Category: pakistan

  • A video, seemingly taken by someone in the audience during a public performance, in which event attendees are showing the middle finger to someone on stage has gone viral. Those sharing the video on social media claim that these gestures were made at Bollywood actor and filmmaker Kangana Ranaut during a concert. Ranaut is affiliated with the Bharatiya Janata Party and represents Himachal Pradesh’s Mandi district in the lower house of the Parliament.

    On June 3, X user Amit Yadav (@Amityad6389) shared the viral video and claimed that members affiliated with Hindu organisations, upset with her over something, showed her the middle finger in public. (Archive)

    On June 4, media outlet LocalTak (@localtak) also shared the purported video alleging that members of a Hindu organisation protested against Ranaut during a show by showing her the middle finger. (Archive)

    Another X user, Amock (@amock2029), also shared the clip, claiming that the actor-turned-politician was disrespected. (Archive)

    Several other social media users have shared the same video with similar claims. 

    Click to view slideshow.

     

    Fact Check

    We watched the video closely several times and noticed the words ‘Q High Street’ displayed on the stage in the video. Q High Street is a commercial property in Lahore, Pakistan.

    During our investigation, we also found that Q High Street had organised an automotive event, Pak Wheels Auto Show, on May 25. The event featured a performance by Young Stunners, a popular hip-hop duo in Pakistan. 

    We found several posts on Q High Street’s Instagram page, featuring Young Stunner’s performance. Noticeably, the backdrop of the videos here was identical to the one that went viral.

    Click to view slideshow.

     

    Taking cue from this, we looked for full videos of the performance and found one on YouTube uploaded on May 29, 2025. At the 3:15-minute mark of the video, the same woman who is seen in the viral clip appears as the event’s emcee. It’s fairly clear that she is not Kangana Ranaut.

    Here’s the video:

    To sum up, the viral video is from an event in Lahore, Pakistan. It does not depict members of a Hindu organisation showing the middle finger to Kangana Ranaut. The woman appearing in the video is not the Bollywood actor. 

    (With inputs from Diti Pujara)

    The post Kangana Ranaut was not shown the middle finger at a performance; viral video is from an event in Pakistan appeared first on Alt News.


    This content originally appeared on Alt News and was authored by Ankita Mahalanobish.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • On 29 May the Committee to Protect Journalists and fourteen other organisations have urged Pakistan to immediately halt deportation of Afghan journalists and other vulnerable Afghan migrants. The fifteen advocacy groups expressed deep concern over Pakistan’s ongoing deportation plan, first announced on 3 October 2023, which targets undocumented Afghan nationals. The joint statement highlights the heightened risks faced by Afghan journalists, writers, artists, human rights defenders, and others who fled Taliban persecution and are now at risk of being forcibly returned.

    Among the signatories are prominent international organisations such as PEN Germany, CPJ, Unlimited Free Press, Front Line Defenders, International Cities of Refuge Network (ICORN), Nai – Supporting Open Media in Afghanistan, and Reporters Without Borders (RSF).

    The organisations also called on the international community to provide safe resettlement opportunities for these individuals, recognising the dangers they face if returned to Taliban-controlled Afghanistan. Pakistan’s deportation policy has faced sharp criticism from local and international bodies, including the Pakistan Human Rights Commission, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), and the International Organisation for Migration (IOM). These entities have urged Pakistan to uphold its international obligations and provide protection to those fleeing conflict and persecution.

    Despite repeated calls for restraint, the Pakistani government has accelerated forced returns in recent months. In April alone, more than 300,000 Afghans were deported, drawing further condemnation from human rights organisations.

    ——

    On 28 May Amnesty International along with four other human rights organizations wrote to the Pakistani prime minister, calling for an end to the “harassment and arbitrary detention” of Baloch human rights defenders (HRDs) exercising their rights to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly, particularly in Balochistan province. 

    The letter comes in the wake of Dr. Mahrang Baloch, one of the leading campaigners for the Baloch minority and the leader of the Baloch Yakjehti Committee (BYC), and a number of other activists, being arrested in March on charges of terrorism, sedition and murder. ..

    The five organizations — Amnesty International, Asian Forum for Human Rights and Development (FORUM-ASIA), Front Line Defenders, International Federation for Human Rights, World Organization Against Torture — appeal to Pakistan’s Prime Minister to release Baloch human rights defenders and end the crackdown on dissent in line with Pakistan’s international human rights obligations;

    A dozen UN experts called on Pakistan in March to immediately release Baloch rights defenders, including Dr. Baloch, and to end the repression of their peaceful protests. UN special rapporteur for human rights defenders Mary Lawlor said she was “disturbed by reports of further mistreatment in prison.”

    Balochistan is the site of a long-running separatist movement, with insurgent groups accusing the state of unfairly exploiting Balochistan’s rich gas and mineral resources. The federal and provincial governments deny this, saying they are spending billions of rupees on the uplift of the province’s people. 

    see also: https://humanrightsdefenders.blog/2024/10/22/prominent-baluch-human-rights-defender-stopped-from-attending-time-event-in-us-and-then-assaulted/

    https://www.afintl.com/en/202505291879

    https://www.arabnews.com/node/2602563/amp

  • On May 24, Pakistan’s chief of army staff, Syed Asim Munir, hosted a dinner party “to honour the political leadership, steadfast commitment of the Armed Forces” during Operation Bunyan Marsoos, the offensive launched by Pakistan to counter India’s Operation Sindoor. One of the images from that party shows Munir and Pakistan Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif holding a framed picture of artillery in action. A metal badge attached to the frame says, “OP BUNYAN-UM-MARSOOS; Geljed Maki Launch Rocket Regiment of Pakistan Artillery”.

    It wasn’t clear who was presenting the image to whom but it was certainly linked to the latest India-Pakistan conflict. Pakistan’s operation, launched on May 10, targeted at least six Indian military bases. Meanwhile, the Indian armed forces have maintained that their strikes, launched on May 7, targeted only terror bases in Pakistan and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK).

    News outlets such as the Times of KarachiDaily The SpokesmanKhabar KadaPakistan Todayand Daily Pakistan carried the image. The public relations wing of the armed forces, the Inter Services Public Relations Pakistan, also used the image in its press release

    Click to view slideshow.

     

    Besides PM Sharif, President Asif Ali Zardari was also present along with the Pakistan’s deputy PM and foreign minister. Others in attendance included the national assembly speaker, ministers, governors, chief ministers, chiefs of air force and navy, senior political leaders, high-ranking government officials, and senior officers from the armed forces.

    Images from the party were also shared by X handle Pakistan Armed Forces News (@PakistanFauj). (Archives 1, 2)

    Click to view slideshow.

     

    Fact Check

    Several social media users pointed out on X that the framed image of artillery action was old and not related to Pakistan’s Operation Bunyan Marsoos. Some even pointed out that the image was of a Chinese military drill.

    Click to view slideshow.

    To verify this, we ran a reverse image search of the framed picture and found a report by Indian Aerospace Defence News (IADN) that featured an image very similar to the one Pakistan’s army chief and PM Sharif were holding. The four-year-old report was titled: “China deploys long-range rocket launcher as deterrent to India”. A watermark on the image said “China Military”.

    The report also mentioned that China’s People’s Liberation Army (PLA) had deployed an advanced long-range rocket launcher to the Himalayas to strengthen border defences and deter India.

    Taking a cue from the above, we ran a relevant keyword search, which led us to a 2019 blog post by China’s Ministry of Defence where the same image was used. The post made it clear that the image was from August 18, 2019.

    We then compared the framed image that Pakistan’s army chief Munir and PM Sharif were holding with the one issued by the Chinese milutart and noticed several similarities, such as the smoke pattern and the angle of the launcher. We highlighted the comparison below:

    Our findings indicate that the image on the left was most likely edited with two more launchers added to the original image. The angles of the three launchers on the left image and how they emit fire is identical and seem duplicated.

    Hence, the framed image that Pakistan’s army chief Asim Munir and PM Sharif were holding was edited and had nothing to do with Operation Bunyan Marsoos. It is five years old and completely unrelated to the recent India-Pakistan conflict.

    The post Not Operation Bunyan Marsoos, image held by Pakistan PM, army chief Asim Munir shows old Chinese military drill appeared first on Alt News.


    This content originally appeared on Alt News and was authored by Oishani Bhattacharya.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • On April 22, militants from The Resistance Front (TRF), a group accused by Indian authorities of being linked to the Lashkar-e-Taiba terrorist group, slaughtered 26 tourists in the resort town of Pahalgam in the Indian administered portion of Kashmir. This came as a rude shock to the Indian military establishment, which decided that rebellious sentiments in the region had declined. (In March 2025, an assessment concluded that a mere 77 active militants were busying themselves on India’s side of the border.)

    The feeling of cooling tensions induced an air of complacency. Groups such as the TRF, along with a fruit salad of insurgent outfits – the Kashmir Tigers, the People’s Anti-Fascist Front, and the United Liberation Front of Kashmir – were all spawned by Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s August 2019 revocation of Article 370 of the Indian Constitution, which granted Kashmir singular autonomy. TRF has been particularly and violently opposed to the resettlement of the Kashmiri pandits, which they see as an effort to alter the region’s demography.

    The murderous incident raised the obvious question: Would Modi pay lip service to the 1972 Shimla Agreement, one that divided Kashmir into two zones of administration separated by a Line of Control? (A vital feature of that agreement is an understanding that both powers resolve their disputes without the need for third parties.)

    The answers came promptly enough. First came India’s suspension of the vital Indus Water Treaty, a crucial agreement governing the distribution of water from India to Pakistan. Pakistan reciprocated firmly by suspending the Shimla Agreement, expelling Indian military diplomats, halting visa exemptions for Indian citizens, and closing the Wagah border for trade.

    Hindu nationalism proved particularly stirred, and Modi duly fed its cravings. On May 7, India commenced Operation Sindoor, involving what were purportedly precision missile attacks on nine militant camps in Pakistan and the Jammu and Kashmir area controlled by Islamabad. The operation itself had a scent of gendered manipulation, named after the vermillion used by married Hindu women to symbolise the durable existence of their husbands. Two female military officers – Colonel Sofiya Qureshi and Wing Commander Vyomika Singh – were tasked with managing the media pack.

    The Indian briefings celebrated the accuracy of the strikes on what were said to be the sites of Lashkar-e-Taiba, Jaish-e-Mohammed, and Hizbul Mujahideen. Thirty-one suspected terrorists were said to have perished, though Pakistan insisted that civilians had been killed in this apparent feast of forensic precision. India’s Defence Minister Rajnath Singh would have none of it: Indian forces had only “struck only those who harmed our innocents”.

    The next day, it was operations against Pakistan’s air defence systems in Lahore that stole the show. The inevitable Pakistani retaliation followed on May 10, with the Indian return serve against 11 Pakistani air bases. What followed is one version: Pakistan’s military broke into a sweat. A cessation of hostilities was sought and achieved. Armchair pundits on the Indian side celebrated: India had successfully targeted the terrorist cells supported by Pakistan. If one is to read Anubhav Shankar Goswami seriously, Operation Sindoor was a stroke of genius, threatening “the Pakistan Army’s strategic shield against terrorists”.

    More accurately, this was a lovely little spilling of blood with weaponry between callow sibling throats, a pattern familiar since 1947. The two countries have fought four full-blown conflicts, two over Kashmir. Along the way, they have made the world a lot safer by acquiring nuclear weapons.

    There was something for everyone in this retaliatory and counter-retaliatory feast. India claimed strategic proficiency, keeping censorship on the matter tight. Pakistan could claim some prowess in shooting down five Indian jets, using Chinese weaponry, including the J-10.  With pride and pomp, they could even appoint Pakistani Army chief Asim Munir to the post of Field Marshal, an absurdly ceremonial gesture that gave the impression that the army had restored its tattered pride. It was to be expected that this was ample reward for his, in the words of the government, “strategic leadership and decisive role” in defeating India.

    The only ones to be notably ignored in this display of subcontinental machismo were the Kashmiris themselves, who face, in both the Pakistan and Indian administered zones, oppressive anti-terrorism laws, discriminatory practices, and suppression of dissent and free speech.

    Ultimately, the bickering children were convinced to end their playground antics. The fact that the overbearing headmaster, the unlikely US President Donald Trump, eventually brought himself to bear on proceedings must have irritated them. After four days of conflict, the US role in defusing matters between the powers became evident. Kashmir, which India has long hoped to keep in museum-like storage, away from the international stage, had been enlivened.  Trump even offered his services to enable New Delhi and Islamabad a chance to reach a more enduring peace. Praise for the president followed, notably from those wishing to see the Kashmir conflict resolved.

    In one sense, there seems to be little reason to worry. These are countries seemingly linked to sandpit grievances, scrapping, gouging, and complaining about their lot. Even amidst juvenile spats, they can bicker yet still sign enduring ceasefires. In February 2021, for instance, the militaries of both countries cobbled together a ceasefire which ended four months of cross-border skirmishes. A mere two violations of the agreement (how proud they must have been) was recorded for the rest of the year. In 2022, a solitary incident of violation was noted.

    A needlessly florid emphasis was made on the conflict by Indian political scientist Pratap Bhanu Meta.  This was an encounter lacking a “decisive victory and no clear political end”. It merely reinstated “the India-Pakistan hyphenation”. In one sense, this element of hyphenation – the international perception of two subcontinental powers in an eternal, immature squabble – was something India seemed to be marching away from. But Prime Minister Modi, despite his grander visions for India, is a sectarian fanatic. History shows that fanaticism tends to shrink, rather than enlarge, the mind. In that sense, he is in good company with those other uniformed fanatics in uniform.

    The post Squabbling Siblings: India, Pakistan and Operation Sindoor first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • Since the partition from India in 1947, Pakistan has been engaged in around a dozen significant and minor conflicts with India. Wars and negotiations are carried out based on the interests and directives of the respective central governments. Both Indian and Pakistani citizens are worried about a full-scale conflict, and the wounds of numerous wars are deeply felt at the local level. Recently, the population has been traumatized by Operation Sindoor and its subsequent retaliation. This research aims to promote peace by placing the people at the forefront, educating them about peace, and exerting pressure from the grassroots level up to the provincial and national levels to restore peace, unity, coexistence, security, and prosperity. The objectives are to promote positive peace between the two nations by empowering local people, fostering connections between them, and sharing the findings with interested parties.

    The post India-Pakistan Escalation Of Conflict: Promoting Positive Peace appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • A video showing two choppers being struck down has been shared on social media with claims that the Indian Air Force downed two fighter helicopters in Bhuj, killing four Pakistani air force personnel.

    The video emerged as the conflict between India and Pakistan was on the brink. Pakistan retaliated with shelling and drones shortly after India carried out air strikes on nine terror bases in Pakistan and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir on the intervening night of May 6 and 7, 2025. Since these strikes, named Operation Sindoor to honour the 26 victims of the April 22 terror attack in Kashmir’s Pahalgam, the two nations continued with combat. Meanwhile, scores of unverified visuals have emerged on social media showing damage to infrastructure and claims of casualties on both sides.

    X user Aman Sah (@amnofc) shared the video and wrote, “Four Pakistani Air Force personnel were killed in the Bhuj area during an operation of the Indian Air Force, in which two Pakistani fighter helicopters were also destroyed.” (Archive)

    This video had garnered more than 1.7 million views at the time this article was written.

    X user Deepak Sharma (@SonOfBharat7), who has shared misinformation in the past, shared the video with a similar claim. (Archive) Another X user, @thevoicenm, also posted it. (Archive)

     

     

    Numerous X users have also been sharing such videos with similar claims. (Archive)

    Fact Check

    On taking a closer look, Alt News noticed that the combat scenes did not seem and guessed they might be from a warfare or combat game. We performed a reverse image search of a few frames taken from the video and landed on the same video uploaded on March 29, 2022, on SON STUDIO, a gaming channel on YouTube. The description of the video, titled “2 Military Ka-52 shot down by Air Defense System Milsim ARMA3 E11”, says that it is a dramatised, fictional gaming footage.

    We found many such videos on this channel that are footage of gaming or simulations. The channel’s ‘About’ section states that it makes military gaming simulation content for ‘Arma 3 (or EFBS)’.

    To sum up, the video being circulated with claims that four Pakistan soldiers were killed and two of their choppers struck down in Bhuj is a gaming simulation video. The footage is unrelated to the India-Pakistan conflict and was available online for three years before Operation Sindoor was launched. The claims are baseless.

    Also Read: ‘Operation Sindoor’: Video game clip shared with claim of shooting down Pakistani jet

    The post Video game footage of helicopters being struck shared with claims IAF downing Pakistan helicopters appeared first on Alt News.


    This content originally appeared on Alt News and was authored by Pawan Kumar.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Note: We have only used screenshots in this story, considering the graphic nature of the video, which could be triggering for some readers.

    A video showing deceased soldiers near what appears to be a boundary wall with fires around is being circulated by many social media accounts. In the video, it seems as though the person recording it is saying that there was heavy shelling at the border, in which Pakistan killed many Indian soldiers. Those sharing the video also claimed that 52 soldiers of the 20 Raj Battalion of the Indian Army were martyred.

    This video has emerged amid a sea of unverified visuals and claims on social media that try to show damage caused by India or Pakistan in the recent conflict that was triggered by the killing of 26 civilians in Kashmir. A fortnight after this, India launched Operation Sindoor to target terror bases in Pakistan. Shortly after, the Pakistan armed forces retaliated with shelling across border areas, also targeting Indian military infrastructure.

    Pakistan-based account War Analyst, withheld in India, shared the video claiming it showed footage from Pakistan’s strike on the Sangar post of Chirikot, and the visual was being shared among army folks in India on WhatsApp. The user wrote that India was covering up the loss of 52 Indian soldiers along the Line of Control while their families were mounting pressure on the Indian government to reveal these deaths.

    The video was shared by Conflict Watch with the same claim as well as RTEUrdu, a Turkish media outlet. RTEUrdu wrote that the video was taken by an Indian soldier.

    Fact Check

    Several things in the video raise doubts.

    • Firstly, the claims alleged that an Indian Army post faced heavy shelling. But in the video, the so-called post seems safe. If there was heavy shelling that caused a fire, far more damage would clearly be visible, which is not the case here.
    • Secondly, the tone of the person recording the video is funny, as though it is being enacted or forcefully dramatised. In such a situation it is more likely that someone recording the footage would worried or distraught.
    • Thirdly, the viral post claims that 52 Indian soldiers have been killed and their families are pressuring the government. But had this been true and the government were hiding it, news outlets in India would have surely carried stories on it. The Indian Army has said that it lost five soldiers.

    Importantly, the uniform worn by the soldiers in the viral video is old. The Indian Army does not don this uniform anymore; it was changed in 2022. A comparison of the old and new uniforms can be seen below.

    A report by The Indian Express from January 2022 also explained the difference between the old and new uniforms of the army. Below is a screenshot of their graphic.

    The fact-checking unit of the Indian government, PIB Fact-Check, also dubbed the video fabricated and said there was no unit called “20 Raj Battalion” in the Indian Army. It added that this was part of a propaganda campaign to create panic and mislead people during the conflict.

     

    Based on these findings, Alt News established that the video does not depict martyred soldiers from the recent India-Pakistan conflict. Claims that 52 soldiers were martyred in firing by Pakistan are unsubstantiated.

    The post 52 Indian soldiers killed by Pakistan in shelling? No; viral video is staged, says PIB appeared first on Alt News.


    This content originally appeared on Alt News and was authored by Abhishek Kumar.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • A video showing a row of corpses on the ground covered in green is being widely shared on social media with claims that Pakistan killed 12 Indian soldiers in the recent conflict between the two countries.

    These visuals come amid heightened tensions between India and Pakistan after the Indian defence forces carried out strikes on nine terrorist bases in Pakistan and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir under Operation Sindoor. In turn, shelling by the Pakistan Army on areas near the Line of Control (LoC) in Jammu and Kashmir resulted in the death of at least 16 people. The Indian Army said it lost five soldiers.

    In this context, the video of the corpses is being circulated by many Pakistan-based social media accounts to suggest that Pakistan managed to inflict major losses on the Indian side.  

    X user @PakistanFauj shared the video and wrote, “Pakistan Army carried out targeted action on Dharamshala 1 and 2 posts in Battal sector, killing at least 12 Indian soldiers. Both the posts were completely destroyed.” Verified X handles @KashmirUrdu and @A_MQQ_ also shared the video with similar claims. (Archived versions of these can be found here and here.)

    Click to view slideshow.

    Fact Check

    Alt News performed a reverse image search of some key frames from the video, which led us to a similar image uploaded on Getty Images on August 20, 2011. According to the caption, the bodies were of “suspected militants” killed by the Indian Army in Kashmir. The army had foiled an infiltration attempt in the Gurez sector of North Kashmir near the Line of Control.

    It is worth noting that the army personnel and the helicopter seen in the background of the Getty photo are not visible in the viral clip.

    We then looked for news reports on the incident and found one by Al Jazeera from August 20, 2011. Indian Army spokesperson Lieutenant General JS Brar told the publication, “On August 20, 2011, 12 terrorists were trying to cross the border in a boat and the Kishanganga river is the Line of Actual Control in some areas. During the firing, six terrorists fell into the river and six others were killed on the banks.” The picture featured in the report shows the dead bodies lying on the ground behind the soldier, exactly as seen in the viral video.

    In other words, the visual shared by social media users to claim 12 Indian soldiers were killed is actually 14 years old. The incident it captures is from 2011, when the Indian Army killed 12 terrorists who were caught infiltrating Kashmir. It has been wrongly linked to India’s Operation Sindoor and the conflict with Pakistan.

    The post Image from 2011 shared with false claims that it shows corpses of 12 Indian soldiers killed by Pakistan appeared first on Alt News.


    This content originally appeared on Alt News and was authored by Pawan Kumar.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Ever since India’s director general of air operations (DGAO), Awadhesh Kumar Bharti, revealed that the Indian Air Force hit several military targets in Pakistan on the intervening night of May 9 and 10, speculation on whether Kirana Hills, believed to be a major nuclear storage facility, was among the sites struck in the attack has been rife.

    Amid these speculations, a purported office memorandum issued by Pakistan’s ministry of climate change & environmental coordination, has gone viral on social media. This so-called memorandum ‘confirms’ a radiation leak at a facility in the ‘Northern Administrative Zone’. An image of the memo has been added below:

    Giving out specific details about India’s retaliatory strikes, DGAO Bharti said on May 11, “A decision was taken to strike where it would hurt and towards that in a swift, coordinated, calibrated attack, we stuck its air bases, command centers, military infrastructure, air defence systems across the entire Western Front. The bases we struck include Chaklala, Rafiq, Rahim Yar Khan, sending a clear message that aggression will not be tolerated. This was followed by strikes at Sargodha, Bhulari, and Jacobabad..”

    Kirana hills is approximately 8 km southeast of the Sargodha Air Base in Sargodha division in central Punjab, Pakistan.

    X user Abhi ™ (@Patelizm) shared the above document and wrote, “Govt of Pakistan confirms a radiation in Northern Pakistan.” (Archive)

    The memo was also shared on X with the same claim by verified users Amitabh Chaudhary, The Jaipur Dialogues, The Sphere Report and Nagrendra Pandey, among others.

    Pro-Right propaganda outlet OpIndia published an article titled, “Did India hit Pakistan’s nuclear site during Operation Sindoor? Viral ‘Radiological Safety Bulletin’ purportedly issued by Islamabad fuels speculations”. It said, “A document labeled “Radiological Safety Bulletin” … has surfaced on the internet, igniting a storm of speculation. It alleges a confirmed radiation leak at a facility located in Northern Pakistan… ”

    At the same time, the article also said, “The authenticity of the bulletin remains unverified and it could well be fake… ”

    Fact Check

    On a careful reading of the document, several spelling and formatting errors become apparent. The most glaring is the time of the alleged leak—‘24-55 hours’—which makes no sense. Other than that, the word ‘Confidential’ is spelt as ‘Confidental’; ‘Northern’ as ‘Norther’; ‘Following’ as ‘Pollowing’; ‘Safety’ as ‘Safet’ and so on.

    We have pointed out the discrepancies and errors below:

    Graphic by Atreyo Roy/ Alt News

    Readers should note that there is no available public record of any entity called the National Radiological Safety Division as mentioned in the letter. The agency that oversees matters related to nuclear energy, radioactive sources and radiation in Pakistan is the Pakistan Nuclear Regulatory Authority. PNRA is currently headed by Faizan Mansoor, who is the chairman. We could not find any mention of an ‘Engr. Malik Asad Rafiq’, who has issued the viral memo, on any credible source or government document.

    Also, at a press briefing on May 12, the Indian DGOA was asked by a journalist whether Indian strikes had hit Kirana Hills. “Thank you for telling us that Kirana Hills houses some nuclear installation, we did not know about it. We have not hit Kirana Hills, whatever is there,” he said.

    Alt News also spoke to Sourendra Kumar Bhattacharya, a visiting scientist at Academia Sinica, Taiwan, an expert on the subject. When we showed him the document, he said, “There is no Indium 192 radioisotope available in sealed source. There is IRIDIUM192, a radioactive isotope used in Oncological therapy and to detect structural damage. Indium 113 and Indium 115 are two STABLE isotopes of Indium available.”

    Thus, all our findings indicate that the viral document on a radiation leak in a nuclear facility in Pakistan is fake.

    The post Viral memo ‘confirming’ radiation leak in Pakistan is fake appeared first on Alt News.

    This content originally appeared on Alt News and was authored by Indradeep Bhattacharyya.

  • New Delhi, May 9, 2025—The Committee to Protect Journalists condemns the nationwide block on access to The Wire independent news site as the latest act of media censorship following a militant attack on tourists in Indian-administered Kashmir last month.    

    “Facts must not be the casualty in any conflict,” said Beh Lih Yi, CPJ’s Asia program coordinator. “Blocking The Wire’s website and the social media accounts of other news outlets is an alarming attempt to stifle critical journalism at a time when independent reporting is more essential than ever. We call on the Indian government to immediately lift the blockade on The Wire and cease using national security concerns as an excuse to suppress media freedom.”

    The internet block coincides with a significant escalation in tensions between India and Pakistan, which have traded fire across their frontier in disputed Kashmir this week. India blames its neighbor for the April 22 killing of 26, mostly Hindu, tourists.

    The Wire criticized the blocking as “arbitrary and inexplicable” and a violation of the constitutional guarantee of press freedom. Internet Service Providers told The Wire that they had received orders to block the site under a government directive issued under the Information Technology Act, 2000.

    The social media platform X said it had received executive orders to block over 8,000 accounts in India, including the Kashmir-based news outlets Free Press Kashmir and The Kashmiriyat and Maktoob Media, which focuses on human rights and minorities.

    Separately, on May 7, The Hindu newspaper said it had deleted a post on X, which reported that three Indian jets had crashed in Jammu and Kashmir, because it did not have “on-record official information.”      

    Journalist Hilal Mir has been placed under preventive detention until May 13 for allegedly spreading anti-national content and promoting secessionist ideology online.

    In late April, the government blocked one Indian and 19 Pakistani YouTube channels, one journalist was assaulted and two political commentators and satirists face legal action over their coverage of the Kashmir attack. The information ministry has banned live coverage of anti-terrorist operations, citing security risks.

    CPJ’s emailed requests to the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology for comment did not receive an immediate response.


    This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • As bombs rain down on Gaza and the world looks away, another settler colonial project is taking notes. From New Delhi to Tel Aviv, the ideological affinity between Israeli Zionism and India’s Hindutva movement has never been more pronounced as India strikes Pakistan.

    And with Israel’s ongoing genocide in Gaza facing little to no meaningful international accountability, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has every reason to believe that he, too, can escalate his ethno-nationalist project with impunity.

    When Israel bombs a hospital, the world debates whether Hamas was hiding beneath it. When India bombs a mosque, it shrugs – wasn’t it probably a ‘terror hideout’?

    The post India’s Attack On Pakistan Is Straight Out Of The Israeli Playbook appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • The growing tensions between India and Pakistan reached a boiling point in the early hours of May 7 when India launched several attacks inside Pakistani territory. Eight Pakistanis were killed and 35 were injured in the “tri-service” early morning attacks by India, Director General Inter-Services Public Relations, Lieutenant General Ahmed Sharif Chaudhry, said in a press conference. Chaudhry added that one of the victims was a three-year-old girl.

    The Indian Army launched the attacks as part of “Operation Sindoor” and targeted nine locations in the cities of Kotli, Muzaffarabad, and Bagh located in Pakistan-administered Kashmir, and Bahawalpur and Muridke in the Punjab province.

    The post Pakistan Calls India’s Attacks ‘Unprovoked And Blatant Act Of War’ appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • Dozens of people have been killed in the worst fighting between India and Pakistan in more than two decades. India attacked nine locations in Pakistan and Pakistani-controlled Kashmir early Wednesday, killing at least 26 people, including a child. Pakistan described the attacks as an act of war and responded by shelling areas controlled by India. Tensions have been soaring between the two nuclear…

    Source

    This post was originally published on Latest – Truthout.

  • India has launched military strikes in nine areas of both Pakistan and Pakistan-administered Kashmir. The BBC reported that:

    According to Pakistan, three different areas were hit: Muzaffarabad and Kotli in Pakistan-administered Kashmir, and Bahawalpur in the Pakistani province of Punjab.

    Pakistani officials have said that 26 people have been killed, with 46 more injured. Al Jazeera reported that:

    A Pakistani military spokesman had earlier told the broadcaster Geo that at least five locations, including two mosques, had been hit. He also said that Pakistan’s response was under way, without providing details.

    In Punjab, missiles hit a mosque in the city of Bahawalpur, killing a child and wounding two civilians, the military said.

    India has claimed that the strikes were targeted in areas that are part of:

    terrorist infrastructure.

    Israel’s genocide against Palestine has followed a remarkably similar pattern of bombing civilians while they sleep, targeting mosques, killing children, and then claiming that the whole operation was to combat terrorism.

    India’s coloniality

    This similarity, however, is no coincidence. Academic Hafsa Kanjwal sets out how India’s relationship to Kashmir is firmly one of settler colonialism:

    When the British ruled the subcontinent, they sold Kashmir to the Dogras, Hindu chiefs from the nearby region of Jammu, in the aftermath of the first Anglo-Sikh War in 1846…Unlike most princely states, Jammu and Kashmir was one of the few where the religious identity of its ruler was different from those of the majority of its subjects. The Dogras were Hindu, while more than three-quarters of the people in the state were Muslim.

    Just as Israel’s domination over Palestine has roots in British colonialism via the Balfour Declaration, so too do the contemporary politics of Kashmir originate with British and Indian coloniality. Kanjwal argues:

    Kashmir is India’s colony. The exercise and expansion of Indian territorial sovereignty, especially in Kashmir, is a colonial exercise. The exercise of Indian power in Kashmir is coercive, lacks a democratic basis, denies a people self-determination, and is buttressed by an intermediary class of local elites or compradors.

    However, this domination can only be understood within the context of Global North colonialism:

    But it is also colonial because India’s rule in Kashmir relies on logics of more ‘classical’ forms of colonialism from Europe to the Global South: civilisational discourses, saviourism, mythologies, economic extraction and racialisation. As with all imperial or colonial forces, India has sought to rule over Kashmir through subjugating its people and trampling their rights.

    Kashmiris are subject to arbitrary detention, travel bans, and broad state censorship by Indian authorities. Meenakshi Ganguly from Human Rights Watch said:

    Kashmiris are unable to exercise their right to free expression, association, and peaceful assembly because they fear they will be arrested, thrown in prison without trial for months, even years.

    Settler colonialism

    A 2024 UN report found that a “staggering” number of Palestinians are held by Israeli authorities in Israeli detention. Just like Israel, India has also blamed a fight against terrorism as justification for structural violence against native populations.

    As well as a pattern of subjugating Muslim natives whilst claiming to be fighting terrorism, India and Israel also share fascist ideologies. Hindu nationalism, or Hindutva, is in step with Zionism in a perhaps unexpected manner. Academic Vikram Visana explains, Indian prime minister Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is founded on Hindutva:

    Devised in the early 20th century, the politics of Hindutva insist that the country’s national identity be built around those who consider only India’s geography sacred. Muslims and Christians, whose holy sites lay in the Middle East, were therefore considered second-class citizens.

    And:

    Hindutva doesn’t stop at India’s borders. Hindu nationalists have used the ongoing conflict in Gaza to vilify other Muslims globally. BJP troll farms have spread disinformation and anti-Palestinian hatred online, and Hindu nationalist groups in India have organised pro-Israel marches.

    In other words:

    To Hindu nationalists, some Zionists were engaged in a project to reclaim their holy land from a Muslim population whose religious roots in the region were not as ancient as their own.

    India: leveraging US power?

    Both Hindutva and Zionist ideologies are based on purging a holy land from Muslim savages. And, it is that figure of Muslim savages that has a powerful currency in Israeli and Indian culture of Muslims as an uncontrollable, animalistic, Other. Journalist Azad Essa explains how the connecting factor for contemporary iterations of Zionist and Hindutva ideologies is a tussle for US imperialist support:

    The Indian American lobby—or, more accurately, the Hindu nationalist lobby—literally modeled itself on organizations like the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) and the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) as they looked to replicate their methods in hustling for influence over the US government.

    Essa concludes that:

    Ultimately, Hindu nationalists have tried to align Indian interests with US power—and given the silence in the media and among US lawmakers about the rise of Hindutva, the occupation in Kashmir, and the attack on India’s minorities, including Muslims and Christians, I’d say they have been pretty successful.

    India’s latest attacks on Pakistan and Pakistan-administered Kashmir are yet another attempt to continue the persecution of Kashmiri Muslims. Any similarities to Israel’s mode of operation in Palestine are further evidence of Hindu nationalist ideology built on Islamophobia and colonial domination. And, as with Palestine, the US’ alignment with Indian interests will likely be the difference between life and death for Kashmiris.

    Featured image via the Canary

    By Maryam Jameela

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • As news of Operation Sindoor broke on May 7, a 21-second video featuring several men and hijab-clad women running helter-skelter amid some debris was widely shared on social media claiming that the footage shows the aftermath of Indian air strikes.

    A fortnight after a terrorist attack in Pahalgam had killed 26 people, Indian Armed Forces in the early hours of May 7 hit nine sites containing terrorist infrastructure in Pakistan and PoK from where attacks against India had been planned and directed. The Union ministry of defence described the action as “focused, measured and non-escalatory in nature”, with no Pakistani military facilities having been targeted.

    An X-user, Janardan Mishra (@janardanspeaks), shared the video clip with a caption, which can be roughly translated as, “He who has entered your house and dug your grave is Modiji, sitting on the throne in Delhi.” The caption is suggestive of the condition of the people seen in the video to be from Pakistan. (Archive)

    The post has garnered over 6,46,600 views.

    X user Deepak Sharma (@SonOfBharat7), who amplifies misinformation and propaganda on a regular basis, also shared the video praising Indian Army for their display of valour. In the tweet, Sharma quipped that India first suspended water supply to Pakistan and then “set it on fire.” He further claimed that Pakistanis was now praying to Allah to save them — especially from Prime Minister Modi.

    The tweet has been viewed over 4 Lakh times. 

    On Facebook, a user named Ayesha SDhar shared the same video and claimed that it showed the condition of Pakistan’s Bahawalpur in the morning after the air strike. (Archive)

    OPRETION SINDUR

    ‘অপারেশন সিন্দুর’ 🔥🔥
    এটা নতুন ভারত 🇮🇳🚩 সকালের চিত্র পাকিস্তানের ভাওয়ালপুর এর
    #highlightseveryone #Pakistan 😂

    Posted by Ayesha SDhar on Tuesday 6 May 2025

    The post has received around 10,000 views.

    Similarly, various YouTube channels, including RSS vlogs, ind vs pak, Baba Tv, and others have shared the video with similar claims.

    Fact Check

    Upon close examination of the video, we located a watermark reading “Nour Alzaharna”.

    Taking cue from this, we conducted a keyword search on Instagram and identified Nour Alzaharna’s account, where the same video was originally uploaded on April 4, 2025. 

    In the caption of the video, Nour wrote, “Please be with us, we are dying every second. We need your support.”

     

    View this post on Instagram

     

    A post shared by Nour Alzaharna (@nouralzaharna)

    According to the profile bio, Nour is from Gaza, and the video footage featured the destruction caused by Israeli strikes in Gaza.

    To ascertain this further, we performed another keyword search and came across an Al Jazeera news report dated April 4 with the headline, “More than 30 people killed by Israel as Gaza supplies run out”. The report contained a video from the same location with people running in all direction in utter confusion.

    To sum up, the video in question depicts an unknown location Gaza following an Israeli strike on April 4. The video has no connection with India, Pakistan, or Operation Sindoor. The social media claims surrounding the clip are false.

    The post War-ravaged Gaza video from April shared as Operation Sindoor aftermath in Pakistan appeared first on Alt News.


    This content originally appeared on Alt News and was authored by Ankita Mahalanobish.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • The current Kashmir crisis involves at least two nuclear powers – India and Pakistan. And it threatens to escalate quickly. But just as Israel’s oppression of people in occupied Palestine started long before 7 October 2023, India’s oppression of people in occupied Kashmir started long before 22 April this year. It’s a “forever war” with deep roots in noxious colonial rule, resource conflict, and the power games of global superpowers. And we need to understand these three points of context a lot better in order to avert nuclear disaster.

    1) British colonialism set the divisive ball rolling

    Much as the shameful and messy final days of British colonialism helped to bring death and destruction to Palestine, they also paved the way for a similar situation in Kashmir. Because Britain didn’t just hand Muslim-majority Kashmir to repressive Hindu rulers (without consulting the Kashmiri people) in the mid-1800s, as part of its ‘divide and rule’ policy to foster religious friction. It also allowed Kashmir’s regime, during the disastrous partition of ‘British India’, to pull the region into Indian control when it should have joined Pakistan (according to the logic of religious division). Anti-Muslim massacres and large-scale ethnic cleansing and displacement followed.

    Britain was quick to leave the newly independent nations to deal with the consequences of its colonial meddling. Its implementation of partition was catastrophic (much as it was in Palestine), either by design, incompetence, disinterest, or a toxic mixture of it all. This caused immense suffering for millions of people. And it left behind a strong legacy of conflict, division, and instability. The subsequent wars between India and Pakistan, often over Kashmir, were very much the spawn of this colonial shambles.

    The UN has consistently called for a plebiscite to allow Kashmiris to decide their own fate. India has rejected these calls. When resistance against Indian occupation in Kashmir increased from 1989, the occupiers responded by disappearing thousands of people and killing tens of thousands. There were also “mass permanent settlements of outsiders” in the region, and some have called the situation an “ongoing genocide“.

    2) A battle for Kashmir’s water amid climate breakdown

    Pakistan has an important border with China thanks to the part of Kashmir under its control. But India has something potentially even more precious within the part of Kashmir it occupies: the water that flows from the Himalayas down into (mostly) Pakistan, which is becoming less stable as a result of global warming. Back in 2016, the BBC was already talking about potential “water wars” between India and Pakistan as a result.

    Natural resource wealth in Kashmir, of wood and minerals in addition to water, makes it an important asset for any government. But India in particular, home to a growing population currently standing at 1.4 billion people, has a huge water crisis. And that threatens its economic future. As the International Centre for Sustainability has said, “water is the ultimate resource war of the 21st century“.

    Highly controversial Hindu-nationalist leader Narendra Modi made a big power play in this arena in 2019 when he stripped away the limited autonomy of Indian-occupied Kashmir. This was a provocative and pivotal change in the “world’s most militarized zone“, whose importance was underplayed in Western media. According to Kashmir scholars, it marked an intensification of an annexation plan that had been decades in the making.

    Serious abuses followed as Modi sought to consolidate the land grab. These included “unlawful killings“, gender-based violence, attempts at cultural erasure, the arming of Hindu militias, “Indian soldiers prominent on the streets 24/7“, and “house raids and arbitrary arrest” of dissenting voices. Despite being a warzone and site of intense repression, though, the Indian regime pushed tourism in the area too.

    3) The global neoliberal-nationalist alliance

    India initially remained independent (but left-leaning) during the Cold War and stood alongside anti-colonial movements around the world. Pakistan, on the other hand, fell quickly into the US anti-communist camp, with its autocratic regimes receiving significant military aid as a result. This lucrative alliance severely undermined secular progressives and empowered ultra-conservative elements in the country, helping Pakistan to build nuclear weapons. The reality the US had fostered eventually led to increasing tensions between Pakistan and Washington in the early 21st-century, pushing Pakistan closer to China as a result.

    India, meanwhile, became more attractive to the US as it moved towards neoliberalism in the 1990s. And under Narendra Modi, this has only intensified, alongside increasing inequality, “nutritional deprivation”, and authoritarianism to hold dissent at bay.

    With Donald Trump in particular intensifying a new cold war with China and India having its own issues with China, an increasing US-Indian strategic alliance is in the making (helped by a toxic neoliberal-nationalist affinity). And ignoring the crimes of India’s occupation forces in Kashmir is part and parcel of such an alliance, much as US support for Israeli occupation forces is in Palestine.

    In Britain, meanwhile, establishment tool Keir Starmer overturned his predecessor’s solidarity with Kashmir when he became leader of the Labour Party, quickly cosying up to Modi’s regime.

    Without justice, there will be no peace in Kashmir

    As tensions rise between the nuclear powers in South Asia, it’s clear that, even if India and Pakistan avoid war, a lasting peace will not come without: meaningfully addressing the decades of injustice in Kashmir; fostering respectful diplomacy that can help to deal with the challenges increasingly presented by climate destruction; and working to overcome the deeply engrained ethno-religious division nurtured by British colonialism. Western powers taking the side of another ultra-nationalist occupying power, out of cynical self-interest, will only make matters worse.

    Featured image via the Canary

    By Ed Sykes

    This post was originally published on Canary.

  • A week after the attacks on tourists in Pahalgam in Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) in which 26 people were killed, the media frenzy and war mongering in the region continues in full force. The governments of India and Pakistan continue to announce new measures against each other, while internally seeking to repress anti-war and critical voices.

    In a latest move, Pakistan claimed on Tuesday, April 29 that its armed forces shot down an Indian surveillance drone (quadcopter) which was allegedly trying to violate the Line of Control (LOC) in Kashmir. Meanwhile, Pakistani officials claim that an attack from India is imminent.

    The post As Threat Of War Grows, Progressive Movements Urge Peace And Sanity appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • India’s Hindutva president, Narendra Modi, has used the Kashmir terrorism incident to abrogate the 1960s Indus Waters Treaty — a longstanding goal of Modi. The Indian version of the “terrorist attack,” most of whose victims were Muslim, has largely been accepted by Western governments without evidence.

    False flags abound nowadays. You may recall that we were told that the most deadly rocket ever fired by Hamas killed only Palestinians in a hospital compound, while the most deadly rocket ever fired by Hezbollah killed only Druze children. I have at present an open mind about what occurred in Kashmir.

    The post Kashmir And The Indus River appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • In a region already on the brink, the latest violence in Indian-occupied Kashmir has intensified a decades-old conflict between nuclear-armed India and Pakistan. The attack, which targeted Indian tourists in the Pahalgam valley, killing 26, has quickly escalated into a diplomatic and military standoff. 

    With India and Pakistan trading accusations and retaliatory measures, the potential for full-scale conflict is growing – especially as external players like the US and Israel loom over the situation, each with their own interests in fueling or containing the crisis.

    A web of conspiracy and suspicion has surrounded the incident in Kashmir, with missing links complicating the narrative.

    The post India–Pakistan Standoff: Who Is Fanning Nuclear Flames? appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • Former UNSCOM weapons inspector Scott Ritter usually provides excellent analysis of geopolitical events and places them in a morally centered framework. However, in a recent X post, Ritter defends a controversial stance blaming Iran for US and Israeli machinations against Iran.

    Ritter opened, “I have assiduously detailed the nature of the threat perceived by the US that, if unresolved, would necessitate military action, as exclusively revolving around Iran’s nuclear program and, more specifically, that capacity that is excess to its declared peaceful program and, as such, conducive to a nuclear weapons program Iran has admitted is on the threshold of being actualized.”

    Threats perceived by the US. These threats range from North Korea, Viet Nam, Grenada, Panama, Iraq, Libya, Syria, Yemen, Iran, China, and Russia. Question: Which of the aforementioned countries is about to — or ever was about to — attack the US? None. (Al Qaeda is not a country) So why does Ritter imply that military action would be necessitated? Is it a vestige of military indoctrination left over from his time as a marine? In this case, why is Ritter not focused on his own backyard and telling the US to butt out of the Middle East? The US, since it is situated on a continent far removed from Iran, should no more dictate to Iran what its defense posture should be in the region than Iran should dictate what the US’s defense posture should be in the northwestern hemisphere.

    Ritter: “In short, I have argued, the most realistic path forward regarding conflict avoidance would be for Iran to negotiate in good faith regarding the verifiable disposition of its excess nuclear enrichment capability.”

    Ritter places the onus for conflict avoidance on Iran. Why? Is Iran seeking conflict with the US? Is Iran making demands of the US? Is Iran sanctioning the US? Moreover, who gets to decide what is realistic or not? Is what is realistic for the US also realistic for Iran? When determining the path forward, one should be aware of who and what is stirring up conflict. Ritter addresses this when he writes, “Even when Trump alienated Iran with his ‘maximum pressure’ tactics, including an insulting letter to the Supreme Leader that all but eliminated the possibility of direct negotiations between the US and Iran…” But this did not alter Ritter’s stance. Iran must negotiate — again. According to Ritter negotiations are how to solve the crisis, a crisis of the US’s (and Israel’s) making.

    Iran had agreed to a deal — the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) — with the five permanent members of the UN Security Council (China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States) and Germany — collectively known as the P5+1 — with the participation of the European Union. The JCPOA came into effect in 2016. During the course of the JCPOA, Iran was in compliance with the deal. Nonetheless, Trump pulled the US out of the deal in 2018.

    Backing out of agreements/deals is nothing new for Trump (or for that matter, the US). For example, Trump pulled out of the Paris Agreement on climate, the Trans-Pacific Partnership on trade, the United Nations cultural organization UNESCO, and the North American Free Trade Agreement, which was subsequently renegotiated under Trump to morph into the U.S.-Mexico-Canada Trade Agreement, which is now imperilled by the Trump administration’s tariff threats, as is the World Trade Organization that regulates international trade.

    Should Iran, therefore, expect adherence to any future agreement signed with the US?

    Ritter insists that he is promoting a reality-based process providing the only viable path toward peace. Many of those who disagree with Ritter’s assertion are lampooned by him as “the digital mob, comprised of new age philosophers, self-styled ‘peace activists’, and a troll class that opposes anything and everything it doesn’t understand (which is most factually-grounded argument), as well as people I had viewed as fellow travelers on a larger journey of conflict avoidance—podcasters, experts and pundits who did more than simply disagree with me (which is, of course, their right and duty as independent thinkers), traversing into the realm of insults and attacks against my intelligence, integrity and character.”

    Ritter continued, “The US-Iran crisis is grounded in the complexities, niceties and formalities of international law as set forth in the nuclear nonproliferation treaty (NPT), which Iran signed in 1970 as a non-nuclear weapons state. The NPT will be at the center of any negotiated settlement.”

    Is it accurate to characterize the crisis as a “US-Iran crisis”? It elides the fact that it is the US imposing a crisis on Iran. More accurately it should be stated as a “US crisis foisted on Iran.”

    Ritter argues, “… the fact remains that this crisis has been triggered by the very capabilities Iran admits to having—stocks of 60% enriched uranium with no link to Iran’s declared peaceful program, and excessive advanced centrifuge-based enrichment capability which leaves Iran days away from possessing sufficient weapons grade high enriched uranium to produce 3-5 nuclear weapons.”

    So, Ritter blames Iran for the crisis. This plays off Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu who has long accused Iran of seeking nukes. But it ignores the situation in India and Pakistan. Although the relations between the two countries are tense, logic dictates that open warring must be avoided lest it lead to mutual nuclear conflagration. And if Iran dismantles its nuclear program? What happened when Libya dismantled its nuclear program? Destruction by the US-led NATO. As A.B. Abrams wrote, Libya paid the price for

    … having ignored direct warnings from both Tehran and Pyongyang not to pursue such a course [of unilaterally disarming], Libya’s leadership would later admit that disarmament, neglected military modernisation, and trust in Western good will proved to be their greatest mistake–leaving their country near defenceless when Western powers launched their offensive in 2011. (Immovable Object: North Korea’s 70 Years at War with American Power, Clarity Press, 2020: p 296)

    And North Korea has existed with a credible deterrence against any attack on it since it acquired nuclear weapons.

    Relevant background to the current crisis imposed on Iran

    1. The year 1953 is a suitable starting point. It was in this year that the US-UK (CIA and MI6) combined to engineer a coup against the democratically elected Iranian government under prime minister Mohammad Mossadegh. Mossadegh had committed the unpardonable sin of nationalizing the British-owned Anglo-Iranian Oil Company.
    1. What to replace the Iranian democracy with? A monarchy. In other words, a dictatorship because monarchs are not elected, they are usually born into power. Thus, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi would rule as the shah of Iran for 26 years protected by his secret police, the SAVAK. Eventually, the shah would be overthrown in the 1979 Iranian Revolution.
    1. In an attempt to force Iran to bend knee to US dictate, the US has imposed sanctions, issued threats, and fomented violence.
    1. Starting sometime after 2010, it is generally agreed among cybersecurity experts and intelligence leaks that the Iranian nuclear program was a target of cyberwarfare by the US and Israel — this in contravention of the United Nations Charter Article 2 (1-4):

    1. The Organization is based on the principle of the sovereign equality of all its Members.

    2. All Members, in order to ensure to all of them the rights and benefits resulting from membership, shall fulfill in good faith the obligations assumed by them in accordance with the present Charter.

    3. All Members shall settle their international disputes by peaceful means in such a manner that international peace and security, and justice, are not endangered.

    4. All Members shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state, or in any other manner inconsistent with the Purposes of the United Nations.

    1. The Stuxnet virus caused significant damage to Iran’s nuclear program, particularly at the Natanz uranium enrichment facility.
    1. Israel and the United States are also accused of being behind the assassinations of several Iranian nuclear scientists over the past decade.
    1. On 3 January 2020, Trump ordered a US drone strike at Baghdad International Airport in Iraq that assassinated Iranian General Qasem Soleimani as well as Soleimani ally Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis, a top Iraqi militia leader.
    1. On 7 October 7 2023, Hamas launched a resistance attack against Israel’s occupation. Since then, Israel has reportedly conducted several covert and overt strikes targeting Iran and its proxies across the region.
    1. Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu has accused Iran of seeking nukes for nearly 30 years, long before Iran reached 60% enrichment in 2021. In Netanyahu’s book Fighting Terrorism (1995) he described Iran as a “rogue state” pursuing nukes to destroy Israel. Given that a fanatical, expansionist Zionist map for Israel, the Oded-Yinon plan, draws a Jewish territory that touches on the Iranian frontier, a debilitated Iran is sought by Israel.

     

    Oded Yinon Plan

    Says Ritter, “This crisis isn’t about Israel or Israel’s own undeclared nuclear weapons capability. It is about Iran’s self-declared status as a threshold nuclear weapons state, something prohibited by the NPT. This is what the negotiations will focus on. And hopefully these negotiations will permit the verifiable dismantling of those aspects of its nuclear program the US (and Israel) find to present an existential threat.”

    Why isn’t it about Israel’s nuclear weapons capability? Why does the US and Ritter get to decide which crisis is preeminent?

    It is important to note that US intelligence has long said that no active Iranian nuclear weapon project exists.

    It is also important to note that Arab states have long supported a Middle East Zone Free of Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMDFZ), particularly nuclear weapons, but Israel and the US oppose it.

    It is also important to note that, in 2021, the U.S. opposed a resolution demanding Israel join the NPT and that the US, in 2018, blocked an Arab-backed IAEA resolution on Israeli nukes. (UN Digital Library. Search: “Middle East WMDFZ”)

    As far as the NPT goes, it must be applied equally to all signatory states. The US as a nuclear-armed nation is bound by Article VI which demands:

    Each of the Parties to the Treaty undertakes to pursue negotiations in good faith on effective measures relating to cessation of the nuclear arms race at an early date and to nuclear disarmament, and on a treaty on general and complete disarmament under strict and effective international control.

    Thus, hopefully negotiations will permit the verifiable dismantling of those aspects of the Iranian, US, and Israeli nuclear programs (as well as the nuclear programs of other nuclear-armed nations) that are found to present an existential threat.

    Ritter warns, “Peace is not guaranteed. But war is unless common sense and fact-based logic wins out over the self-important ignorance of the digital mob and their facilitators.”

    A peaceful solution is not achieved by assertions (i.e., not fact-based logic) or by ad hominem. That critics of Ritter’s stance resort to name-calling demeans them, but to respond likewise to one’s critics also taints the respondent.

    Logic dictates that peace is more-or-less guaranteed if UN member states adhere to the United Nations Charter. The US, Iran, and Israel are UN member states. A balanced and peaceful solution is found in the Purposes and Principles as stipulated in Article 1 (1-4) of the UN Charter:

    The Purposes of the United Nations are:

    1. To maintain international peace and security, and to that end: to take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace, and for the suppression of acts of aggression or other breaches of the peace, and to bring about by peaceful means, and in conformity with the principles of justice and international law, adjustment or settlement of international disputes or situations which might lead to a breach of the peace;

    2. To develop friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples, and to take other appropriate measures to strengthen universal peace;

    3. To achieve international co-operation in solving international problems of an economic, social, cultural, or humanitarian character, and in promoting and encouraging respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion; and

    4. To be a centre for harmonizing the actions of nations in the attainment of these common ends.

    It seems that only by refusing to abide by one’s obligations laid out the UN Charter and NPT that war looms larger.

    In Ritter’s reality, the US rules the roost against smaller countries. Is such a reality acceptable?

    It stirs up patriotism, but acquiescence is an affront to national dignity. Ritter will likely respond by asking what god is dignity when you are dead. Fair enough. But in the present crisis, if the US were to attack Iran, then whatever last shred of dignity (is there any last shred of dignity left when a country is supporting the genocide of human beings in Palestine?) that American patriots can cling to will have vanished.

    By placing the blame on Iran for a crisis triggered by destabilizing actions of the US and Israel, Ritter asks for Iran to pay for the violent events set in motion by US Israel. If Iran were to cave to Trump’s threats, they would be sacrificing sovereignty, dignity, and self-defense.

    North Korea continues on. Libya is still reeling from the NATO offensive against it. Iran is faced with a choice.

    The Mexican revolutionary Emiliano Zapata knew his choice well: “I’d rather die on my feet, than live on my knees.”

    The post Should Iran Bend Knee to Donald Trump? first appeared on Dissident Voice.


    This content originally appeared on Dissident Voice and was authored by Kim Petersen.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Dr. Sabiha Baloch is a woman human rights defender and member of the Baloch Yakjehti Committee (BYC), a network focused on advocating for the human rights and interests of the Baloch people in Pakistan. Dr. Sabiha Baloch has faced reprisals due to her work, including attacks against her family. Notably, her work as a woman human rights defender has led to the abduction of her brother and relative, who were subsequently released after several months in detention. Dr. Sabiha Baloch has been an integral part of peaceful campaigns against extra judicial killings, enforced disappearances and arbitrary arrests in Balochistan. She was part of the Baloch Long March and the Baloch National Gathering in 2024, which faced severe State reprisals, including violence and arrests. Since March 2025, following the arrest of several leading human rights defenders and members of the BYC, Dr. Sabiha Baloch has continued to document and highlight violations, and demand the release of detained colleagues and protesters.

    On 5 April 2025, Pakistani authorities arrested the father of Baloch woman human rights defender Beebow Baloch. He is currently detained at the Hudda District Prison in Balochistan under Section 3 of the Maintenance of Public Order Act (MPO). The woman human rights defender Beebow Baloch has also been held at the same prison under the MPO since her arrest on 22 March 2025.

    On 7 April 2025, Pakistani authorities arrested woman human rights defender Gulzadi Baloch in Quetta, Balochistan, with disturbing reports of excessive violence being used during the arrest. For several hours following her arrest, there was no information about her fate or whereabouts, causing serious concerns for her physical and mental safety. She is presently held at the Hudda district prison under the regressive Maintenance of Public Order (MPO) Act, which severely restricts access to bail.

    In March 2025 UN experts demanded the release: https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2025/03/pakistan-un-experts-demand-release-baloch-human-rights-defenders-and-end

    The NGO Frontline demands that Baloch human rights defenders in Pakistan are protected from reprisals, and end their ongoing persecution and punishment in the State, including for exercising their right to free expression and peaceful dissent, under the guise of national security.

    https://www.frontlinedefenders.org/en/case/baloch-woman-human-rights-defender-sabiha-baloch-facing-risk-imminent-arrest-and-reprisals

    https://www.frontlinedefenders.org/en/case/father-baloch-woman-human-rights-defender-beebow-baloch-arrested

    https://www.frontlinedefenders.org/en/case/woman-human-rights-defender-gulzadi-baloch-arrested

    This post was originally published on Hans Thoolen on Human Rights Defenders and their awards.

  • New York, March 21, 2025—Pakistani authorities must immediately and unconditionally release journalist Farhan Mallick, detained in Karachi Thursday by Pakistan’s Federal Investigation Agency (FIA), and cease harassing journalists in retaliation for their journalistic work, the Committee to Protect Journalists said Friday.

    Mallick, founder of the independent online media platform Raftar, was arrested on accusations of running “several programs against the security establishment.” The FIA had visited Raftar’s office a day earlier, harassed Mallick and his staff, and verbally summoned him to appear at their offices on Thursday, according to a post by Raftar on social platform X. Upon his appearance, he was detained without any official legal notice.

    “The alarming detention of prominent journalist Farhan Mallick, along with the disappearance of journalist Asif Karim Khehtran and the abduction of exiled journalist Ahmed Noorani’s brothers, shows how the Pakistani government has no regard for press freedom and independent journalism. This must stop, and the state of Pakistan should respect the law,” said Beh Lih Yi, CPJ’s Asia program coordinator. “Officials must immediately and unconditionally release Mallick and allow him and his media outlet to independently carry out their work.”

    On Friday, Mallick appeared before the Judicial Magistrate (East) court in Karachi, where the magistrate ordered him placed in FIA custody for four days. The journalist’s lawyer told the court that he was detained despite previous orders from the Sindh High Court preventing any legal action against him.

    In late 2024, Mallick said that FIA agents briefly detained him at Karachi’s airport and stopped him from boarding a flight to Doha, telling him after the flight left that he was on a travel ban list. After being subjected to two FIA inquiries the month before, he had petitioned the Sindh High Court to stop the harassment, he said.

    Raftar, whose YouTube channel has about 750,000 followers, describes itself as “a dynamic platform dedicated to driving social change through the power of storytelling.” The outlet produces reports and documentaries on economic, political, and security issues in Pakistan. Mallick was previously news director of privately owned TV channel Samaa TV.

    CPJ’s messages for comment to Information Minister Attaullah Tarar have received no response.


    This content originally appeared on Committee to Protect Journalists and was authored by CPJ Staff.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.


  • This content originally appeared on Human Rights Watch and was authored by Human Rights Watch.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • They say only bad news from Balochistan makes the headlines–Pakistan’s largest and most impoverished province marred in a decades long insurgency. The local newspapers are flooded with the news of people being killed in bomb blasts, target killings and the loss of lives in incidents of terrorism. However, amid this backdrop of turmoil, a problem that is just as terrible is subtly developing: climate change. Its perennial consequences are changing the lives of women and children, particularly in the remote and underprivileged parts of Balochistan.

    Noora Ali, 14, was oblivious to the temperature shifts because she had grown up in Turbat, a city around 180 kilometres Southwest of Gwadar, the center of CPEC( China-Pakistan Economic Corridor)–a bilateral project to would facilitate trade between China and Pakistan valued at $46 billion. There was frequent flooding during the monsoon season and blazing heatwaves during the summer, with temperatures rising above 51 centigrade. Compared to other cities in Balochistan, Turbat experiences horrible summers and typical winters. As a result, the majority of wealthy families in the city travel to Gwadar, Quetta, or Karachi during the sweltering summers and return to Turbat during the winters. The Water and Power Development Authority (WAPDA) moved Noora’s father, who works there, to the neighboring Coastal city of Gwadar in 2022.

    In February of 2022, the sea seemed calmed while boats of the fishermen busily dotted the waters of the Padi Zir (Gwadar’s West bay). It was a typical Thursday morning when rain started pouring down. The rain was so intense that the sea became wild. The roads were washed away, bridges collapsed, streets were inundated with flood water, and the port city became completely disconnected from the rest of the country. Back in Turbat, her ancestral hometown was also submerged under flood water.

    Noora had also heard from her schoolmates that Gwadar and Turbat had never experienced such heavy and intense rainfall before. She knew and felt that the temperature of her native city was rising and that Gwadar beneath flood water didn’t seem normal. “This is due to climate change,” her elder brother tells her. At the age of 14, most youth in Pakistan’s Balochistan have no idea what climate change and global warming are, but they are already feeling it impacts.

    Like Noora, thousands of children in South Asia, particularly Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal, India, and Afghanistan are at the risk of climate related disasters, as per the UNICEF 2021 Children’s Climate Risk Index. The report further reiterates that children in these countries have vigorously been exposed to devastating air pollution and aggressive heatwaves, with 6 million children confronting implacable floods that lashed across these countries in the July of 2024.

    On November 11 and 22, 2024, over 20 youths urged the world leaders to come up with plans to mitigate the impacts of climate change on children at the 2024 United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP 29) held in Baku, Azerbaijan. Among those 20 resolute children was 14-years-old Zunaira Qayyum Baloch, representing the 241.5 million children and women of Pakistan.

    Dressed in her traditional Balochi attire, with a radiant smile and resolute in her commitment, Zunaira Qayyum Baloch has startled everyone. Hailing from the far-flung district of Hub in the Southwest of the Pakistan’s Balochistan, Mrs. Baloch went to represent the children of a country whose carbon footprint is next to zero, yet suffering some of the worst climate-related disasters. Her message to world leaders was clear: step up and combat climate-induced inequalities, particularly those affecting women and children.

    She had always remained conscious about the changing climate in her city, observing the floods of 2022 that had wrecked havoc in Hub Chowki, initiating awareness programmes and youth advocacy guide training in her home city to advocate for girls right to education and climate change.

    “After my father passed away, my mother became the sole breadwinner. She helped us get an education and met all our requirements,” Zunaira explains. “During the catastrophic rains of 2022, an incident changed my perspective on climate change. Rain water had accumulated in the roof of our home and streets were flooded with water. The destruction was so overwhelming, and I realised that such events were no longer rare but increasing constantly.”

    Zunaira Baloch basically hails from the Zehri town of the Khuzdar district. With her journey starting from the Zehri town of Balochistan, she became completely determined to make a difference–initiating awareness drives in her community and educating the people particularly children about climate resilience.

    During the COP29, she expressed her concerns with the experts about how Pakistan, particularly Balochistan has been detrimentally affected by climate disasters like frequent floods, heatwaves, hurricanes, and droughts. Lamenting that climate change was a child-rights crisis, she told the world how changes in the climate had jeopardised the lives of millions of women and children throughout the world.

    Asking the world leaders to join determined children like her to combat climate change, she addressed them in the COP29: “Climate change matters to me, and it should matter to you too.”

    Both Noora and Zunaira are children’s of a backward region of the world, grappling with the harrowing reality of climate change. Given that Noora represents those children unaware of the technicalities of climate change, Zunaira is a resolute hope for Balochistan, leading children like Noora to recognize and combat the stark reality of climate crisis.

    Stark Reality of the Past

    Bibi Dureen, 80, is a witness of how climate is continuously transforming. With wrinkles on her face and a pointed nose, she hails from the outskirts of the Kech district in a town called Nasirabad.

    “The seasons are changing,” she says, her voice laced with sorrow. “The heatwaves have become more aggressive and floods are common. It all started in 1998 in Turbat. Then in 2007, a devastating flood destroyed our homes, date palm trees, livestock–and worst of all, it took lives.” She pauses, her wrinkled hands trembling.

    As she talks to me in front of her thatched cottage, through which sunlight streams in, tears well up in her eyes as she recalls a haunting childhood memory. “I was a small child at that time. It was a pitch-black night and the rain was pouring down mercilessly when a man came shouting that the flood water had reached the fields.” She exclaims, “My mother, desperate to save what little we had, sent her only son, Habib, 16–our family’s only breadwinner–to find the only cow we had in the fields. Neither the cow nor Habib came back. Later some men found his dead body in the jungle.”

    In June 2007, when the Cyclone Yemyin hit the coast of Balochistan, it wrought unprecedented damage to the province, particularly Turbat, Pasni and Ormara. It rendered 50,000 homeless within 24 hours, including children. According to reports 800,000 were affected and 24 went missing.

    The 2022 floods had a devastating impact across Pakistan, Balochistan being one of the hardest-hit. The Provincial Disaster Management Authority (PDMA) reported that 528 children had died nationwide, 336 from Balochistan.

    Tragedy struck again in 2024 when torrential rains engulfed 32 districts of Balochistan, particularly the port city of Gwadar and Kech district. The PDMA put the death toll at 170, 55 of which were children.

    These statistics highlight how urgently appropriate plans and proper strategies for disaster preparedness and loss mitigation in Balochistan must be developed. While extreme weather events such as floods become more common, the need to fight climate change has never been greater.

    The Double Crisis Facing Girls: Heatwaves, period poverty

    Regions in Balochistan have seen severe heatwaves in the past few decades. In May 2017, the mercury rose to a record breaking 53.5 centigrade in Turbat, making the district the second hottest locale in 2017 after Mitribah, Kuwait. During heatwaves, cases of fainting and health-related illness among residents, particularly among children are common. According to a 2023 report by the Pakistan Meteorological Department, Balochistan has seen a 1.8°C rise in average temperature over the past three decades, leading to longer and harsher heatwaves.

    Dr Sammi Parvaz, a gynaecologist at the teaching hospital in Turbat, relates that rising temperatures in the district not only contribute to higher dropout rates among school-age girls, but their menstrual cycle is also affected.

    “According to the recent research of the National Institute of Health (NIH), menstruation … is severely affected in countries which are vulnerable to climate change and Pakistan is one them,” she explains. “The menstruation in girl children living in extreme heat, such as in Turbat and Karachi, becomes very intense, painful and with cramps.”

    Dr Sammi further elaborates that this phenomenon is linked to the increased release of cortisol and estrogen, the hormones which regulate the female reproductive cycle. “Girl children exposed to harsher environments such as severe heat or cold, experience hormonal imbalances leading to irregular periods and severe menstrual cramps. The hospitals in Turbat are frequented by patients suffering from intense cramps or irregular periods.”

    Hygiene becomes another pressing issue during floods, especially for young girls. Research published by the International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health states that floodwater contains lead, polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs) and other chemicals which are cited as causes of irregular periods.

    Overcoming the stigma around periods is a daunting task, particularly in small towns in Balochistan where cultural norms and practices have a strong hold on communities. During floods, thousands of girls struggle with menstruation amid the disasters and lack of menstruation products. For instance, after the 2022 floods, 650,000 pregnant women and girls in Pakistan were without essential maternal care, with a significant proportion from Balochistan.

    Amid all this chaos, climate activists like Zunaira Qayyum Baloch helped raise awareness while women like Maryam Jamali work directly on the ground to ensure that every women has rations in her household and had access to feminine hygiene products during catastrophes.

    Madat Balochistan–a non-profit organisation–has supported 31,000+ people across 34 districts in Sindh and Balochistan. With its major work concentrated in and around Quetta, Dera Bugti, Jaffarabad, Jhal Magsi, Sohbatpur, and Khuzdar, the proudly women-led NGO prioritizes women and girls in its work because even on the frontlines, they are bearing most of the cost of climate change, according to its co-founder, Maryam Jamali.

    “Our conversations on climate change vulnerability often treat everyone as ‘equal’ in terms of impact, when that is far from the truth. Vulnerability is a multi-dimensional concept and in a country like Pakistan where most of the women and girls are pushed to the margins of society in every way possible–we cannot just overlook their struggles,” says Jamali.

    Take the 2022 floods, for example–the most recent catastrophes etched in our memories. Women and girls were responsible for most of the labour when it came to evacuating to safer places. As soon as they did, their needs when it came to menstruation or pregnancy care were completely ignored by aid agencies as they sent out packages or set up medical camps. Most of our work at Madat was compensating for things like this. We worked with midwives to ensure that women who could not stand in lines for ration received it regardless or women who did not want to interact with male doctors didn’t have to. In our housing projects, we prioritize women especially those who don’t have a patriarch in the household because that severely limits their access to resources for rehabilitation.

    Floods, heatwaves, and other natural calamities are gender-neutral. However, girls are more likely to be negatively affected. According to the UN Assistant Secretary-General Asako Okai, when disaster strikes, women and children are 14 times more likely to die than men. In Pakistan, 80% of people displaced by climate disasters are women and children, and the province of Balochistan is a stark reflection of this statistic.

    In patriarchal societies, women and girls are the primary caregivers of the family, and they are the only ones growing crops, doing household chores, and fetching firewood and water. With little or no potable water nearby, girls have to travel far to help their parents, making them vulnerable.

    These household responsibilities create an educational gap, and girls are taken out of schools in Balochistan during floods. With Pakistan’s lowest girl literacy rate at just 27 per cent , the International Rescue Committee (IRC) reported that the province of Sindh and Balochistan have seen greater educational disruptions due to heatwaves and floods, with the 2022 flood causing more educational institutions closure than the combined two year COVID-19 pandemic.

    With 47 percent of it’s child population out of school, extreme heatwaves and recurrent flooding in Balochistan have further compounded this absenteeism. For instance, the 2022 flood damaged or destroyed 7,439 schools in the province, affecting the education of over 386,600 students, 17,660 teachers, and staff members. Reports also mention that most of the government schools were used as flood shelters in the province. In the 2024 floods, 464 schools were again damaged.

    The destruction of educational infrastructure has forced many children out of school, contributing to the province’s high out-of-school rate.

    Monsoon Brides during floods

    Though floodwater is no longer accumulating in the Mulla Band Ward of Gwadar district in Balochistan, the damage it has wrought will stay with the people for a long time for many years. For 16-year-old Gul Naz–a pseudonym–the loss has been devastating.

    She was only 16 years when flood water entered their home in 2022. Her father, being a fisherman, struggled to make ends meet, as the sea was completely closed for fishing, cutting off the family’s only source of income.

    “I was in the Jannat Market and when I returned home, I was told by my mother that my marriage has been fixed to a man twice my age in exchange for money.” She discloses that her parents were given Rs.50,000 ($178.50) which is a whooping sum for a poor family who survive on around one dollar a day.

    “I have two kids now, and I am a child raising a child.”

    The sadness in Gul Naz’s voice is palpable, and she isn’t alone in her predicament. During floods and emergency situations, families in Balochistan resort to desperate means for survival. The first and most obvious way is to give their daughters away in marriage for financial relief–a practice that usually surges during monsoon season, earning the name monsoon brides.

    In Pakistan’s Sindh province this trend is more prevalent, with a spike in the number of monsoon brides during the last flash floods of 2022. In the Khan Mohammad Mallah Village, Dadu district, approximately 45 were married off in that year, according to an NGO Sujag Sansar which works to reduce child marriages in the region.

    Pakistan stands sixth in the world in marriages below age 18. While there has been a reduction in child marriages in Pakistan in recent years, UNICEF warns that extreme weather patterns put the girl children at risk.

    Madat Balochistan has also been in the forefront in reducing child marriages in Balochistan. “It’s not intuitive to think of girls’ education or loan relief or housing provision as measures to build climate change resilience, but in our contexts these are the very things that drive vulnerability to climate change,” says Maryam Jamali. “We have been working on supporting farmers with loan relief so that young girls aren’t married off to compensate for the financial burden of loans after a lost harvest. We are also working on initiatives for sustainable livelihoods for women as well as ensuring that young girls in all the communities we work in have access to education despite geographic or financial limitations.”

    Maryam Jamali thinks that gender inequality is one of the biggest aspects here which makes it absolutely necessary for a region like Balochistan, where physical vulnerability and socio-economic vulnerability is high, to have young girls at the decision-making table.

    “Activists like Zunaira can ensure that when we come up with solutions for climate change, we contextualize them through a gender lens and make sure that this does not become another instance of taking away women’s agency, but becomes an opportunity to involve them in climate change policy decision-making,” Maryam discloses. “ It is rewarding to see the girls we support do great things. One of our girls from Musakhel is studying at Cadet College Quetta, the first in her family to be able to pursue education beyond 8th grade.”

    The Way forward

    “Extreme weather can fuel conflict and be a threat multiplier,” says Advocate Siraj Gul, a lawyer at the Balochistan High Court, Quetta, citing the recent research published in the journal Alternatives: Global, Local, Political.

    Hailing from the Makran division , he stresses that the decades long running insurgency in Balochistan stems from human rights violations, inequality and government negligence. “Climate related catastrophes further destabilise the region’s development. For instance, there was a surge in the number of protests during the 2022 floods in Gwadar, Lasbela and Turbat, reflecting the deep frustration and despair of the people.”

    According to Mr. Gul, if children like Zunaira are given a platform to speak and work for Balochistan, they are not merely advocating for the environment; they are working for a more peaceful and tranquil region.

    In the impoverished regions of the world where climate change fuels droughts, flood and heatwaves, children are the ones to bear. Some are taken out of school, pushed into labor or given away in marriage but if empowered, can become advocates for change like Zunaira Qayyum Baloch. The world needs to provide climate resilient infrastructure and child-oriented disaster relief programs while the global leaders at COP30 had better ensure that climate-torn regions like Balochistan receive the technical and financial support they desperately need.

    The post When the Earth Heats Up: Zunaira Baloch and the Human Cost of Climate Change in Balochistan first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • Pakistan is one of the largest countries in South Asia. Ever since its formation in 1947, it has been politically dominated by a coalition of landed and military elites who rule over millions of impoverished citizens mainly by force. Attempts to break this dominance and establish a truly popular government independent of the military establishment have mostly failed. Meanwhile, the ruling classes in Pakistan have been unable to industrialize and democratize the state. Their deep dependence on rent and the interests of the imperialists are in complete opposition to the popular aspirations and sentiments of the people.

    The post Will Pakistan Remain A US Proxy Or Become A Regional Partner? appeared first on PopularResistance.Org.

    This post was originally published on PopularResistance.Org.

  • The Media’s Role in Fueling Misinformation

    British society has been dealing with organised child exploitation through grooming gangs for an extended period. Official data contradicts media perceptions about who engages in these criminal activities by showing Pakistani men are not the main offenders. Official Home Office data indicates that defendants facing child sexual abuse prosecution in England and Wales are predominantly white since their number reaches 88 percent. News reports on offences by South Asian individuals receive unusually high attention from media outlets thus perpetuating racial misconceptions that deepen societal rifts.

    The Origins of a Racialized Narrative

    Forces of public discussion concerning grooming gangs grew stronger as three important cases occurred in Rotherham, Rochdale, and Telford during the early 2010s. Policing and child protection institutions revealed organisational breakdowns in their investigations while media discussion primarily focused on the racial backgrounds of the offenders. The Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse (IICSA) produces reports showing child exploitation happens throughout all racial and social backgrounds but Pakistani and South Asian men still face political accusations as chief perpetrators.

    The selective nature of this presentation has occurred previously. A series of investigative reports from The Times during 2011 identified Pakistani men as responsible for most grooming incidents. The overall issue of child sexual abuse transcends specific ethnic groups even though select cases linked South Asian offenders to the crime. Statistics from the National Crime Agency (NCA) confirm that white men carry out most cases of organised child exploitation but these crimes remain substantially underreported in the media.

    How the Stereotype Affects Pakistani Families

    The institutionalised stereotyping of Pakistani families in the United Kingdom has produced severe negative results. The students of Pakistani descent experience school discrimination through stereotype abuse which links them to sex exploitation gangs. A 2020 Runnymede Trust report documented Pakistani students who described teacher and peer bullying together with being labelled as “rapists” and experiencing suspicion. Community members and employers also share the same prejudice toward Pakistani families that starts in educational institutions.

    Research shows doses of bigotry against Muslim communities have grown because of recent media accounts. Statistics gathered by Tell MAMA demonstrate that reports about South Asian male grooming incidents led to an increase in Islamophobic incidents. Social isolation and vandalism attacks against Pakistani businesses and their families can be found in certain areas.

    Systemic Failures in Addressing Child Exploitation

    The genuine matter at hand concerns institutional missteps rather than the ongoing focus on ethnicity in political discussions. Vulnerable children received failed protection from both the police force and social services departments and government agencies because these institutions did not respond to abuse reports because of limited resources and poor management. The Jay Report (2014) uncovered that agency authorities neglected multiple reports of child exploitation in the Rotherham child abuse scandal for more than a decade.

    The collective resources should move away from ethnic considerations so they focus on enhancing child protection legislation while training police forces and improving victim assistance services. The Children’s Commissioner has reported significant issues in both the reporting and handling of child sexual abuse incidents regardless of the racial background of abusers.

    Why Pakistanis Are Targeted in This Narrative

    The way grooming gang discussion has turned racial shows how British society generally views Asians and Muslims. Right-wing media together with politicians exploit this topic to advance immigration control measures and strengthen Muslim community monitoring. The English Defence League (EDL) uses Pakistani and Muslim communities as a focal point to rally their members while they organise protests that lead to violent incidents.

    Throughout history the United Kingdom tends to blame minority communities for addressing broader social issues. The criminal investigation of Pakistani men for grooming gangs matches historical patterns of moral panics that previously targeted black muggers during the 1970s and Irish immigrants throughout the 20th century. Extending responsibility to an individual ethnicity creates diversion from institutional breakdowns that exist in police organisations and welfare agencies.

    A Call for Evidence-Based Solutions

    To combat child exploitation effectively, the UK must adopt a zero-tolerance policy that is not influenced by racial biases. Recommendations include:

    • Improved police training to handle child exploitation cases effectively.

    • Better data collection on grooming gangs that avoids racial profiling.

    • Stronger victim support services to ensure survivors receive adequate care.

    • Accountability for institutional failures, including oversight of law enforcement agencies.

    The UK is implementing key recommendations to combat child exploitation effectively. These include improved police training, better data collection, stronger victim support services, and accountability for institutional failures. Police training should focus on recognising signs of exploitation and understanding grooming complexities. Data collection methods should focus on behaviours and patterns, avoiding racial profiling. Stronger victim support services should ensure survivors receive adequate care and support. Independent oversight bodies should monitor law enforcement and other institutions. Additional strategies include community engagement and awareness campaigns, partnership and collaboration between law enforcement, social services, schools, and community organisations, and the development and enforcement of robust legal frameworks. These strategies aim to move towards a more equitable approach to combating child exploitation. For more insights, refer to the UK Anti-Slavery Commissioner’s report.

    National authorities in the UK execute essential recommendations to overcome child exploitation better. The UK is adopting four primary measures to enhance child exploitation combat through upgraded police teaching combined with better statistical data acquisition and enhanced victim care programs and institutional oversight systems. The training curriculum for police officers must teach them to detect exploitation indicators as well as complex grooming procedures. Data collection systems should analyse behavioural activities and detect patterns instead of adapting racially biased approaches. The delivery of victim support should achieve complete care and support for survivors through improved service approaches.

    External supervision institutions need to monitor both law enforcement departments along with other institutions. Effective child exploitation prevention strategies necessitate active collaboration between law enforcement, social services, schools, and community organisations, as well as community outreach and public education programs. Strict legal systems are also necessary. Such measures work toward building a more fair method of fighting child exploitation. The complete UK Anti-Slavery Commissioner’s report contains additional detailed information about this subject.

    Conclusion: Separating Fact from Fiction

    The obsessive focus on Pakistani males in grooming gang stories produces misleading information which proves detrimental to both social harmony and genuine investigation. Racial stereotyping exacerbates social tensions, obscures institutional shortcomings, and places an undue burden on communities that bear no responsibility. The UK needs to stop blaming racial groups for its child protection problems while establishing complete child safety measures that approach the fundamental causes of child exploitation. Society guarantees child protection for children of every background through such measures alone.

    The post The UK’s Grooming Gang Narrative first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • Ruttie Jinnah and M.A. Jinnah IMAGE/Dawn

    Read Part 1
    .

    Drugs

    Ruttie’s rush to dash off to Paris was to get drugs. Mrs. Naidu’s letters from Paris and New York to Padmaja make that clear.

    While in Paris in 1929, Mrs. Naidu incidentally discovered from a princess (cousin of queen of Italy), who knew Ruttie, the reason for her visits to Paris. She said that “Madam Zhinna” had been getting drugs through “the long needle,” that is, morphine since her Paris visit in 1924. The concerned princess informed Mrs. Naidu that she had warned Ruttie: “she was ruining her life with drugs and how all her beauty was being destroyed.” (Reddy, p. 314-15.) But Ruttie was in no mood to listen; she just wanted to cope with the crisis, chaos, and commotion that were destroying her from the inside.

    Incidentally, Mrs. Naidu was told the same thing by another person, Princess Journevitch (wife of a famous Russian sculptor), with whom she had lunch in New York in 1929 who said that years ago in Paris Madam “Zhinna’s” drug habit was playing havoc with her gorgeousness and life. (Reddy, p. 364-65.)

    In the US, Mrs. Naidu learned from Syud Hossain that Ruttie was taking drugs while she was in the US. Hossain alerted her of the harmful effects. (For religious violation, Gandhi had ejected Hossain out of India, see note <9> below.)

    That means halfway through their marriage, Ruttie started taking drugs the kamikaze way, i.e., carelessly taking drugs and ignoring warnings of their harmful effects on her mental and physical health. It must have been depressing to watch such a brilliant person travel over 4,000 miles to find solace in drugs.

    Moved out

    On January 4, 1928, Ruttie and Jinnah got down from the train at Bombay’s Victoria train station. They came back after attending the Muslim League session in Calcutta. Mrs. Naidu was on the same train too. Ruttie informed Jinnah that she’s moving to Taj Mahal Hotel. She left with Mrs. Naidu and got a room next to hers. Jinnah went to South Court alone. Kanji helped Ruttie in moving her belongings. Mrs. Naidu’s letter to her daughters:

    “It is extraordinary how few people have even an inkling of what has happened in the very heart of Bombay. Fortunately, everyone is so used to seeing her [Ruttie] here at all hours [that is, in Mrs. Naidu’s room] that no one suspects her being here with her cats and he at home alone.”

    Reddy, p. 333.

    Ruttie and Jinnah’s separation had disturbed Mrs. Naidu more than the couple who got separated, as is obvious the way she put it to her friend Syud Hossain: “The really tragic part of it is that both seem so relieved.” (Ibid, p. 336.)

    An old Parsee friend tried to reunite them. Jinnah shouldered the blame:

    “It is my fault: we both need some sort of understanding we cannot give.”

    In April, Ruttie, joined by her mother Dinbai Petit, left for Europe. Jinnah was already in London with his friend Chaman Lal who had gone to Geneva to attend the ILO (International Labour Organization) Conference.

    Chamanlal then went to Paris. Upon learning of Ruttie’s illness, he headed to the Champs Elysee clinic where Ruttie was bedridden and had 106 degree fever. Ruttie handed him a book of poems by Oscar Wilde and requested him to read. Chamanlal:

    “When I came to the closing lines of The Harlot’s House:

    ‘And down the long and silent street,
    The dawn, with silver-sandalled feet,
    Crept like a frightened girl.’

    “I looked up and Ruttie was in coma.”

    Chamanlal’s impression of Ruttie:

    “… I had always admired Ruttie Jinnah so much: there is not a woman in the world today to hold a candle to her for beauty and charm. She was a lovely, spoiled child, and Jinnah was inherently incapable of understanding her. …”

    Ritu Marwah, Jinnah’s daughter, India Currents.

    Chaman Lal informed Jinnah that Ruttie wasn’t feeling well. Jinnah, who was in Ireland, rushed to Paris where he booked a room at George V. Jinnah went to the clinic as Chaman Lal waited for him at a nearby cafe. Jinnah returned after three hours in a relaxed mood and informed him Ruttie was to be transferred to a new clinic with a new medical adviser.

    Money was no deterrent. Jinnah held constant vigil by her side. He stayed with Ruttie at the clinic for over a month. He took care of her and even shared the clinic food with her. She recovered and left for Bombay but without Jinnah.

    Could any one have saved their marriage?

    Interceder

    The thought that crosses one’s mind when reading Ruttie and Jinnah’s story is they needed intercession and someone should have mediated to save their marriage. Was there anyone who could have saved their marriage? The only person who had such credentials and could have gotten any success in reconciling Jinnah and Ruttie was Sarojini Naidu — a devoted friend of Jinnah and a mother figure to Ruttie. And she, in fact, did try to mediate.

    Actually, it was the pitiable state of Ruttie that had prompted Mrs. Naidu to make an effort. Mrs. Naidu’s letter to Padmaja:

    “Well, Ruttie has only us really. Her own people are strangers to her. Her poor mother loves her but drives her distracted … She loves us and trusts us and so she comes to me for sanctuary., poor child. She feels safe here. Safe in her soul.”

    Reddy, p. 335-6.

    It was her genuine love for Ruttie that led Mrs. Naidu to talk to her very good friend Jinnah. Mrs. Naidu continues:

    “Jinnah has grown so dumb. No one can even approach him. I think he is hurt to the core because she left him like that, almost without warning. In any case no one can interfere with him. He is too hard and proud and reserved for even an intimate friend to intrude beyond a certain point. All he says is, ‘I have been unhappy for ten years. I cannot endure it any longer. If she wants to be free I will not stand in her way. Let her be happy. But I will not discuss the matter with anyone. Please do not interfere.’ And he is I suppose like a stone image in his loneliness and Ruttie is, although reveling in what she believes to be the beginning of liberty for her–liberty costs too dear sometimes and is not worth the price.”

    Ibid, 336.

    Mrs. Naidu was writing to her elder daughter but her younger Leilamani was not far from her mind. She continued:

    “I am writing a line to Papi today. Poor child. She must like Ruttie be clamouring for ‘freedom.’ This freedom!!”

    Ibid.

    The only person whose mediation could have bore some fruit, failed. If Mrs. Naidu couldn’t, then probably no one could.

    Author Sheela Reddy believes Ruttie should have consulted Gandhi.

    Could Gandhi have played the savior?

    Reddy (p. 271.) writes: “… Ruttie, without sharing Jinnah’s animus against Gandhi, turned away from the one man who might have saved her.”

    Ruttie, as far as her own life or marriage were concerned, was a very private person. She never mentioned the inner turmoil she was going through or her marital problems even to Kanji, one of her best friends. With Mrs. Naidu and her daughter Padmaja, she was close in that regard and would vent her exasperation and would tell them her problems and frustrations.

    Gandhi and Ruttie met a few times. They did correspond sometimes. Once Ruttie donated money to his fund for Jallianwala Bagh memorial. Jinnah didn’t know about it — not that Ruttie was hiding it from him, it was an spontaneous act. Gandhi wrote in his newspaper column:

    “Mrs Jinnah truly remarked when she gave her mite to the fund, the memorial would at least give us an excuse for living.”

    Reddy, p.230.

    Gandhi’s April 30, 1920, letter to Ruttie asked her to cajole Jinnah to learn Gujarati and Hindustani (a mix of Hindi/Urdu):

    “Please do remember me to Mr. Jinnah and do coax him to learn Hindustani or Gujarati. If I were you, I should begin to talk to him in Gujarati or Hindustani. There is not much danger of you forgetting your English or your misunderstanding each other, is there? … Yes, I would ask this even for the love you bear me.”

    (Kanji was another person to be reminded by Gandhi that his mother tongue was Gujarati. See the letter written in 1947 here. ( https://pennds.org/doing-research/exhibits/show/dwarkadas/gandhi )

    In a June 28, 1919 letter to Jinnah, Gandhi had urged him to learn those languages:

    “I have your promise, that you would take up Gujarati and Hindi as quickly as possible. May I then suggest that like Macaulay you learn at least one of these languages on your return voyage? You will not have Macaulay’s time during the voyage, i.e., six months, but then you have not the same difficulty that Macaulay had.”

    Unlike Ruttie, Jinnah’s background was that of a middle class family from Gujarat and spoke Kuchchhi and Gujarati “beautifully,” per Chagla. His Hindustani was not that good. Both Jinnah and Ruttie were comfortable speaking English. Gandhi knew his letter was unnecessary, but couldn’t resist playing politics.

    (For Jinnah’s Gujarati handwriting, see “Rare Speeches and Documents of Quaid-E-Azam,” compiler, Yahya Hashim Bawany (Karachi: Mr. Arif Mukati, 1987, p. 39. Jinnah was answering questions for a Gujarati monthly Vismi Sadi or Twentieth Century in 1916. The questions were about favorite author, flower, etc. Jinnah is known as Quaid-E-Azam that translates to a Great Leader. See also Dr Muhammad Ali Shaikh, “History: Becoming Jinnah,” Dawn,)

    In the above letter, Gandhi also asked Jinnah to inform Ruttie,

    “Pray tell Mrs Jinnah that I shall expect her on her return to join the hand-spinning class that Mrs Banker Senior and Mrs Ramabai, a Punjabi lady, are conducting.”

    Ruttie never joined the spinning classes. (Her mother Lady Petit had joined and she used to go to those classes).

    In 1924, Gandhi wanted Ruttie to convince Jinnah to boycott British and all other foreign goods. Ruttie didn’t see any political wisdom or practicality in such actions. (Dwarkadas, p. 18. Kanji had similar ideas as Ruttie and he elaborated those in an interview to the Evening News of India May 1924. Ibid. p. 19-20.)

    The question remains: would Gandhi have been the right person to save Ruttie?

    Looking at Gandhi’s

    • married life,
    • his views on sex,
    • his relations with several women (including philosopher/poet Rabindranath Tagore’s niece Sarala Devi Chaudhurani, an educationist and political activist, and
    • young, golden-haired, blue-eyed Danish beauty,” Esther Faering1, a devout Christian missionary), and
    • his mistreatment of his wife Kasturba,
    • his constant juggling to please and/or to save his girls/women friends from Kasturba’s justified wrath,
    • his experiments of sleeping with young girls to control his sexual urge,
    • his idea of restricting sexual activities to just procreation without any element of pleasure,
    • asking husbands and wives to consider each other as brothers and sisters,
    • and his so many other eccentricities don’t seem the right qualities to qualify him for that role.

    Here is one of the Gandhi advices to Indians:

    “It is the duty of every thoughtful Indian not to marry. In case he is helpless in regard to marriage, he should abstain from sexual intercourse with his wife.”

    B. R. Gowani, “Was Gandhi Averse to climax?”

    Very strange and unhealthy advice, indeed. The institution of marriage was and, to a great extent, is still a legal outlet for most people to relieve themselves of troublesome hormones.

    And what was the guarantee that Gandhi, a hardcore politician, wouldn’t have played Ruttie’s request for help to further humiliate Jinnah?2

    Ruttie was a very reserved person when it came to her personal life and so would have never allowed Gandhi to play any role in resolving any of her problems. Gandhi’s intervention wouldn’t have solved anything but could have had detrimental outcome.

    Let’s assume that Ruttie had approached Gandhi for help. (Jinnah would not have stopped Ruttie from approaching Gandhi.) The most Gandhi could have done was to convince Ruttie to join his Ahmadabad ashram where, undoubtedly he would have given her special treatment (as he had offered to Motilal’s daughter Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit who was sent there to wean her away from her Muslim husband). For Ruttie, the stay there would have been worse than the “slave” like life with Jinnah. She was a free bird and thus couldn’t be caged — not only she would have flown out of the ashram in no time but would have probably persuaded many other ashramites to flee with her.

    Another thing Gandhi would have done was to assign Ruttie some social or political work to keep her busy and thus caused her to forget her depression and other problems. But then, she was already doing some of those things with Kanji, but it seems that she didn’t stay too long in those ventures. Dewan Chamanlal had asked her to join trade union but she declined that.

    The final letter

    On a ship back to India, Ruttie poured out her torment and hurt in her letter to Jinnah:

    S. S. Rajputana.
    Marseilles 5 Oct 1928.

    Darling – thank you for all you have done. If ever in my bearing your over tuned senses found any irritability or unkindness – be assured that in my heart there was place only for a great tenderness and a greater pain – a pain my love without hurt. When one has been as near to the reality of Life – (which after all is Death) as I have been dearest, one only remembers the beautiful and tender moments and all the rest becomes a half veiled mist of unrealities. Try and remember me beloved as the flower you plucked and not the flower you tread upon.

    I have suffered much sweetheart because I have loved much. The measure of my agony has been in accord to the measure of my love.

    Darling I love you – I love you – and had I loved you just a little less I might have remained with you – only after one has created a very beautiful blossom one does not drag it through the mire. The higher you set your ideal the lower it falls.

    I have loved you my darling as it is given to few men to be loved. I only beseech you that our tragedy which commenced with love should also end with it.

    – Darling Goodnight and Goodbye

    Ruttie

    I had written to you at Paris with the intention of posting the letter here – but I felt that I would rather write to you afresh from the fullness of my heart. R.

    Shagufta Yasmeen, “Ruttie Jinnah: Life and Love” (Islamabad: Shuja Sons, no date, p. 71-2, for the original letter in Ruttie’s handwriting). For online, see Letters of Note.

    Final months

    Ruttie left Paris just a few days before Mrs. Naidu arrived on October 10. Mrs. Naidu wrote to Padmaja:

    “I think Jinnah tried very hard to get her to come back.” “But Ruttie is, so I am told, beyond all appeal. Her health is still very precarious. But I have had no talk with Jinnah as yet.”

    Reddy, p. 348-9.

    She met him the next day and discussed the political situation in India where politicians were waiting for Jinnah’s arrival and response to Nehru Report.

    Once in India, he got busy. On December 28, at the All-Parties Convention in Calcutta, Jinnah’s demand for 33% Muslim representation in the central legislature was met with derision. One of the Congress leaders Sir Tej Bahadur Sapru ridiculed him and said give whatever this “spoilt child was asking for and be finished with it.” (Wolpert, p. 100.) M. R. Jayakar, spokesman for the Hindu Mahasabha, a communal outfit, said Jinnah represents “a small minority of Muslims.” (Ibid. p. 101.) (The Muslim population was around 25%. Jinnah wanted some kind of parity to secure Muslims with the majority Hindu population.)

    Jinnah calmly requested:

    “… Minorities cannot give anything to the majority….Believe me there is no progress of India until the Musalmans and Hindus are united, and let no logic, philosophy or squabble stand in the way of coming to a compromise and nothing will make me more happy than to see a Hindu-Muslim union.”

    Ibid.

    He also said:

    “We are all sons of the soil. We have to live together… If we cannot agree, let us at any rate agree to differ, but let us part as friends.”

    A. G. Noorani, “Assessing Jinnah,” Frontline ( https://frontline.thehindu.com/the-nation/article30205988.ece )

    Jinnah’s plea fell on deaf ears; he failed miserably. (This is a universal problem, the majority lacks a genrous spirit to concede something concrete to the minority which could make it feel secure.)

    All through January and February 1929, Ruttie remained ill which in turn made her depressed.

    Depression was not restricted to Ruttie, it affected many of her friends in her age group or younger, Reddy notes (p. 352). Mrs. Naidu’s son Ranadheera was addicted to alcohol and so was his sister Leilamani who was teaching in Lahore and surviving as a single woman. Their older brother Jaisoorya was in a Berlin sanatorium, the city where he was studying medicine. Padmaja drowned in melancholy at her own problems. (Years later, Padmaja had a live-in relationship with Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru.) The only difference between the Naidu children and Ruttie was that the former had their father Dr. Govindarajulu Naidu who was a source of great support to their children while Ruttie didn’t have that kind of continuous help. Lady Petit’s visits to Ruttie were not helpful either. Sarojini Naidu was in North America. In February, Jinnah was off to Delhi for government work. Only Kanji was around who tried his best to give Ruttie as much time as possible.

    Jinnah regularly visited Ruttie in the evenings where Kanji was present too. Their discussions reminded Kanji of the good old days when all three of them used to meet, eat, and discuss politics.

    Ruttie who loved going out, had almost confined herself indoor except for short walks with Kanji. Theosophist Krishnamurti and his secretary came for tea on February 1 at Ruttie’s place. Kanji was there too. Krishnamurti then invited Ruttie at Kanji’s friend’s place for dinner which she attended with Kanji. Around February 11, Jinnah had to leave for Delhi. A couple of days later, Ruttie, Kanji’s wife, and Kanji went for a night show movie.

    On 16 and 17 February, Kanji was on night duty as an honorary magistrate due to the riots in Bombay. On the 17th morning, Kanji picked Mrs. Besant from the train station and had lunch with her. After that he went home for a little while where Ruttie showed up “terribly depressed and unhappy.” (Dwarkadas, p. 56.)

    After four hours he went to drop Ruttie at her place where she served him tea. (Kanji was supposed to have tea with Mrs. Besant.) Kanji stayed there till 7pm due to Ruttie’s “terrific depression,” and left with a promise to return back at 10:15. Mrs. Besant understood and asked him to take care of Ruttie. Upon his return, Kanji was horrified to find Ruttie unconscious but was able to revive her.

    On the 18th morning, Ruttie called and told him to drop by on the way to his office. Her state of depression hadn’t disappeared yet; he did his best to cheer her up. Before leaving, he said: “I’ll see you to-night.” Ruttie’s gloomy reply:

    “If I am alive. Look after my cats and don’t give them away.”

    Dwarkadas, p. 57.

    Kanji writes: “These were the last words Ruttie spoke to me.” Kanji stopped by at 11:15 at night but Ruttie was asleep. He left as he hadn’t slept for two nights. A telephone call on the 19th afternoon informed Kanji that Ruttie had lost consciousness and her surviving chances are minimal. Right away he went to her place but couldn’t find her. (Dwarkadas, p. 57.)

    Ruttie no more

    Jinnah was in Delhi for the Budget Session of the Assembly. On the night of 20 February, 1929, Chamanlal was in Jinnah’s Western Court house in Delhi when Jinnah received a trunk call about Ruttie’s illness. He told Chaman Lal:

    “Rati is seriously ill. I must leave tonight.” “Do you know who that was? It was my father-in-law. This is the first time we have spoken to each other since my marriage.”

    Dewan ChamanLal, “The Quaid-i-Azam As I Knew Him” in Jamil-ud-din Ahmad compiled “Quaid-I-Azam as Seen by his Comtemporaries” (Lahore: Publishers United Ltd., 1966, p. 172.)

    Actually, his father-in-law had communicated the sad news of Ruttie’s death to Jinnah. She had passed away in the evening.

    One hundred and thirty eight days after her last letter, Ruttie died of an overdose – exactly on her 29th birthday. The clutches of sickness, insomnia, drugs, inner anguish, piecemeal companionship instead of constant comradery, inability to cope with life, and anxiety had gotten to the resplendent Ruttie.

    Mrs. Naidu’s January 1928 letter to Padmaja had mentioned about Ruttie’s previous attempt at suicide, “… as I have only now learned–how difficult have been those ten years,” “and how she even tried to put an end to herself deliberately …” (Reddy, p. 335.)

    Ruttie must have thought death was the only way out; so she annihilated herself.

    Funeral

    On the morning of 22nd February, Kanji with Col and Mrs. Sokhey picked up Jinnah from the Grant Road station.

    Mohammad Ali Jinnah, Kanji Dwarkadas, M. C. Chagla, and a good many people (both men and women) had gathered at Arambagh, a Shia Muslim cemetery in Mazgaon (Bombay), for the burial ceremony.

    Jinnah sat next to Kanji during the five hour long rites, and gave an impression that he was alright. After a while, he broke the silence and started talking hastily how he assisted Vittalbhai Patel, speaker of the Assembly, who had gotten himself in a tight corner with the government. He also talked about his work in the Assembly.

    But when the process of placing Ruttie’s body in her final abode began, Jinnah couldn’t maintain the facade of stoicism any longer. Kanji described the scene:

    “Then, as Ruttie’s body was being lowered into the grave, Jinnah, as the nearest relative was the first to throw the earth on the grave and he broke down suddenly and sobbed and wept like a child for minutes together.”

    Dwarkadas, p. 58.

    Jinnah was followed by Kanji:

    “I followed Jinnah and looking for the last time through sorrowful and tearful eyes at the mortal remains of the lovely and beautiful immortal soul, I promised to Ruttie that one day I would write her full story….”3

    Ibid.

    M. C. Chagla described it thus:

    “She was buried on February 22 in Bombay according to Muslim rites. Jinnah sat like a statue throughout the funeral but when asked to throw earth on the grave, he broke down and wept. That was the only time when I found Jinnah betraying some shadow of human weakness. It’s not a well publicised fact that as a young student in England it had been one of Jinnah’s dreams to play Romeo at The Globe. It is a strange twist of fate that a love story that started like a fairy tale ended as a haunting tragedy to rival any of Shakespeare’s dramas. ”

    Darwaish, “The Softer Side of Mr. Jinnah” (Globeistan.com).

    Religion restricts, politics prohibits

    her parents would have consigned her
    to a
    Tower of Silence
    she wanted to be cremated
    but as Jinnah’s wife
    she was caged underground

    religion restricts
    politics prohibits

    Mahbano, Masoumeh, and Morvarid
    are to be left at dakhma
    Manisha, Manorama, and Menka
    are destined to be burned
    Mariam, Mahjabin, and Mominah
    are to be imprisoned 6 feet under …

    religion is like a life sentence,
    freedom or parole are hard to come by

    Jinnah meets Kanji

    Next evening, Jinnah met Kanji to know about her final days. Kanji:

    “Never have I found a man so sad and so bitter. He screamed his heart out, speaking to me for over two hours, myself listening to him patiently and sympathetically, occasionally putting a word here and there. Something I saw had snapped in him. The death of his wife was not just a sad event, nor just something to be grieved over, but he took it, this act of God, as a failure and a personal defeat in his life. I am afraid he never recovered right till the end of his life from this terrible shock.”

    Dwarkadas, p. 58.

    Jinnah and Kanji received condolence messages from India’s Viceroy Lord Irwin, Sarojini Naidu (who was in North America at that time), Jiddu Krishnamurti, and others.

    Could anyone be blamed?

    We know about Ruttie’s pain and suffering through her correspondence with Mrs. Naidu and her two daughters, Leilamani and especially Padmaja. and the exchange of letters between the Naidu women. Also Ruttie’s friendship with and her constant need for Kanji throws some light on her sadness and depression. But from Jinnah’s side we know almost nothing of his intense sorrow except for a few sentences spoken to his close friends here and there on rare occasions.

    Thirty nine years after Ruttie’s passing, Kanji was interviewed by an Urdu writer from Pakistan Syed Shahabuddin Dosnani in February 1968, in his apartment in Bombay. Acording to Kanji, sleeping pills were always by Ruttie’s bedside and she ended her life with it. Kanji:

    “She [Ruttie] chose to die on her birthday.

    Reddy, p. 358.

    It is very tragic that such a wonderful person went to waste and met an untimely death.

    Years later, Jinnah told a friend’s wife:

    “She was a child and I should never have married her. The fault was mine.”

    Reddy, p. 362.

    Let us suppose Ruttie was born in 1880. and was in her mid thirties at the time of their marriage, would it have made their married life more workable? That is doubtful. The problems of time, attention, intimacy, and communication would have cropped up even with a spouse of same age group whether it was with Ruttie or some other person. It was not Ruttie’s age but her passion to live life to fullest and her need for companionship that would have created problems. The marriage would have worked whether the spouse was a “child” or same age person if that person was of a quiet and introverted nature, and not as needy.

    One could say that with Ruttie, Jinnah’s was a second marriage — in a sense that Jinnah was already wedded to politics and was committed to it. But then one has to take into account the fact that Ruttie was almost cut off from her family and from her community (Parsis). Also, Ruttie’s age and her vulnerability made her dependent on Jinnah for all kinds of support, so Jinnah was somewhat right at the assessment.

    To be fair to Jinnah, Ruttie also caused, consciously or unconsciously, immense pain to Jinnah. It is almost impossible to find any of Jinnah’s contemporaries with similar tolerance power as him. One wonders who would have tolerated in the 1920s India, hundred years ago, that his wife was living alone in Paris for months while he was paying the expenses. And his door was open for her upon her return. Jinnah was a very liberal person, ahead of his time. What needed was a bit less solemnness and a little more fun on part of Jinnah which his serious personality and commitments didn’t permit. It was unfortunate.

    When Ruttie was in Paris for a long period, she had met Bhikaiji Rustom Cama (1861 – 1936), a friend of Hamabai Petit, Ruttie’s aunt. Madam Cama, as she was known, was a wealthy Parsi woman who had separated from her husband in India and was residing in Paris and was involved in women’s rights and Indian freedom movement. Upon learning from Ruttie about her nightclub visit with some nobleman whose overdrinking caused a car collision on their way back, Madam Cama flared-up:

    “When such a remarkable man has married you, how could you go to a nightclub with a tipsy man?”

    Reddy, p. 272.

    Madam Cama’s admonishment was harsh but could be overlooked because she was unaware of what Ruttie was going through.

    Ruttie’s was a restless soul full of energy, ideas, curiosity, intellect, bravado, knowledge, literary treasure, and more. She was a romantic but was unable to instill similar feelings in Jinnah, after a couple of years into their marriage, because of his heavy involvement with his professional and political engagements.

    Her illness and reliance on drugs cut her life prematurely short. If she would have gotten more attention from Jinnah, the multi-talented Ruttie could have utilized her potential to the maximum and could have lived longer. She would have been Pakistan’s First Lady if death had not brutally snatched her. And who knows, after Jinnah’s death, she may have been a governor of a state in Pakistan like her contemporaries Vijaya Laxmi Pandit and Padmaja Naidu were in India- or an ambassador, or she would have represented her country at United Nations or would have become a renowned poet/author. Sadly, it was not to be so.

    Two and a half decades after her death, people in Bombay reminisced about Ruttie to Hector Bolitho in these words:

    “Ah, Ruttie Petit! She was the flower of Bombay.” “She was so lively, so witty, so full of ideas and jokes.”

    Hector Bolitho, Jinnah: Creator of Pakistan (London: John Murray, 1954, p.74)

    Dr. Muhammad Ali Shaikh in his article “The Women in Jinnah’s Life” puts the blame on Ruttie,

    “While Jinnah was purpose-oriented and wanted to accord adequate attention and time to his causes in life, Rattanbai wanted to continue living a fairytale romance.”

    Shaikh is entitled to his opinion. However, Ruttie was young and may have gotten over the romantic phase, like most do, and channeled her vigor on issues that were important to her. As we have seen, Ruttie was active at women’s issues, animal welfare, etc. Her intellectual curiosity, her interest in varied subjects, and her prolific reading wouldn’t have permitted her to be in the romantic state for too long. Who knows, she could have been a great writer, poet, or activist.

    The time and company she was not getting from Jinnah, she was looking or begging from Mrs. Naidu and Kanji. At the end of April 1927 Ruttie and Mrs. Naidu met in Lahore. Ruttie begged her to spend a few days with her. Ruttie’s troubled state prompted Mrs. Naidu to accompany her till Rawalpindi but she couldn’t part due to Ruttie’s insistence and went to Kashmir. Upon Mrs. Naidu’s departure, Ruttie wept. Mrs. Naidu to Padmaja:

    “Poor child!” “How she cried when I left. How she pleaded for me to stay and for me to bring you in June. …”

    Reddy, p. 326.

    It was indeed a tragic end.

    Cruel contrast

    Jinnah founded a nation; Ruttie didn’t even manage to find herself.

    Post Ruttie

    Jinnah was heart broken.

    All Ruttie’s books, jewelry, clothes, and other items were packed and put aside.

    Religion had been used in India before but Gandhi exploited it on a national scale. Post three Round Table Conferences between the British government and Indian politicians (November 1930 to December 1932), achieved nothing of significance, Jinnah, attended the first one.

    Jinnah decided to settle in Hampstead, an area in London, where he bought a house in September 1931. He was joined by his daughter Dina and his sister Fatima, who had quit her dental practice in Bombay. She devoted the rest of her life to Jinnah. Dina joined a school and Jinnah started his practice at Privy Council.

    The Manchester Guardian had in 1931 described various groups’ perception of Jinnah at the Round Table Conference:

    “Mr. Jinnah’s position at the Round Table Conference was unique. The Hindus thought he was a Muslim communalist, the Muslims took him to be pro-Hindu, the princes deemed him to be too democratic. The Britishers considered him a rabid extremist-with the result that he was everywhere but nowhere. None wanted him.”

    In 1934, when prominent Indian Muslim League leaders begged him to come back and take over the party leadership, Jinnah returned to India. Dewan Chamanlal also wanted him back in politics. Jinnah took over the leadership of Muslim League, which didn’t do very well in the 1937 provincial elections. In Bombay and UP (the United Provinces), the Congress refused Muslim League a place in the cabinet unless they switched over to Congress. Jinnah’s plea for a “united front” of Muslim League and Congress was rejected by arrogant Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and the Congress Party, including Gandhi. (A. G. Noorani, “Why Jinnah became defiant,” Frontline, August 21, 2013.

    Aijaz Ahmad points out Congress leaders’ folly in refusing Jinnah’s offer.

    “Few realized that such acts of generosity were necessary if the Congress was to win the confidence of those who felt threatened by the size of its victory; if Jinnah was capable of seeking a ‘united front’ he was also capable of whipping up hysteria on the charge that the ‘Hindu party’ which had taken over was refusing to share with the Muslims any part of its power.”

    Ahmad, p. 14.

    The Congress Party perceived itself as a vast umbrella which wanted all the groups belonging to different castes, ethnicity, and religions to be a part of it.

    So Jinnah used his religious card, vehemently.

    “… The Hindus and Muslims belong to two different religious philosophies, social customs, and litterateurs. They neither intermarry nor interdine together and, indeed, they belong to two different civilizations which are based mainly on conflicting ideas and conceptions. … To yoke together two such nations under a single state, one as a numerical minority and the other as a majority, must lead to growing discontent and final destruction of any fabric that may be so built for the government of such a state.”

    Banglapedia, “Two Nation Theory.”

    (Jinnah was not the first to propound the two-nation theory; several Hindu leaders, including Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, had offered such plans, as far as 1860s. See Shamsul Islam, “Guilty men of the two-nation theory: A Hindutva project borrowed by Jinnah,” Sabrang, 16 May, 2018.)

    In 1936, Jinnah’s daughter Dina fell in love with Neville Ness Wadia, a Christian. (Wadia’s father was born in a Parsee family but had converted to Christianity.) Later on, Neville Ness Wadia converted to Zoroastrianism. Dina had her maternal grandmother’s approval but not of Jinnah.

    Dina countered Jinnah:

    “Why don’t you grant me the freedom which you had in choosing your lifepartner.”

    Saadat Hasan Manto, “Mera Sahab” at Rekhta in both Devanagari & Urdu scripts.

    Jinnah’s reason for insisting Dina marry a Muslim man was a political one because by this time he was deep into the religious swamp. Dina went ahead with the marriage and their relationship got strained.

    Jinnah was a tough person but once in a while he was overcome with memories of Ruttie and Dina so he would order a trunk with Ruttie’s and Dina’s clothes and would reminisce over them; his eyes would get wet.

    (Great Urdu short story writer Saadat Hasan Manto got the above and many other tidbits from Jinnah’s driver Mohammad Hanif Azad. See Manto’s Mera Sahab at Rekhta which has it in both Devanagari & Urdu scripts. Azad4 has narrated the incidents in an interesting manner.)

    Memory Lane has nothing but agonies

    in the middle of the night
    when darkness and loneliness commingled
    the heart wept in whispers
    the mind strolled down memory lane
    there is no joy or bliss
    only pain, sorrow, and agony
    solace is urgently needed–
    it’s the necessity of the moment
    the ship-shaped trunk was ordered to be opened
    Ruttie and Dina’s clothes were spread out
    Jinnah stared at those clothes

    recreating the happy family moments
    remembering the two beautiful women
    one a wife, other a daughter
    one no more, other estranged

    like a dead man standing,
    heart’s pain expressed through tears
    monocle removed, tears wiped off

    After sometime the daughter-father reconciled. Dina and Jinnah corresponded regularly. In 1943, Dina and Neville divorced.

    [Jinnah’s (1939) Will also had Dina and her children as beneficiaries. Jinnah didn’t make any changes to the Will. The Will in its entirety is in Khwaja Razi Haider, “Ruttie Jinnah: The Story Told and Untold” (Karachi: University of Karachi, Appendix IV, p. 155-7.)]

    In August 1947, before departing for Karachi, Jinnah visited Dina and her two children. He gave the Karakul cap he was wearing to his grandson Nusli Wadia. Jinnah also stopped by Ruttie’s grave to say goodbye.

    IMAGE/Dr Muhammad Ali Shaikh/National Archives Islamabad/Dawn/Duck Duck Go

    The love between Ruttie and Jinnah was never lost and they always had it in their hearts till the end.

    Jinnah never got married or had an affair with any one. Ruttie was close to Kanji and she could have found loving comfort in his company if she wanted too, but she never did. She loved Jinnah only.

    Perhaps, some romances are destined that way.

    Ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity who took a 180 degree detour from secularism to don an Islamic cap was back to his secularist self when he got Pakistan. On August 11, Jinnah addressed the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan:

    “… You are free; you are free to go to your temples, you are free to go to your mosques or to any other place or worship in this State of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion or caste or creed that has nothing to do with the business of the State….

    “… in course of time Hindus would cease to be Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Muslims, not in the religious sense, because that is the personal faith of each individual, but in the political sense as citizens of the State.”

    On August 14, Pakistan came into existence and the next day India got its independence. It was one of history’s greatest tragedies with communal killing on a vast scale, accompanied by vast scale destruction and innumerable refugees.

    Gandhi. In less than six months after British left, on January 30, 1948, Gandhi became the victim of a Hindu fanatic — Nathuram Godse who pumped three bullets in his chest. One has to really appreciate Gandhi’s efforts during post Partition butchery to save Muslim lives in Delhi and other areas. The shots fired at Gandhi were forewarning of the Hindu fascist raj India will one day become.5

    Jinnah. More than seven months after Gandhi’s assassination, Jinnah passed away on September 11, 1948 after suffering from tuberculosis which he was infected with many years ago but was known only to his Parsi doctor J. A. L. Patel, his sister Fatima, and very few other people. Jinnah was a chain smoker who had smoked for three decades 50 or more Craven “A” cigarettes a day. In May 1946, Dr. Patel had warned him to take things very easy because he only had a year or two left to live. Jinnah had survived the past ten years, in the words of Dr. Patel, on “will power, whiskey and cigarettes..” [Larry Collins & Dominique Lapierre, Freedom at Midnight (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1975, p. 124-6.)]

    From Quetta, where Jinnah was recuperating, he was flown back to Karachi. The ambulance carrying Jinnah, then Governor General of Pakistan, from Karachi airport to the government house broke down. It took a long time for another vehicle to arrive. Military Secretary Colonel Birnie was the only person sent to receive Jinnah. There was no other person or vehicle. It definitely was strange and suspicious. Was Liaquat Ali Khan’s (Jinnah’s right hand) government waiting for Jinnah to die as soon as possible? Jinnah said so, according to his sister.6

    Sister Phyllis Dunham, the nurse who was attending Jinnah in the ambulance, said they were near the refugee camp. There was mud and hundreds of flies. She fanned Jinnah’s face with a piece of cardboard to keep the flies away.

    “I was alone with him for a few minutes and he made a gesture I shall never forget. He moved his arm free of the sheet, and placed his hand on my arm. He did not speak, but there was such a look of gratitude in his eyes. It was all the reward I needed, for anything I had done. His soul was in his eyes at that moment.”

    The same evening, that is, September 11, 1949, Jinnah passed away.

    Dina flew into Karachi from Bombay to attend her father’s funeral. She then returned back to Bombay. After Partition, Dina had decided to stay in India but later on moved to New York, USA.

    Dina Wadia (extreme left), Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s only child, flew in to attend her father’s funeral. Second from right is Jinnah’s sister Fatima. PHOTO/The Press Information Department, Ministry of Information, Broadcasting & National Heritage, Islamabad/Dawn

    Sarojini Naidu (known as “Nightingale of India” or “Bharat Kokila,” a name given by Gandhi), became the governor of Indian state of UP or United Provinces after independence. She had a fatal cardiac arrest on March 2, 1949.

    Fatima Jinnah. (In Pakistan, she is known as Mader-e Millat or Mother of the Nation.) On the first couple of death anniversaries of Jinnah, his sister Fatima was not allowed to make radio speeches. In 1951, she was allowed but was censored. Some pages had disappeared from her book My Brother before it reached the publisher, because they were deemed to be “against the ideology of Pakistan.” (See the pages here for the ideology crap.)

    In 1965, the opposition parties contesting the elections against the US supported military dictator Field Marshall General Ayub Khan persuaded Ms. Jinnah to contest the presidential election against Ayub Khan. Fatima gave a good fight but lost the election because it was rigged. However, she won in both Karachi, Pakistan’s biggest city, and also in Dacca, East Pakistan’s capital. Fatima Jinnah passed away on July 9, 1967.7

    Kanji Dwarkadas was the senior-most personnel officer and labor consultant in India. In 1946 and 1951, he was invited by the United States government to study housing and labour problems. He passed away in the early 1970s.

    Padmaja was the fourth governor of the Indian state of West Bengal from November 1956 to June 1967. Padmaja waited for Nehru to propose but he never did because he wanted to avoid offending his daughter Indira’s feelings. But they lived together. Nehru had affairs with many other women8 too. Padmaja was aware of it. She once said: “Nehru is not a one woman man!”

    Independent India’s first prime minister Nehru’s seventeen year rule deserves high praise; it was good for minorities. Nehru was worried about the majority communalism when he said: “Communalism of the majority is far more dangerous than the communalism of the minority.” He passed away on 27 May 1964. Since Hindu nationalist Modi came to power in 2014, his government never misses a chance to vilify Nehru.

    Padmaja Naidu passed away on May 2, 1975.

    Dina avoided state invitations from Pakistan but did visit again in March 2004 at the invitation of former chairman of the Pakistan Cricket Board Sheharyar Khan to watch India/Pakistan cricket match in Lahore. It was termed “cricket diplomacy” as she and her family, like so many Indians and Pakistanis, wanted to see good relations between both countries. She and her son Nusli Wadia and her grand sons Jehangir and Ness, visited her father’s mausoleum in Karachi. In the visitors’ book, she wrote:

    “This has been very sad and wonderful for me. May his dream for Pakistan come true.”

    Dina passed away on November 2, 2017.9

    ENDNOTES:

    The post The Tragic Tale of a Flower that Wilted too Soon (Part 2 of 2) first appeared on Dissident Voice.
    1    Gandhi’s political power provided him an opportunity to have many girl friends. Whereas his genius let him juggle and manage these relations while having a wife. Madeleine Slade (Mirabehn), Sushila Nayar, Bibi Amtus Salam are some of the females Gandhi was close to. Some of the extracts from Gandhi’s letters:

    You will continue to haunt me in my sleep. No wonder that [your husband] Panditji (Rambhuj Dutt) calls you the greatest shakti. You may cast that spell over him. You are performing the same trick over me.”

    In another letter dated January 23, 1920, Gandhi wrote, “Saraladevi has been showering her love on me in every possible way.”

    The nature of their relationship is further uncovered in a letter dated August 23, 1920: “You are mine in the purest sense. You ask for a reward of your great tender, well, it is its own reward.”

    Acutely aware of how jealous Kasturba was of several of his adoring disciples, Gandhi tried at first to disarm his wife of such feelings by asking Esther “to help Ba in the Kitchen”. But he warned his “Dear Child” that

    “Ba has not an even temper. She is not always sweet. And she can be petty… You will therefore have to summon to your aid all your Christian charity to be able to return largeness against pettiness… To pity the person who slights you… And so, my dear Esther, if you find Mrs. Gandhi trying your nerves, you must avoid the close association I am suggesting to you.”

    It did not work, of course. Kasturba treated his “Dear child” so harshly in her kitchen that Esther soon broke down. “You were with me the whole of yesterday and during the night. I shall pray that you may be healthier in mind, body and spirit,” Bapu wrote to console Dear Child Esther, “with deep love.”… Gandhi was “glad you opened out heart” about his “difficult” wife. He immediately insisted that Esther must have a “separate Kitchen” for herself. “My heart is with you in your sorrow.”
    2    See “Gandhi Kept On …” (Counterpunch, August 14, 2015).
    3    Kanji: “… It has taken me more than thirty years to fulfil this promise. I dedicated to Ruttie my 85 page “Gandhiji through my Diary Leaves” (1915-1948), published in May 1950.” Dwarkadas, p. 58.
    4    Prior to joining Jinnah, Azad used to work as an extra in Bombay film industry. Post Partition, he worked as a character actor in Pakistan film industry.)
    5    Since 2014, Hindu Modi has created internal partition in India by turning Muslims, over 14% of India’s population, into second class citizens. Other minorities are not doing any better either. Modi’s rise to power, i.e., from Gujarat state’s chief minister to India’s premier, was on the Muslim corpses piled under his watch. He was termed the “butcher of Gujarat.”

    Aijaz Ahmad: “… communal violence always leads to very rich electoral dividends for the BJP [Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party] and its associates …”

    Modi government has banned the recent two part BBC documentary on Gujarat genocide. Many websites, including Elon Musk’s Twitter, have been ordered to take down the documentary; they have complied. Musk, “a free-speech absolutist,” had no qualms in carrying out Modi’s order because India is a huge market. In 2019, the US government overthrew Bolivia’s government. Musk boasted: “We will coup whoever we want! Deal with it.” One is prompted to ask Musk: How about a coup in India.? No way, Musk is waiting for a tax break for Tesla in India. One of opposition politician in India, Mahua Moitra, had posted the video on her twitter account but has been taken off; same with the US actor John Cusack‘s twitter account.
    6    Why was Jinnah transported in a broken ambulance and why was there not a spare vehicle? The question has been raised many times but the people in power are neither in a hurry nor are willing to answer. Just after three years, Liaquat Ali Khan, born in 1895, was shot twice during a public rally on October 16, 1951. He was rushed to a hospital but didn’t survive. Within a few seconds after shooting, the police killed the assassin. Pakistan was just a four year old baby then, but its police was far too mature in this matter. It finished the assassin and thus saved lot of the poor country’s money and time from being wasted on finding the real culprits. (In November 1963, US President John F. Kennedy’s assassin Lee Harvey Oswald was shot dead in the Dallas Police Headquarters, just two days after Kennedy’s murder, by a nightclub owner Jack Ruby.)

    First week of March in 1949 witnessed Allah, Muhammad, and Koran making inroads in Pakistan via Objectives Resolution. Four years later, the Islamists went after one of the Muslim minorities, the Ahmadis, to declare them non-Muslims. They succeeded in 1974. Jogendra Nath Mandal, a Hindu, whom Jinnah had chosen as one of his ministers, had felt insignificant after Jinnah’s death and handed his resignation to Liaquat Ali Khan and migrated to India.

    (Those interested in understanding the tragic condition of minorities in Pakistan should read Mandal’s entire letter.

    Unlike the Hindu parties in India, the Islamic parties in Pakistan have never reached the corridors of power, but then have never been far from the people in power. They have forced politicians to do things in the name of Islam which have done great harm to the country. On the other hand, the army and politicians also use them when needed. On January 17, 2023, the Pakistan’s National Assembly voted to broaden the blasphemy laws by including Prophet Muhammad’s companions which may be a huge number. It seems, pretty soon, the National Assembly will add another clause to the blasphemy laws declaring anyone criticizing the members of the ruling class for their corrupt, criminal, conscienceless actions as blasphemous because they are relatives of Muhammad or of Muhammad’ companions. Nothing is impossible for people in power. (Look at Planet’s Earth’s current Landlord who wants Gaza as “Riviera of the Middle East” which is now in the ruin due to former Landlord‘s genocidal war on Palestinians who are all alone.)

    Pakistan imported 2200 luxury cars in the second half of 2022. A country with more than 232 million people has mere $16 billion in reserves as of February 2025! Every now and then, Pakistani beggars have to rush to China, UAE, Saudi Arabia, or IMF (International Monetary Fund) for either a few billion dollars loan or to extend the payment time. IMF loans are accompanied with harsh conditions — and as usual, the common people bear the brunt.

    S. Akbar Zaidi puts it bluntly:

    “The irony of ironies. An institution which across the globe has been acknowledged as anti-people, elitist and responsible for increasing poverty, misery and destitution across dozens of countries, is now being seen as Pakistan’s only saviour, as it seems the rulers in this country have come round to restarting an agreement which has been in abeyance for almost a year.”

    Another thing the government does, with the blessing of the army, is to apply censorship. In February 2023, access to Wikipedia, a free source of information for students and other people in a country where the government doesn’t provide much, blocked. The reason: Pakistan wants Wikipedia to remove “blasphemous content.” How could you fight this idiocy. After a few days, the ban was lifted. In January 2025, some important amendments were passed to the 2016 Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act (PECA) which has become a tool to harass media people and journalists — more than 200 such incidents have happened. The army is also good at silencing or disappering its critics or people asking for their rights, such as people of Balochistan.

    The main opposition leader and former Prime Minister Imran Khan (a Pakistani version of Jair Bolsonaro, Donald Trump, Narendra Modi, Tayyip Erdogan, and Victor Orban) is not any better.
    7    If common sense had prevailed over the US supported generals and the elite that this was a golden opportunity to repair relations with the eastern wing, which had been turned into West Pakistan’s colony, it would have saved the break up of Pakistan. It didn’t. After a bloody war, fought in East Pakistan with killings, rapes, and devastation, in December 1971, East Pakistan became Bangladesh.
    8    Nehru’s sister Vijayalakshmi Pandit: “Didn’t you know, Pupul?” They lived together for years–for years.” “He felt that Indu [Indira Gandhi] had been hurt enough. He did not want to hurt her further.”

    Pupul Jayakar, Indira Gandhi: A Biography, p. 92.

    Nehru had affairs with some other women too, including Lady Edwina Mountbatten, the wife of Lord Mountbatten, the last Viceroy of India, who presided over India’s partition. Mountbatten’s was an open marriage
    9    In 2007, Dina wrote a letter to India’s then Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh requesting to hand over Jinnah’s Bombay/Mumbai house (South Court, also called Jinnah House) to her with an assurance the house will be used for personal use without any commercial motive.

    “It is now almost 60 years since my father’s death and I have been deprived of my house where I grew up and lived until I married.” “I request you return it to me.”

    Dr. Singh never replied back; had no intention to return back the property.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.


  • IMAGE/Dawn/DUck Duck Go

    She eloped

    Over a hundred years ago, on February 20, 1918, she escaped from her parents house to unite with her love. Two months later, on April 19, at her sweetheart’s huge house atop Malabar Hill in Bombay, she got married and went to Nainital for honeymoon.

    All over India, the news of their wedding caused a huge uproar and spread fast – it became the main talk of the town for many reasons:

    • The girl was Parsi;
    • the man was Muslim;
    • she was 18;
    • he was 41;
    • she was the daughter of one of the richest men in India then;
    • he was a self-made wealthy person – a very successful lawyer;
    • the girl’s family broke all relations with her;
    • the man was estranged from his;
    • she was expelled from the Parsi community;
    • he had already left his religious sect Nizari Ismaili;
    • the girl was at ease in western or local stylish clothing;
    • the man was well known for his well-tailored English suits.

    The girl was Ruttie Petit; her husband was M.A. Jinnah.

    They both were nationalists and wanted an end to the British colonial rule in India. Both were handsome with great sense of dressing, albeit, pricey.

    Ruttie’s beauty and dressing had impressed many personalities:

    Lady Reading:

    “Her attire was a Liberty scarf, a jewelled bandeau, and an emerald necklace. She is extremely pretty, fascinating, terribly made up. All the men raved about her, the women sniffed.”

    and

    “Very pretty, complete minx. A tight dress of brocade cut to the waist back and front, no sleeves, and over it and her head flowered Chiffon as a Sari.”

    — Syed Sharifuddin Pirzada, Some Aspects of Quaid-I-Azam’s Life” (Islamabad: National Commission on Historical and Cultural Research, 1978), p. 50.

    Lady Wavell was taken by Jinnah’s striking form:

    “[Mr. Jinnah was] one of the handsomest men I have ever seen; he combined the clear-cut, almost Grecian features of the West with Oriental grace of movement.”

    — “Wanted: Jinnah’s Pakistan,” Dawn, July 31, 2009.

    Mrs. Freeth, (wife of British Major-General G. H. B. Freeth, Deputy Adjutant-General) wrote to her mother how much she was impressed by Jinnah, whom she met at the viceregal dinner in Simla in May 1929.

    “After dinner, I had Mr. Jinnah to talk to. He is a great personality. He talks the most beautiful English. He models his manners and clothes on Du Maurier, the actor, and his English on Burke’s speeches. He is a future Viceroy, if the present system of gradually Indianizing all the services continues. I have always wanted to meet him, and now I have had my wish.”

    — Akbar S. Ahmed, “Jinnah, Pakistan and Islamic Identity: The Search for Saladin,” New York Times.

    Ruttie

    Ruttie was born as Rattanbai1 in an orthodox Parsi (Zoroastrian)2 family on February 20, 1900, one of four children, the only daughter of Sir Dinshaw Petit (1873-1933)3 and was affectionately called “Ruttie.” Today is her 125th birth anniversary.

    Ruttie was a bold, brilliant woman who was well versed in many subjects, including literature and politics. She didn’t get the recognition she deserved either in India or in Pakistan. mostly due to her marriage to Muhammad Ali Jinnah, founder of Pakistan.

    The Pakistani governments have ignored Ruttie because she was not a Muslim and the Indian governments, particularly the current Modi regime, have avoided mention of anyone/anything associated with Jinnah.

    Even decades after the creation of Pakistan, authorities wouldn’t consider a suggestion for naming an area — Ruttie Jinnah Grove in Karachi!

    The young, bubbly, and vivacious Ruttie was interested in politics and the British colonial rule in India. Accompanied by her maiden aunt, Hamabai Petit, a multimillionaire philanthropist, she used to attend public meetings in Bombay.

    M.A. Jinnah, a close family friend, often spoke4at these gatherings.

    Jinnah

    Jinnah’s parents Mithibai and Jinnahbhai Poonja hailed from Paneli, Gondal, in Kathiawar part of Bombay Presidency then, but now a part of Gujarat state. In 1875, they moved to Karachi where a year later Mohammed Ali Jinnahbhai was born on 25 December 1876. Karachi, a small Indian town then, is now Pakistan’s largest city.

    In his teens, in 1892, his father’s English business associate Frederick Leigh Croft offered Jinnah a London apprenticeship with his firm, Graham’s Shipping and Trading Company, which Jinnah accepted. To prevent him from not getting tempted to marry an English girl, Jinnah’s mother got him married to 14-year-old Emibai, the daughter of a wool businessman, and a distant relative.

    After a few months at Graham’s, Jinnah got bored with routine work; quit his job, and got himself admitted to Lincoln’s Inn, in order to study law. He then informed his father about the admission with a promise he wouldn’t ask for any more money.

    Some friends of Jinnah took him to a theatrical company where the manager asked him to read some extracts from Shakespeare’s collection. The manager and his wife were extremely delighted. Jinnah was invited to work and he signed the contract but then due to his father’s letter and a stern warning, especially the sentence, “Do not be a traitor to the family”, he left acting. (Stanley Wolpert, Jinnah of Pakistan. New York: Oxford University Press, 1984, p. 56.)

    Less than a year after Jinnah left, Emibai died of cholera, and a few months later, his mother died during childbirth. His mother’s demise was a great loss for Jinnah but he determinedly held on and passed the bar exam, becoming the youngest Indian to achieve such feat.

    M.A. Jinnah (he shortened his name in London), upon return to Karachi in 1896, discovered his father was bankrupt. A year later, Jinnah left for Bombay where he had once lived as a teen with his paternal aunt Manbai. The first three years were an immense struggle. The beginning of the new century was a good omen for him. John Molesworth MacPherson, the acting Advocate-General of Bombay offered Jinnah work in his chambers. Jinnah was the first Indian ever, according to Sarojini Naidu, to be granted such a favor. (Hector Bolitho, Jinnah: Creator of Pakistan, p. 15.)

    In early 1900, he got a recommendation letter from MacPherson and became a temporary Presidency Magistrate. In 1901, Sir Charles Olivant offered Jinnah a salary of Rs 1,500 (Bolitho, p. 17) a month. He refused the offer saying he was confident that very soon he could make that much in a day, which proved to be true.

    A liberal non-practicing Khoja Muslim, Jinnah left Shia Nizari Ismaili5 branch when Imam, Sir Sultan Mohammed Shah (Aga Khan III) (1877 – 1957), refused to bless his sister’s wedding6 because she had married an outsider.

    Soon, Jinnah became very successful, had a huge house, and looked after his siblings and relatives, but preferred to live alone. He brought his little sister Fatima and another sister Shirin, who was fourteen years old, to live with him. Shirin stayed with Jinnah till her marriage a few years later.

    Jinnah, who had been associated with the Indian National Congress (INC) since 1904 became an official member in 1906. In 1913, he joined All-India Muslim League (AIML). Many Muslim leaders, including Aga Khan III, had wanted this brilliant and successful lawyer to join the League7 for a long time.

    The Affair

    Jinnah used to hang out with crème de la crème of the Bombay society. Many of his clients were wealthy Hindus, Parsis, and Muslims. Parsis also let Jinnah into their exclusive club. Many club members were his clients, including Sir Dinshaw Petit, who was also a personal friend.

    In summer 1916, the Petit Family invited Jinnah for a vacation at their residence in Darjeeling. Ruttie and Jinnah spent a lot of time together during these two months at the Petit chateau, which was 7000 feet high, with view of Mount Everest. Jinnah and Ruttie indulged in horse-riding and other activities.

    Poetic portraiture:

    Romance in the lap of the Himalayas

    the beautiful Darjeeling
    the aesthetic hill station
    the intellectual exchange
    the mutual attraction
    Jinnah’s long road of loneliness
    and Ruttie’s erupting adulthood
    brought them closer, and closer
    the air emitted fragrance of love
    her talk enraptured Jinnah
    his personality awed Ruttie

    in the lap of the Himalayas
    the romance blossomed

    she was almost sixteen
    he was thirty-nine
    love found them
    vows bonded them
    she was Ruttie for him
    and he was “J” for her

    no hindrance was the different age
    no worries about that social-cage
    custodians were left to worry that
    lovers were unfurling a joint page

    Jinnah approached Ruttie’s father with a question about his views on interfaith marriage. Sir Petit thought it would do good:

    [Interfaith wed-locks would] considerably help national integration and might ultimately prove to be the final solution to inter-communal antagonism.”

    Jinnah asked for Ruttie’s hand. Not expecting such a question, Sir Petit got caught off-guard, but then gathered composure and refused Jinnah’s proposal. Ruttie was 16 so she and Jinnah decided to wait till she turned 18. Sir Petit was against this union, and went to the length of getting a court injunction in June 1917 against Jinnah, restricting him from meeting Ruttie.

    They, however, stayed in contact through correspondence conducted via intermediaries, and met when they could.

    Meanwhile, Ruttie kept abreast of Jinnah’s efforts with Bal Gangadhar Tilak (1856 – 1920), the efforts culminated in the Lucknow Pact confirmed December 29-31, 1916 and helped form cordial relations between Indian National Congress and Indian Muslim League to fight the British jointly.

    However, Jinnah’s mentor G. K. Gokhale (1866 – 1915) wasn’t around to witness Jinnah’s success. Gopal Krishna Gokhale had passed away in February 1915. Gokhale’s quote on Jinnah:

    “He has true stuff in him, and that freedom from all sectarian prejudice which will make him the best ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity.”

    Bolitho, p. 55.

    Jinnah’s desire:

    “It is my ambition to become the Muslim Gokhale.”

    In A.G. Noorani, “Jinnah in India’s History” (Frontline, August 12, 2005). https://frontline.thehindu.com/the-nation/article30205784.ece#! )

    To attend this important Lucknow session, Ruttie had traveled by train to Lucknow with her aunt Hamabai and Barrister D. N. Bahadurji (Jinnah’s Parsi friend, whose wife was a Hindu Brahmin.) In Lucknow, Ruttie met Jinnah.

    (Interestingly, they heard vendors at the train station shouting: “Hindu chai” (tea), “Mussulman chai,” “Hindu pani” (water), Mussulman pani.” )

    Hamabai

    Hamabai was a very wealthy philanthropist. Her relations with Ruttie were very good. With her brother Sir Dinshaw (Ruttie’s father) she was very close but when it came to the Ruttie/Jinnah affair, she avoided siding with either her brother or Jinnah. During this time, she offered her free services to Jinnah, who was president of the Home Rule League then, later she became the honorary vice president of the League.

    She did her baccalaureate from a French boarding school in Nice. She was her own person and married in her thirties to a nephew of late Sir Pheroeshah Mehta (Jinnah’s friend), who was one of the founding members of Indian National Congress. Sir Dinshaw didn’t like that Hamabai’s husband was not wealthy.

    Ruttie’s romantic turmoil

    Back in Bombay, Ruttie had changed, as witnessed by her letters to friend Padmaja, daughter of poet/politician Sarojini Naidu (1879 – 1949). One letter written on 27 January 1917, expresses her state of mind:

    “Life has been such a medley of wild excitement and cold depression!” “And yet it has been so full–so full because of its hollowness! So empty because of its fullness!

    “I am joyous and I am sad. But they are the emotions of the soul–and not of the heart! By soul I mean temperament–I long for peace and yet I dread the very idea of it. I revel in the storming passions which burn and tear at the fibres of my being till my very spirit writhes in an agony of excitement. And yet were I asked the cause of all this I could only answer by that one word–temperament! Ay, you may almost call it a form of hysteria.”

    Quoted in Sheela Reddy, Mr and Mrs Jinnah: The Marriage That Shook India (Gurgaon, Haryana: Penguin Randon House India, 2017, p. 53.)

    Much has been gleaned from journalist/author Sheela Reddy’s book Mr and Mr Jinnah: The Marriage That Shook India  as the content of letters exchanged between Ruttie, Sarojini Naidu, Padmaja and Leilamani (Naidu’s two daughters) exhibit Ruttie’s innermost thoughts. The book throws new light on many aspects, hitherto unknown, on Ruttie and Jinnah’s relationship, and exposes the anguish she was experiencing. The book has shortcomings8 including chapters without headings and it has no index.

    Ruttie shared her poems with Padmaja and younger sister Leilamani:

    Why should I weep / Or groan in despair / While the stars still peep / At a world so fair?

    A flower came to me one day in its natural lovliness and it told me the secret of its colours and then faded.

    Sorrow came to me with its black robed beauteous form, but it has not forsaken me. I have drunk deep of its cup of gall and I taste it when I wake and when I sleep; when I smile and when I weep.

    Sorrow knows no satiety!

    Ibid. 33, 34.

    Marriage

    Ruttie and Jinnah waited two years to unite through marriage. On February 20, 1918, Ruttie’s 18th birthday, in Bombay’s Taj Mahal Hotel with Frederic Chopin‘s “So Deep is the night” being played in the ballroom, Ruttie proposed marriage, Jinnah accepted, and they decided to get married.


    Ruttie Jinnah (left) and M.A. Jinna
    PHOTO/BBC/Duck Duck Go

    Sir Dinshaw filed another lawsuit against Jinnah accusing him of abducting his daughter. But Ruttie told the court,

    “Mr. Jinnah had not abducted me; in fact I have abducted him; so there is no case and he should be immediately exonerated of all charges.”

    In Ajeet Jawed, Secular and Nationalist Jinnah (New Delhi: Kitan Publishing House, 1998, p. 14.)

    Ruttie and Jinnah wanted a civil marriage but for that Jinnah would have had to resign from the Central Legislative Assembly where he was a member.

    … the Civil Marriage Act at that time was rigid and stipulated that those marrying under the Civil Marriage Act had to affirm solemnly that they belonged to no religion. This would have made it impossible for Jinnah to remain Member of the Central Legislative Assembly representing a Muslim Constituency.

    Kanji Dwarkadas, Ruttie Jinnah: The Story of a Great Friendship (Bombay: Kanji Dwarkadas, year not given, p. 12).

    Ruttie converted to Islam in presence of Maulana Nazir Ahmad Khujandi, a day before the wedding, in Jamia Masjid. The Muslim name given to Ruttie was Maryam. (Pirzada, Some Aspects of Quaid-i-Azam’s Life.)

    Saad S. Khan in his book, Ruttie Jinnah: The Woman Who Stood Defiant, (written with his wife Sara Khan), falsely claims:

    Jinnah, however, had a religious bent of mind and wanted his would-be wife to be Muslim.”

    This is not true as post marriage, neither Ruttie nor Jinnah started praying or going to the mosque. She remained Ruttie to all. Nothing about her changed: she wore what she wanted to, smoked cigars and drank alcohol like Jinnah, who also heartily ate pork, prohibited in Islam.

    After the wedding, Ruttie’s clothes, books, and jewelry were transferred to South Court, Jinnah’s huge house at Malabar Hill, Bombay.

    The Statesman announced:

    “Miss Ruttenbai, only daughter of Sir Dinshaw Petit, yesterday underwent conversion to Islam, and is to-day to be married to the Hon. Mr. M. A. Jinnah.”

    On April 19, 1918, in Jinnah’s South Court home, the wedding ceremony was conducted according to Shi’a rites. Ruttie’s name on Nikahnama document (in Persian) read “Ruttenbai.” Shariat Madar Aqai Haji Mohammad Abdul Hashim Najafi signed the marriage contract for Jinnah. For Ruttie, Maulana Mohammad Hasan Najafi signed it. Things were moving fast and Jinnah forgot to get a ring for Ruttie so Raja gave his ring to Jinnah which he then presented it to Ruttie. The witnesses and attorneys present were Raja Mohammad Ali Mohammad Khan of Mehmudabad, Sharif Devji Kanji, Ghulam Ali, and Umer Sobhani. Jinnah accepted just 1,001* rupees as a dowry, a symbolic gesture. His gift to Ruttie was 125,000 rupees.

    (*Some outlets falsely reported Jinnah received dowry of Rs 30 lakh or 3 million. Pirzada, p. 47.)

    In a letter to Dr. Syed Mahmud (a fellow Congressite), the noted poet/politician and Jinnah’s friend Sarojini Naidu observed:

    “So Jinnah has at last plucked the Blue Flower of his desire. It was all very sudden and caused terrible agitation and anger among the Parsis; but I think the child has made far bigger sacrifices than she yet realises. Jinnah is worth it all – he loves her; the one really human and genuine emotion of his reserved and self-centred nature. And he will make her happy.”

    In Darwaish, “The softer side of Mr. Jinnah

    According to Motilal Nehru’s (1861 – 1931) daughter Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit (1900 – 1990):

    “Mr. Jinnah’s marriage to Ruttie Petit, daughter of a wealthy Parsi banker, Sir Dinshaw Petit, caused a nine-day stir in India.”

    Ruttie, according to people familiar with her have said, was fond of reminding people: “Wake it up.”

    Begum Jahanara Shahnawaz described Ruttie in these words:

    [Ruttie was] … a very vivacious person and full of life. She often used to be in the mood of shocking people, which some persons did not approve of, but those who knew her well laughed over it. She was fascinating young lady, had beautiful hands and made lovely gesture, and was always dressed in elegant saris of the latest fashion.”

    Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit writes:

    “Ruttie was a friend of mine. We were the same age but brought up very differently. She was spoiled, very beautiful, and used to having her own way. She was much younger than Jinnah and it was certainly not a “love match.” But Jinnah was a Muslim, and the Parsis were, in those days, a very conservative group. This in itself seemed reason enough to Ruttie to shock the community — ‘Wake it up’, as she was fond of saying. ”

    In Vijaya Laxmi Pandit, The Scope of Happiness: A Personal Memoir (New York: Crow Publishers Inc. 1979, p. 201.)

    (It was a cheap shot at a friend, a very mean one.)9)

    But this time Ruttie, along with Jinnah, had woken up very many people.

    Several Muslims were angry, and for many Parsis it was “Black Friday” leading to a Parsi version of a fatwa against the couple.

    She was cut off from her family for a long time.

    Even decades later, in 1946, some Muslims hadn’t forgiven Jinnah; Majlis-e-Ahrar’s Maulana Mazhar Ali Azhar accused Jinnah of being an infidel:

    “ik KAfirA ke wAste Islam ko chhorA
    yeh Quaid-e-Azam hai keh hai KAfir-i-Azam”

    For an infidel (wife) he left Islam
    Is he the Great Leader or the great infidel

    Ruttie and Jinnah were very happy. Ruttie bought decorative things for their house. She also changed the look of Jinnah’s moldy Law Court rooms by getting them brightly painted and fitting them with classy furniture and flowers. Jinnah resigned from the Orient Club, where he used to play billiard and chess to spend time with Ruttie. This was the happiest time for both of them. Ruttie’s extravagant financial expenses were met by Jinnah. She bought her clothes from the exclusive Emile Windgrove tailor’s shop.

    Finally, he had:

    • a wonderful companion to discuss politics and the British Raj,
    • to accompany him to theaters,
    • to join him at horse-riding on Chaupaty Beach, and
    • to be his partner at parties and dinners.

    But when Jinnah’s old pals would drop by to discuss politics it didn’t please Ruttie at all. She wanted to be alone with Jinnah.

    Willingdon affair

    Jinnah was a renowned politician, a respectable lawyer, an important member of both the Congress Party and Muslim League, and a member of the Imperial Legislative Council. He and Ruttie were invited for dinner by Lady and Lord Willingdon (1866 – 1941), the Crown Governor of Bombay. Ruttie was wearing a low-cut dress. Lady Willingdon didn’t like this; she asked her servant to bring a wrap because Mrs. Jinnah “must be feeling cold.” Jinnah didn’t like it at all and retorted:

    “When Mrs Jinnah feels cold, she will say so, and ask for a wrap herself.

    In Wolpert, p. 56.

    He stood up and left with Ruttie.

    Jinnah did the same when Begum of Bhopal reminded Ruttie that she should dress as a Muslim. Jinnah was extremely displeased; he walked out with Ruttie.

    One more incident about Ruttie’s dressing. In 1924 when Jinnah was the Muslim League President and Mahomedali Currim Chagla (1900 – 1981) was the secretary, a meeting was convened in Bombay’s Globe Cinema. Chagla was arranging things when Ruttie, dressed in her usual style, walked in and took her seat by the platform. The bearded ones were mad. Chagla described in his book how he handled the situation.

    “The hall was full of bearded Moulvies and Maulanas and they came to me in great indignation, and asked me who that woman was. They demanded that she should be asked to leave, as the clothes she flaunted constituted an offence to Islamic eyes. I told them that they should shut their eyes as the lady in question was the President’s wife, and I could not possibly ask her to leave the hall.”

    In M.C. Chagla, Roses in December: An Autobiography (Bombay: Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, 1975, p.121), via Internet Archive.

    Coming back to Willingdon, sometime before the dinner incident, five days after their marriage, a manifesto in Bombay Chronicle had Jinnah’s and others’ names in it. The manifesto demanded a “responsible government” for India before it commits itself to World War I efforts. Jinnah’s words:

    “Let England pledge herself definitely to redeem the promise by accepting here, as in Ireland, that which our leaders have asked for in the Congress and League Pact, and we will work heart and soul to save Britain, India and the Empire….

    “But let us fight under the banner of liberty, for nothing less than that will nerve our men to fight and our women to sacrifice.”

    In Bolitho, p. 76.

    This was not a challenge of some revolutionary who was questioning British presence in India, but was a request from a moderate constitutionalist. Willingdon couldn’t digest even such meek demand by Jinnah and others. The rift between the two widened.

    (Willingdon, like his successor, George Lloyd, next Governor of Bombay, wanted Jinnah, Gandhi, and others to be deported to Burma, now Myanmar.)

    Clash with Willingdon

    When the Willingdons were leaving India, a farewell party was set up for December 10, 1918. Ruttie, Jinnah, and his supporters weren’t in favor of such a party. So they decided to protest. On the night of 9th, three hundred followers of Jinnah camped out near Bombay’s Town Hall. In the morning when Ruttie and Jinnah came, there were seats kept for them. Ruttie encouraged many to follow Jinnah in the Town Hall, while she succeeded in climbing up on a side-box of the balcony to address the audience. She shouted:

    “We are not slaves.”

    In Reddy, p. 165.

    People listened to her speech. The police commissioner Mr. Vincent asked Ruttie “to stop addressing the crowd for they were making a lot of noise.”

    Ruttie countered:

    “Mr. Vincent, first of all you have no right to stop me from lecturing because I have a right to speak as a citizen of Bombay. Secondly, whatever you may do I am not going to move from here.”

    Ibid. p. 166.

    Ruttie, Jinnah, and the people gathered were targeted with water hoses. Undeterred, she kept on addressing. The party was called off. Jinnah and many others were roughed up by police. This was the first and only time Jinnah encountered such a situation. Ruttie must have experienced pride her love made Jinnah fight on the streets, outside legislative councils. Ruttie was on his side when Jinnah addressed the crowd:

    “Gentlemen, you are the citizens of Bombay. You have today scored a great victory for democracy. Your triumph has made it clear that even the combined forces of bureaucracy and autocracy could not overawe you. December the 11th is a Red-letter Day in the history of Bombay. Gentlemen, go and rejoice over the day that has secured us the triumph of democracy.”

    (Tens of thousands of rupees were provided by his supporters to build The People’s Jinnah Hall to mark that action. See Heritage Times.)

    Ruttie’s bold nationalism

    Ruttie didn’t mask her feelings and views; she expressed them frankly. In 1918, Lord Chelmsford (1868 – 1933), Viceroy of India, threw a dinner party at Viceregal Lodge in Simla. Ruttie and Jinnah were invited. When Ruttie was introduced to Lord Chelmsford, she shook hands, then, instead of curtsy, folded her hands as if saying “namaste.”

    The Viceroy’s ego was hurt. He started a conversation with Ruttie when he found an opportunity to be alone with her.

    “Your husband, Mrs. Jinnah, has a great future awaiting him, and you should not mar his chances. You did not greet us in the manner customary at the Viceregal Lodge. In Rome you must do as the Romans do.”

    In G. Allana, Quaid-E-Azam Jinnah: The Story of a Nation (Karachi: Ferozsons Ltd., 1967, p. 170.)

    Ruttie bluntly replied:

    “Your Excellency, that is exactly what I did. You are in India and I greeted you the way Indian women do.”

    Ibid.

    Ruttie and Chelmsford never came face to face again.

    With another Viceroy Lord Reading (1860 – 1935) she didn’t mince words, either. Lord Reading was Viceroy and Governor-General of India. At a luncheon in New Delhi in 1921, Ruttie was sitting next to him. Reading expressed sadness as he felt nostalgic about Germany where he had spent sometime. He expressed his helplessness to her:

    “Mrs. Jinnah, how I wish I could go to Germany. I very much want to go there. But I can’t go there.”

    In Dwarkadas, p. 17.

    Ruttie asked:

    “Your Excellency, why can’t you go there?”

    Ibid.

    Reading replied:

    “The Germans do not like us, the British, so I can’t go.”

    Ibid.

    Ruttie availed every chance she came across to remind the British they were unwanted in India. In one sentence, she summed up the feelings of most Indians. Ruttie questioned him gustily:

    “How then did you come to India?”

    Ibid.

    The Viceroy wisely changed the subject.

    Ruttie and Jinnah attended a party at the Viceregal Lodge in 1925. Reading told Jinnah that the British Government wanted to honor his “excellent services” with knighthood but he declined the offer because he preferred to be “plain Mr. Jinnah.” So Reading tried to gauge Ruttie’s temptation for high honors: “Mrs. Jinnah, would you like to be addressed as Lady Jinnah?” Ruttie’s fearless nature shot back:

    “If my husband accepts knighthood, I will take a separation from him.”

    (Years later in 1942 Jinnah refused an honorary doctorate from Aligarh Muslim University (AMU). AMU was also a beneficiary of Jinnah’s 1939 Will, which remained unaltered till Jinnah’s death. For Jinnah’s Will in its entirety, see Khwaja Razi Haider, Ruttie Jinnah: The Story Told and Untold (Karachi: University of Karachi, Appendix IV, p. 155-7.))

    On her visit to Kashmir in 1926, when the authorities asked the reason for her visit, Ruttie, without a second thought, replied: “The purpose of visit is to spread sedition.”

    Ironically, Kashmir is now under torturous boots of Hindu communalist Narendra Modi’s military.

    Nagpur Session

    There were times when Ruttie had to restrain her boldness. One such incident happened when she and Jinnah were traveling in a train after attending the Nagpur session of Congress in December 1920.

    The Nagpur session witnessed Jinnah being humiliated and hooted for not adding prefixes “Mahatma” (Great Soul) and “Maulana” (Muslim scholar) to the names of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi (1869 – 1948) and Mohammad Ali Jauhar (1878 – 1931), respectively; instead he addressed them as “Mr. Gandhi” and “Mr. Mohammad Ali.” Jinnah was “howled down with cries of ‘shame, shame’ and political imposter.’” (Wolpert, p. 71.)

    Gandhi’s hold over Congress was absolute; he could have prevented the rowdy elements from disrespecting Jinnah and could have asked them to listen what Jinnah had to say; but he didn’t. Jinnah left the Congress Party.

    (Gandhi, a strong believer of Hinduism, had joined hands with strong believers of Islam, the Ali brothers, to save Ottoman Caliphate in Turkey. Maulana Abul Kalam Azad (1888 – 1958) and the Ali Brothers, Maulana Shoukat Ali Jauhar (1873 – 1938) and Maulana Mohammad Ali Jauhar who wanted to save the institution of Muslim caliph from being ended by the British had, as Aijaz Ahmad points out, misread the internal dynamics of Turkey and the evolution of its political system during the nineteenth century. Turkey had gradually reduced the dependence on the Muslim sharia law and had come to depend more and more on the civil and criminal courts. When the Turks themselves ended the caliphate, the major leaders of the Khilafat Movement such as Ali Brothers and Azad were “utterly dumbfounded” and the movement “petered out in confusion. [Aijaz Ahmad, Lineages of the Present: Ideology and Politics in Comtemporary South Asia (London & New York: Verso, 2000, p. 85-9.)]

    Ruttie wrote a letter to The Times of India, under the letter “R” to prevent Jinnah from knowing the real author:

    “At Akola [train station], Mr. [Maulana] Shoukat Ali delivered a short lecture to those who had assembled on the platform; and at the end of the lecture, he incited them to hoot Mr. Jinnah, who was seated in the first class compartment, with cries of ‘Shame’. Sir, this sort of thing is the negation of non-cooperation of which non-violence is the essence.”

    In Pirzada, p. 49-50.

    At the Calcutta Congress in September, Shoukat Ali was restrained by his friends from attacking Jinnah.

    K.M. Munshi reminds us in his book “Pilgrimage to Freedom” that

    “Jinnah, however, warned Gandhiji not to encourage fanaticism of Muslim religious leaders and their followers.”

    In H.M. Seervai, Partition of India: Legend and Reality (Bombay: Emmenem Publications, 1989, 13)

    Gandhi later admitted this to Richard Casey, the Governor of Bengal:

    “Jinnah had told him that he (Gandhiji) had ruined politics in India by dragging up a lot of unwholesome elements in Indian life and giving them political prominence, that it was a crime to mix up politics and religion the way he had done.”

    Ibid.

    Dina

    Some Indian leaders, including Jinnah, were required to appear before the Joint Select Committee of House of Commons and House of Lords (British Parliament) to give evidence on Montagu Bill, named after Edwin Samuel Montagu (1879-1924), the then Secretary of State for India. Jinnah and Ruttie, who was pregnant with Dina at the time, reached London in May 1919 to attend this and rented a flat near Regent’s Park.

    While Ruttie and Jinnah were in a theater, she went into labor and was taken to a clinic, where after midnight of August 15, she gave birth to their only child, Dina.

    Kanji noted:

    “This is a strange coincidence, as 14th and 15th August are respectively Pakistan’s and India’s Independence Days.”

    Dwarkadas, p. 18.

    Jinnah’s biographer Stanley Wolpert put it thus:

    “Their only child, a daughter named Dina, was born in London shortly past midnight on August 14-15, 1919, oddly enough precisely twenty-eight years to the day and hour before the birth of Jinnah’s other offspring, Pakistan.”

    Wolpert, p. 63.

    As was the custom among the rich, Dina was given a governess and other helpers to take care of her. Ruttie was raised in a similar manner, too.

    Ruttie couldn’t handle her own life so it was out of question that she would take care of Dina. (Years later, Dina spent time with the Petit family.)

    For whatever reason, Dina was ignored. Was Dina an unplanned baby? We don’t know. One thing is sure: Ruttie was not ready for motherhood yet. In July 1921, Mrs. Naidu visited South Court to see Dina who had come back with servants from a vacation in Ooty. Ruttie and Jinnah were not there as they had left for Europe.

    “I went to see the Jinnah baby this morning.” “It returned from Ooty in its pathetic servant fostered loneliness. It looked so sweet, fresh from its bath. I stayed and played a little with it, poor little pet.”

    Reddy, p. 248.

    In Oxford Jinnah gave a talk and then he and Ruttie left for London. Ruttie invited Leilamani who was studying at Oxford to join them. They stayed at Ritz for two months. Jinnah was busy with his political work while the girls were enjoying their life. Leilamani also accompanied them to Paris. The Jinnahs went back to India after five months. The day they came back, Ruttie rushed to Taj Mahal to see Mrs. Naidu.

    Fatima Jinnah

    Fatima Jinnah (1893 – 1967) was Jinnah’s youngest sister. After his father’s death in 1902, Jinnah brought her to live with him, and had her admitted to St. Joseph Convent school at Bandra. It was inconceivable then for a Muslim girl to join a convent school; their relatives and many other Muslims tried to deter Fatima who became the target of their gossip and criticism. Jinnah’s support made her stick to the decision.

    On Sundays, Fatima would join her brother at his place. Ruttie didn’t like this because that was the day Jinnah would be off from work, and Ruttie wanted to spend time with Jinnah alone. Besides, Fatima was a serious person, or as Ruttie would say, “deadly serious” and no fun to be around. Fatima had turned religious and carried a copy of the Qur’an with her.

    One could imagine a typical Sunday in the Jinnah household: Jinnah would be into his newspapers and books while Fatima, with a copy of Qur’an in hand sitting quietly watching her brother. For Ruttie it must have felt like a prison, where she was sentenced to a day of silence, no doubt a very tough situation for a bubbly person like her.

    On one such day, Ruttie teased or rather tormented Fatima in front of her brother about her spinster status at the age of twenty six. Ruttie later communicated the tense atmosphere in her letter to Padmaja:

    “By the bye, I told Fatima that I went to Hyderabad to look up some eligible man for her and I showed her Taufiq’s photo as being one of them..”

    Reddy, p. 207.

    Despite very little talk between the sister and brother, they were close to each other. Of all his siblings, Fatima was the closest to Jinnah. They didn’t like the teasing at all; Jinnah’s displeasure discouraged Ruttie from continuing further.

    Even in general conversation, Ruttie felt Jinnah inclined towards Fatima which hurt her. In yet another letter to Padmaja, on 3 March 1920:

    “Fatima’s deadly reason quite upset the last Sunday. She was reading the Quran, so I told her that it was ‘meant to be talked about and not to be read.’ So in all seriousness she asked me ‘how one could talk about a book one hadn’t read.’”

    Reddy, p. 214.

    It seems Ruttie was employing the Socratic method to get Fatima into debate to show her that religious rituals and scriptures are simply a waste of time.

    Fatima didn’t like Ruttie, and vice versa. Jinnah had to find some solution. He urged Fatima to join Dr. Ahmad Dental College at the University of Calcutta. She complied. In 1923, after finishing her studies, Fatima Jinnah became the first woman dentist in British India; she then started her own dental clinic in Bombay, another unusual step for a Muslim woman. In the evening, she used to volunteer at Dhobi Talau Municipal Clinic in Bombay.

    Trade unions

    In May 1919, under president Lala Lajpatrai, the First All-India Trade Union Congress was held at the Empire Theatre, Present on stage were B. P. Wadia, Jawaharlal Nehru (1889 – 1964), S. A. Brelvi, N. M. Joshi, Kanji Dwarkadas, and Dewan Chaman Lal (1892 – 1973). Ruttie, who was sitting in the side box, came on stage, moved a resolution protesting deportation of Benjamin Guy Horniman10 (1873–1948), the editor of Bombay Chronicle, and spoke for five minutes.

    Ruttie was interested in trade unions and Dewan Chaman Lal had offered her a position of a vice president but she didn’t accept it.

    Women sex workers

    In later years, she started taking a more active role on social problems. Ruttie and Jinnah were aware of Kanji’s work on these issues. In August 1927, Ruttie who was interested in the welfare and well being of women working in brothels visited many of them with Kanji and Miss Davis and saw first hand the condition of women. Kanji did great work getting a law passed which prohibited children under 16 working in such places.

    Animal welfare

    With Kanji, Ruttie was also involved in the welfare of animals and would visit pinjrapoles or animal shelters in Bhuleshwar (South Bombay), Chembur (a Bombay suburb), and Kalyan and made many recommendations to better condition of animals and of shelters. They wrote a letter to Indian newspapers in September 1927 complaining that the drinking water had the same foulness observed on previous visits; only 5 dogs out of 26 were infection-free; etc. Another letter, that included Mrs. Naidu’s letter with her report on the condition of animals, was published in The Indian Daily Mail. The authorities subsequently looked into the matter and improved the conditions in those animal shelters. Ruttie herself had many pets.

    Fissures in marriage

    Time seems to be an eternal enemy of purpose-oriented people. Most juggle with time to fulfill and achieve their aim while maintaining balanced and harmonious relations with people who need them most. Jinnah was too constrained for time; he couldn’t keep himself in the newly married mode for too long.

    It was as if Jinnah was following the philosophy of Faiz Ahmed Faiz’s yet unwritten couplet11:

    aur bhi dukh hai zamAne meiN, muhabbat ke sivA / rAhateiN aur bhi hai, vasl ki rAhat ke sivA

    there are other sorrows, besides those of love / there are other comforts, beyond the comfort of union

    Whereas, it seems, Ruttie was moaning the words Sahir Ludhianvi wrote decades later12:

    tum mujhe bhool bhi jAo to ye haq hai tum ko / meri bAt aur hai meiN ne to muhabbat ki hai

    even if you don’t remember me, which you have a right to / in my case, it’s different, because I have loved you

    Also, there were some serious differences between them.

    • Jinnah strictly followed punctuality and worked and lived in a very well organized manner. Ruttie, on the other hand, was a carefree person.
    • Ruttie liked spicy food whereas Jinnah’s preference was bland food.
    • Ruttie preferred people but Jinnah was used to being alone — except where politics was concerned then he wouldn’t mind a gathering. Even at home, Jinnah would be into newspapers from all over India and Ruttie would be left to herself.
    • Kanji was their mutual friend who would join them. Ruttie met Kanji quite regularly in the evenings. Sometime Kanji’s elder brother Jamnadas (Jinnah’s lieutenant) would join them too. Another mutual friend Sarojini would visit them or only Ruttie, and Sarojini’s children Leilamani, Ranadheere, and Padmaja (1900 – 1975) would sometime visit her too. Motilal Nehru, when in Bombay, would join them or just Ruttie for food and drink. Another frequent visitor was Raja of Mehmoodabad (1878 – 1931).
    • People would gather at Jinnahs’ place when some political issue needed to be discussed or handled.
    • Ruttie liked dancing and parties whereas Jinnah preferred billiard.

    In 1920, Ruttie and Jinnah were invited to a “grand dinner” at Mirza Abol Hassan Ispahani’s uncle’s place in Putney Hill. Ispahani (1902 – 1981) was heir to the financial and commercial empire in Calcutta. Ruttie’s brother Jamshed Petit who was Ispahani’s Cambridge classmate and friend was also there. Jinnah and Ispahani went to a billiard room to play whereas the rest went for a dance. Ruttie and her brother did the Charleston, a jazz dance, originally a black folk dance from the US South. (Wolpert p.145.) Instead of playing billiard, Jinnah could have stayed with Ruttie and others and if not joining them (it’s a fast dance, here and here and requires great stamina), then at least make a few dance moves then just sit and watch Ruttie, Jamshed, and others dance; it would have made Ruttie happy.

    Jinnah’s first biographer Hector Bolitho is not off the mark when he writes:

    “For Jinnah, married life was a solemn duty: for his young wife, it was also an opportunity for pleasure.”

    In Bolitho, p. 86.

    Times were changing fast with new technological and scientific discoveries and inventions. People born or grown up amidst these times of feature films (1906), Ford Model T cars (first affordable car, 1908) and so on, had different expectations and attitudes towards life. Ruttie was born in these times whereas Jinnah’s time was older and a different outlook. Ruttie was born in money whereas Jinnah was looking for a job in his twenties. Jinnah became a very successful lawyer so Ruttie’s financial needs were never unmet. Once when they visited Kashmir, Ruttie spent Rs. 50,000 to decorate a boat they were going to stay on – a very huge amount then. The problem was Jinnah’s inflexibility in other matters. (In our times, look at Gen Z, the Zoomers, who grew up in the internet era are different from millennials.)

    In the evenings, Ruttie used to stay home looking forward to be with Jinnah, but then in 1924 this changed. She started going out alone to hotels for dance which Jinnah didn’t approve.

    Another difference: Ruttie didn’t care about her status. One example:

    In August 1927, Ruttie and Jinnah came to Simla for Jinnah’s Legislative Council Session. Every evening, Ruttie would go out with her dog in a rickshaw to the Mall and from Hussain Baksh General Merchants she would buy chocolate for her dog. Then from the Lower Bazaar – a totally different world from the Mall – she would eat chAt, a spicy South Asian snack. It was served on a large leaf. Once, one of Ruttie’s friends objected to her eating from a street vendor in the Lower Bazaar. Ruttie said, “I do it to tease people like you.” Jinnah would never eat chAt on a leaf from a street vendor!

    But it must be said of Jinnah, when craving for chAt Ruttie would sometimes make him get out of the car to get a plate of chAt for her, he would oblige.

    The deteriorating relations between Ruttie and Jinnah reached an impasse where no room for reconciliation was left due to a wall of silence between them. The love was there but they sorely lacked communication. Ruttie wanted time, attention, and affection which Jinnah could not provide. There were incidents over a period of time which were performed with good intentions but they backfired. A couple of such incidents.

    Ruttie, wanting to spend time with Jinnah, would bring lunch for him. One day she came to the Town Hall with a tiffin and asked Jinnah to guess the contents; he expressed ignorance so Ruttie told him: “I have brought you some lovely ham sandwiches.”

    Jinnah was mad:

    “My God! What have you done? Do you want me lose my election? Do you realise I am standing from a Muslim separate electorate seat, and if my voters were to learn that I am going to eat ham sandwiches for lunch, do you think I have a ghost of a chance of being elected?”

    Ruttie felt disheartened and left. What was more sad was that Jinnah, with M. C. Chagla, went to a restaurant and ate ham.13

    Since December 1920 when Jinnah was shouted down by supporters of Mohammad Ali Jauhar and Gandhi, bitterness between Jinnah and the younger Ali brother had spilled over in public on the pages of Bombay Chronicle. Jinnah’s refusal to counter Ali’s personal attacks led Ruttie to request Ali through the editor of the newspaper to stop writing “as this would create bitterness.” When Jinnah learned through editor as to what had happened, he was incensed, “Ruttie had no business to intervene.” (Reddy, p. 281.) Ruttie was not wrong in intervening because the war of words, oral and on pages of the Chronicle, was not solving anything. On the other hand, Jinnah, a self-made man, was a very independent person who wanted to fight out his battle himself.

    When things were sorted out and Fatima moved out, the Jinnahs went to Ooty, a hill station in Tamil Nadu, for a month and a half vacation. However, Jinnah could neither savor Ooty’s beauty nor could concentrate on cementing his relations with Ruttie because Gandhi was always looming in the background. He had sidelined Jinnah from the national platform and had now joined hands with the Ali brothers whose Khilafat Movement was successful in rousing a significant number of Muslims and Hindus. Jinnah was worried about his Muslim base.

    The love between Ruttie and Jinnah, however, was not lost; they always had those feelings in their hearts till the end. But somehow things were not working out.

    Jinnah’s endurance 

    Jinnah was a serious uncomplaining person who rarely exhibited anger, in itself not a bad trait – but it could become heavy liability because the other party, noticing no reaction, could fail to curb her/his actions beyond a certain limit; this could exert a great toll on the relationship. Jinnah paid all Ruttie’s bills, rarely voicing opposition – the rare occasions when he complained about the money were Ruttie’s trip to Hyderabad visit and her nine month sojourn in Paris. Ruttie had problems handling and converting currencies. British India had several currencies, including, Hyderabadi rupee. (Hyderabad State was under the rule of Nizam but indirectly under British rule.)

    In 1923, there was a conference in Jinnah’s chamber attended by M. C. Chagla, among others. In the middle of a conference, Ruttie entered the room and sat herself comfortably on the table-top near her husband. She seemed anxious for the conference to end and kept swinging her feet. Jinnah exhibited no anger, and continued his meeting as if Ruttie wasn’t there. Once the conference was over, they walked out together.

    Chagla sympathized with Jinnah:

    “But I must say in fairness to Jinnah that no husband could have treated his wife more generously than he did, although she supplied him the greatest provocation throughout their married life.”

    In Chagla, p. 120.

    In Simla, Jinnah and Ruttie were invited for a dinner with the governor. On their way, Bolitho writes,

    “She stopped the carriage and bought a roasted corn-cob from a man beside the road. She began to eat it as they came near Government House.”

    Quoted in Reddy, p. 281. The above passage was deleted from Bolitho’s biography of Jinnah because it was an official biography.

    Bolitho wrote that Jinnah “accepted the foolish hurt in silence.” Jinnah suffered quietly without a word. Jinnah’s political life saw times when he was at the peak, as during the Lucknow Pact, and at other times without many supporters, but he survived through determination and a certain image he had created of himself. That image wasn’t enhanced by Ruttie’s corn-cob eating. This was an open warfare on Ruttie’s part.

    Kanji Dwarkadas

    There were two people who later became close to Ruttie. Both of them were close to Jinnah, too. They were Kanji Dwarkadas (1892 -1968) and Sarojini Naidu. Kanji first saw Ruttie in 1914, when she was fourteen, at the Oval:

    “I could not take my eyes off this girl and watched the carriage and its occupant till it disappeared from sight. I could not forget her face. Three months later, I found from a photograph in a newspaper that this girl was Ruttie, daughter of the … Sir Dinshaw Petit, Bart.”

    Dwarkadas, p. 9.

    Kanji was associated with Jinnah in his political work which brought him to Jinnah’s house where he came to know Ruttie well. They became very good friends. Ruttie cared for Kanji and vice versa.

    Ruttie was an ocean of energy whose waves knew no halting; always on the move to explore, learn, experience, at the same time, trying to understand and control her inner turmoil. She was also inclined towards literature and art and was a great romantic. She needed a partner in a way that Jinnah was not free to provide. Although initially, he devoted a lot of time to his marriage, later on he was unavailable due to his heavy law and political work. Ruttie was disillusioned. The distance between Jinnah and her increased. Ruttie’s immense energy and inquisitiveness had either to be suppressed or used. She had to find some solace. She sought it in mysticism, spirituality, telepathy, and such. Ruttie’s friend Kanji accompanied her in these activities as he was into it too so it became easier for Ruttie to pursue these. Kanji was a very good friend, and Ruttie felt safe with him. Kanji:

    “Ruttie was intensely interested in contacting the non-physical world and she made difficult and dangerous experiments to verify her beliefs and convictions. She wanted first-hand knowledge. She thought she could get it through Seances with the help of mediums or table-tapping.”

    Dwarkadas, p. 27.

    This 21 November 1924 letter to Kanji shows Ruttie’s quest:

    “… Lately I have been very much drawn towards the subject of Spirit Communication and I am most anxious to know more and to get at the Truth. It is such an elusive Subject and the more I hear of it the more puzzled do I become, though still more passionately interested. I have some sort of an idea that you must be cognisant of spiritual circles in our City, whose Seance one may join. I don’t profess any creed nor do I subscribe to a belief, but of late willy-nilly I have been propelled towards the study of so called spiritual phenomenon and I am too deeply immersed in the matter now to give it up without some personal satisfaction for I cannot content myself with other peoples’ experiences, though I fully realise that in a matter of this nature one doesn’t always get the evidence one seeks.

    “Anyway I wonder whether you can assist me in this matter by recommending me as a ‘medium’ or ‘Clairvoyant’ professional or otherwise. I would prefer my identity, however, to remain unknown while you make enquiries. And I sincerely hope that you will be able to assist me. With my kind regards to your wife and yourself.”

    “P.S. Mrs [Annie] Besant might know of some reliable ‘Medium’.”

    Ibid, p. 28.

    Besant had told Kanji seances were not safe. He didn’t want to let Ruttie down but wanted to help her and so requested Mrs. Margaret Cousins to see Ruttie in December 1924, during the Theosophical Convention in Bombay. Mrs. Besant, J. Krishnamurti, and Curuppumullage Jinarajadasa were also in attendance. She saw Mrs. Margaret Cousins and was “most inspired” with the address by Jinarajadasa.

    Letter to Kanji April 1925:

    My Dear Kanji,

    Yes, I know of the dream travels of which you speak. But I do all my dreaming in my waking hours. I am not being waggish. There is nothing I would welcome with greater rejoicing than an experience of the sort to which you refer in your letter, but in my heavy druglike sleep there is no redeeming feature …

    My soul is too clogged! … I am feeling peculiarly restless and wish one with psychic powers could come to my assistance.

    My proud soul humbles before the magnitude of this subject and in my estimation those of us with Second Sight and other such psychic powers should rank with the world’s poets and songsters for their gift if more intelligible is also more divine. The seers and the saints should stand among the world’s prophets. After all we are at present too blind and unseeing to comprehend what the psychics would reveal to our half demented senses. But what the mind often revolts at, and refuses to accept, the intrinsic self within us admits with certain ease which makes the more thoughtful ponder; as though it had some ancient and original knowledge of its own.

    Yours Sincerely, Ruttie.

    Dwarkadas, p. 31-32.

    In July 1925, Ruttie was to accompany Kanji, his wife and their four year old son on a visit to Adyar (Madras) but couldn’t so she joined them later. Ruttie wanted to join the Theosophical Society but the morning meeting with Universal Prayers and recitation from scriptures of different religions put her off. She told Mrs. Besant that she was perturbed by this religious slant. Mrs. Besant understood Ruttie’s point and told her that a sincere person like her doesn’t need to formally join the Society.

    After meeting Ruttie, Mrs. Besant told Kanji: “Look after your great friend, she is unhappy.” he was taken aback, so she further clarified: “Don’t you see unhappiness in her eyes? Look at her.” (Dwarkadas, p. 41.)

    In 1926, Ruttie was accompanying Jinnah on a four-month study-tour of Europe, the United States, and Canada, and to attend meetings of the Sandhurst (Army) Committee in England.

    Ruttie asked Kanji:

    “Kanji, I am going away to Europe and U.S.A. for a few months. You will not be with me to protect me and help me. Do please, therefore, magnetise something for me to keep me in touch with you.”

    Dwarkadas, p. 43.

    Kanji hesitatingly magnetized a precious jade with “thoughts of love and protection with particular reference to protecting her from any adverse effects of seances” for her.

    When Ruttie and Jinnah were back, she met Kanji and asked him: “Good God! What kind of thoughts you put in that jade?” as she had made three appointments with seances but none happened because at first she missed the train, second time the medium didn’t show up, last time she didn’t remember that she had to see the medium.

    Jinnah didn’t believe in these spiritual and medium nonsense; he would just laugh it off. He was thankful to Kanji for helping Ruttie to get out of the harmful futile chase.

    Kanji seemed truly gentle natured and Ruttie appreciated him:

    “You are a dear!–and the more I think on it, I feel you had no business to be born into the world with ‘Dhoti [men’s sarong like lower garment].’ The correct setting for a nature of such fine sensibilities is a Sari–or a Skirt as the case may geographically require.”

    Dwarkadas, p. 46.

    Kanji on Ruttie:

    “She was a source of inspiration in my work and next to Mrs. Besant she was a most helpful and healthy influence on me and my work.”

    Ibid, p. 53.

    When Ruttie was away, she would ask Kanji to see if Jinnah was doing alright. A 25th September 1922 letter:

    “… And just one thing more–go and see Jinnah and tell me how he is–he has a habit of habitually over-working himself, and now that I am not there to bother and tease him he will be worse than ever.”

    Kanji, p. 26.

    Sarojni Naidu

    Sarojini Naidu (1879 – 1949) was the other person with whom Ruttie had very warm relations. Mrs. Naidu was a progressive poet/politician who hailed from Hyderabad but her political work necessitated her prolonged stays in Bombay. This provided Ruttie with a person in whom she could confide some of her inner thoughts. Two of her five children, daughters Padmaja (born the same year as Ruttie) and Leilamani, younger than Padmaja, were close to Ruttie too.

    Ruttie would vent her anger, frustration, helplessness, and sarcasm in person or letters to Mrs. Naidu, Padmaja, and Leilamani. Mrs. Naidu sometimes lent support to Ruttie, at other times she complained to her daughters about Ruttie taking up her time. Mrs. Naidu pitied Ruttie and extended her sympathy. Ruttie never asked for Mrs. Naidu ’s help to reconcile her and Jinnah’s differences.

    Once when Ruttie was in Hyderabad, she bought a horse but Jinnah disapproved it because it was not vetted in the manner it should have been. The letter of 25 February 1920 to Padmaja, Ruttie’s wit and anger against Jinnah was obvious:

    “It is rather a shame about the horse.” “I wish the owner had succeeded in his ruse of bribing the vets. At any rate I do hope J won’t be idiotically sensible about it. After all, I never had him vetted before I married him! But horses I suppose are far more valuable!”

    Reddy, p. 209.

    It seems Ruttie had flown into the marriage cage too early; this can be detected from Mrs. Naidu ’s letter of 20 January 1928 to Padmaja:

    “Don’t force me back into slavery. Let me be free. Let me be free … Poor child … restless and longing to be free of all her shackles. She says her youth is going and she must live …”

    Reddy, p. 405.

    Ruttie’s health

    Ruttie liked spicy food very much. She just couldn’t resist it although it didn’t suit her stomach, and would make her sick for days. She herself cooked food when a friend would visit her. She couldn’t offer that food to Jinnah, as he preferred non-spicy food. During childhood, once in a while, Ruttie would get nauseated and had stomach cramps, but the nannies and nurses were always there at Petit Hall to take care of her. Also, her mother kept an eye on her to see that she didn’t overindulged in fried and spicy food, and sweets.

    But at South Court, there was no one to stop her from fulfilling her craving for foods she wanted to eat. That had been going on for almost the last four years.

    At the end of December 1921, Jinnah had arranged a conference of nationalists from all over India at his house. Prior to the conference, Kanji came for two nights and all three of them had dinner and talked late into the night. On the third day, Ruttie was bedridden because of the stomach ailment. All during the set up of and the conference itself, the overwhelmingly tired and sick Ruttie stayed in bed. Doctors were unable to figure out what was wrong with her and advised her to get out of India’s “unhealthy tropical clime.” The next time the three of them got together and Ruttie fell ill again, she took much longer to recover. Her illness was recurring.

    5 June 1925 letter to Kanji:

    “I have been ill again, so almost any evening will find me at home.”

    Dwarkadas, p. 38.

    Insomnia was another issue that bothered Ruttie a lot. She used to take Veronol, a barbiturate, which gradually turned into an addiction. Without any restrain, the doctors were prescribing Veronol for any kind of sleeplessness. (Reddy, p. 289-290.)

    Sandhurst

    On 10 April, 1926, Ruttie and Jinnah, a member of the Sandhurst Committee, sailed to England for a study tour in order to set up a military training school in India.

    The April 8 and 10 (1926) letters from Mrs. Naidu to Padmaja and Leilamani described Ruttie “is the wreck of herself in body and mind!” “She is looking just the very shadow of herself–a wreck of what was once a beautiful and brilliant vision.” Mrs. Naidu believed:

    “I don’t think she will be more than a very few days in England but spend her time in Paris and go to Canada and America with Jinnah, when the Skeen Committee goes there.”

    Mrs. Naidu was right. Once Jinnah’s work of interviewing military experts for the Skeen Committee was over, the Jinnahs were to go to Paris. But Ruttie dashed off to Paris ahead of Jinnah. What was her urgency to rush to Paris?

    ENDNOTES:

    The post The Tragic Tale of a Flower that Wilted too Soon first appeared on Dissident Voice.
    1    The Gujaratis attach suffixes such as “bhai” (brother) and “bai” (lady) or “ben” (sister) to their names. Among Pakistani Gujaratis, this practice has disappeared. In India, it’s declining gradually.
    2    Parsees had escaped Muslim conquest of Iran and had settled in the Indian subcontinent between 800 and 1000 CE. There are only 25,000 Zoroastrians left in Iran and live under a great many restrictions. See Zoroastrians: Iran’s Forgotten Minority and Persecution of Zoroastrians.
    3    Her great grandfather Manockjee Petit is credited with founding India’s first successful cotton mill. Her grandfather, her father’s namesake, persuaded the British to legally recognize the Parsi Succession and Marriage Acts. After his death, Ruttie’s father took over the religious and business duties.
    4    innah’s views on issues:

    on women, at the Islamia College for women:

    “ I have always maintained that no nation can ever be worthy of its existence that cannot take its women along with the men. No struggle can ever succeed without women participating side by side with men. There are two powers in the world; one is the sword and the other is the pen. There is a great competition and rivalry between the two. There is a third power stronger than both, that of the women.“

    to reporters in Srinagar on admitting Ahmadiyya Muslims into Muslim League:

    “Any Muslim could do so, irrespective of his creed or sect.”

    on racist comment made by Lord Salisbury (who served thrice as Britain’s prime minister) against the Grand Old Man of India, Dadabhai Naoroji when he announced his plan to run as a liberal candidate from Central Finsbury, Salisbury said:

    “I doubt if we have yet got to the point of view where a British constituency would elect a black man.”

    a href=”https://archive.org/details/jinnah-creator-of-pakistan-by-hector-bolitho_202307/page/11/mode/2up” target=”_blank” rel=”noopener” data-saferedirecturl=”https://www.google.com/url?q=https://archive.org/details/jinnah-creator-of-pakistan-by-hector-bolitho_202307/page/11/mode/2up&source=gmail&ust=1739976302112000&usg=AOvVaw2R91pcHndk7DTc6NKLiJU9″>Bolitho, p. 10.

    Jinnah, who at that time was in England as a student, experienced the election fervor. Later he told Fatima:

    “…If Dadabhai was black, I was darker.” “And if this was the mentality of the British politicians, then we would never get a fair deal from them. From that day I have been an uncompromising enemy of all forms of colour bar and racial prejudice.”

    Wolpert, p. 11.

    in support of Bhupendranath Basu’s Special Marriage Bill in the Imperial Legislative Council:

    “No doubt, Sir, as far as I see, the Hindu law or the Mohammedan law, whichever you take… , does create a difficulty in the way of a Hindu marrying a non-Hindu or a Mohammedan marrying anyone who is not ‘Kitabia’; … Therefore, if there is a fairly large class of enlightened, educated, advance, Indians, be they Hindus, Mohammedans or Parsis, and if they wish to adopt a system of marriage which is more in accord with modern civilization and ideas of modern times, more in accord with the modern sentiment, why should that class be denied justice unless it is going to do a serious harm to the Hindus or Mussalmans in one way or the other.”

    when revolutionary Bhagat Singh and other prisoners had gone on hunger strike demanding that Indian prisoners should be accorded the same treatment which European prisoners are provided with, Jinnah defended Singh and others in the Central Assembly:

    “Mind you, sir, I do not approve the action of Bhagat Singh, and I say this on the floor of this House. I regret that, rightly or wrongly, youth today in India is stirred up, and you cannot, when you have three hundred and odd millions of people, prevent such crimes being committed, however much you deplore them and however much you may say that they are misguided. It is the system, this damnable system of government, which is resented by the people.”

    5    Nizari Isma’ilis are currently headed by Prince Rahim Aga Khan V who succeeded his father Prince Karim Aga Khan IV on February 4, 2025. (There are several branches of Isma’ilism, including Musta’ali Isma’ilis).
    6    Jinnah’s sisters, Rahmatbai and Maryambai, were married to Sunni Khojas because after a certain age it was difficult to find a groom.
    7    Aga Khan later wrote about Jinnah’s opposition:

    “… there is a much more freakishly ironic flavor about the name and personality of the chief Muslim opponent of the stand which we took.”

    “Who then was our doughtiest opponent in 1906? A distinguished Muslim barrister in Bombay, with a large and prosperous practice, Mr. Mohammed All [sic] Jinnah.… he came out in bitter hostility toward all that I and my friends had done and were trying to do. He was the only well-known Muslim to take this attitude, but his opposition had nothing mealy-mouthed about it; he said that our principle of separate electorates was dividing the nation against itself, and for nearly a quarter of a century he remained our most inflexible critic and opponent….”

    — Aga Khan, The Memoirs of Aga Khan: World Enough and Time

    The founders of the Muslim League were Muslim nobles and wealthy landowners whose aim was to prepare Muslims to be loyal subjects of the British.
    8    See A. G. Noorani’s review, “Non-Fiction: Of Human Tragedy and Consequences” in Dawn (August 13, 2017) where he critiques certain points in the book. “To fill the gaps in the narrative, she [Sheela Reddy] speculates and makes trite and absurd comments. On the political aspect, she has not been wise in her choice of sources.”
    9    In her book, Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit wrote about Ruttie as “spoiled” and “used to having her way” and that the Parsis were “a very conservative group” which allowed Ruttie to “shock the community.”

    Whether Ruttie’s marriage to Jinnah worked out or not is a different matter but, at least, Ruttie had the guts to marry the person she liked and loved. Syud Hossain, a Muslim journalist, was associated with Pherozeshah Mehta’s newspaper Bombay Chronicle who in 1919 joined Motilal’s newspaper The Independent and fell in love with his daughter Swarup (also known as Nan), later Vijaya. When her family arranged her marriage somewhere else, she rushed to Hossain and they got married in the presence of a Muslim cleric. Nehru family sought Gandhi’s help to separate them and both Vijaya and Hossain were sent to Gandhi’s Sabarmati Asharam in Ahmerdabad. Hossain was pressured to annul the marriage by giving in writing to Gandhi. Then he was sent to England and subsequently to US to present India’s case–a long forced exile. Gandhi’s lecture to Vijaya is quiet enlightening about the “Mahatma” or “Great Soul.”

    “How could you regard Syud in any other light but that of a brother – what right had you to allow yourself, even for a minute, to look with love at a Mussalman. Out of nearly twenty crores of Hindus couldn’t you find a single one who came up to your ideals – but you must pass then all over and throw yourself into the arms of a Mohammedan!!!”

    “Sarup (Nan’s given name before her marriage), had I been in your place I would never have allowed myself to have any feelings but those of friendliness towards Syud Hossain. Then supposing Syud had ever attempted to show admiration for me or had professed love for me, I would have told him gently but very firmly – Syud, what you are saying is not right. You are a Mussalman and I am a Hindu. It is not right that there should be anything between us. You shall be my brother but as a husband I cannot ever look at you.”

    In Minhaz Merchant, “Mrs Jinnah’s love jihad in Mahatma Gandhi’s time

    Years later, both Vijaya and Hossain would meet whenever they were in the same cities abroad.

    Vijaya didn’t say, as Ruttie used to say: “Wake it up” either to Gandhi or to her father or brother Jawaharlal (first Prime Minister of independent India) — both considered progressives.
    10    Benjamin Guy Horniman was a courageous British journalist who supported India’s nationalism. He brought the Jallianwala Bagh massacre tragedy (Amritsar, Punjab on 13 April 1919) to the people of Britain and the world by smuggling photos of the tragedy out of India. There was a feeling of repulsion among the British. Just thirty seconds after entering Jallianwala Bagh, Brigadier-General R. E. H. Dyer ordered firing on an unarmed peaceful gathering without warning. The official figure listed 379 dead and more than 1,000 injured.

    Dyer was in a killing mood as the following sentence makes it crystal clear:

    “I think it quite possible that I could have dispersed the crowd without firing but they would have come back again and laughed.”

    Sadly, India’s first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru’s last foreign secretary Y. D. Gundevia has in his book In the Districts of the Raj defended Dyer, the “Butcher of Amritsar,” as “inherently decent Englishman” who had “panicked momentarily” because he was “called upon to act in an emergency.”

    Horniman was arrested and deported to London. He was able to come back to India in January 1926.

    Dyer died in 1927. The Tories, who were in power then, accorded him a hero’s funeral.
    11    Faiz’s famous poem mujh se pehli si muhabbat mere mehboob na mANg (My beloved, don’t ask me for the love I once had for you) was part of the book of poems published in 1943. The other sorrows he’s talking about is misery, violence, oppression etc., whereas Jinnah’s woes were of a political nature.

    Listen to expressive reading by actress Zohra Sehgal. Jyoti Mamgain recites few lines of Faiz and then questions him with her poem as to what happened that made him turn away from love. It is powerfully written and passionately rendered.
    12    The song is a duet sung by Sudha Malhotra and Mukesh. The male lead replies thus in Mukesh’s voice:

    zindagi sirf muhabbat nahi kuchh aur bhi hai / zulf o rukhsAr ki jannat nahi kuchh aur bhi hai / bhookh aur pyAs ki mAri hui is duniyA mein / ishq hi ek haqeeqat nahi kuchh aur bhi hai / tum agar Ankh churAo to ye haq hai tumko / maine tumse hi nahi sabse muhabbat ki hai

    life is not just love, its more than that / it’s not a paradise of tresses and cheeks, its more than that / in this world full of hunger and thirst / affection is not the only truth, its more than that / you have a right to ignore me, if you want to / not only you but I also love all others

    (Listen the entire song here.)
    13    Jinnah’s daughter Dina was threatened by General Zia-ul-Haq’s government.:

    Jinnah’s daughter Dina, living in New York, was secretly asked to deny that Jinnah ever drank alcohol or ate ham, but she refused to oblige, after which she was threatened with “disclosures” about her private life if she ever made it public that she had been approached. She was never officially invited to visit Pakistan.…

    In Khaled Ahmed, “The Genius of Stanley Wolpert

    Zia came to power after overthrowing, and later hanging, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. Among the four military dictators of Pakistan, Zia was the only one who was possessed with Islam. The US governments supported him with money and weapons to fight the Soviet Union in Afghanistan. In the process, Pakistan got over three million refugees, plenty of weapons and drugs. Prior to Zia, Pakistan was almost free of drugs.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • The September 2024 extra-legal murder of Dr. Shahnawaz Kumbhar exposed the lethal combination of blasphemy charges with improper policing practises in Pakistan. The incident reveals both human rights challenges that blasphemy accusation victims face and questions the proper role of law enforcement agencies regarding justice and human rights protection.

    Background of Dr. Shahnawaz Kumbhar

    The district of Umerkot in Sindh now associates its entire symbol with Dr. Shahnawaz Kambhar who suffered brutal murder despite being a resident. Religious fanatics murdered a doctor who remained innocent to his killers. Dr. Shahnawaz Kambhar distinguished himself as a community healthcare worker who received credit for his social activities and charitable activities in the field. His mission included organising free medical programs throughout Umerkot alongside neighbouring rural communities that offered free medical care to all patients. Through his lifetime he devoted himself to enhancing his impoverished residential belt despite the fact that he could have amassed considerable wealth in Karachi like numerous medical professionals do. Through his ongoing healthcare mission he placed greater emphasis on achieving better public health results in his local area.

    The Blasphemy Allegation and Subsequent Dismissal

    Dr. Kumbhar encountered the ordeal after a local mosque cleric claimed to discover blasphemous content on his social media account. His swift removal from medical service at the civil hospital in Umerkot happened after the accusation was made. When a person in Pakistan faces blasphemy accusations their situation turns into a dangerous sequence that causes harsh legal consequences while society reacts with violent crowds and possible unlawful acts against the accused. The announcement of such allegations against someone becomes an immediate vehicle for both reputation destruction and personal security risks.

    Extrajudicial Killing and Fabricated Encounter

    Dr. Kumbhar received arrest after the complaint against him. Officials showed him a fair trial but ultimately murdered him during a fake police confrontation. The first police statements stated Dr. Kumbhar died during a gunbattle but investigations showed he stayed under police detention throughout and officials deliberately created the encounter to legitimise his killing. The discovery shows an alarming trend where security forces perform unauthorised killings in highly sensitive cases regarding blasphemy incidents.

    Investigations and Legal Proceedings

    A complete investigation by the Sindh Human Rights Commission (SHRC) exposed both legal violations and administrative failures following the incident. An extensive investigation started by the Chief Minister of Sindh caused him to suspend multiple high-ranked police officers involved in the case. The legal authorities filed 45 individuals to court with murder and terrorism charges and violations of the Torture and Custodial Death Prevention Act 2022 against Deputy Inspector General (DIG) Javed Jiskani and Superintendent of Police (SSP) Asad Chaudhry. The non-bailable arrest warrants did not prevent multiple accused officers from evading arrest which demonstrated existing legal system failures to enforce responsibility upon influential officials.

    Exhumation and Forensic Findings

    The authorities obtained Dr. Kumbhar’s body for thorough autopsy procedures after exhuming him to find out what had happened. The forensic examination proved beyond doubt that Dr. Kumbhar had suffered from torture which the first autopsy report had completely failed to detect. The contradictory findings of the autopsy led authorities to arrest Dr. Muntazar Leghari who conducted the first autopsy thus leading to his charges for doctoring medical evidence to hide misconduct. This case element shows how medical and legal systems allow collusive actions between professionals that cause justice to be delayed while maintaining conditions of absolute freedom from prosecution.

    Role of Social Media and Mob Violence

    Per the SHRC report social media played an important part in worsening the situation. Social media users spread inflammatory content along with false information which triggered widespread public anger leading to violent mob activities. The death of Dr. Kumbhar triggered an enraged mob to seize his body afterwards leading them to use fire to defile it and they tried to bury it without proper funeral rituals as police made insufficient attempts at intervention. The instant consequences of improper social media usage emerged in public perception while demonstrating how dangerous such behaviour can be in delicate situations.

    Wider Implications and Call for Reform

    The medical professional’s case corresponds to a fundamental issue in the way Pakistan manages blasphemy charges. Multiple incidents registered by the Centre for Justice indicate how accusations of blasphemy have resulted in mistrials of justice that often end with extralegal killings. The established patterns demonstrate that it is essential to create thorough legal reforms that defend the basic rights of citizens and stop blasphemy law misuse.

    Conclusion

    The unlawful death of Dr. Shahnawaz Kumbhar provides evidence about the dangers facing people accused of blasphemy in Pakistan. Both current legal codes and law enforcement practices need to be evaluated immediately in order to make significant adjustments that will protect individual rights and uphold the rule of law.The absence of reform measures will allow violent and unjust practises to continue which will simultaneously endanger the rule of law and damage state institution credibility.

    The post The Tragic Killing of Dr. Shahnawaz Kumbhar first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.

  • Amid its beautiful and quite vales of Parachinar lying between the two neighbouring countries, Pakistan, the echoing of muffled screams can be heard far too often as families lose their dear ones to sectarian terrorism. Once surrounded by the natural beauty and orderly with friendly neighbours and kin folk, this town can now boast about appearing to be hell on earth—the manifestation of an entrenched conflict that has taken so many lives. It is not a story of just a small town named Parachinar but also a testimony of hatred between two sects of a religion that has not come to its lowest even today in Pakistan and so in the world.

    Hence, Parachinar is perhaps the habitual site of this systematic genocide of the Shia community, which is not just shocking but has become normal in the region. The last act of violence happened on November 21, 2024, when armed men targeted and attacked two convoys of Shia pilgrims in Kurram district; at least 42 people were killed, including women and children. Such attacks, which occurred while under police escort, are proof that insecurity remains a major problem in the region. The violence is however new in the region since July this year, and most recurrent conflicts are due to land issues between the Shia and Sunni militias. The retaliatory violence that followed led to over 80 fatalities within days. That is Shane’s argument, and he blamed most of the carnage on the Sunni insurgents: all but 28 of the dead were Shia. This cycle of violence, fanned by ethnic and tribal animosities as well as historical enmities, highlights longstanding social tension in Kurram that makes the region rather sensitive because of the mixed population.

    This incidence of violence is not an isolated event but is part and parcel of a sectarian problem in Pakistan. That such violence cannot be controlled by the Pakistani government shows that the problem is a failure of governance. Conflict and fighting between different Shia and Sunni groups in Kurram has become almost an annual event over the years; in the period between 2007 and 2011, more than 2,000 people died in Kurram. At a governmental and societal level, the recent increase in deaths and tears of families is a clear indication that intervention is required.

    The tragedy in Parachinar occurred in November 2024, in particular on November 21, a brutal attack on Shia pilgrims. Gunmen pumped bullets on two convoys accompanied by the police, in which 42 persons lost their lives, including women and children. What happened is not unique, but it fits into a dark trend—a growing cycle of violence that has only amplified since the summer. This conflict arose basically from land disagreement between the Shia and Sunni; this led to acts of revenge killing over eighty persons, of which sixty-six were from Shia. These occurrences cannot be just viewed as skirmishes but point to the incessant bitter ethnic enmity and past resentments that still exist in Kurram.

    The government response has been quite poor. Although Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif also expressed his anger against the violence in the country, this was done very late and with insufficient actions and words of the victims’ families mourning in Pakistan. Demonstrations across Pakistan have protested about inaction against what is regarded as the genocide of Shia Muslims. However, unsurprisingly, the government is yet to suggest clear courses of action. This passivity is symptomatic of a larger social and governmental negligence in shielding its people from sectarian militant aggression.

    This violence in Kurram has deeper seeds, compounded by regional and political factors and perhaps bad governance. More than 2,000 people have died due to sectarian clashes in this region between the periods of 2007 and 2011. The recent steps were provoked by local concerns and the Shia-Sunni strife that emerged during the Syrian civil war, which was used by radicals. This unfortunate phenomenon of sectarian violence in Pakistan, especially against Shai Muslims, has led to several critical questions concerning security and relationships within and between groups in a country that has well-rooted sectarian tension.

    Inability to address these problems continues to perpetrate violence in Pakistan and brings discredit to the government at the international level. It is symptomatic of a broader problem of governance in which policing or security does not suffice. There is another important factor of the situation: violence against women, which during the conflict intensified due to the constant impunity of the actions of those who use violence and general disregard for the rights of minorities.

    Opposition parties in Pakistan have joined people in the streets to make their condemnation of the attack in Parachinar very loud and clear. The protesters have demanded that the government provide security for its people against cultists’ aggression. Such attacks need to be condemned by the government, and such condemnation, as laudable as it is, falls short of what is required. Increased security measures, identification, arrest, and prosecution of those persons responsible for such attacks, and sustainable solutions to looking into the grievances of these sects are called for.

    While the Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif has rightly condemned the violence, it is extremely necessary to move towards practical politics and take strong actions against the culprits. The establishment should define the type of security it has in store for everyone, including non-Muslims. Thus, international pressure is important in compelling the government to implement mechanisms that would ensure such incidences are not repeated. It is high time global society stood up and demanded that Pakistan should do something to address the unenviable situation of vulnerable groups in the country.

    For this reason, it is now the responsibility of the international community to bring the plight of Parachinar to the limelight so as to apply pressure to Pakistan to perform its primary function of protecting its citizens. Various stakeholders should continue putting pressure on governments to enhance law enforcement, implement security measures, and promote entities that vigorously respect religious and ethnic diversity. Fatima and other victims’ voices must be escalated to create empathy towards the terrible acts witnessed happening in Parachinar and areas like this.

    It is important to support organisations that are actively combating extremism and building healing and unity as a result. These organisations are at the centre of the problem, helping the victims, fighting for their rights, and seeking reconciliation. In this respect, NGOs are of immense help to women because, through providing assistance of various kinds, increasing the public’s visibility towards such issues, as well as initiating and supporting changes in the law, they help to halt the violence. It is not only for the reason to save lives of Shia Muslims under attack in Parachinar but to enhance the status of any minority across Pakistan and other countries as well.

    This pain of Parachinar needs to go to remind the world how much it requires the values of empathy and togetherness. This is evidenced by the constant fear experienced or persecution, suffering that pervades the lives of its people, therefore the need to pay attention and act. Let us not forget the lives lost, and let us try to make the valleys of Parachinar do not ring with pains instead with the animation of tomorrow’s smile. Parachinar catastrophe is a test for humanity; it is the struggle between right and wrong, good and evil—violation of human rights. It becomes possible only when we recognise these conflicts and work to eradicate them in order to have a society where sectarian violence has no room.

    The post Parachinar: A Forgotten Tragedy in the Shadow of Sectarian Violence first appeared on Dissident Voice.

    This post was originally published on Dissident Voice.