As Donald Trump congratulates Israel for its conduct of the genocide in Gaza, he should be charged with aiding and abetting genocide, not given the Nobel Peace Prize.
In his speech on Monday to the Israeli Knesset, Trump spent an hour bragging about how he ended the “war” in Gaza and “an age of terror and death,” declaring, “This is the historic dawn of a new Middle East.”
He decried the “thousands of innocent Israeli civilians” who “were attacked by terrorists in one of the most evil and heinous desecrations of innocent life the world has ever seen; the worst slaughter of Jews since the Holocaust,” adding, “The cruelty of October 7th struck to the core of humanity itself. Nobody could believe what they were witnessing.”
In December 2022, Israeli Ministry of Energy launched the Fourth Offshore Bid Round offering new exploration licenses. A year later, it awarded licenses to several Israeli and international companies: Eni (Italy), Dana Petroleum (UK, a subsidiary of a South Korean company, and Ratio Petroleum (Israel). The problem is that these tenders violated international law. A few months later in June 2023, following years of stalled talks, Israel approved the development of the Gaza Marine field, while Egypt’s state-owned EGAS (Egyptian Natural Gas Holding Company) was to lead extraction efforts in cooperation with the Palestinian Authority.
Iran’s Foreign Ministry spokesperson Esmaeil Baghaei announced on 18 October that Tehran is launching a comprehensive legal campaign to hold Israeli officials accountable for crimes against humanity.
Speaking at a specialized meeting titled Legal Response to the 12-Day Aggression: From Criminal Justice to Restorative Justice, Baghaei said the legal challenge aims to end what he described as Israel’s “entrenched impunity.”
“Iran will pursue justice through international legal channels,” he said, warning that the absence of accountability has emboldened Israel’s continued violations across West Asia.
Prefatory Note: The post below is based on modified responses to questions addressed to me by Rodrigo Craveiro, a Brazilian journalist. The focus is on what to expect in the weeks ahead to follow from the Trump diplomatic offensive to bring an Israeli-crafted peace to fruition in Gaza, and broader stability to the entire Middle East.
There is a sense of joy but also of fury due to the fact that not all the bodies returned to Israel. How do you see this?
Given the overall experience of the past two years, the attention accorded to the hostages by the Western media is misleadingly disproportionate, and as usual, Israel-biased. And now the pain of those Israelis who seek the agreed return of the bodies of non-surviving hostages is an extension of this distortion that shifts global concerns away from the terrible carnage and ccontinuing suffering in Gaza, and the totally ravaged homeland of the Palestinians that is being subject to day after arrangements made by its tormentors without Palestinian participation, much less authentic representation selected by the Palestinian people. Legitimate Palestinian leadership does not presently exist, even if there existed a commitment to identify and endow such individuals with appropriate roles. For sustainable progress toward a just future peace, the Palestinians must participate and be represented by their own choosing. Such a reality can only be decided by the Palestinians themselves, most obviously, in an internationally monitored competitive election among rival claimants to Palestinian leadership throughout Occupied Palestine.
Hamas evidently agreed to return the bodies of dead hostages in their possession. Still, given the difficulty of locating the bodies and collecting the remains, unless there is a genuine repudiation by Hamas of this underlying duty associated with the ceasefire, their goodwill deserves the benefit of the doubt. The disappointment of the families in Israel that suffered from this human loss is understandable, but it should be interpreted in ways that are subordinate to more relevant issues, such as ceasefire violations. It was reported two days after the ceasefire went into effect that Israel killed by gunfire and missiles 7 Palestinians seeking to visit their destroyed home in Gaza City, a disturbing incident which seemed to receive scant, if any, coverage in international media or mainstream international commentary, and yet could be seen as evidence of the fragility of the ceasefire arrangements or an indication that Israel is ready to risk or is even seeking the collapse of the ceasefire by testing its limits. A carefree attitude toward the renewal of the violent encounter that rests on implied, or even secret, assurances of unwavering US support.
Trump addressed the Israeli Knesset, where he said his peace plan marks the “historic dawn of a new Middle East.” Do you believe this is something real, or is he exaggerating?
My best guess is that historians looking back at those words will conclude that Trump had confused dawn with dusk. There is no prospect of a brightening of the dark skies casting a shadow on the countries of the Middle East until Palestinian rights are respected, and that includes honoring the international right of return of the seven million Palestinian refugees. There must be a campaign to obtain proper accountability for the Gaza Genocide. Until the costs of Gaza reconstruction are borne by the perpetrators of the devastation, accompanied by some process of reconciliation that does not whitewash the crimes of Israel and its enablers, it will be impossible to create a peaceful future for the region. At the very least, the vast devastation caused by the genocide must be physically overcome by a process of reconstruction funded by adequate reparations. The scope of reconstruction must include health, heritage, and religious sites; educational and cultural institutions; residential neighborhoods; UNRWA facilities; and much more. The most painful losses of loved ones and body parts can never be compensated for by material means and are an enduring negative legacy of the Gaza Genocide. Even recognizing pragmatic constraints on peacemaking given political conditions a ‘peace’ crafted to please the perpetrator of genocide and its most complicit supporter, is highly unlikely to proceed very far. The Trump 20 Point Plan is not a break with the past, but an effort to induce forgetfulness necessary to attain credibility in proposing post-conflict arrangements. To grasp the ironies of this Trump Plan, we should imagine our reactions if the Nazi survivors of World War II had been put in charge of designing the future of the international order, or even of just post-war Germany. It would not have seemed like a step toward a peaceful future, regardless of the language used to obscure the perverse underlying reality.
3- Trump and the three mediating governments signed the peace plan for Gaza at the Sharm el-Sheik Summit. Given this development, what can we expect to happen in the future?
It is almost universally believed that the ceasefire should remain operative even if violations of the underlying plan occur or its further implementation stalls. Beyond this, it is a matter of how much leverage the US exerts to advance the governance proposals in Part II of Trump’s Plan. Whether Hamas and Palestinian resistance forces are subject to being coerced by further threats of Israeli renewal of its genocidal assault is unclear. It is also uncertain if the US would go along with an Israeli unilateral departure from the Trump Plan. Israel is quite capable of fabricating claims that Hamas is violating the ceasefire and related obligations, leaving it no choice but to resume its military operations. It would appear at this time that Trump would allow Israel to exercise such an option. At the same time, Trump is so mercurial and narcissistic that it is possible he would regard Israel’s action as undermining his claims as peacemaker and repudiate the Israeli resumption of large-scale violence in Gaza. In an odd way, Israel and Trump may turn out to have different goals. Israel has not given up its quest for ‘Greater Israel,’ which means absorbing not only East Jerusalem, but Gaza and the West Bank within its sovereign territory. Trump may still strangely believe he can obtain the Nobel Peace Prize if his Plan is operationalized in Gaza and the two conflicting parties accept the arrangements.
Overall, it is clear that peace and stability will not be the future of the Middle East until Israel respects Palestinian rights, drastically redefines or repudiates Zionism and apartheid in a manner consistent with international law, and agrees to the establishment of a Peace & Reconciliation Commission to acknowledge Israel’s past criminal violations of Palestinian rights and to announce a new dedication to the creation of an independent commission that assists the Palestinian/Israeli leadership to build future relations between Jews and Arabs on the basis of equality, dignity, and rights as the foundation for sustainable patterns of peaceful coexistence. For a truly new and stable Middle East, Israel must agree to the establishment of a nuclear-free zone, including itself and Iran.
4- What are the Risks of Clashes between Hamas and Gaza Clans and Factions?
These issues are murky, with contending interpretations and explanations of their recent prominence amid this most ambitious effort to develop the current ceasefire pause into a framework for long-term conflict resolution by implementing, perhaps with modifications, the advanced phases of the Trump 20 Point Plan. In this context, Israel seems to welcome these tensions within Gaza, by various means, including subsidies, to allow them an option to exit from this series of developments that might challenge their annexation plans in the West Bank as well as Gaza. It is possible that the Netanyahu government agreed to the ceasefire only to secure the return of the hostages, and never assented to any wider interference with its militarist approach, and may have had assurances of Trump’s support, no matter what. If this plays out, Israel would actually welcome the collapse of the conflict-resolution part of the framework in a manner that would find tacit acceptance, if not outright approval, in Washington. Such a manipulation of reality requires pinning the blame on Hamas, which is currently taking the form of criticizing Hamas for seeking to destroy those armed groups in Gaza that collaborated with the Israeli military operations.
Such a line of interpretation is reinforced by Israeli unreasonably shrill complaints about Hamas’ failure to return all of the bodies of the dead hostages. On its part, Hamas claims it has returned all the remains it could discover with its existing equipment, given that some dead hostages remain trapped far beneath the rubble. This seems a reasonable explanation, as Hamas has little incentive to retain the remains of dead Israeli hostages or to take steps that provide an excuse for Israel to resume bombardment and other forms of violence in Gaza.
Such a line of interpretation is also consistent with Israel’s pattern of lethal violence killing Palestinians in several instances that have the clear appearance of being deliberate violations of the ceasefire agreement. Additionally, Israeli interference with the delivery of humanitarian aid by reducing the entry of relief goods by 50% is another expression of Israel’s unwillingness to allow even a conflict-resolving process weighted in its favor to go forward. These are serious provocations by Israel, causing sharp criticism from some governments that had previously endorsed the Trump approach, but not yet even a whimper of disapproval from the US.
The gathering evidence suggests that Israel is accumulating grounds for repudiating the ‘peace’ process and resuming its military operations, accompanied by a renewed clampdown on the further delivery of humanitarian aid, despite widespread hunger, disease, and trauma among the civilian population of Gaza. The next week or so shall determine whether this pessimistic assessment dooms the ceasefire and the prospects for conflict-resolution through diplomacy rather than further recourse to genocide. Israel, since the return of the living hostages in Gaza, holds all the cards, and Hamas has none except for its incredible capacity for resilience.
As yet, there are no signs pointing to a new dawn.
Since I first opened my eyes to this world as a third-generation refugee, I was taught that the notorious Balfour Declaration had brought upon us this long, unrelenting history of suffering. Issued in 1917, the statement declared the British government’s support for the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine. It blatantly denied our existence in our own homeland, instead granting the Jewish…
The office of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said on Saturday 18 October that he had decided to keep the Rafah crossing between the Gaza Strip and Egypt closed until further notice, despite the Palestinian embassy in Cairo’s earlier announcement that the crossing would open on Monday.
Rafah Crossing remains closed by Israel
Netanyahu’s office said in a statement that the opening of the crossing would be linked to ‘Hamas’s commitment to its role’ in handing over the bodies of Israeli detainees in Gaza, as well as ‘the implementation of the agreed framework,’ without providing further details. As the Canary previously reported, Hamas handing over Israeli bodies was not part of the ceasefire agreement. Meanwhile, Israel has so-far violated this 47 times itself.
For its part, the government media office in Gaza accused Israel of obstructing the implementation of the terms of the ceasefire agreement, continuing to close the crossings and preventing the entry of food and humanitarian aid, calling on the international guarantors of the agreement to intervene immediately to ensure that the commitments are implemented.
Adnan Abu Hasna, spokesperson for the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees (UNRWA), pointed out that thousands of trucks loaded with humanitarian aid are still waiting for permission to enter the Gaza Strip, saying:
There are about 6,000 trucks carrying food and basic supplies stuck at the crossings, in addition to large quantities of medicines and medical supplies waiting to be brought in to meet the emergency needs of the population.
Abu Hasna added that the delay in opening the crossings is exacerbating the humanitarian situation in the Strip and threatening the lives of thousands of civilians, especially the sick and injured who need urgent care.
The Palestinian Embassy in Cairo announced that the Rafah crossing would be opened on Monday to allow Palestinians residing in Egypt who wish to return to Gaza to register via a dedicated electronic application, and that they would be notified later of the times and places to gather to move towards the crossing.
Breaching the ceasefire
It is noteworthy that on 9 October, Israel and Hamas reached an agreement on a ceasefire and prisoner exchange in accordance with US President Donald Trump’s plan, and the first phase of the agreement was activated the following day. The agreement stipulates that all Gaza Strip crossings, especially Rafah, will be opened to the movement of individuals and humanitarian aid, with the participation of Qatar, Turkey and Egypt, and under US supervision.
This comes after two years of genocide waged by Israel on the Gaza Strip since 7 October 2023, with US support, resulting in the martyrdom of 68,116 Palestinians, the injury of 170,200 others, and the destruction of more than 90% of the infrastructure in the Strip.
The Government Media Office in Gaza confirmed that Israel has committed 47 documented violations since the announcement of the ceasefire in the Gaza Strip, resulting in the killing of 38 Palestinian civilians and the injury of 143 others, in a clear and explicit violation of the ceasefire resolution and the rules of international humanitarian law.
Israel continues to violate the ceasefire
In an official statement issued to the Canary on Saturday 18 October, the office explained that Israel’s violations included direct fire on civilians, deliberate shelling of residential neighbourhoods, and field arrests of civilians, reflecting the occupation’s continued aggressive behaviour despite the cessation of military operations.
The statement added that the Israeli occupation forces used their tanks and armoured vehicles stationed on the outskirts of cities, as well as mechanised cranes equipped with remote sensing and targeting systems, in addition to drones (quadcopters) that continue to fly over the Strip and fire bullets on residents in border areas.
The media office stated that Israel’s violations covered all governorates of the Gaza Strip from north to south. It confirmed that the occupation did not actually comply with the ceasefire, but continued to commit its usual crimes of murder and intimidation against civilians.
The Government Media Office held the Israeli occupation fully responsible for the continuing violations after the ceasefire agreement. It called on the United Nations, international organisations, and guarantors of the ceasefire to intervene urgently to compel the occupation to stop its attacks and ensure immediate and effective protection for unarmed civilians in the Gaza Strip.
The statement concluded by emphasising that the continuation of these violations ‘puts the credibility of the international community at stake.’ It warned that any silence on the violations would be considered encouragement for the occupation to continue its crimes against the Palestinian people.
The International Criminal Court has rejected Israel’s bid to appeal against arrest warrants for its Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Defence Minister Yoav Gallant over the Gaza genocide, reports TRT World News.
In a ruling that made headlines worldwide, the ICC last November found “reasonable grounds” to believe Netanyahu and Gallant bore “criminal responsibility” for war crimes and crimes against humanity in Gaza.
The warrants against Netanyahu and Gallant sparked outrage in Israel and in the United States, which later imposed sanctions on senior ICC officials.
Netanyahu denounced the ruling as an “anti-Semitic decision,” while then-US President Joe Biden called it “outrageous.”
Israel asked the court in May to dismiss the warrants while it pursued a separate challenge over whether the ICC had jurisdiction in the case.
The court rejected that request on July 16, saying there was “no legal basis” to quash the warrants while the jurisdiction issue was pending.
A week later, Israel sought permission to appeal the July ruling, but judges yesterday dismissed the bid, stating that “the issue, as framed by Israel, is not an appealable issue”.
Broader challenge “The Chamber therefore rejects the request,” the ICC said in its 13-page ruling.
ICC judges are still considering Israel’s broader challenge over the court’s jurisdiction.
When the arrest warrants were first issued in November, the court simultaneously rejected an earlier Israeli objection to its authority.
However, in April, the ICC’s Appeals Chamber ruled that the Pre-Trial Chamber was wrong to dismiss Israel’s challenge and ordered it to review the arguments in greater detail.
It is not yet clear when the court will issue a final ruling on jurisdiction.
A national advocacy and protest group has demanded that Foreign Minister Winston Peters condemn Israeli torture of Palestinian leader Marwan Barghouti and failure to abide by the Gaza ceasefire.
Co-chair John Minto of the Palestine Solidarity Network Aotearoa (PSNA) said Barghouti was Palestine’s equivalent to South African anti-apartheid leader Nelson Mandela, jailed by the minority white regime for 27 years but who was elected president in 1994.
As nationwide protests against Israeli genocide across New Zealand continued this weekend into the third year, Minto said in a statement Barghouti had been held by Israel in prison since 2002.
Imprisoned Palestinian leader Marwan Barghouti . . . “equivalent” to South Africa’s Nelson Mandela, says PSNA. Image: AJ+ screenshot APR
“He is revered as the most likely Palestinian to lead Palestinians out of occupation and apartheid. Though not affiliated to Hamas, he was top of their list of prisoners for Israel to release,” Minto said.
Minto says this was the clearest message to the world that Israel had no interest in allowing anybody like Nelson Mandela to ever emerge as a Palestinian leader to “bring real peace and justice”.
“Peters should be condemning this torture in the strongest terms.
“He loudly complained that the protest movement in this country didn’t congratulate [US President Donald] Trump with his plan to outsource the occupation of Gaza to Tony Blair, Egyptian secret police and Turkish soldiers.
“But now, when Israel continues to kill Palestinians in Gaza every day, Peters is silent.
‘We fear for my father’s life’: Marwan Barghouti’s son to Al Jazeera Video: AJ+
“Israeli snipers shot 35 Palestinians dead last Friday alone. Israel has also activated its al-Qaeda gangster gangs in Gaza to try to start of civil war.
“There is no ceasefire.”
Minto said that if Peters was to “atone for his completely mistaken optimism” about Trump’s peace plan, then he ought to be “hauling in the Israeli ambassador today for an official rebuke and then send the ambassador packing”.
“Peters has been quick to impose sanctions on Iran. But, as usual, no action on Israel.”
The zionist ethnostate’s recent pause in hostilities against the people of Gaza due to so-called Phase 1 of President Trump’s 20 Point Gaza Peace Plan has resulted in a collective sigh of relief for many the world over, who have observed and/or have been victims of the ongoing genocidal onslaught that’s pillaged an estimated 70,000 lives, including approximately 20,000 women and children, included the use of starvation as a weapon, and has reduced the Gaza Strip to rubble as critical infrastructure including homes, schools/universities, hospitals and places of worship have all been decimated by the Israel Occupying Force’s (IOF) war machine that has been aided, abetted, and funded by the United States and other Western governments.
Despite repression and retaliation, the Gaza genocide has pushed an unprecedented wave of artists across the entertainment industry to back the cultural boycott of Israel.
In recent months, a wave of artists throughout the entertainment industry has begun speaking out against Israel’s genocide in Gaza.
As the fragile ceasefire between Israel and Hamas comes into effect, two million Gazans are returning to what is left of their homes. Part of the deal includes a vast prisoner swap, that sees the remaining 20 Israelis captured on October 7, 2023, going back to their homeland, and almost 2,000 Palestinian prisoners being released from Israeli jails. A further 10,000 remain behind bars, including top political prisoners, such as Marwan Barghouti. Israel has also stated that it will not return the remains of hundreds of Palestinians it is holding, sparking intense speculation as to what those corpses would reveal.
Joining the Behind the Headlines show & MintCast Podcast to discuss the ceasefire, and the increasingly pro-Israel tone of our corporate media, is Aaron Maté. Aaron is an award-winning journalist from Canada.
In October 2024, a Lebanese writer named Lina Mounzer wrote, “ask any Arab what the most painful realization of the last year has been and it is this: that we have discovered the extent of our dehumanization to such a degree that it’s impossible to function in the world in the same way.”
I’ve thought about that line a lot over the last year.
I thought about it during the Gaza ceasefire negotiations when the Western political/media class kept calling the Israelis held by Hamas “hostages” while calling the innocent Palestinians held captive by Israel “prisoners”.
I think about it as the IDF continues to murder Palestinian civilians every day during the Gaza “ceasefire” when they are deemed to be traveling into forbidden areas, because Palestinians are so dehumanized that Israel sees bullets as a perfectly legitimate means of directing civilian foot traffic.
I think about it as these daily ceasefire violations and acts of military slaughter barely make a blip in the western news media, while any time anything happens that makes western Jews feel anxious or upset, it dominates headlines for days.
I thought about it while the western political/media class solemnly commemorated the second anniversary of the October 7 attack, even as the daily death toll from the Gaza holocaust ticked along with its victims unnamed and unacknowledged by those same institutions.
I thought about it when all of Western politics and media stopped dead in its tracks and stood transfixed for days on the assassination of Charlie Kirk while ignoring the genocide he had spent the last two years of his life actively manufacturing consent for.
Day after day after day, we see glaring, inexcusable discrepancies between the amount of attention that is given to the violent death of an Arab and the attention that is given to the violent death of an Israeli, a Western Jew, or any Westerner.
These last two years have been a time of unprecedented unmasking in all sorts of ways, but I think that’s the one that’s going to stick with me the most. The way Western civilization came right out into the cold, harsh light to admit, day after day after day, that they don’t truly view Arabs as human beings.
Ours is a profoundly sick society.
One of the main arguments you’ll hear from rightists about why the West needs to support Israel is that Israel is helping to defend the West from the savage Muslim hordes — a sentiment that Israeli pundits and politicians have been all too happy to feed into of late. It’s revealing because it’s just coming right out and saying that slaughtering Muslims is a virtue in and of itself, so anyone who kills Muslims is an ally of the West.
But whenever I come across this argument, all I can think is, why would anyone want to defend the West if this is what it has become?
Even if we pretend that these delusions that Arabs and Islam pose some kind of threat to Western civilization are valid, why would it even matter? This civilization does not deserve to be saved. Not if we’re going to be living like this.
If we’ve become so detached from our own humanity that we can’t even see innocent children as fully human just because they live somewhere else and have a different religion, then we are the monsters. We are the villains. We are everything the craziest Zionist pretends the Arabs are.
These last two years have shown us that Western civilization doesn’t need protection; it needs redemption. It needs to save its soul.
Ceasefires stick because the two sides in a war have reached military stalemate – or because the incentives for each side in laying down their arms outweigh those of continuing the bloodshed.
None of this applies in Gaza.
The past two years in the enclave have been many things. But the one thing they have not been is a war, whatever Western politicians and media wish us to believe.
Which means the current narrative of a “ceasefire” is as much a lie as the preceding narrative of a “Gaza war”.
The ceasefire is not “fragile”, as we keep being told. It is non-existent, as evidenced by Israel’s continual violations – from its soldiers continuing to shoot dead Palestinian civilians to its blocking promised aid.
So what is really going on?
To understand the “ceasefire” and US President Donald Trump’s even more deluded 20-point “peace plan”, we first need to make sense of what the earlier “war” rhetoric was used to conceal.
Over the past 24 months, we witnessed something deeply sinister.
We watched the indiscriminate slaughter of a largely civilian population, already under a 17-year siege, by Israel, a regional military goliath supported and armed by the global military goliath of the United States.
We watched the erasure of almost every home in Gaza – in what already amounted to a concentration camp for its people.
Families were forced into makeshift tents, as they had been when they were expelled decades ago at gunpoint from their lands in what is now Israel—but this time they have been exposed to a toxic brew of the rubble-dust of their former homes and the spent materials from many Hiroshimas-worth of bombs dropped on the enclave.
We watched a captive population being starved for months on end, in what amounted to, on the most generous view, an undisguised policy of collective punishment – a crime against humanity for which the International Criminal Court is pursuing Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
Hundreds of thousands of children in Gaza have been physically damaged, in addition to their psychological trauma, by a malnourishment that has altered their DNA – damage that will most likely be passed on to future generations.
We watched Gaza’s hospitals being systematically dismantled, one by one, until the entire health sector was hollowed out, unable to deal with either the flood of wounded or the growing tide of malnourished children.
We watched large-scale ethnic cleansing operations, in which families – or what was left of them – were driven out of “kill zones” into areas Israel termed “safe zones”, only for those safe zones to quickly turn, undeclared, into new kill zones.
And as Trump stepped up the pressure for a “ceasefire”, we watched Israel unleash an orgy of violence, destroying as much of Gaza City as it could before the deadline arrived to stop.
Rhetoric of ‘Gaza war’
None of this can, or should, be described as a war.
The United Nations, every major human rights organization in the world, including Israel’s B’Tselem, and the world’s leading body of genocide scholars agree that what has happened in Gaza meets the definition of genocide, as laid out in the UN’s Genocide Convention, ratified by Israel, the US, Britain, and the European Union.
Nonetheless, Israel and the West’s rhetoric about “war” has been crucial in selling to Western publics an equally dishonest rhetoric of a “ceasefire” and hopes for “peace”.
The lie of the current ceasefire is a counterpart of the lie about a “Gaza war” narrated to us over the past two years. The framing serves exactly the same purpose: to disguise Israel’s larger goals.
On Tuesday, in the midst of the “ceasefire”, as the bodies of Israelis and Palestinians were being traded,Israel was killing more Palestinians. The Financial Times was among the media outlets reporting that Israeli soldiers had killed “several” Palestinians that day.
Earlier, Israeli soldiers posted videos as they pulled out of Gaza City of their torching homes, food supplies, and a vital sewage treatment plant.
In other words, Israel never had any intention of halting its fire.
This is a familiar pattern.
Israel killed at least 170 Palestinians during an earlier “ceasefire” negotiated by Trump, in January, which it then unilaterally ended weeks later so that it could revive the genocide.
And in Lebanon, where a ceasefire is supposed to have been in force for the past year, overseen by the United States and France, Israel is recorded to have broken its terms more than 4,500 times.
As former British ambassador Craig Murray observed of the ceasefire period, Israel “has killed hundreds of people, including infants, demolished tens of thousands of homes and annexed five areas of Lebanon”.
Does anyone imagine Gaza, a tiny territory without an army or the trappings of statehood, will fare any better than Lebanon under an Israeli ceasefire?
Ceasefire charade
The ceasefire may be a temporary lull in Israel’s genocidal, two-year assault on Gaza but it does nothing to cease Israel’s decade-long occupation of the Palestinian territories – the inciting cause of the “war”.
The occupation continues.
It also does nothing to cease Israel’s system of apartheid rule over Palestinians, judged illegal by the world’s highest court last year.
Then, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) demanded that Israel immediately withdraw from the occupied Palestinian territories, including Gaza, and that other states pressure it into such a withdrawal.
The UN General Assembly gave Israel till last month to honor the ICJ’s ruling. Israel has not just ignored that deadline. Even during the current “ceasefire”, Israeli soldiers continue to be directly stationed in more than half of Gaza.
Additionally, of course, Israel still controls all of Gaza’s territory at arm’s length through its spy drones, attack drones and fighter jets, surveillance technology, and land and naval blockades.
It should be a truism that a state bent on genocide has no reason to stop its genocide unless it is forced to do so – by a stronger party.
Trump has been striding the world stage pretending to be doing just that, strong-arming Israel and Hamas. But only the credulous – and the Western political and media class – fall for this charade.
The “ceasefire” is not “fragile”. It was set up to fail, not to provide a path to peace. Its real purpose is to provide Israel with a fresh mandate to renew the genocide.
Dehumanized prisoners
For decades, Palestinians have been forced to live with a catch-22: damned if they do, damned if they don’t.
Any resistance to their brutal occupation results in slaughter – or “mowing the lawn”, as Israel terms it – as well as their designation as “terrorists”.
But a policy of no resistance, as pursued by Mahmoud Abbas’ compliant Palestinian Authority in the West Bank, hangs Palestinians out to dry – living as permanent, dehumanized prisoners under Israeli rule, herded into ever-shrinking reservations while Jewish militias are licensed to build settlements on their land.
The same kind of bogus “choice” is central to the current “ceasefire”.
Hamas has got a hostage swap – after thousands of Palestinians were seized off the street (and thousands more will soon be seized to replace them) – while the people of Gaza win a brief respite from Israel’s genocidal starvation campaign. That was the formula for cornering Hamas into approving a ceasefire agreement it knows only too well is primed with tripwires.
The most obvious is the requirement on Hamas to return the last remaining Israelis held captive in Gaza, including 28 bodies, in exchange for some 2,000 Palestinian hostages in Israel’s prisons. The agreement set a 72-hour timeframe for the exchange.
Hamas has found it harder to locate the sites of the dead. So far, they have returned 10, though one appears to be non-Israeli.
The wasteland that is now Gaza has few landmarks to identify the locations of original burial sites. And the mountains of rubble under which the Israelis’ bodies lie – created by the US-supplied bunker-busting bombs Israel dropped that most likely killed them – are almost impossible to move without heavy machinery, sorely lacking in Gaza.
Even if the sites can be identified and the rubble removed, Hamas may discover that the bodies no longer exist, that they have been vaporized, alongside Palestinian victims, by Israel’s bombs. And of course, there is a further likely problem: some of the bodies may be located in more than half of Gaza, which Israel is still occupying, and Hamas cannot access.
As the International Committee of the Red Cross, the ultimate neutral arbiter, has conceded, finding the bodies in these circumstances will be a “massive challenge”.
Another catch-22.
Notably, though the Western media has happily amplified Israeli claims of Hamas’s bad faith over returning the bodies, as well as the suffering of waiting Israeli families, it has provided little comparable coverage on the condition of the Palestinian bodies returned by Israel.
The refrigerated corpses arrived at Nasser hospital in Gaza without any form of identification, and with staff there unable to run DNA tests because of the destruction inflicted by Israel on its facilities. Families will have no idea who their loved ones are unless they try to identify them personally.
That will be a gruesome and distressing task. Doctors noted that the returned bodies were still cuffed and blindfolded, executed with bullets to the head, and with clear signs that they had been tortured before and after their deaths.
Meanwhile, even before the 72-hour timeframe for the exchange was reached, Israel exploited the delay to renew the starvation of Gaza, restricting aid desperately needed to address the famine it had engineered.
More ominously, according to Israeli media reports, the US has agreed to a “secret clause” with Israel to allow it to resume its genocidal “war” if Hamas cannot produce all the bodies within the three-day window.
Double bind
Then, if Hamas can avoid this tripwire, there is a requirement on the group to lay down its weapons. This is being presented as a precondition for “peace”. But the one certainty is that, even were Hamas to disarm, peace would not be the outcome.
“If they [Hamas] don’t disarm,” he said, “we will disarm them”. He added that, if the US got involved, “it will happen quickly and perhaps violently. But they will disarm.”
This intentionally puts Hamas and others pursuing armed resistance against Israel’s occupation – a right recognized in international law – in a double bind.
First, a disarmed population in Gaza will be even more defenseless in the face of Israeli attacks.
Whatever the rights or wrongs of Hamas’ military strategy, it is hard to ignore the fact that the prolonged toll of fighting on Israeli troops – in terms of psychological trauma and casualty figures – has served as some sort of countervailing pressure.
Large numbers of Israelis have taken to the streets to oppose Netanyahu’s actions in Gaza – but not, as polls show, because most care about the hundreds of thousands of dead and maimed Palestinians there.
Rather, their protests have been driven by concerns about the plight of Israeli captives in Gaza and about the toll on Israeli soldiers.
Hamas, and many of Gaza’s population, will worry that disarmament would swing the cost-benefit analysis among Israelis even further towards continued genocide. It risks more bloodletting by Israel, not peace.
Lose-lose conundrum
Second, Hamas is unlikely to agree to disarm when there are criminal clans, armed and backed by Israel, and some of them linked to the Islamic State, roaming Gaza’s streets.
Palestinians have long understood that Israel’s ambition is to undermine the Palestinians’ major national liberation movements – whether Hamas or Fatah – by promoting in their place feudal warlords.
One Palestinian analyst warned me 14 years ago of the dangers of what he referred to as Israel’s plan for the “Afghanistanization” of Gaza and the West Bank.
Israel’s ultimate divide-and-rule strategy would involve promoting rival clan leaders who focus on protecting their own small fiefdoms and fighting each other, rather than trying to resist the illegal occupation and seek a unified Palestinian state.
At the height of the genocide, the clans proved how dangerous such a development could be for ordinary Palestinians. Aided by Israel, and with Hamas pinned down in their tunnels, these gangs looted aid trucks, stole aid from weaker families, then took that food for their own families and sold the rest at extortionate prices few could afford. Everyone else starved.
If Hamas disarms, these clans will have free rein, propped up by Israel. Neither Hamas nor most people in Gaza want to see that happen again. That is not a path to peace, but to continuing brutal Israeli occupation, subcontracted in part to local warlords.
Confusingly, Trump seems to grasp some of this. On Tuesday, he said Hamas “took out a couple of gangs that were very bad… they killed a number of gang members. That didn’t bother me much, to be honest. That’s okay.”
What then does Trump imagine will happen if Hamas lays down its arms, as he and Israel have insisted it does? Will these “very bad gangs” not re-emerge?
That is precisely the lose-lose conundrum Israel wants Hamas and Gaza plunged into.
Muddying the waters
On Wednesday, Trump muddied the waters again, warning that, if Hamas did not disarm, Israel would resume its attacks on Gaza “as soon as I say the word”.
The next day, he went further, suggesting the US itself might act in Gaza. He wrote on his Truth Social: “If Hamas continues to kill people in Gaza, which was not the Deal, we will have no choice but to go in and kill them.”
So what is supposed to fill the vacuum created in the doubly improbable event of Hamas dissolving itself and Israel fully withdrawing from Gaza?
Israel has insisted on no Palestinian governance in the enclave, even from Abbas’ Vichy regime in the West Bank. Israel is also continuing to refuse to release Marwan Barghouti, the long-jailed Fatah leader who is the sole unifying figure in Palestinian politics and often referred to as the Palestinian Nelson Mandela.
If Israel were really interested in ending the occupation and in “peace”, Barghouti would be the obvious person to call on. Instead, there are reports that he is, once again, being savagely beaten by Israeli prison guards, putting his life in danger.
Trump’s vision for the next few years offers only his infamous “Board of Peace” – an unapologetically colonial-style administration expected to be headed by Viceroy Tony Blair. Two decades ago, the former British prime minister helped the US wreck Iraq, leading to the utter collapse of its institutions and mass death among its population.
Trump’s “Board of Peace” will supposedly sit nearby in Egypt, not in Gaza.
On the ground, Trump envisions a foreign “stabilization force“. But its troops, assuming they ever appear, are likely to be no more effective at dealing with Israeli aggression than counterpart peacekeepers in Lebanon have been for decades.
Israel has repeatedly attacked UN peacekeepers in south Lebanon, while the presence of UN forces has done nothing to curb Israel’s continuing “ceasefire” violations.
A stabilization force will be able to do little to stop Israel meddling directly in Gaza through drone assassinations, restrictions on imports of concrete, food, and medical supplies, and a naval blockade of the enclave’s territorial waters.
Trump’s vision of “peace” is of Palestinians eking out a bare existence among Gaza’s ruins, at the mercy of Israel’s ever-watching drones.
Ramy Abdu, chair of Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Monitor, told the Intercept this week that what we are most likely to see over the coming weeks and months is a move by Israel from wanton genocide to what he called a more “managed genocide, a managed forcible displacement”.
Israel will now be able to sit back, obstruct the rebuilding of the enclave, sending a clear message to a destitute population that their salvation will never be found in Gaza.
The future for the West Bank will not be one of peace either, but of Israel intensifying the atrocities there and creating mini-Gazas out of the small city-reservations into which the Palestinians there have been progressively herded.
Palestinian resistance will not end in such circumstances. No people in history have ever resigned themselves to permanent servitude and oppression. The Palestinians will prove no different.
Ceasefires stick because the two sides in a war have reached military stalemate – or because the incentives for each side in laying down their arms outweigh those of continuing the bloodshed.
None of this applies in Gaza.
The past two years in the enclave have been many things. But the one thing they have not been is a war, whatever Western politicians and media wish us to believe.
Which means the current narrative of a “ceasefire” is as much a lie as the preceding narrative of a “Gaza war”.
The ceasefire is not “fragile”, as we keep being told. It is non-existent, as evidenced by Israel’s continual violations – from its soldiers continuing to shoot dead Palestinian civilians to its blocking promised aid.
So what is really going on?
To understand the “ceasefire” and US President Donald Trump’s even more deluded 20-point “peace plan”, we first need to make sense of what the earlier “war” rhetoric was used to conceal.
Over the past 24 months, we witnessed something deeply sinister.
We watched the indiscriminate slaughter of a largely civilian population, already under a 17-year siege, by Israel, a regional military goliath supported and armed by the global military goliath of the United States.
We watched the erasure of almost every home in Gaza – in what already amounted to a concentration camp for its people.
Families were forced into makeshift tents, as they had been when they were expelled decades ago at gunpoint from their lands in what is now Israel—but this time they have been exposed to a toxic brew of the rubble-dust of their former homes and the spent materials from many Hiroshimas-worth of bombs dropped on the enclave.
We watched a captive population being starved for months on end, in what amounted to, on the most generous view, an undisguised policy of collective punishment – a crime against humanity for which the International Criminal Court is pursuing Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
Hundreds of thousands of children in Gaza have been physically damaged, in addition to their psychological trauma, by a malnourishment that has altered their DNA – damage that will most likely be passed on to future generations.
We watched Gaza’s hospitals being systematically dismantled, one by one, until the entire health sector was hollowed out, unable to deal with either the flood of wounded or the growing tide of malnourished children.
We watched large-scale ethnic cleansing operations, in which families – or what was left of them – were driven out of “kill zones” into areas Israel termed “safe zones”, only for those safe zones to quickly turn, undeclared, into new kill zones.
And as Trump stepped up the pressure for a “ceasefire”, we watched Israel unleash an orgy of violence, destroying as much of Gaza City as it could before the deadline arrived to stop.
Rhetoric of ‘Gaza war’
None of this can, or should, be described as a war.
The United Nations, every major human rights organization in the world, including Israel’s B’Tselem, and the world’s leading body of genocide scholars agree that what has happened in Gaza meets the definition of genocide, as laid out in the UN’s Genocide Convention, ratified by Israel, the US, Britain, and the European Union.
Nonetheless, Israel and the West’s rhetoric about “war” has been crucial in selling to Western publics an equally dishonest rhetoric of a “ceasefire” and hopes for “peace”.
The lie of the current ceasefire is a counterpart of the lie about a “Gaza war” narrated to us over the past two years. The framing serves exactly the same purpose: to disguise Israel’s larger goals.
On Tuesday, in the midst of the “ceasefire”, as the bodies of Israelis and Palestinians were being traded,Israel was killing more Palestinians. The Financial Times was among the media outlets reporting that Israeli soldiers had killed “several” Palestinians that day.
Earlier, Israeli soldiers posted videos as they pulled out of Gaza City of their torching homes, food supplies, and a vital sewage treatment plant.
In other words, Israel never had any intention of halting its fire.
This is a familiar pattern.
Israel killed at least 170 Palestinians during an earlier “ceasefire” negotiated by Trump, in January, which it then unilaterally ended weeks later so that it could revive the genocide.
And in Lebanon, where a ceasefire is supposed to have been in force for the past year, overseen by the United States and France, Israel is recorded to have broken its terms more than 4,500 times.
As former British ambassador Craig Murray observed of the ceasefire period, Israel “has killed hundreds of people, including infants, demolished tens of thousands of homes and annexed five areas of Lebanon”.
Does anyone imagine Gaza, a tiny territory without an army or the trappings of statehood, will fare any better than Lebanon under an Israeli ceasefire?
Ceasefire charade
The ceasefire may be a temporary lull in Israel’s genocidal, two-year assault on Gaza but it does nothing to cease Israel’s decade-long occupation of the Palestinian territories – the inciting cause of the “war”.
The occupation continues.
It also does nothing to cease Israel’s system of apartheid rule over Palestinians, judged illegal by the world’s highest court last year.
Then, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) demanded that Israel immediately withdraw from the occupied Palestinian territories, including Gaza, and that other states pressure it into such a withdrawal.
The UN General Assembly gave Israel till last month to honor the ICJ’s ruling. Israel has not just ignored that deadline. Even during the current “ceasefire”, Israeli soldiers continue to be directly stationed in more than half of Gaza.
Additionally, of course, Israel still controls all of Gaza’s territory at arm’s length through its spy drones, attack drones and fighter jets, surveillance technology, and land and naval blockades.
It should be a truism that a state bent on genocide has no reason to stop its genocide unless it is forced to do so – by a stronger party.
Trump has been striding the world stage pretending to be doing just that, strong-arming Israel and Hamas. But only the credulous – and the Western political and media class – fall for this charade.
The “ceasefire” is not “fragile”. It was set up to fail, not to provide a path to peace. Its real purpose is to provide Israel with a fresh mandate to renew the genocide.
Dehumanized prisoners
For decades, Palestinians have been forced to live with a catch-22: damned if they do, damned if they don’t.
Any resistance to their brutal occupation results in slaughter – or “mowing the lawn”, as Israel terms it – as well as their designation as “terrorists”.
But a policy of no resistance, as pursued by Mahmoud Abbas’ compliant Palestinian Authority in the West Bank, hangs Palestinians out to dry – living as permanent, dehumanized prisoners under Israeli rule, herded into ever-shrinking reservations while Jewish militias are licensed to build settlements on their land.
The same kind of bogus “choice” is central to the current “ceasefire”.
Hamas has got a hostage swap – after thousands of Palestinians were seized off the street (and thousands more will soon be seized to replace them) – while the people of Gaza win a brief respite from Israel’s genocidal starvation campaign. That was the formula for cornering Hamas into approving a ceasefire agreement it knows only too well is primed with tripwires.
The most obvious is the requirement on Hamas to return the last remaining Israelis held captive in Gaza, including 28 bodies, in exchange for some 2,000 Palestinian hostages in Israel’s prisons. The agreement set a 72-hour timeframe for the exchange.
Hamas has found it harder to locate the sites of the dead. So far, they have returned 10, though one appears to be non-Israeli.
The wasteland that is now Gaza has few landmarks to identify the locations of original burial sites. And the mountains of rubble under which the Israelis’ bodies lie – created by the US-supplied bunker-busting bombs Israel dropped that most likely killed them – are almost impossible to move without heavy machinery, sorely lacking in Gaza.
Even if the sites can be identified and the rubble removed, Hamas may discover that the bodies no longer exist, that they have been vaporized, alongside Palestinian victims, by Israel’s bombs. And of course, there is a further likely problem: some of the bodies may be located in more than half of Gaza, which Israel is still occupying, and Hamas cannot access.
As the International Committee of the Red Cross, the ultimate neutral arbiter, has conceded, finding the bodies in these circumstances will be a “massive challenge”.
Another catch-22.
Notably, though the Western media has happily amplified Israeli claims of Hamas’s bad faith over returning the bodies, as well as the suffering of waiting Israeli families, it has provided little comparable coverage on the condition of the Palestinian bodies returned by Israel.
The refrigerated corpses arrived at Nasser hospital in Gaza without any form of identification, and with staff there unable to run DNA tests because of the destruction inflicted by Israel on its facilities. Families will have no idea who their loved ones are unless they try to identify them personally.
That will be a gruesome and distressing task. Doctors noted that the returned bodies were still cuffed and blindfolded, executed with bullets to the head, and with clear signs that they had been tortured before and after their deaths.
Meanwhile, even before the 72-hour timeframe for the exchange was reached, Israel exploited the delay to renew the starvation of Gaza, restricting aid desperately needed to address the famine it had engineered.
More ominously, according to Israeli media reports, the US has agreed to a “secret clause” with Israel to allow it to resume its genocidal “war” if Hamas cannot produce all the bodies within the three-day window.
Double bind
Then, if Hamas can avoid this tripwire, there is a requirement on the group to lay down its weapons. This is being presented as a precondition for “peace”. But the one certainty is that, even were Hamas to disarm, peace would not be the outcome.
“If they [Hamas] don’t disarm,” he said, “we will disarm them”. He added that, if the US got involved, “it will happen quickly and perhaps violently. But they will disarm.”
This intentionally puts Hamas and others pursuing armed resistance against Israel’s occupation – a right recognized in international law – in a double bind.
First, a disarmed population in Gaza will be even more defenseless in the face of Israeli attacks.
Whatever the rights or wrongs of Hamas’ military strategy, it is hard to ignore the fact that the prolonged toll of fighting on Israeli troops – in terms of psychological trauma and casualty figures – has served as some sort of countervailing pressure.
Large numbers of Israelis have taken to the streets to oppose Netanyahu’s actions in Gaza – but not, as polls show, because most care about the hundreds of thousands of dead and maimed Palestinians there.
Rather, their protests have been driven by concerns about the plight of Israeli captives in Gaza and about the toll on Israeli soldiers.
Hamas, and many of Gaza’s population, will worry that disarmament would swing the cost-benefit analysis among Israelis even further towards continued genocide. It risks more bloodletting by Israel, not peace.
Lose-lose conundrum
Second, Hamas is unlikely to agree to disarm when there are criminal clans, armed and backed by Israel, and some of them linked to the Islamic State, roaming Gaza’s streets.
Palestinians have long understood that Israel’s ambition is to undermine the Palestinians’ major national liberation movements – whether Hamas or Fatah – by promoting in their place feudal warlords.
One Palestinian analyst warned me 14 years ago of the dangers of what he referred to as Israel’s plan for the “Afghanistanization” of Gaza and the West Bank.
Israel’s ultimate divide-and-rule strategy would involve promoting rival clan leaders who focus on protecting their own small fiefdoms and fighting each other, rather than trying to resist the illegal occupation and seek a unified Palestinian state.
At the height of the genocide, the clans proved how dangerous such a development could be for ordinary Palestinians. Aided by Israel, and with Hamas pinned down in their tunnels, these gangs looted aid trucks, stole aid from weaker families, then took that food for their own families and sold the rest at extortionate prices few could afford. Everyone else starved.
If Hamas disarms, these clans will have free rein, propped up by Israel. Neither Hamas nor most people in Gaza want to see that happen again. That is not a path to peace, but to continuing brutal Israeli occupation, subcontracted in part to local warlords.
Confusingly, Trump seems to grasp some of this. On Tuesday, he said Hamas “took out a couple of gangs that were very bad… they killed a number of gang members. That didn’t bother me much, to be honest. That’s okay.”
What then does Trump imagine will happen if Hamas lays down its arms, as he and Israel have insisted it does? Will these “very bad gangs” not re-emerge?
That is precisely the lose-lose conundrum Israel wants Hamas and Gaza plunged into.
Muddying the waters
On Wednesday, Trump muddied the waters again, warning that, if Hamas did not disarm, Israel would resume its attacks on Gaza “as soon as I say the word”.
The next day, he went further, suggesting the US itself might act in Gaza. He wrote on his Truth Social: “If Hamas continues to kill people in Gaza, which was not the Deal, we will have no choice but to go in and kill them.”
So what is supposed to fill the vacuum created in the doubly improbable event of Hamas dissolving itself and Israel fully withdrawing from Gaza?
Israel has insisted on no Palestinian governance in the enclave, even from Abbas’ Vichy regime in the West Bank. Israel is also continuing to refuse to release Marwan Barghouti, the long-jailed Fatah leader who is the sole unifying figure in Palestinian politics and often referred to as the Palestinian Nelson Mandela.
If Israel were really interested in ending the occupation and in “peace”, Barghouti would be the obvious person to call on. Instead, there are reports that he is, once again, being savagely beaten by Israeli prison guards, putting his life in danger.
Trump’s vision for the next few years offers only his infamous “Board of Peace” – an unapologetically colonial-style administration expected to be headed by Viceroy Tony Blair. Two decades ago, the former British prime minister helped the US wreck Iraq, leading to the utter collapse of its institutions and mass death among its population.
Trump’s “Board of Peace” will supposedly sit nearby in Egypt, not in Gaza.
On the ground, Trump envisions a foreign “stabilization force“. But its troops, assuming they ever appear, are likely to be no more effective at dealing with Israeli aggression than counterpart peacekeepers in Lebanon have been for decades.
Israel has repeatedly attacked UN peacekeepers in south Lebanon, while the presence of UN forces has done nothing to curb Israel’s continuing “ceasefire” violations.
A stabilization force will be able to do little to stop Israel meddling directly in Gaza through drone assassinations, restrictions on imports of concrete, food, and medical supplies, and a naval blockade of the enclave’s territorial waters.
Trump’s vision of “peace” is of Palestinians eking out a bare existence among Gaza’s ruins, at the mercy of Israel’s ever-watching drones.
Ramy Abdu, chair of Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Monitor, told the Intercept this week that what we are most likely to see over the coming weeks and months is a move by Israel from wanton genocide to what he called a more “managed genocide, a managed forcible displacement”.
Israel will now be able to sit back, obstruct the rebuilding of the enclave, sending a clear message to a destitute population that their salvation will never be found in Gaza.
The future for the West Bank will not be one of peace either, but of Israel intensifying the atrocities there and creating mini-Gazas out of the small city-reservations into which the Palestinians there have been progressively herded.
Palestinian resistance will not end in such circumstances. No people in history have ever resigned themselves to permanent servitude and oppression. The Palestinians will prove no different.
An Israeli settler has been filmed using his own baby to block heavy articulated lorries full of aid to prevent food and medicines reaching starving Palestinians in Gaza.
What will Israelis do next?
The baby is no doll used for effect – the child’s head can be seen moving back and forth as the footage progresses:
The number of Palestinians killed by Israeli forces or settlers in the occupied West Bank amid the Gaza genocide has surpassed 1,000, according to the UN, after soldiers killed a young Palestinian child while he was reportedly playing soccer on Thursday. The UN Human Rights Office in the Occupied Palestinian Territory reported Friday that Israeli forces and settlers have killed 1,001…
Just days after the U.S.-backed ceasefire deal between Israel and Hamas went into effect, President Trump has issued new threats against Hamas, saying Thursday the United States would back a military intervention against the group if it fails to uphold the ceasefire agreement. “There is the fear all the time that the war will be renewed,” says Amira Hass, Haaretz correspondent for the…
The Ministry of Health in Gaza, through its Director General Dr. Munir Al-Barsh, announced today shocking details regarding the bodies of martyrs handed over by the Israeli occupation forces, numbering 120 bodies.
Al-Barsh said that medical teams were shocked by the condition of the bodies. He said they showed signs of severe torture, noting that some of the martyrs were bound in chains. Meanwhile, autopsy results showed that a number of them were executed at close range, while others were left to bleed to death without any medical assistance.
He added that medical examinations revealed that the occupation had looted human organs from the bodies of some of the martyrs, including corneas, kidneys, and livers, which is a horrific war crime and a flagrant violation of international humanitarian law.
Israel violate international law time and time again
Al-Barsh explained that the families have only identified six martyrs so far, calling on the families of the missing to go to hospitals and specialised centres within ten days to identify the bodies before they are buried.
The Director-General of the Ministry of Health called for the formation of an independent UN committee to investigate the circumstances surrounding the desecration of the bodies of the martyrs, stressing that these crimes reveal an unprecedented level of violations against humanity committed by the occupation against the Palestinian people.
He also pointed out that the occupation forces’ dogs had mauled a large number of bodies that had been recovered from under the rubble, in a scene that reflects the ugliness of Israeli crimes and their systematic targeting of human dignity even after martyrdom.
Al-Barsh concluded his statement by emphasising that the Ministry of Health in Gaza will document all these crimes with medical and legal evidence, in preparation for presenting them to the relevant international bodies, calling on the international community to take urgent action to stop these violations and hold the occupation accountable for its crimes against the martyrs and the entire Palestinian people.
The Government Media Office revealed in an official statement that the Gaza Strip is facing the largest construction and humanitarian disaster in modern history. The volume of rubble resulting from the war of extermination waged by the Israeli occupation two years ago has exceeded 70 million tons of rubble and waste, including thousands of completely destroyed homes and facilities.
The statement emphasised that the widespread destruction has turned Gaza into an environmental and structural disaster zone. The destruction is invariably hindering the delivery of humanitarian aid and obstructing rescue and relief efforts. It also noted that the Zionist occupation is deliberately preventing the entry of heavy equipment and machinery needed to remove rubble and recover bodies by continuing to close the crossings and preventing the entry of engineering materials and supplies.
Gaza under rubble
The office explained that initial estimates indicate the presence of approximately 20,000 unexploded ordnance left over from the Israeli bombing, including bombs and missiles that require precise engineering treatment before any rubble removal can begin. The statement warned of the imminent danger these explosives pose to the lives of civilians and workers on the ground.
The Gaza Government Media Office also called on the international community to assume its legal and humanitarian responsibilities and pressure the Israeli occupation to urgently open the crossings and enable the relevant authorities to begin immediate rubble removal and reconstruction. It emphasised that any delay in this process would mean the continuation of the disaster and the escalation of health and environmental risks.
The office indicated that government agencies are working on developing a comprehensive national plan for rubble management, which includes identifying areas of accumulation, dealing with hazardous waste, and developing a plan for recycling and temporary storage, ensuring the gradual and efficient return of life to the Gaza Strip.
The statement concluded by emphasising that the massive destruction and the occupation’s responsibility for this disaster require urgent international action, and that continued global silence constitutes complicity in the ongoing crime of genocide against the Palestinian people in Gaza.
In a humanitarian gesture that resonated widely in the Arab world, Qatar national team captain Hassan Al-Haydos announced a personal initiative to support the Gaza Strip by funding the construction of a school and sports hall there. The plans coincided with Qatar’s celebration of its historic qualification for the 2026 World Cup.
In moments of joy, it remains our responsibility to remember our brothers in Gaza, who are living in unbearable conditions.
I am donating funds for a school and a sports hall in the Strip, believing that education and sport are the path to a new life, and that the message of sport does not stop at the boundaries of the playing field.
With a few words and a practical gesture, he conveyed Qatar’s joy from the stands of the stadiums to the heart of the Palestinian tragedy, proving that a true athlete does not forget his humanity in the spotlight.
This latest initiative is based on two fundamental pillars that represent the essence of community advancement in Gaza.
He announced his support for the establishment of a school that represents a window of hope for children who have lost their seats in school due to aggression and siege, and embodies their right to knowledge and a dignified life.
On the sporting side, Al-Haydos will support the construction of a sports hall to send a message to the younger generation that life is not just about pain, but about movement and ambition, and that sport can be a language of resistance through hope.
Widespread Arab and international reaction
Al-Haddad’s initiative has been widely praised at the Arab and international levels. His name and the hashtag #AlHaydosForGaza trended on social media, with many considering him a true role model in a time of division and silence.
Prominent Arab sports figures – from Saudi Arabia, Morocco, Egypt and Tunisia – praised the move, calling for it to be turned into an Arab sports solidarity movement supporting Gaza in the fields of education, health and sport.
Activists online also described the initiative as ‘the most beautiful response to the machinery of destruction,’ considering that ‘the school and the sports hall represent the victory of life over death.’
From football star to humanitarian icon
Hassan Al-Haydos, 34, is one of Qatar’s most prominent football stars and captain of Al-Sadd Club and the national team.
He is known for his moral commitment and participation in numerous charitable events, but his latest initiative towards Gaza was particularly special, as it came at a moment of personal sporting triumph, but turned into a collective humanitarian stance.
With his actions and words, Al-Haydos has redefined the concept of ‘sports role model,’ presenting an example of an athlete who uses his fame to serve humanitarian values, not just to win titles.
And, many hope that his initiative could mark a turning point in the concept of Arab sporting solidarity.
Instead of merely making symbolic statements or wearing support badges, Arab stars – in football, the arts and culture – can adopt real projects in Palestine, targeting education, health, infrastructure and psychological support for children.
Humanitarian experts have proposed the creation of an Arab sports solidarity fund called ‘From the Stadiums to Gaza,’ which would be managed transparently and open to contributions from players, clubs, and sports institutions, with part of the proceeds going towards humanitarian reconstruction projects.
A call from Gaza to the world’s stadiums
Hassan Al-Haydous’ initiative is more than an individual humanitarian act; it is an open call to every Arab and foreign player to turn their stardom into a real force for change. When athletes use their fame to support education and build schools and stadiums, they not only raise the profile of their country, but also the humanity of sport itself.
Today, Gaza does not need fleeting sympathy, but rather initiatives that extend from the hearts of the playing fields to the fields of life — initiatives that rebuild what the war has destroyed and restore to children their dreams, suspended between rubble and deprivation.
From here, the Al-Haddad initiative can be a starting point for a global movement led by Arab and foreign sports stars, based on adopting humanitarian and development projects in Palestine, so that every goal scored on the pitch translates into a school, a playground, or a new life in Gaza.
The Palestine Centre for Prisoner Studies has said that the Palestinian resistance was able to free 87% of prisoners sentenced to life imprisonment in occupation prisons as part of the various stages of the Tufan al-Ahrar deal.
The Prisoner Studies Centre added that 3,985 prisoners were freed by the three resistance deals during two years of Israeli war on the Gaza Strip.
Palestine prisoners receive huge sentences
Statistics from the Palestinian Prisoners’ Studies Centre show that the resistance freed 503 prisoners sentenced to life imprisonment out of a total of 580 prisoners who were serving life sentences in Israeli prisons before the exchange deals, many of whom had spent more than 25 years in Israeli prisons.
In addition, 114 women, 297 children and 33 prisoners who were expected to receive life sentences or long prison terms were also freed.
Last Monday, the Israeli occupation released 1,968 Palestinian prisoners, including 250 who had been sentenced to life imprisonment or long prison terms and 1,718 prisoners from the Gaza Strip who had been arrested during the war.
This came in implementation of the first phase of the ceasefire agreement that came into effect last Friday, in accordance with US President Trump’s plan to end the war on Gaza.
The first phase of the ceasefire agreement between the resistance and Israel came into effect last Friday afternoon. The agreement is based on a plan proposed by US President Donald Trump, which includes a number of provisions, including: an end to the war, a gradual withdrawal of the Israeli army, the mutual release of prisoners, and the immediate entry of aid into the Strip.
A report from the Irish Network of Legal Observers (INLO) has declared that, when stopping peaceful Palestine demonstrators on October 4, the Garda Síochána (Republic of Ireland police) likely was:
…in violation of obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (article 21) and the European Convention on Human Rights (article 11).
The protesters were attacked on East Wall Road when attempting to march to block Dublin port tunnel. Two days before, anti-genocide activists had succeeded in shutting down that area, causing significant disruption in response to the Irish government’s participation in Zionist mass slaughter. Ireland continues to allow Shannon airport to be used as a stop off point for US military flights, on their way to the illegitimate entity commonly referred to as ‘Israel’. It is also the second largest trading partner with the Zionist regime, and by far the highest per capita.
Garda pepper sprayed people in the face at point blank range for trying to stop a genocide
The gardaí were clearly keen to avoid a repeat of the events 48 hours earlier, as a group of around 150 protesters broke off from the Ireland Palestine Solidarity Campaign (IPSC) rally being held in the city centre that day, and made their way towards the port.
The INLO had seven observers present in “high-visibility orange vests” to observe the police response to the group, with the first incident occurring at 14:08. The report describes protesters locking arms and attempting to push through the garda line. The gardaí responded with batons and “pepper spray at short range within one metre”, both a violation of the Garda’s own policies.
Its Incapacitant Spray Policy states that the irritant may only be used:
…when faced with violence or the threat of violence and it is reasonable to believe that such violence or threat of violence may result in injury to themselves or others, including self-harm by an individual.
No violence or threat of violence was present at the protest and protesters retreated when pepper spray was used. Pepper spray continued to be used as the protesters retreated.
Police are also forbidden from using pepper spray within one metre, except when unavoidable, which the INLO say was not the case on October 4.
The legal observers also note the lack of verbal warning given to those targeted, and the indiscriminate and reckless use of the spray that resulted in INLO members being affected themselves. One even reported being deliberately targeted:
In both my footage and others which was later shared to me, the Garda is clearly shown to be using IS [incapacitant spray] on me despite me visibly being a LO [Legal Observer] that was retreating with the crowd. Given that he paused from spraying the protesters and then me, I believe I was being targeted for having filmed him misusing the IS on protesters in close proximity.
The report goes on to outline how gardaí have an obligation to do precisely the opposite of targeting LO’s – they are required to have protection in much the same way doctors or journalists do at protests.
Broken wrists and crushed heads as louts in uniform run amok
As for batons, their use is only permitted if it is proportionate, necessary, and provided for by law. The report describes excessive use of force, such as hits directed at around head height and fleeing protesters being struck. Other brutal treatment highlighted includes:
…one protester who had raised his hands to surrender was pushed to the ground and as a result, broke his wrist and when another person was put into a choke hold while being arrested.
This incident occurred during a second confrontation at 15:55. Another shocking case of thuggery was when one man broke through police lines, before being caught by police:
The garda dragged the man to the ground, and sat on his head to subdue him. This effectively placed the protester in a choke hold. Another garda kneeled on the man’s back, while he was handcuffed and face down. The man could be heard saying that he
was bleeding, losing feeling in his hand and indicated that he was in pain.
The report’s findings are extensively corroborated by footage taken that day by activists present. Paul Murphy, a TD for People Before Profit said protesters were:
…subject to gross Garda brutality. The videos are horrific. I can’t think of the last time you had such Garda viciousness and violence against protesters since maybe the Rossport protest.
The Rossport protests in 2005 were in response to five men being imprisoned for interfering with construction of a Shell pipeline.
Cops don’t uphold the law – they’re just the hired goons of a murderous political class
The INLO report concludes by describing Garda actions as “disproportionate and in violation of their own policies”. It reiterates the likely breach of crucial human rights law such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. The UN Human Rights Committee states:
Peaceful assemblies can sometimes be used to pursue contentious ideas or goals. Their
scale or nature can cause disruption, for example of vehicular or pedestrian movement or economic activity. These consequences, whether intended or unintended, do not call into question the protection such assemblies enjoy. To the extent that an event may create such disruptions or risks, these must be managed within the framework of the Covenant.
The brutality of October 4 is simply another reminder that the police aren’t there to protect the law – they are simply the hired thugs paid off by a genocidal political class to ensure their role in mass slaughter can continue unabated. If cops were there to ensure legal frameworks are adhered to, they would be assisting the protesters in disruptive action, as citizens continue to act as the sole upholders of the Genocide Convention ignored by those in power.
City University London has called the police on students carrying out a peaceful anti-genocide protest. One social media user posted footage of the protest:
Security guards told students that the university had called in police because using an image of University President Anthony Finkelstein supposedly constituted hate speech. However, when they arrived officers made no mention of hate speech and took no issue with the protesters’ materials, telling them instead that they were causing a ‘disruption’.
demonstrated against the employment of lecturer Michael Ben-Gad, who they claim served in the IDF. Ben-Gad is an economics professor, and students are demanding his immediate removal.
The Starmer regime is waging war on the protest rights of UK citizens, in order to protect Israel and its interests, with student protest and Jewish anti-genocide activists particularly targeted. Shamefully, many universities are eagerly collaborating.
Pakistan’s military has violently suppressed a large pro-Palestine protest marching from Lahore to the US embassy in Islamabad. The protest, which was led by the religiously conservative party Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP). Demonstrators marched in solidarity with Palestinians and in opposition to the normalising of relations with the Israeli occupation. Earlier in the week the Pakistani military was engaged in a full-blown skirmish with Afghanistan after it targeted TLP leaders in Kabul before a ceasefire that came to effect yesterday.
This protest and its violent suppression took place as Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif was attending the Gaza ‘Peace Summit’ in Egypt, where he nominated Trump – a war criminal who is complicit in the Gaza genocide – for the Nobel Peace Prize for a second time. Sharif praised Trump, calling him a ‘man of peace’.
Pakistan’s bloody pro-Palestine march
While official accounts claimed at least five deaths, including a police officer, according to witnesses and activists the number of fatalities was much more. A number of people were also wounded by live ammunition, tear gas, and batons deployed by security forces against the protesters, while the government enforced road closures, internet blackouts, and mass arrests in affected cities such as Islamabad, Rawalpindi, and Lahore.
The protesters’ route began in Lahore at the headquarters of TLP, and proceeded along the road towards Islamabad. Eventually, protestors were directed toward a location where they were trapped by barriers, forcing them to stage a sit-in. Although TLP leader Saad Rizvi requested negotiations to de-escalate tensions, these were rejected. Those sent to negotiate were arrested, and following authorisation to use lethal force, Pakistan’s military carried out a violent crackdown on protesters, resulting in many deaths and injuries. Videos circulated showing police vehicles attempting to run over demonstrators and shoot unarmed protesters while chasing after them. Rizvi was also shot and detained. The whereabouts of Rizvi and his brother Anas are currently unknown.
Is this a new chapter in Pakistan’s uneasy relationship with Israel?
Officially, Pakistan has refused to recognise the Israeli regime without a just resolution to the Palestinian issue based on pre-1967 borders and East Jerusalem as the capital of Palestine. But, the ongoing Abraham Accords – normalisation agreements – between the Israeli regime and several Muslim-majority countries since 2020 have reignited debate inside Pakistan. This attempt at normalisation follows a similar pattern where certain Gulf states have deepened ties with Israel. Given the fact that Pakistan depends economically and strategically on those Gulf states, the geopolitical pressure to align with Israel is severe.
The Pakistani military’s closer alignment with the U.S. and Saudi Arabia, including a Strategic Mutual Defense Agreement signed in September 2025, adds pressure to engage with Israel, though formal recognition remains unlikely anytime in the near future.
The violent crackdown on TLP was intended to serve as a warning not to oppose these foreign policy shifts. Restrictions on funerals of the dead and raids on families’ homes also show that Pakistani authorities are attempting to suppress dissent. The government has also frozen TLP’s assets and sealed their offices and mosques to dismantle the group.
The Pakistani government is moving towards normalisation with the Israeli occupation despite the widespread public and Islamist opposition, and this will only lead to a further increase in tensions and violence.Authorities say they have detained more than 2,700 people as a result of this latest protest.
Late on 16 October, West Midlands Police issued a statement reporting that Maccabi Tel Aviv (MTA) fans would not be allowed to attend an upcoming game against Aston Villa. They cited safety concerns, particularly after the recent riots in Amsterdam. During that particular incident MTA fans tore down Palestine flags, and rampaged through streets shouting “gas Gaza” and “kill the Arabs”. In retaliation, locals fought MTA fans on the streets of Amsterdam. MTA fans were also subject to antisemitic attacks.
We are committed to delivering fair and impartial policing, while balancing the public’s right to protest with our duty to ensure public safety.
Following a thorough assessment, we have classified the upcoming Aston Villa vs Maccabi Tel-Aviv fixture as high risk.[…]
This decision is based on current intelligence and previous incidents, including violent clashes and hate crime offences that occurred during the 2024 UEFA Europa League match between Ajax and Maccabi Tel-Aviv in Amsterdam.
Based on our professional judgement, we believe this measure will help mitigate risks to public safety.
The decision was made by Birmingham City Council, which chose not to issue a safety certificate for the match. However, West Midlands Police stated that they support the decision to prevent away supporters from attending. Aston Villa also confirmed the statement.
Amsterdam riots
The ‘previous incidents’ that the West Midlands police referred to include the riot in Amsterdam earlier this month. On 7 November, Ajax played Mac Tel Aviv in the Dutch city.
There has been widespread hostility towards Israel’s participation in international sport due to the genocide it’s currently carrying out against Palestine. However, the city’s authorities were reportedly reassured by the fact that Ajax has historically identified as a Jewish team. Nevertheless, the night descended into violent clashes between supporters, pro-Palestinian protesters, taxi drivers, and roving bands of thugs.
The day before the match, Maccabi fans attacked a taxi and a squat displaying Palestinian flags, threatening to kill the people inside. On the day itself, as mentioned earlier, footage shows Mac supporters tearing down Palestinian flags and chanting slogans including “gas Gaza”, “kill the arabs”, and “there are no schools in Gaza, because all the children are dead”.
In the Johan Cruyff Arena, Tel Aviv supporters ignored a moment of silence for flood victims in Spain. Outside the stadium, one local filmed a crowd of MTA fans attacking locals in Amsterdam. Taxi drivers then attacked MTA fans, seeking revenge for the previous day. Footage also appears to show a car running over Israeli fans after mounting the curb.
There was some evidence of co-ordination for the violence – with one chat group reportedly referring to it as a “jew hunt”. British fans present during the violence also reported that “they were looking for Jews not just Israelis.” However, Amsterdam police reported that a distinction was made between Israeli fans and Jewish people in general.
‘The wrong decision’
Regarding the decision to prevent Tel Aviv supporters from attending the Aston Villa game, independent MP for Birmingham Perry Barr Ayoub Khan stated that:
From the moment that the match was announced, it was clear that there were latent safety risks that even our capable security and police authorities would not be able to fully manage.
However, other politicians were much less welcoming of the decision. Starmer said:
This is the wrong decision. We will not tolerate antisemitism on our streets. The role of the police is to ensure all football fans can enjoy the game, without fear of violence or intimidation.
Likewise, Conservative leader Kemi Badenoch posted that Starmer should:
guarantee that Jewish fans can walk into any football stadium in this country.
If not, it sends a horrendous and shameful message: there are parts of Britain where Jews simply cannot go.
Ed Davey, the Lib Dem leader, stated that:
You don’t tackle antisemitism by banning its victims. This decision must be reversed.
Now, it appears that the government is actively intervening to bring in the Tel Aviv supporters. At 12:27 today, BBC News reported that a Downing Street spokesperson stated:
Culture Secretary Lisa Nandy is meeting officials to discuss what more can be done to try and find a way through to resolve this, and what more can be done to allow fans to attend the game safely.
The Secretary of State for Housing, Communities and Local Government, Steve Reed, spoke to the local council this morning, and the Home Office is urgently working to support police to try and find a way through this.
The same old story
Like much of the British media in the wake of the Amsterdam riots, UK party leaders chose to focus solely on the violence against Tel Aviv fans, characterising it as wholly antisemitic. They chose to omit mention of the genocidal rhetoric, violence, and property damage carried out by the Maccabi supporters.
This is a microcosm of the way that UK MPs and the mainstream media has portrayed Israel and its citizens in general. They treat violence against Palestinians and their allies as unimportant and ignored. Meanwhile, all opposition to Israel is lumped together with vile antisemitism.
The Aston Villa vs Maccabi Tel Aviv fixture is high risk. The West Midlands police force is perfectly correct in its assessment there. The Tel Aviv fans have shown that they are perfectly happy perpetrating violence against the cities around them. The fact that Starmer and his fellow party leaders are determined to risk a riot just to show their support for Israel is nothing short of the most craven cowardice.
The British government have lost their appeal to stop lawyers challenging a ban on Palestine Action (PA). The non-violent direct action group were proscribed in July. The case is seen by critics as a landmark case for civil liberties.
On Friday, three judges, led by the lady chief justice, upheld Mr Justice Chamberlain’s decision to grant the Palestine Action co-founder Huda Ammori a judicial review of the group’s proscription under the Terrorism Act”
Palestine Action prevail
Huda Ammori herself tweeted:
BREAKING: The government LOST their appeal and failed to stop the legal challenge of the Palestine Action ban.
That means the Judicial Review will go ahead on November 25-27th.
Not only that, but we won TWO MORE grounds to argue the illegality of the ban.
The Home Office had tried to argue the “proper forum”:
for Palestine Action to challenge the ban was the POAC (Proscribed Organisations Appeal Commission), which parliament had designated for that purpose, rather than judicial review.
The hearing that will now go ahead is scheduled for three days beginning on 25 November. And, as the Guardian reported, the case is significant because it’s:
…the first time that an organisation banned under anti-terrorism law has been granted a court trial to challenge proscription.
Fellow activist group Defend Our Juries were in buoyant mood following the decision:
Your Party co-leader Zarah Sultana called it a “huge win”:
I welcome the news that the Home Secretary Shabana Mahmood has lost her appeal and failed to block the legal challenge to the proscription of Palestine Action.
The Judicial Review will now go ahead on 25-27 November, with two additional grounds to challenge the ban’s legality.…
The Court of Appeal has rightly rejected Yvette Cooper’s attempt to block a legal review of her absurdly authoritarian ban — while granting us additional grounds on which to challenge it. This is a landmark victory: not only against one of the most extreme attacks on civil liberties in recent British history, but for the fundamental principle that government ministers can and must be held accountable when they act unlawfully.
Ammori called the government out for their cowardice:
The Government’s effort to avoid judicial scrutiny of its blatantly anti-democratic proscription — branding a protest group as ‘terrorists’ for the first time in British history — has backfired spectacularly, and we now head into the Judicial Review in November with an even stronger legal footing.
Staggering misuse
Ammori also condemned the arrest over over 2000 people since the proscription came into effect:
Arresting peaceful protesters and those disrupting the arms trade is a dangerous misuse of counter-terror resources, with over 2,000 people having now been arrested — a staggering 3,100% increase in counter-terror arrests. Rather than being used to protect the public, the Terrorism Act is being used as a political tool to silence them.
And, she argued that the proscription of Palestine Action has wide-ranging ramifications:
This ban doesn’t just affect Palestine Action supporters — it casts a chilling shadow over anyone speaking out against Israel’s atrocities and the UK’s complicity in them, and sets a dangerous precedent that can be used against any protest group. It’s time for the Government to listen to the overwhelming and mounting backlash — including from the United Nations, human rights watchdogs and free speech defenders to the former Director of Public Prosecutions, as well as the vast majority of its own Party members and voices across the political spectrum — and lift this widely condemned, utterly Orwellian ban.
The fight continues, but this staggering abuse of counter-terror powers by the genocide-supporting British government must not be allowed to stand.
Gaza Soup Kitchen (GSK) is a Palestinian NGO that was set up in early 2024 by brothers Hani and Mahmoud Almadhoun, to provide hot meals and clean water to the people of Gaza. The venture has been a lifeline for many thousands enduring extreme food insecurity and famine.
What started as a simple Go Fund Me personal campaign, with one kitchen in Beit Lahia feeding 150 families daily, quickly expanded as hunger grew among the population. Multiple kitchens now serve communities across the Strip, providing up to 3000 individual meals every day, depending on supplies, safety and access to ingredients.
Gaza Soup Kitchen speaks to the Canary
Abe Ajrami is one of five board members of the organisation. He helps with coordinating GSK’s fundraising and decision making on aspects such as safety and location of GSKs operations. Although Ajrami lives in the US, he has family in Northern Gaza, who have been forcibly displaced and are currently living in tents.
Ajrami told the Canary:
We have established ourselves as an honest charity that does good work in Gaza, and people feel that. None of us are paid, even for any of our travel expenses, and we don’t charge the organisation a single penny. People fundraise for us, and individuals and businesses also give us donations.
And Ajrami is clear that if Israel were to ever allow an adequate food supply into Gaza, there would be no need for GSK:
If there was enough affordable food in Gaza, we would not exist. We hope to get to that point, where we are not needed. Gazans are people who were doing OK for themselves, who have dignity, and now they are standing in line to use a bathroom, and standing in line to get water and to have a simple meal. It is sad but, judging by our food parcel registration, it tells you how much there is a need for us.
Unfortunately, there is much, much more to be done:
We are pretty much a drop in the ocean, despite all the things we do.
There are currently 10 soup kitchens operating in the South and Central area of the Strip. Depending on the amount of supplies allowed across the border, each kitchen can cost as much as $1000 a day to run, while the type of food entering Gaza dictates the type of meals cooked by GSK chefs.
Huge demand for GSK
Ajrami says:
Gazan people are very creative. Lentil soup has been the hero. It has always been affordable, and is a great source of protein, and doesn’t go bad. So we can buy huge quantities and store it. Lentils are mixed with lots of things, when we can find them. The chefs work with what they have, to create a variety of meals.
Although GSK stopped their operations in the North over a month ago, due to forced evacuations and safety issues, it has still managed to send food parcels to Gaza City. There, hundreds of thousands of Palestinians have remained, with food and water very scarce.
According to Ajrami, within minutes of the online registration opening for food parcels, the number of applicants far exceeds the number of parcels available:
We now have a big focus on providing these food parcels to families. The demand is huge, but we do our best to make sure people can get what they need, especially if they are weak or sick.
‘We try to help everyone in Gaza, any way we can’
20 year old Khalid Qadas is one of the more than 60 humanitarian volunteers working with GSK on the ground in Gaza, and is their photographer and spokesperson.
He told the Canary:
Although we are happy that we’ve finished the war- the shelling, the guns, the blood, the death, because we are so tired, Palestinians have lost their children, their homes, their money, their work, and their lives have stopped for the past two years. People have lost everything. They also don’t have enough food. So now the people really need our work, and we try to help everyone in Gaza, any way we can.
Qadas tells me that over 1000 food parcels are made every day for families in need. GSK also cooks and serves food daily for 300-500 families at each of its 10 food points. Medical teams and patients in Gaza’s hospitals are not forgotten, with hot meals delivered by the teams, as well as food parcels- which sometimes even manage to provide baby milk, nappies, fruit, food, and clothes for children. These items are often impossible to find for the population of Gaza but, if available, are usually just too expensive to purchase. GSK tries to buy local, so source their supplies from local farmers wherever possible, and from local markets.
But the organisation does not only provide food for Palestinians. It also buys clean desalinated water, as water is now contaminated and good quality drinking water is extremely rare. Their 10 water tankers then go out to different areas each day, so people are able to fill up their water containers. There is even a medical point which sees high numbers of patients, despite many challenges and lack of supplies. It offers urgent care, consultations, mental health support, and prescriptions to people who would otherwise not be able to access medical attention.
Besieged volunteers
Months after arriving in Gaza, Qadas’ home was bombed, and his father had a stroke. He now lives with the rest of his family in a tent. Although Qadas’ parents are both from Gaza, he was born in the UAE, and had never visited the enclave until three months before the start of this genocide, when he travelled to the Strip to start a medical degree, at Al Aqsa University. This means that unlike other 20 year olds in Gaza, Qadas has been lucky enough not to have experienced any of the six others conflicts with Israel since 2005.
He told me:
This is the first war I have experienced in Gaza. I am volunteering at GSK for eight months now, and still studying online, although I have changed to a nursing degree so I could finish quicker. I arrived here three months before the war, with my sister, and my mother and father. We bought a house in the North of Gaza but it was bombed on the fourth day of the war. We then lived in my grandather’s house but he also ended up losing his home, so now we are in a tent in the South. Two months into the war, my father also had a stroke. We have lost everything.
Qadas’ has volunteered with GSK for the past eight months, and says his work as photographer, moving from site to site and talking with everyone, has taught him so much about Gaza, its people, and about life in general, and he is grateful for this experience.
Hope for a better tomorrow
Qadas also told me:
We are like a family at GSK. I work from 5am until 8pm sometimes, but I love it. To be honest, before this work, I knew nothing about Gaza or its people, but my work as a volunteer with GSK has been so good for me and I’ve learnt so much and now understand much more.
He explains:
All the time, I say I am so sad, I need to go to another country, but Gaza’s people have positive energy. They are still smiling and say tomorrow will be better. I don’t know how they are like this. And you know, from nothing they do everything. for example, we don’t have a shower so he makes a shower. We don’t have a lighter, he makes a lighter. How, I don’t know! People in Gaza say that everything that happens in your life is from God, that God knows what is best for you. I am learning so much from them.
As the ceasefire officially takes effect, a fragile sense of relief has spread across Gaza. But the guarantee of aid is filled with uncertainty. Netanyahu has how announced that only 300 trucks of supplies will be allowed into Gaza, half the number previously agreed upon, because Hamas has, as yet been unable to find all bodies of Israeli prisoners still in Gaza.
Road to recovery
Despite the setbacks, Gaza Soup Kitchen (GSK) continues with its tireless work, and will, no doubt, be returning to the North to continue its operations, as conditions allow. The reduced flow of supplies stretches the charity’s resources thin, but volunteers like Qadas remain determined to provide hot meals, water, and essential parcels to thousands of families still struggling to survive.
The road to recovery will be long for those in Gaza. Homes must be rebuilt, loved ones mourned, and dignity restored. Yet, in the face of hardship, the resilience of Gaza’s population endures, and is sustained by the small but vital support of organizations like GSK and the hope of a better tomorrow.
The road to recovery for Gaza’s people will be long. They face the challenge of rebuilding their homes, grieving lost family members, and also reclaiming their dignity. Yet the resilience of Gaza’s population endures, and is sustained by the small but vital support of organizations like GSK, and the hope of a better tomorrow.
Please help Gaza Soup Kitchen with its vital work by donating here.
Hundreds of Palestinians released from Israeli prisons in recent days have described scenes of systematic torture, starvation, and humiliation.
Their accounts, gathered by The Guardian, TRT, Al-Mayadeen, Quds News Network, and Palestine Online, among others, offer a rare glimpse into what human rights organisations call a “policy of abuse” targeting Palestinian detainees.
According to the reports, many of the freed prisoners returned to Gaza emaciated, injured, and traumatised, some learning only after their release that their families had been killed during Israel’s war on the besieged Strip.
In testimony published by The Guardian, 33-year-old Naseem al-Radee recalled the moment Israeli prison guards “gave him a farewell gift” before his release.
“They bound his hands, placed him on the ground and beat him without mercy,” the report said, describing how Radee’s first sight of Gaza after nearly two years was “blurry,” the result of a boot to the eye.
Radee, a government employee from Beit Lahia, was kidnapped by Israeli soldiers at a displacement shelter in Gaza in December 2023. He spent 22 months in detention, including 100 days in an underground cell, before being released alongside 1700 other Palestinians this week under the ceasefire agreement.
A freed Palestinian prisoner speaks in pain about the horrors and inhumane treatment inside Israeli occupation prisons. pic.twitter.com/KqNJjX2mza
“They used teargas and rubber bullets to intimidate us, in addition to constant verbal abuse and insults,” The Guardian cited Radee as saying regarding his time in Nafha prison in the Naqab desert.
“They had a strict system of repression; the electronic gate of the section would open when the soldiers entered, and they would come in with their dogs, shouting ‘on your stomach, on your stomach,’ and start beating us mercilessly”, the testimony continued.
According to the report, cramped and unsanitary cells, fungal infections, starvation, and routine beatings defined his captivity. Upon release, Radee tried to call his wife, only to learn that she and all but one of his children had been killed during his detention.
“I was very happy to be released because the date coincided with my youngest daughter Saba’s third birthday,” he said.
“I tried to find some joy in being released on this day, but sadly, Saba went with my family, and my joy went with her.”
Sound torture Also speaking to The Guardian, 22-year-old university student Mohammed al-Asaliya described contracting scabies in prison and being denied treatment.
“There was no medical care,” he said. “We tried to treat ourselves by using floor disinfectant on our wounds, but it only made them worse. The mattresses were filthy, the environment unhealthy, our immunity weak, and the food contaminated.”
He recalled an area “they called ‘the disco,’ where they played loud music nonstop for two days straight.”
The sound torture, he said, was combined with physical abuse: “They also hung us on walls, sprayed us with cold air and water, and sometimes threw chilli powder on detainees.”
By the time of his release, Asaliya’s weight had dropped from 75 kg to 42 kg.
‘We died a thousand times a day’ In testimony recorded by Palestine Online, journalist and former detainee Shadi Abu Sido described what he called “unimaginable torture”.
“They used to say: ‘Take, eat.’ But I didn’t want anything for myself. About 1800 of us were released, and thousands are still inside,” Abu Sido recounted.
“If you die once a day, we have died a thousand times a day, each day. We didn’t know the day, the hour, or even the date.
“We forgot what sleep feels like, how food tastes. In the middle of the night, they would splash water on us, in our cells.”
In another video posted by Palestine Online, Abu Sido added:
“They torture and abuse us in every possible way, physically and psychologically. We don’t sleep; they threaten us about our children. ‘We killed your children, we killed your children. There is no Gaza’.”
“I entered Gaza and I found a scene from the Day of Judgment,” he said.
‘I made this for my daughter’ In a video published by Al-Mayadeen, another recently freed detainee collapsed in tears as he learned that his entire family had been killed. Holding a handmade toy he crafted in prison, he said:
“My children are dead. I made this for my daughter. Her birthday was on October 18; my daughter was two years old. Bara is eight years old.
“My beloved ones have been killed.”
‘They amputated my leg’ Speaking to TRT World, Palestinian prisoner Jibril al-Safadi described the brutality that cost him his leg:
“My leg was amputated in prison due to severe torture. The situation was tough: relentless suffering. There were savage beatings and horrible torture,” he said. “They transferred me to Sde Teiman.
“There was no medical care. They amputated my right leg.
We faced everything you can expect, even the dogs’ raping, torturing of detainees. Killing men is usual, like it’s an ordinary thing.”
A system of abuse The Guardian report cited Palestinian medical officials in Gaza who confirmed that many detainees arrived “in poor physical health,” bearing “bruises, fractures, wounds, and marks from restraints that had bound their hands tightly.”
Eyad Qaddih, the director of public relations at Nasser Hospital in southern Gaza, reportedly said many of the released prisoners had to be transferred to the emergency room.
“The signs of beating and torture were clearly visible,” he told The Guardian.
The report cited the Israeli NGO Public Committee Against Torture in Israel (PCATI), as saying that about 2800 Palestinians from Gaza remain in Israeli prisons without charge.
Most were detained under emergency laws amended after October 7, 2023, allowing for indefinite administrative detention of anyone deemed an “unlawful combatant”.
PCATI’s executive director, Tal Steiner, said that “the amount and scale of torture and abuse in Israeli prisons and military camps has skyrocketed since October 7.”
She described the escalation as “part of a policy led by Israeli decision-makers such as Itamar Ben-Gvir and others.”
Ben-Gvir, Israel’s far-right National Security Minister, has repeatedly bragged about providing Palestinian prisoners with “the minimum of the minimum” food and supplies.
The Guardian reports: In total, 88 Palestinians were released from Israeli prisons and sent to the occupied West Bank on Monday – the other nearly 2000, a number that includes about 1700 Palestinians seized from Gaza during the war and held without charge, were sent back to Gaza, where a minority would travel on to neighbouring countries.
Before Monday’s release, 11,056 Palestinians were held in Israeli prisons, according to statistics from the Israeli NGO HaMoked in October 2025. At least 3500 of those were held in administrative detention without trial. An Israeli military database has indicated that only a quarter of those detained in Gaza were classified as fighters.
Republished with permission from The Palestine Chronicle
New research has revealed that more than 3,000 passwords belonging to UK civil servants have been publicly exposed since the start of 2024. Institutions that were among the most affected are the Ministry of Defence (MoD), the Ministry of Justice, Department for Work and Pensions, and the UK Parliament.
NordPass, in collaboration with the cybersecurity platform NordStellar, published the findings. They show the MoD among the top three government departments with compromised credentials.
The Ministry of Defence can’t even defend itself
Researchers discovered 111 passwords linked to the Ministry of Defence in publicly available or dark-web databases. This is the same department that claims to safeguard the nation’s most sensitive military data.
This is not a hostile foreign power infiltrating Britain. It is Britain’s own bureaucracy shooting itself in the foot.
Every week, government ministers flock to the despatch box with the same script. Time and time again, these same phrases echo from ministers week after week: “security threats”, “safeguards” and “national defence”. The narrative is clear: there are dangerous outsiders who threaten the safety of the British people, and the state must remain vigilant.
But these new revelations force a different question. How can a government that can’t secure its own logins claim to secure an entire nation?
111 leaked passwords might sound minor, but in the world of defence networks, one breach is enough to compromise an entire system.
Exposure of sensitive data, including passwords, of civil servants is particularly dangerous. Compromised passwords can affect not only organizations and their employees but also large numbers of citizens.
Researchers found that many of these passwords were weak, recycled or linked to multiple accounts. Some had been circulating for months. The study warns that such exposures pose a “serious risk to a country’s strategic interests”, especially when tied to official email domains.
Espionage doesn’t happen, in today’s age, by secret agents stealing briefcases from a secret safe somewhere. It happens through forgotten logins, poor credential management and lazy IT systems.
What adds insult to injury is that the NordPass study revealed that many of these breaches originated not from sophisticated hacks but from basic user error. Things like officials registering work emails on third-party sites or reusing passwords across platforms.
Despite all the rhetoric about strength and defiance, the UK’s digital defences look alarmingly hollow. The Ministry of Defence has effectively left 111 doors open online, yet it is ordinary people who face the full force of the law for exposing state failures.
The state goes after the good Samaritans who dare to expose power instead.
When Palestine Action breached a Ministry of Defence (MoD) airbase earlier this year to protest Britain’s arms exports to Israel, the government didn’t call it civil disobedience, whistleblowing, or protest. It called it terrorism. Their actions were condemned as a grave security risk, an ‘attack on the nation’.
And yet, at the very same time, the Ministry itself was caught leaking passwords into the public domain. If trespassing on an airbase makes you a terrorist, what does it make a government department that leaves its virtual front gate unlocked?