness and vulnerability with an imperturbable, Olympian calm, Obama could hide behind a facade of self-assured equanimity, a compensation for actual emotional neediness from a relatively loveless childhood. With ultimate power-and-status, he was no longer the weak, vulnerable one – subject to the arbitrary fiats and sudden abandonments of his parents – but rather, the calm, emotionally detached person “in charge.” Interestingly, he seemed to have transcended, or even renounced, any vestigial longing for “love” – unlike the applause-addicted Bill Clinton and the (relentlessly) attention-craving Trump.

    How did rising politician Obama partially work through his “father-complex” (characterized more by bitter resentment than by the usual ambivalence)? Vis-a-vis substitute father-figures: one may engineer a role-reversal–the “father” is diminished as the son ascends to power. As a freshman U.S Senator from Illinois, the inexperienced Obama sought the guidance and mentorship of veteran Senator Joe Biden (as well as the awful Joe Lieberman, Senator from MIC). It must therefore have been deliciously satisfying when, only a few years later, Obama made Biden his dependent (the office of vice-president being experienced as both powerless and humiliating by all its holders – with the glaring exception of Cheney). (I can’t help being reminded also of Marlon Brando, who complained throughout his life of the humiliations his father had inflicted on him as a boy. But when he became a big-time movie star, he was able to turn his father into little more than an assistant.)

    President Obama’s trademark emotional detachment, seemingly indicative of mature resolution of earlier conflicts, at times verged on a strange dissociation. For instance, why would President Obama not only make the notorious CIA director John Brennan a kind of mentor (and pal), but eagerly collaborate with him in innumerable grisly assassinations by drone? The president also allowed Brennan’s CIA to relentlessly harass and hack the investigations into the agency’s misconduct – i.e., the Senate committee investigation headed up by a leader of his own Democratic party (Feinstein). With his campaign for re-election gearing up in 2011, Obama not only cleverly timed his ordered execution of bin Laden (which, again tellingly, he, Brennan and Secretary Clinton chose to watch live), but he compiled a “kill list” which he then deliberately leaked to the New York Times. In a militarized society, prospective voters will indeed tend to prefer a “tough” candidate who brags – as the sadistic Bush did (gangster-style) – of criminally “taking out” whatever “enemies” or “terror-suspects” he chooses.

    But that is not the full story. Obama desired to kill–to kill victims, including women and children – in a faraway land, far away from any direct threat of reprisal. To kill, with impunity (one of the most attractive perks of being president). But whyDisplaced vengeance: wounded and rejected as he still felt in the deepest recesses of his self, Obama as president was now enabled — by his office of supreme power – to invert the power-dynamics. Once again: from “the hurt/rejected one” to ”the hurter” — from the “vulnerable” to the “implacable.”

    But to wish to directly participate in such targeted-killing? If you doubt the element of naked sadistic satisfaction involved, I refer you to two things: 1) Youtube video footages which graphically show the aptly-named Hellfire missiles in action; and 2) Obama’s casual remark to some aides (and reported in the press with only a little disquiet): “Turns out I’m really good at killing people.” I.e., crushing and incinerating houses with people inside (maybe eating dinner). By the way, his comment, though far less well-known, almost rivals, in malign implication, Stalin’s murderous quip: “The death of a man is a tragedy.  The death of millions is a statistic.” (Of course, either quote might have been made by Bush.)

    Obama’s nonchalant and strangely offhand boast(!) exemplifies in an extreme way the kind of “ironic,” malicious humor increasingly found among clever, moderately narcissistic people who seem to feel little, if any, genuine sympathy for the suffering of others.   Such a “cold joke” is noticeably smug and even gleefully self-satisfied in its more-than-evident contempt for “inferiors.”  Shocking – and his choice to direct participate in the murders unmistakably reveals the sadistic pleasure he gained from the experience. Thinking of killer-elites who act out their desire to inflict pain and then mock the worth of their screaming victims, one is reminded of a certain torture facility at Guantanamo, a nightmarish hell-hole which CIA analysts “jokingly” called “Strawberry Fields.”

    President Obama’s all-too-evident indifference to the mass suffering caused by the U.S. military occupying Afghanistan–maybe “a dumb war” — also speaks volumes. At least President Biden, culpable in many ways for U.S. warmaking, was willing to accept some temporary political damage in order to end the murderous–but too expensive! — bloodbath.  Moreover, Obama clearly cared little about the horrors, and illegality, of Guantanamo (truly bizarre, for this former constitutional law professor).

    How many wounded, vindictive persons deliberately seek power in order to “pay back with interest” the harm that was once done to them?  Of course, psychoanalysts would put Hitler and Stalin at the top of the list, but there are (tragically) plenty of more recent figures to include.  Stalin, whose brutal, drunken father beat him almost daily, to the very end had only one treatment for imagined traitors: “Beat, beat, and beat again!”

    The post Obama: “I’m really good at killing people” first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • ANALYSIS: By Patrick Levo in Port Moresby

    In all of the meandering years in the life of Papua New Guinea, 2021, which ended on Friday has to be it.

    The colours were there, the love and laughter were there, the sadness, emotions, losses, highs and lows, the bleakness of our long-suffering population and blackness of ethereal poor governance were all intertwined with making 2021 standout.

    In a nutshell, 2021 will be remembered as the year that shook PNG to the core.

    The biggest and most enduring life changer was covid-19. Like a thief in the night, it descended on our lives. It robbed our children of their innocence. It stopped our businesses dead in their tracks. It stole our bread. It stole the breath of our nation builders.

    This year, we will still be waking, walking and wandering with covid-19. It was and is the most tumultuous health issue ever, hovering over the gardener in a remote valley to a bush driver in a town to a business executive in the city.

    Big or small, rich or poor, we all face the same anxiety.

    Covid-19 was on everyone’s lips and in everyone’s ears. It is a global event that is still unraveling and we cannot predict what it holds for us in 2022.

    The Kumul will fly
    Now you can’t go anywhere without a face mask. But we must rise to the occasion. We must be resilient like our forefathers. We must face it. The Kumul will fly.

    So many of our fathers and forefathers left us over the past year. Men, who walked and talked with giants, whose dreams and aspirations – covid-19 or not – we must carry in our hearts and move forward. That is the challenge that awaits our bones in 2022.

    Sir Mekere Morauata (2020), Sir Pita Lus, Sir Philip Bouraga, Sir Paulias Matane, Sir Ramon Thurecht, Sir Ronald Tovue and the Chief of Chiefs, GC Sir Michael Thomas Somare.

    One could only wonder as we wandered, tearfully from “haus krai” to the next mourning house. Why?

    In one swoop, 2021 took our history book and shook the knights of our realm out of its pages.

    Men whose colourful and storied existence led to the birth of our nation. How said indeed it is that a country loses its foundation so suddenly. Shaken to the core.

    While mainland PNG mourned the loss of Sir Mekere, Kerema MP Richard Mendani, Middle Fly MP Roy Biyama and recently Middle Ramu MP Johnny Alonk, Bougainville was not spared.

    The island is reeling from losing its Regional MP Joe Lera and just two weeks ago, Central Bougainville MP Sam Akoitai. Our leadership shaken to the core!

    Historic year for PNG
    This is also a historic year for PNG. Sixty-four years after Sir Michael shook his fist at Australia and demanded: “Let my people go,” Bougainville has done the same, voting overwhelmingly to secede from PNG in a referendum.

    Two weeks ago, its president declared: “Let my people go!” Shaken to the core!

    Ethnic violence — 1000 tribes in distress with violence becoming an everyday happening, Tari vs Kerema, Kange vs Apo, Kaimo vs Igiri, Goi vs Tari, threatening the very fabric of our unity. Our knights in their freshly dug tombs would be turning in their graves.

    Family and Sexual Violence against women and children and the ugly head of sorcery related violence.

    I mean, how dare we call ourselves a Christian nation and tolerate such evil? How dare you men accuse our women, mothers, sisters and daughters, and murder them in cold blood?

    What more can we, as a newspaper say? We have spent copious amounts of sheet and ink, more than enough on these issues, we have raised our anger, we have commiserated with those in power about these issues. The message is not getting through to the men of this nation. Where have all the good men gone?

    Spectre of ‘pirate’ Tommy Baker
    Law and order wise, the name Tommy Baker raises the spectre of piracy, armed robbery, shootouts with law enforcement and a million kina manhunt that has failed to corner Baker.

    Until he was shot dead by police, the self-styled pirate was still out there in Milne Bay, hiding, abiding in time, waiting to strike again.

    The Nankina cult group on the Rai Coast and its murderous rampage also shocks us, as a reminder of the Black Jisas uprising gone wrong, two decades before.

    Add the consistent and constant power blackouts in the major cities and towns. This is hardly a sign of progress, especially when the management of the major power company PNG Pawa Ltd has been changed three times!

    However, yes, we need to remember this too. In our topsy turvy perennial spin, some of the major positive developments need to be mentioned.

    The giant Porgera Mine was shut down and promised to be reopened, Ok Tedi, Kumul, BSP and IRC all handed the government a gold card standard in millions of kina dividends.

    And the government has signed for a gold refinery in PNG for the first time.

    22 billion kina budget
    The passing of a 22 billion kina (about NZ$9.2 billion) budget. That is, in the finest words of my best friend Lousy, preposterous. Never before has the budget being built around such a humongous money plan.

    Spending is easy but raising it sounds very challenging. Therein lies the challenge.

    The most important part is to ensure this money plan reaches the unreached, that service delivery will go where the ballot boxes, somehow manage to reach on election days.

    One noticeable explosion of knowledge is the awareness of social communications platforms. For better or worse, Facebook has taken a stranglehold of the lives of ordinary Papua New Guineans.

    Communication around the country has changed overnight at the touch of a button or dial of a mobile phone.

    In sport – the heart of the nation missed a beat when star Justin Olam was overlooked in the Dally M awards. A major uproar in PNG and popularly support down under forced the organisers to realign the stars. Justin easily pocked the Dally M Centre of the Year.

    The good book the Holy Bible, says there is a season for everything. Maybe we are in a judgement season, being tried and tested and refined. Only we can come out of that judgement refined and define the course of our country – from Land of the Unexpected to the Land of the Respected!

    We will remember the 365 days of you, as the jingle fiddles our imagination, we were “all shook up!”

    Patrick Levo is a senior PNG Post-Courier journalist. Republished with permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • ANALYSIS: By Gordon Campbell in Wellington

    Success can be its own worst enemy. If the plane doesn’t crash or the ship doesn’t sink, that doesn’t prove the safety measures were unnecessary, or that anyone can fly a plane.

    It can also be taken as an indication that the safety measures are working. Ditto during a pandemic.

    Arguably New Zealand has managed the best response to covid in the entire world. This didn‘t happen by accident. It reflects the skill and dedication of tens of thousands of people working at the borders, in MIQ facilities and in the public health system. Hundreds are alive and well today who would have not have been if the government had bowed to pressure from the business sector and its friends in the media, and thrown the borders open prematurely.

    Little of this reality has been reflected in a media narrative that has been skewed towards allegations of confusion, mis-management, shambolic disarray and the hardship resulting from the government’s treatment of public health as its major priority. Yes, this can be hard financially (and stressful) on people whose business model was built on a pre-covid reality where foreign tourists and locals could mix and mingle freely.

    We now have vaccines, but they do not render even the double vaccinated entirely bullet proof.

    Therefore, the need for caution in removing restrictions and safeguards remains, especially given what we know about how readily delta and omicron spread covid-19. Moreover, and throughout the pandemic, compassionate taxpayers have poured hundreds of millions of dollars into the hospitality and tourism sectors. They did so (a) to keep firms afloat and workers in jobs, while (b) those firms adapted to the new reality.

    Some firms in hospo and tourism have made that adjustment. However, many others have been given a media platform to repeatedly complain about their plight, as if the government (and taxpayers) have a duty to sustain their old business model for them, forever.

    Instead of providing a megaphone for grievance, shouldn’t the media be more willing to challenge those employers to explain how they’ve dynamically changed their business practices, and what their transition plans look like?

    The last time I wrote about this, this was mis-construed by some as an argument for turning the media into government apologists or publicists, and preventing journalists from heroically doing their job. To be clear on this point: there’s not much that’s heroic about amplifying complaints without context or pushback.

    Also IMO, it isn’t particularly heroic to be wilfully naïve about the political dimensions of your work. Meaning: the risks of being an apologist and virtual publicist apply not only to government policies and actions. Especially in the aftermath of the delta outbreak mid-year, much of the media has been a virtual echo chamber for the attack lines originated by the Opposition.

    The wilful lack of context has, at times, been breathtaking. Outside the business pages, the recognition of the relative success of this country’s economic management during the pandemic has been almost non-existent.

    – Gordon Campbell

    The wilful lack of context has, at times, been breathtaking. Outside the business pages, the recognition of the relative success of this country’s economic management during the pandemic has been almost non-existent.

    Last year, New Zealand – and the rest of the world – were expecting the worst recession since the 1930s. In some countries, the covid recession has been deep and lasting. Here, not so much.

    In fact, our Reserve Bank has recently been forced to intervene to dampen down the inflationary fires within a growing economy. Much as this may hurt the feelings of the centre-right, the results have vindicated the borrow and spend approach taken by the government in unison with the Reserve Bank.

    Last month, the government books were opened. People are in jobs. Unemployment fell to 3.4 percent in the quarter to September, and is headed further downwards. Yes, prices are rising faster than wages, but this is largely due to supply chain bottlenecks and oil price rises beyond our control.

    It is also because of record global demand for our farm exports that — despite what the Groundswell protesters claim — has left farmers extremely well placed to meet the costs of meeting their climate change and water quality obligations.

    As this column has consistently argued, the inflationary surge in prices is forecast to peak early in 2022, and to recede sharply thereafter. Despite the covid effect, the Operating Balance evidence is that deficits will revert to surplus in 2023/24, three years ahead of schedule. Similarly, there will be a spectacular decline in net debt, which will peak at 40.1 percent of GDP next year, before steeply declining to only 30.2 percent within five years, a full 18 percentage points below the gloomy forecasts on debt that were made at the outset of the pandemic.

    So much for fears that covid-related spending would impose an intolerable debt burden on future generations. Instead, the borrowing sustained (and generated) levels of economic activity that will largely take care of the debt incurred in obtaining the subsequent social benefits. Another triumph of neo-Keynesianism over the policies of austerity.

    Finally on this point, the Treasury is predicting government debt will fall from 35.3 percent of GDP to only 30.5 percent next year and head further downwards over the forecast period. This means that New Zealand is blessed with one of the lowest Crown debts to GDP ratios in the developed world.

    Among other things, it leaves acres of room for the government to borrow more to invest in infrastructure and social needs. There is also plenty of headroom in the economy for a further active response to covid-induced needs. More to the point, these figures render the centre-right criticisms of government economic policy almost entirely irrelevant.

    This is what I mean about a skewed media narrative. In its horse race journalism fixations on the new leader of the National Party — did he or didn’t he best PM Jacinda Ardern in the House etc etc — there has been almost zero attention paid to what Luxon is advocating as an alternative to the current economic settings. For all his vaunted experience as a CEO, Christopher Luxon has so far brought nothing whatsoever to the table by way of an alternative economic strategy.

    All that Luxon has offered (so far) are 40-year-old Thatcherite ideas about reducing debt, balancing the budget and tinkering away at the fringes with wasteful government spending. These policies are antiquated relics of a bygone era.

    There is a fixation on style — is he John Key Redux? — as though querying Luxon closely about his lack of content would be bad form, and rather mean to such a political novice.

    – Gordon Campbell

    There is a fixation on style — is he John Key Redux? — as though querying Luxon closely about his lack of content would be bad form, and rather mean to such a political novice.

    In reality, it seems as if the centre right has slept through the Global Financial Crisis, let alone the covid recession. In both these crises, the countries that did best — including the US — borrowed and spent their way out of trouble. The countries (mainly in Europe) that did worse during the GFC in particular, had actively embraced the policies of austerity, the ideology of small government and the service cutbacks that the current leadership of the National Party is being allowed to peddle by a compliant media.

    There’s so much more media interest (and clicks) in the Luxon vs Ardern popularity contest.

    Footnote: In the US over the past few weeks, the same debate has arisen over the prevailing media narrative on the Biden presidency. Again, the lack of context (e.g. in the coverage of the US exit from Afghanistan) , the relentlessly negative focus on trivialities (e.g. Biden’s cough) and the resort to horse race journalism (e.g. the Biden approval ratings) all have their counterparts here. Here’s a Columbia Journalism Review article on the media’s skewed stances towards Biden.

    Much of the recent debate has been kicked off by a (paywalled) column written by the Washington Post’s Dana Millbank, who has argued that the US media’s amplification of what are relatively insignificant government failings is serving to advance the country’s drift to the extreme right. As Millbank says in this MSNBC interview:

    “Compare the last four months to the last four months of 2020, when Donald Trump was threatening to not honour the result of a free and fair election..He was embracing the Proud Boys white supremacists, and embracing QAnon. He was sabotaging the Post Office.[Yet] in that period of time he got similar to, and even more favourable, coverage than what Biden is getting today.”

    In this situation, the media’s ordinary combative instincts – they originate in the admirable journalistic urge to hold power to account – can be ill-suited to recognising, let alone dealing with, the bigger picture. Because, Millbank argues, the stakes involved in the US are more than the usual party political jockeying between Democrats and Republicans. In his view, the struggle is between small “d” democrats, and authoritarians.

    As Milbank said in his Post column, “Biden is attempting to re-establish democratic norms. The people opposing him are using fascist tools of deception and voter disenfranchisement. Neutrality in this struggle is not a virtue.”

    Footnote Two: Luxon’s CEO experience might be the worst possible preparation and qualification for heading a government. After all, CEOs are answerable only to the shareholders, and their main fidelity is to the bottom line. Yet governments — if they’re competent — need to be willing and able to juggle competing interests, to acknowledge the minority view, and to minimize the risks to the vulnerable, even if this involves sometimes abandoning the quest for optimal economic efficiency.

    By and large, the current government has managed that balancing act pretty well. Arguably, by focusing so much coverage on the angrily disgruntled, the media has taken an easy clickable route that downplays — or negates — the fact that such people are actually outliers within what has been so far, a successful response to the pandemic.

    Gordon Campbell is an independent progressive journalist and editor of Scoop’s Werewolf magazine. This article has been republished with the author’s permission.

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.

  • ANALYSIS: By David Robie in Auckland

    The Pacific year has closed with growing tensions over sovereignty and self-determination issues and growing stress over the ravages of covid-19 pandemic in a region that was largely virus-free in 2020.

    Just two days before the year 2021 wrapped up, Bougainville President Ishmael Toroama took the extraordinary statement of denying any involvement by the people or government of the autonomous region of Papua New Guinea being involved in any “secret plot” to overthrow the Manasseh Sogavare government in Solomon Islands.

    Insisting that Bougainville is “neutral” in the conflict in neighbouring Solomon Islands where riots last month were fuelled by anti-Chinese hostilities, Toroama blamed one of PNG’s two daily newspapers for stirring the controversy.

    “Contrary to the sensationalised report in the Post-Courier (Thursday, December 30, 2021) we do not have a vested interest in the conflict and Bougainville has nothing to gain from overthrowing a democratically elected leader of a foreign nation,” Toroama said.

    The frontpage report in the Post-Courier appeared to be a beat-up just at the time Australia was announcing a wind down of the peacekeeping role in the Solomon Islands. A multilateral Pacific force of more than 200 Australian, Fiji, New Zealand and PNG police and military have been deployed since the riots in a bid to ward off further strife.

    PNG Police Commissioner David Manning confirmed to the newspaper having receiving reports of Papua New Guineans allegedly training with Solomon Islanders to overthrow the Sogavare government in the New Year.

    According to the Post-Courier’s Gorethy Kenneth, reports reaching Manning had claimed that Bougainvilleans with connections to Solomon Islanders had “joined forces with an illegal group in Malaita to train them and supply arms”.

    The Bougainvilleans were also accused of “leading this alleged covert operation” in an effort to cause division in Solomon Islands.

    However, Foreign Affairs Minister Soroi Eoe told the newspaper there had been no official information or reports of this alleged operation. The Solomon Islands Foreign Ministry was also cool over the reports.

    Warning over ‘sensationalism’

    PNG Post-Courier 30122021
    How the PNG Post-Courier reported the “secret plot” Bougainville claim on Thursday. Image: Screenshot PNG Post-Courier

    Toroama warned news media against sensationalising national security issues with its Pacific neighbours, saying the Bougainville Peace Agreement “explicitly forbids Bougainville to engage in any foreign relations so it is absurd to assume that Bougainville would jeopardise our own political aspirations by acting in defiance” of these provisions.

    This is a highly sensitive time for Bougainville’s political aspirations as it negotiates a path in response the 98 percent nonbinding vote in support of independence during the 2019 referendum.

    In contrast, another Melanesian territory’s self-determination aspirations received a setback in the third and final referendum on independence in Kanaky New Caledonia on December 12 where a decisive more than 96 percent voted “non”.

    Bougainville President Ishmael Toroama
    Bougainville President Ishmael Toroama … responding to the PNG Post-Courier. Image: Bougainville Today

    However, less than half (43.87 percent) of the electorate voted – far less than the “yes” vote last year – in response to the boycott called by a coalition of seven Kanak independence groups out of respect to the disproportionate number of indigenous people among the 280 who had died in the recent covid-19 outbreak.

    The result was a dramatic reversal of the two previous referendums in 2018 and 2020 where there was a growing vote for independence and the flawed nature of the final plebiscite has been condemned by critics undoing three decades of progress in decolonisation and race relations.

    In 2018, only 57 percent opposed independence and this dropped to 53 percent in 2020 with every indication that the pro-independence “oui” vote would rise further for this third plebiscite in spite of the demographic odds against the indigenous Kanaks who make up just 40 percent of the territory’s population of 280,000.

    The result is now likely in inflame tensions and make it difficult to negotiate a shared future with France which annexed Melanesian territory in 1853 and turned it into a penal colony for political prisoners.

    Kanaky turbulence in 1980s
    A turbulent period in the 1980s – known locally as “Les événements” – culminated in a farcical referendum on independence in 1987 which returned a 98 percent rejection of independence. This was boycotted by the pro-independence groups when then President François Mitterrand broke a promise that short-term French residents would not be able to vote.

    The turnout was 59 percent but skewed by the demographics. The UN Special Committee on Decolonisation declined to send observers as that plebiscite did not honour the process of “decolonisation”.

    A Kanak international advocate of the Confédération Nationale du Travail (CNT) trade union and USTKE member, Rock Haocas, says from Paris that the latest referendum is “a betrayal” of the past three decades of progress and jeopardises negotiations for a future statute on the future of Kanaky New Caledonia.

    The pro-independence parties have refused to negotiate on the future until after the French presidential elections in April this year. A new political arrangement is due in 18 months.

    In the meantime, the result is being challenged in France’s constitutional court.

    “The people have made concessions,” Haocas told Asia Pacific Report, referencing the many occasions indigenous Kanaks have done so, such as:

    • Concessions to the “two colours, one people” agreement with the Union Caledonian party in 1953;
    • Recognition of the “victims of history” in Nainville-Les-Roches in 1983;
    • The Matignon and Oudnot Agreement in 1988;
    • The Nouméa Accord in 1998; and
    • The opening of the electoral body (to the native).

    ‘Getting closer to each other’
    “The period of the agreements allowed the different communities to get to know each other, to get closer to each other, to be together in schools, to work together in companies and development projects, to travel in France, the Pacific, and in other countries,” says Haocas.

    “It’s also the time of the internet. Colonisation is not hidden in Kanaky anymore; it faces the world. People talk about it more easily. The demand for independence has become more explainable, and more exportable. There has been more talk of interdependence, and no longer of a strict break with France.

    “But for the last referendum France banked on the fear of one with the other to preserve its own interests.”

    Is this a return to the dark days of 1987 when France conducted the “sham referendum”?

    “We’re not really in the same context. We are here in the framework of the Nouméa Accord with three consultations — and for which we asked for the postponement of the last one scheduled for December 12,” says Haocas.

    “It was for health reasons with its cultural and societal impacts that made the campaign difficult, it was not fundamentally for political reasons.

    “The French state does not discuss, does not seek consensus — it imposes, even if it means going back on its word.”

    Haocas says it is now time to reflect and analyse the results of the referendum.

    “The result of the ballot box speaks for itself. Note the calm in the pro-independence world. Now there are no longer three actors — the indépendantistes, the anti-independence and the state – but two, the indépendantistes and the state.”


    Rock Haocas in a 2018 interview before the the three referendums on independence. Video: CNT union

    Comparisons between Kanaky and Palestine
    In a devastating critique of the failings of the referendum and of the sincerity of France’s about-turn in its three-decade decolonisation policy, Professor Joseph Massad, a specialist in modern Arab politics and intellectual history at Columbia University, New York, made comparisons with Israeli occupation and apartheid in Palestine.

    “Its expected result was a defeat for the cause of independence. It seems that European settler-colonies remain beholden to the white colonists, not only in the larger white settler-colonies in the Americas and Oceania, but also in the smaller ones, whether in the South Pacific, Southern Africa, Palestine, or Hawai’i,” wrote Dr Massad in Middle East Eye.

    “Just as Palestine is the only intact European settler-colony in the Arab world after the end of Italian settler-colonialism in Libya in the 1940s and 1950s, the end of French settler-colonialism in Morocco and Tunisia in the 1950s, and the liberation of Algeria in 1962 (some of Algeria’s French colonists left for New Caledonia), Kanaky remains the only major country subject to French settler-colonialism after the independence of most of its island neighbours.

    “As with the colonised Palestinians, who have less rights than those acquired by the Kanaks in the last half century, and who remain subject to the racialised power of their colonisers, the colonised Kanaks remain subject to the racialised power of the white French colonists and their mother country.

    “No wonder [President Emmanuel] Macron is as ebullient and proud as Israel’s leaders.”

    Professor Joseph Massad
    Professor Joseph Massad … “European settler-colonies remain beholden to the white colonists.” Image: Screenshot Middle East Eye

    West Papuan hopes elusive as violence worsens
    Hopes for a new United Nations-supervised referendum for West Papua have remained elusive for the Melanesian region colonised by Indonesia in the 1960s and annexed after a sham plebiscite known euphemistically as the “Act of Free Choice” in 1969 when 1025 men and women hand-picked by the Indonesian military voted unanimously in favour of Indonesian control of their former Dutch colony.

    Two years ago the United Liberation Movement of West Papua (ULMWP) was formed to step up the international diplomatic effort for Papuan self-determination and independence. However, at the same time armed resistance has grown and Indonesia has responded with a massive build up of more than 20,000 troops in the two Melanesian provinces of Papua and West Papua and an exponential increase on human rights violations and draconian measures by the Jakarta authorities.

    As 2021 ended, interim West Papuan president-in-exile Benny Wenda distributed a Christmas message thanking the widespread international support – “our solidarity groups, the International Parliamentarians for West Papua, the International Lawyers for West Papua, all those across the world who continue to tirelessly support us.

    “Religious leaders, NGOs, politicians, diplomats, individuals, everyone who has helped us in the Pacific, Caribbean, Africa, America, Europe, UK: thank you.”

    Wenda sounded an optimistic note in his message: “Our goal is getting closer. Please help us keep up the momentum in 2022 with your prayers, your actions and your solidarity.
    You are making history through your support, which will help us achieve independence.”

    But Wenda was also frank about the grave situation facing West Papua, which was “getting worse and worse”.

    “We continue to demand that the Indonesian government release the eight students arrested on December 1 for peacefully calling for their right to self-determination. We also demand that the military operations, which continue in Intan Jaya, Puncak, Nduga and elsewhere, cease,” he said, adding condemnation of Jakarta for using the covid-19 pandemic as an excuse to prevent the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights visiting West Papua.

    New covid-19 wave hits Fiji
    Fiji, which had already suffered earlier in 2021 along with Guam and French Polynesia as one of the worst hit Pacific countries hit by the covid-19 pandemic, is now in the grip of a third wave of infection with 780 active cases.

    Fiji’s Health Ministry has reported one death and 309 new cases of covid-19 in the community since Christmas Day — 194 of them confirmed in the 24 hours just prior to New Year’s Eve. This is another blow to the tourism industry just at a time when it was seeking to rebuild.

    Health Secretary Dr Dr Fong is yet to confirm whether these cases were of the delta variant or the more highly contagious omicron mutant. It may just be a resurgence of the endemic delta variant, says Dr Fong, “however we are also working on the assumption that the omicron variant is already here, and is being transmitted within the community.

    “We expect that genomic sequencing results of covid-19 positive samples sent overseas will confirm this in due course.”

    A DevPolicy blog article at Australian National University earlier in 2021 warned against applying Western notions of public health to the Pacific country. Communal living is widespread across squatter settlements, urban villages, and other residential areas in the Lami-Suva-Nausori containment zone.

    “Household sizes are generally bigger than in Western countries, and households often include three generations. This means elderly people are more at risk as they cannot easily isolate. At the same time, identifying a ‘household’ and determining who should be in a ‘bubble’ is difficult.

    “‘Stay home’ is equally difficult to define, because the concept of ‘home’ has a broader meaning in the Fijian context compared to Western societies.”

    While covid pandemic crises are continuing to wreak havoc in some Pacific communities into 2022, the urgency of climate change still remains the critical issue facing the region. After the lacklustre COP26 global climate summit in Glasgow, Scotland, in November, Pacific leaders — who were mostly unable to attend due to the covid lockdowns — have stepped up their global advocacy.

    End of ’empty promises’ on climate
    Cook Islands Prime Minister Mark Brown appealed in a powerful article that it was time for the major nations producing global warming emissions to shelve their “empty promises” and finally deliver on climate financing.

    ‘As custodians of these islands, we have a moral duty to protect [them] — for today and the unborn generations of our Pacific anau. Sadly, we are unable to do that because of things beyond our control …

    “Sea level rise is alarming. Our food security is at risk, and our way of life that we have known for generations is slowly disappearing. What were ‘once in a lifetime’ extreme events like category 5 cyclones, marine heatwaves and the like are becoming more severe.

    “Despite our negligible contribution to global emissions, this is the price we pay. We are talking about homes, lands and precious lives; many are being displaced as we speak.”

    Marylou Mahe
    Marylou Mahé … ““As a young Kanak woman, my voice is often silenced, but I want to remind the world that … we are acting for our future. Image: PCF

    Perhaps the most perceptive reflections of the year came from a young Kanak pro-independence and climate change student activist, Marylou Mahé. Saying that as a “decolonial feminist” she wished to put an end to “injustice and humiliation of my people”, Mahé added a message familiar to many Pacific Islanders:

    “As a young Kanak woman, my voice is often silenced, but I want to remind the world that we are here, we are standing, and we are acting for our future. The state’s spoken word may die tomorrow, but our right to recognition and self-determination never will.”

    This post was originally published on Asia Pacific Report.