Category: Picks

  • MINSK — Belarusian lawmakers have approved several amendments to legislation that severely restricts civil rights and the free flow of information amid a crackdown on protests challenging the official results of a presidential election that handed authoritarian ruler Alyaksandr Lukashenka his sixth consecutive term.

    The texts of the controversial amendments to the laws on extremism and mass media — which come amid an ongoing crackdown on opposition groups who have said a presidential election last August was rigged in favor of Lukashenka — were approved in the first reading on April 2 and placed on the official website for legal documents on April 9, marking the first time much of the information has been made public.

    According to the amendments, any activities by individuals, political parties, or domestic or international organizations defined as damaging independence, territorial integrity, sovereignty, the basis of the constitutional order, and public safety will be considered “extremist.”

    In the wake of the August vote, thousands of Belarusians have taken to the streets in what has become the largest and most persistent show of opposition to Lukashenka over the nearly three decades he has held power.

    More than 33,000 people have been arrested for participating in the demonstrations. Many have been beaten by police, while some have said they were tortured while in custody.

    The European Union, the United States, and other nations have refused to recognize the declared results of the election.

    Several Western nations, as well as the European Union, have slapped sanctions on Lukashenka and other senior Belarusian officials and the new amendments are likely to spark an outcry for further sanctions.

    If approved and signed into law, the amendments would ban individual lawyers and private firms from defending people in some criminal and administrative cases. Most of the lawyers who work with Belarusian journalist associations and have defended RFE/RL reporters in recent months have already been stripped of their licenses.

    The amendments also state that along with the violent seizure of power, the creation of illegal armed groups, and terrorist activities, the following actions will be considered as extremist activities: the distribution of false information; insulting an official; discrediting the state and governing organs; impeding the activities of the Central Election Commission and other state organs; the active participation and organization of events of so-called mass disorder; and making calls to take part in unsanctioned public events or financially supporting such events.

    One passage of the amendments states that any materials propagating unsanctioned public events that can be read, sung, or shown will be considered “extremist symbols.” That includes portraits of anyone who was legally found to be an “extremist.”

    Amendments to the law on media will allow authorities to shut down media outlets after two written warnings regarding their activities during one year if the activities of such media outlets impose a “threat to the country’s national security.”

    The amendments also mandate that state bodies can limit access to online publications if the Information Ministry finds that materials of such publications carry information banned for distribution, owners or editors of such online resources were warned at least twice during one year, or the refusal to follow requests by officials to fix violations of the law on media. It does not clearly specify whether the time period refers to a calendar year or one year from when the first warning is given.

    Belarusian state media reported earlier this week that lawmakers also approved amendments to the Criminal Code and laws on public assembly, state security, and the Internet, the full texts of which have not been made public yet.

    Another amendment would make it mandatory to obtain preliminary permission from local authorities before holding public events, instead of preliminary notification to the authorities. Also, it would be illegal for media and social-network users to publish information about the dates, sites, and times of such public events. Also, live coverage of unsanctioned events would be illegal, thus making journalists at such events as equally responsible for violating the regulations as the participants and organizers would be.

    The amendments would also allow prosecutors to limit access to Internet publications that “distribute information that can damage the national interests of Belarus.”

    Amendments to six existing laws dealing with extremism would give law enforcement officers the right to use firearms at their own discretion without waiting for a command from supervisors. Police would also be allowed to ban taking photos, recording events on video. They would also be allowed to collect personal data of social-network users without court decisions or prosecutors’ warrants.

    Police would also be given the right to create lists of individuals they feel are inclined to participate in extremist activities. Once on such a list, a person would be banned from certain activities, including journalism, publishing, teaching, while their financial activities would be put under surveillance.

    The amendments also allow the central bank to monitor cash withdrawals through foreign-issued debit cards and limit such withdrawals, as well as to freeze the bank accounts of “suspicious individuals.”

    With reporting by BelTA

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • MOSCOW — “I have trouble breathing. I can’t catch my breath and have trouble understanding things,” said businessman Boris Shpigel, who is suspected of bribing the former governor of Russia’s Penza region, at a court hearing on April 6. “I’m in great pain…. My stomach hurts and I can’t catch my breath.”

    “I don’t have long left, a few days,” Shpigel, 68, predicted. “I haven’t slept for six days because I can’t find a comfortable position. I hurt all over and my right leg is numb…. Every day is torture for me. I can’t take anymore. I can’t stand it.”

    Such allegations are nothing new for Russia’s opaque prison system. For years, activists, lawyers, and former prisoners, have drawn attention to the poor quality of medical care in Russian prisons and pretrial detention centers and have alleged that, in many cases, medical treatment is withheld to pressure suspects, to extract false confessions or accusations, or simply as a form of punishment.

    “As for medical care overall, often a prison will only have a paramedic and no real schedule for when specialists will visit,” said Asmik Novikova, director of research at the nongovernmental legal aid organization Public Verdict. “This is, of course, a very serious problem.”

    ‘Deliberate Campaign’

    Now attention across Russia and around the world has turned to the plight of opposition political leader Aleksei Navalny, who is serving 2 1/2 years at a prison in the town of Pokrov in the Vladimir region based on a conviction that he says was politically motivated. Navalny and his attorneys have alleged that he is being subjected to a “deliberate campaign” to undermine his health.

    He has said he has two herniated disks and is losing sensation in his arms and legs. His lawyers have said Navalny has not fully recovered from a nerve-agent poisoning that nearly killed him in August and that he blames on Federal Security Service (FSB) operatives working at the behest of President Vladimir Putin.

    Navalny has lost 13 kilograms since his imprisonment and continues a hunger strike aimed at forcing prison officials to allow him to be treated by his own doctor.

    In addition, Navalny has said at least three prisoners in his ward have been diagnosed with tuberculosis and he himself was moved to the prison sick ward on April 5 with symptoms of respiratory illness.

    Prison authorities have said they were monitoring Navalny’s health, which they evaluated as “satisfactory.”

    Asmik Novikova from the Public Verdict legal aid organization. (file photo)


    Asmik Novikova from the Public Verdict legal aid organization. (file photo)

    Novikova said there is no real way of finding out what the real situation is in the prison where Navalny is being held because “all information about what goes on in prisons is monopolized” by the Federal Penitentiary Service (FSIN).

    “We have to settle for whatever they indicate from time to time in public records,” she said. “But from what I am seeing, it’s clear there is basically no medical help there.”

    Despite Navalny’s high public profile, his story is all-too-familiar to prisoners’ rights advocates, said Oleg Dubrovkin, who spent 24 years in Russian prisons and now works at the Prisoners’ Rights Defense Foundation. He says assisting prisoners who complain of health and health-care issues is one of his main duties.

    ‘Mechanism For Pressuring Inmates’

    The prison system, he said, has strict rules for the provision of medical care, but they are applied chaotically.

    “Whether or not they are applied in the institution where Navalny is being held, I don’t know,” he told RFE/RL. “To me all the prisoners are the same, whether it is Navalny or just some average Petrov. It doesn’t matter.”

    Sergei Shunin is a lawyer for the NGO Committee Against Torture who formerly served on a public oversight commission (ONK) that theoretically is able to inspect and monitor prisons, agrees that the opacity of the prison system is a major problem that could conceal many others.

    “In my experience, I have seen many complaints from prisoners who say that people suffering from tuberculosis have been placed in their wards,” Shunin said. “They often believe that this is done to pressure them and that the refusal to provide medical care is often a mechanism for pressuring inmates.”

    A still image from CCTV footage published by Life.Ru shows what is said to be Aleksei Navalny (center) speaking with a guard in a prison ward at Correctional Colony No. 2, about 100 kilometers from Moscow.


    A still image from CCTV footage published by Life.Ru shows what is said to be Aleksei Navalny (center) speaking with a guard in a prison ward at Correctional Colony No. 2, about 100 kilometers from Moscow.

    “It’s impossible for me to evaluate the situation with Aleksei Navalny,” he added. “As a lawyer and as a former ONK member, I have to proceed from facts. The first thing I would do would be to examine his medical file and speak with the doctors. As far as I understand, the members of the Vladimir region ONK have not done this and that itself is rather strange.”

    Shunin adds that a persistent problem for Russia has been the lack of qualified medical personnel in the prison system, which he argues is caused primarily by the low wages they are paid.

    “A doctor in a prison, as I have been told, earns about 10,000 rubles ($130) a month, including bonuses,” he said. “With wages like that, this problem isn’t going to go away and, unfortunately, no one is doing anything about it.”

    Shunin said the most common complaint he dealt with during his ONK service from 2016 to 2019 was about the lack of medical care.

    Yevgeny Yenikeyev served on an ONK commission in Moscow and he told RFE/RL that the prison’s refusal to allow Navalny to consult a private physician was illegal.

    “Under the law, any civilian doctor can come to a prison at the request of an inmate,” Yenikeyev said. “However, only a prison doctor can order an inmate’s transfer to a civilian hospital, since that requires a special escort and additional labor. But when the doctor is ready to come to the prison at his or her own expense and there are no additional costs, then it must happen if the prisoner desires it.”

    “In the case of Aleksei Navalny, the refusal to allow him to be examined by a doctor is illegal,” he added. “We can talk forever about the motives for the prison administration’s refusal. It is very hard to know what is going on in their heads.”

    On March 26, when Navalny’s health complaints were becoming increasingly serious, Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov dismissed them out of hand and added: “We don’t know about any systemic problems in the Federal Penitentiary Service.”

    The same day, Navalny posted on Instagram that he had once been given prison tips from former oil tycoon Mikhail Khodorkovsky, who served a decade in Russian jails and prisons from his arrest in 2003 to his release under pardon in December 2013.

    “He told me the main thing is not to get sick,” Navalny wrote. “No one is going to treat you. If you fall seriously ill, you will die.”

    Written by RFE/RL senior correspondent Robert Coalson based on reporting from Moscow by Current Time correspondent Igor Sevryugin and RFE/RL Russian Service correspondents Lyubov Chizhova and Alya Ponomaryova.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • A court in Moscow has sentenced a man to 3 1/2 years in prison on a criminal charge of attacking a police officer during January 31 rallies in support of opposition politician Aleksei Navalny.

    The Meshchansky district court on April 9 found Pavel Grin-Romanov guilty of using pepper spray against a police officer during the dispersal of the demonstrators.

    Grin-Romanov pleaded “partially guilty” admitting he sprayed the pepper spray in the direction of the riot police but did so to protect his wife who was with him.

    Prosecutors sought eight years in prison for the defendant.

    Grin-Romanov is one of several people who were handed prison terms or suspended sentences in recent weeks for attacking police during the nationwide demonstrations held on January 23 and January 31 against the arrest of the Kremlin critic.

    Navalny was detained at a Moscow airport on January 17 upon his arrival from Germany, where he was recovering from a poisoning, which several European laboratories concluded was a military-grade chemical nerve agent, in Siberia in August 2020.

    Navalny has insisted that his poisoning was ordered directly by President Vladimir Putin, which the Kremlin has denied.

    In February, a Moscow court ruled that while in Germany, Navalny had violated the terms of parole from an old embezzlement case that is widely considered as being politically motivated. Navalny’s 3 1/2 year suspended sentence from the case was converted to a jail term, though the court said he will serve 2 1/2 years in prison given time he had been held in detention.

    More than 10,000 supporters of Navalny were detained across Russia during and after the January rallies. Many of the detained men and women were either fined or handed several-day jail terms. At least 90 were charged with criminal misdeeds and several have been fired by their employers.

    With reporting by Novaya gazeta, Meduza, and Mediazona

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Reporters Without Borders (RSF) is calling on Russia to stop denying entry to foreign reporters in the South Caucasus disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh, and is urging the United Nations and Council of Europe to ensure respect for the right to the freedom to inform.

    Russian peacekeepers controlling access to Nagorno-Karabakh from Armenia via the Lachin Corridor have denied entry to at least 10 foreign journalists since February, the Paris-based media freedom watchdog said in a statement on April 9.

    “A growing number of foreign journalists are being systematically refused entry by Russian soldiers,” said Jeanne Cavelier, the head of RSF’s Eastern Europe and Central Asia desk.

    Cavelier warned that without international media, Nagorno-Karabakh “is liable to become a news and information ‘black hole.’”

    Last fall, Azerbaijani and Armenian forces fought a brief war over Nagorno-Karabakh, an enclave that is internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan but has been controlled by ethnic Armenians since the early 1990s.

    The six-week fighting concluded in November 2020 with a Russian-brokered cease-fire, under which a chunk of the region and all seven districts around it were placed under Azerbaijani administration after almost 30 years of control by ethnic Armenian forces.

    It also resulted in the deployment of around 2,000 Russian peacekeepers along frontline areas and the Lachin Corridor connecting the disputed territory with Armenia.

    More than 6,000 people died in the fighting.

    According to RSF, a French photographer, a reporter for the French TV channel M6, and a Canadian freelancer for The Guardian and CNN, were among the journalists who were denied entry in Nagorno-Karabakh since February.

    The group said access to the region is also “restricted” via Azerbaijan. It cited the case of TV crews from France 24 and the European channel Arte which “made highly controlled visits from Azerbaijan and were not able to report freely.”

    The Russian-brokered cease-fire agreement has no specific provision for the entry of journalists, RSF pointed out.

    It said press accreditation is issued by the consulate of Nagorno-Karabakh’s separatist authorities or by the Armenian Foreign Ministry.

    However, the Russia peacekeepers “grant or refuse entry to foreign citizens, who are notified of the decision on the eve of their planned visit,” while Armenians and Russians “just need to show their passports in order to enter” the region.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Several dozen people spent the night of April 8 outside the parliament building in Tbilisi in honor of the victims of a Soviet massacre 32 years ago. On April 9, 1989, Soviet troops killed 20 protesters who were taking part in a peaceful anti-Soviet demonstration in the Georgian capital.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Sergei Sazanakov was hunting in Russia’s Khakassia region when an accident left him trapped in the snow overnight. He lost his lower legs to frostbite, and later had to fight for his children in court after his wife left him. But Sazanakov has learned how to run his farm and care for his family with minimal assistance and has only modest wishes for a better life: comfortable prosthetics and perhaps a horse.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • KYIV – If you’ve ever used Grammarly to polish up a piece of writing, hired a Portuguese-language tutor on Preply, kept your dog or cat out of trouble with Petcube, or found a job through Jooble, you have used products designed by companies with Ukrainian roots.

    They are some of the best-known names to emerge from an IT industry that has been booming in recent years — and whose growth has been slowed a bit but not stopped by the coronavirus pandemic, which has hit Ukraine hard and continues to take a deadly toll more than a year after its onset.

    The economy contracted by 4 percent in 2020 and Ukraine is undergoing a third wave, with more than 1.8 million cases recorded and more than 35,000 deaths attributed to COVID-19 as of April 6.

    A hands-off approach from state regulators and tax collectors, at least when it comes to individual contractors has left Ukraine’s IT industry mostly untouched and allowed it to thrive.

    After recording growth of 30 percent in 2019, the sector defied the disruptive effects of the pandemic to grow by 20 percent in 2020, exceeding $5 billion in total exports for the first time. It also drew a record high of $563 million in investments, according to Yuliya Sychikova, director of AVentures Capital, a venture capital fund that also advises IT firms and other funds on strategy and execution.

    Computer services accounted for more than 8 percent of the nation’s exports after steel, food, and labor, central bank data shows. One out of five Fortune 500 firms use the IT services of Ukrainian companies, according to the Tech Ecosystem Guide to Ukraine, a report produced by UNIT.City, an innovation park on the outskirts of Kyiv.

    Driving the growth is “minimum red tape that is careful not to incapacitate the goose that lays the golden eggs, a stable industry-wide tax policy, and the professionalism of Ukraine’s IT specialists,” said Andy Hunder, president of the American Chamber of Commerce in Ukraine. In turn, he said, the industry’s performance is “strengthening Ukraine’s image as a reliable and innovative IT partner.”

    Around the time Ukraine recorded its first COVID-19 case, in March 2020, about 35 percent of orders in the IT sector were canceled, according to Nataly Vyeryemyeyeva, program office director of Tech Ukraine, a nonprofit that serves as a development platform for the industry.

    Silver Lining For Some

    But as companies around the world adopted and began to implement work-from-home policies, business picked up, and the Ukrainian IT sector’s growth accelerated in the last quarter of the year, Sychikova said.

    “The pandemic accelerated the demand for higher digitalization needs as businesses moved online,” she said, adding that “companies got leaner and increased [research and development] budgets — a beneficial macro trend for the outsourcing industry.”

    One company that has weathered the pandemic so far is Grammarly, which helps users identify plagiarism in research papers and improve their writing by assessing the tone and correcting mistakes in grammar, syntax, and other areas.

    With offices in Kyiv and three North American cities including San Francisco, where it is based, Grammarly sent people home to work and changed schedules to have time zones overlap for project collaboration.

    Anatoliy Visikirskiy, a Grammarly "people partner" in Kyiv.


    Anatoliy Visikirskiy, a Grammarly “people partner” in Kyiv.

    This meant that 250 employees in Kyiv started and ended work later to cooperate with colleagues in San Francisco who got up earlier to accommodate for a 10-hour time difference, said Anatoliy Visikirskiy, the company’s “people partner” — a senior human resources position.

    As a result, Grammarly surpassed 30 million active users in 2020 “and we continue to hire and grow,” Visikirskiy told RFE/RL.

    Ukraine’s rich talent pool has made it “one of the top destinations for outsourcing in Eastern Europe with one of the largest workforces,” Sychikova added.

    Ukraine has about 200,000 IT engineers capable of producing “high-end solutions,” according to the Tech Ecosystem Guide, which places it seventh in the world in terms of the quality and efficiency of its freelance workforce.

    The work they do ranges from software development for mobile phone platforms to gaming, financial technology, health-care programs, artificial intelligence, and e-commerce.

    Ukraine now hosts more than 110 research and development centers run by multinational companies, including Apple, Google, Samsung, Huawei, Boeing, Siemens, and French game developer Ubisoft.

    Whether Kyiv or Silicon Valley, the IT sector has a lingo all its own: “people partners,” for example, and also unicorns, ecosystems, clusters, startups, co-working spaces, and early-stage and late-stage investors.

    Ukraine’s first unicorn, a term used to describe a privately held company with a value of $1 billion, is GitLab. It stores and edits programming code and is currently valued at nearly $6 billion.

    History Lesson

    Grammarly followed suit in 2019, raising $90 million that year. Next could be Reface, a popular face-swap video application, Sychikova said. It’s been downloaded more than 70 million times since hitting app stores in January 2020, making it one of the top five in about 100 countries.

    Another growing IT company is Ajax Systems, a Kyiv-based outfit that was founded a decade ago and makes wireless security systems for homes and offices.

    Ingredients in the sector’s success include history and human capital, according to Vyeryemyeyeva, who said that “cybernetics is rooted in Ukraine.”

    Tech Ukraine program office director Nataly Vyeryemyeyeva delivers a presentation in Kyiv


    Tech Ukraine program office director Nataly Vyeryemyeyeva delivers a presentation in Kyiv

    “One of the first computers” – the MESM, or Small Electronic Calculating Machine – “was invented in Kyiv” about 70 years ago, she said.

    Generations were trained at such institutions as polytechnical schools in Kharkiv, Lviv and Kyiv. Emerging from the earlier generation is Lubomyr Romankiw, an American who was born in western Ukraine in 1931. He and a colleague at IBM are credited with inventing the technique that produced the first practical and manufacturable thin film magnetic head that allowed for data to be stored on discs.

    Fast forward a few decades and Jooble, a job-search site, was created in a dormitory room by two students at the Kyiv Polytechnic Institute.

    Today, dozens of tech hubs are sprawled across the country and there are special tech startup schools and IT clusters in big and small cities alike. A 2.5-hectare innovation park is currently being built in the Black Sea port of Odesa.

    The government, meanwhile, has established a Ukrainian Startup Fund that allocates seed money of $25,000 to $75,000 to finance startups engaged in artificial intelligence, augmented reality, Big Data, blockchain, cybersecurity, defense, travel, robotics and the “Internet of things,” according to Ukrainian World, a website that promotes the country’s image.

    A Taxing Question

    As it grows, the industry is also maturing, Vyeryemyeyeva suggested.

    Ukrainian providers of tech services are increasingly being used to work on “mature projects — providing more solutions, [taking] more risks, instead of being used as merely heads with brains,” she said.

    At the same time, the product and startup side of the industry — the area that attracts investment and keeps capital and intellectual property inside the country — is growing, Vyeryemyeyeva added.

    As companies develop, they eventually open offices abroad and sometimes set up their headquarters outside the country while keeping a research and development team in Ukraine.

    There’s a catch, though, and the IT industry is divided into two categories: Freelancers, or individual contractors, often work as registered self-employed people and pay a simplified 5 percent tax, while the tax burden for legal entities, in one form or another, can be up to 40-60 percent of income.

    This two-track situation poses a dilemma for the newly formed Ministry of Digital Transformation (MDT): How to put a some of the proceeds of the booming sector into state coffers without scaring away “top talent,” Sychikova said.

    At an IT industry roundtable in Kyiv on March 25, Digital Transformation Minister Mykhaylo Federov said he wants to reduce the tax burden for IT companies fivefold.

    “We want Ukraine to be known as a country with the best tax system, as a country of startups and large food companies — and as a country where it is easy to do business,” he said.

    Speaking at a news conference after the discussion, Ajax Systems founder and chief executive Oleksandr Konotopskiy said Ukraine desperately needs to introduce special tax conditions for IT companies.

    “We need to create conditions for talented people to create value — there are no other options,” he said.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • TASHKENT — Uzbek President Shavkat Mirziyoev has criticized regional governors for what he calls a “lack of leadership” and a “failure” to coordinate efforts to support small- and medium-sized businesses in recent years.

    At an online meeting with the regional governors on April 8, Mirziyoev warned governors that if the situation does not improve within the next three months, they will be fired.

    “The governors are not self-confident, they hesitate to fire those who do not work. Well, if one is not fired, I will fire him. A leader who does not support small and medium businesses is not a leader,” Mirziyoev stated.

    Mirziyoev emphasized at the meeting that problems with infrastructure in many regions led to the failure of 320 private businesses to put some $220 million worth of imported equipment into service over the last two years.

    According to him, lack of electricity only led to numerous private businesses’ closure, loss of dozens of millions of dollars, and an increase of unemployment each year.

    “If we do not support private businesses, if we fail to create proper conditions for them, if we do not increase the number of private businesses, there will be no additional money for our cities and districts,” Mirziyoev said, adding that by the end of 2021, tens of millions of dollars will be earmarked for improvement of infrastructure for the operations of small- and medium-sized businesses across the country.

    At the meeting, Mirziyoev sacked several deputy governors and officially reprimanded governors of southeastern regions of Qashqadaryo and Navoiy, where the situation faced by private business is reportedly the worst.

    Mirziyoev’s public criticism of regional governors comes less than seven months before a presidential election scheduled for October 24.

    Mirziyoev took over the most-populous nation of the Central Asian region of 32 million after his authoritarian predecessor Islam Karimov’s death was announced on September 1, 2016.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Diplomats and negotiators have wrapped up four days of talks in Vienna aimed at reviving the hobbled 2015 agreement to limit Iran’s nuclear activities, saying this week’s meetings were “constructive” and provided “positive momentum.”

    A return to the Joint Comprehensive Plan Of Action (JCPOA) has been a priority for U.S. President Joe Biden since taking office in January following his predecessor’s withdrawal from the JCPOA three years ago.

    The EU-hosted talks involved teams from Iran, Britain, China, France, Germany, Russia, and the United States. U.S. and Iranian diplomatics reportedly declined to hold face-to-face meetings so the other other parties conducted shuttle diplomacy.

    An EU statement after the last session on April 9 said the so-called Joint Commission on the JCPOA had been “briefed on the work of the two expert groups on sanctions lifting and nuclear implementation measures and participants noted the constructive and results-oriented exchanges.”

    It said “the participants emphasized their resolve to further pursue the ongoing joint diplomatic effort” and that a coordinator under EU foreign policy chief Josep Borrell “will continue his separate contacts with all JCPOA participants and the United States.”

    Expert groups, it said, will resume meetings “in the course of next week.”

    The U.S. and Iranian sides have publicly clashed over the order of possible U.S. concessions on sanctions reimposed under then-President Donald Trump and moves to reverse Iranian deviation from noncompliance with the JCPOA before a new deal can be achieved.

    Russia’s ambassador to the UN in Vienna, Mikhail Ulyanov, said the other sides “took stock of the work done by experts over the last three days and noted with satisfaction the initial progress made.”

    He later tweeted that representatives “will reconvene next week in order to maintain the positive momentum.”

    Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei — who has ultimate political and religious authority in Iran — has demanded that Washington withdraw its crippling sanctions on Iran before any new agreement.

    Iranian President Hassan Rohani said this week that “all parties have come to the conclusion that there is no better alternative.”

    Biden has said Trump’s abandonment of the deal in 2018 has left Tehran closer to possessing nuclear weapons — a goal that Tehran says it rejects. Biden floated hopes for a return to the agreement along with pledges to do all he could to ensure that Iran does not have a nuclear-bomb capability.

    Iran has released a South Korean oil tanker it seized three months ago amid a dispute over billions of dollars in funds frozen due to U.S. sanctions.

    During this week’s talks, suspicion fell on JCPOA opponent Israel after an Iranian ship used by its powerful Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) had been struck with an attached mine in the Red Sea.

    And overnight on April 8-9, South Korea’s Foreign Ministry said the Hankuk Chemi and its captain had been released and the vessel had left an Iranian port near Bandar Abbas.

    The ship had spent months in Iranian custody in an incident seen by many as part of tit-for-tat shows of force in the region with ties to billions of dollars in frozen assets in South Korea linked to Iran.

    With reporting by Reuters and AFP

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • ISFARA, Tajikistan — Tajik President Emomali Rahmon has assured residents of the country’s volatile Vorukh exclave within Kyrgyzstan that it will not be part of any land swap between the neighboring countries as they seek a solution to halt border disputes that frequently turn violent.

    Rahmon’s statement during a trip to meet with residents of the exclave on April 9 comes weeks after a top Kyrgyz official publicly stated that Bishkek is ready to include the exclave in a land exchange.

    “There have not been any talks about the possible exchange of Vorukh for another territory in the last 19 years [since the border delimitation negotiations started], and there is no possibility for it. I am making this statement because of various reports have been spread via the media regarding the issue recently. Border demarcation is a long process and there is no place for emotions in the matter,” Rahmon said, calling on Vorukh residents to live “peacefully” with those on the other side of the border.

    Rahmon added that agreements on almost half of the Tajik-Kyrgyz border issues have been reached during more than 100 rounds of negotiations held between Dushanbe and Bishkek since border delimitation talks started in 2002.

    Rahmon also said that Tajikistan had fully finished all work outlined in a joint road map on border delimitation agreed on between the two countries in 2016 and accused Bishkek of failing to stick to the plan for “unknown reasons.”

    On March 26, the chief of Kyrgyzstan’s State Committee for National Security, Kamchybek Tashiev, said that Bishkek is ready to give 12,000 hectares of land from Kyrgyzstan’s southern region of Batken to Tajikistan in exchange for the territory of Vorukh.

    Tashiev also said that Kyrgyzstan’s long-standing border issues with another neighbor, Uzbekistan, had been “100 percent fully resolved” after talks in Tashkent.

    Many border areas in Central Asia’s former Soviet republics have been disputed since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991.

    The situation is particularly complicated near the numerous exclaves in the volatile Ferghana Valley, where the borders of Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan meet.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.


  • Photo: function.mil.ru (Official website)

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Prosecutors in the Kyrgyz capital, Bishkek, have launched a criminal investigation into possible official negligence in the case of a suspected murder-suicide that has mobilized public anger over the ongoing practice of “bride kidnapping.”

    The bodies of 27-year-old Aizada Kanatbekova and the man who is thought to have abducted her along with accomplices in broad daylight in the capital were found in the getaway car on April 7, two days after the kidnapping.

    An investigation oversight agency said on its website late on April 8 that the negligence investigation was handed over to the local office of the Kyrgyz State Committee for National Security (UKMK).

    The tragedy sparked protests in several cities and calls for dismissals, including that of Interior Minister Ulan Niyazbekov.

    Investigators believe 36-year-old Zamirbek Tengizbaev strangled Kanatbekova with a shirt and then committed suicide by cutting a vein.

    They also have said that Tengizbaev had three previous criminal convictions in Russia.

    Four people have been detained on suspicion of helping abduct Kanatbekova on the street on April 5, an event that was caught by surveillance cameras that also showed passersby failing to help stop the kidnapping.

    Kanatbekova was an only daughter and a graduate of the Kyrgyz-Turkish Manas University in Bishkek.

    Kyrgyzstan sees thousands of bride kidnappings each year despite criminalization of the practice in 2013.

    The UN Development Program and rights groups have highlighted the ongoing prevalence in Kyrgyz society of the practice, which they say often leads to marital rape, domestic violence, and other ills.

    One of the most notorious cases involved the stabbing death in 2018 of 20-year-old university student Burulai Turdaaly Kyzy by a man who was trying to force her into marriage.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • A senior U.S. State Department official has said it is time for Ukraine to tackle corruption and weak institutions, including going after Dmytro Firtash, whose natural-gas holdings have made him one of the country’s most notorious, and powerful, oligarchs.

    The April 8 comments by George Kent, the deputy U.S. assistant secretary of state who oversees Ukraine, come as President Joe Biden makes Kyiv’s progress on reforms a greater priority in the bilateral relationship.

    Speaking at a meeting of the U.S.-Ukraine Business Council, Kent said graft and a weak judiciary made up an “internal threat” in Ukraine, and he compared it with the external threat Kyiv faced from Russia.

    Russia has massed a substantial number of forces on its border with Ukraine, and moved others into the occupied peninsula of Crimea. That has raised alarms among Western observers who fear an escalation of the seven-year conflict in eastern Ukraine.

    Kent said that seven years after Ukrainian citizens drove from power the corrupt administration of President Viktor Yanukovych, the judiciary system remained “flawed,” while oligarchs continue to call the shots.

    “The time has now come…to start making the tough decisions to rein in the influence of oligarchs and the systemic corruption,” Kent said.

    In his speech, Kent highlighted Firtash, a tycoon who made his initial wealth trading Russian natural gas in the 1990s, as an example of Ukraine’s flawed justice system.

    Firtash became the official partner of Russian state-controlled gas giant Gazprom in trading firm RosUkrEnergo, the monopoly importer of natural gas to Ukraine during the late 2000s. He made hundreds of millions of dollars during the short lifespan of RosUkrEnergo, which analysts called an unnecessary middleman.

    U.S. officials have also alleged thatFirtash has ties to Russian organized crime.

    “Everyone knows that he started out as the front for Russian gas interests,” Kent said.

    In March 2014, U.S. prosecutors unsealed an indictment charging Firtash with corruption in connection with an Indian titanium project that the U.S. aerospace giant Boeing was studying.

    U.S. officials have sought Firtash’s extradition from Vienna since then. He has denied the charges, saying they are politically motivated.

    Ukraine has never charged Firtash with a crime. He continues to make millions of dollars a year in the country’s graft-ridden energy industry through his control of gas-distribution companies.

    “Why is it that it is the U.S. who indicts and goes after corrupt Ukrainians?” Kent said.

    “It’s time for the Ukrainian leadership and the justice system — rather than not making decisions against corrupt oligarchs — to use Ukrainian institutions to go after corrupt Ukrainians and hold them to account,” he said.

    Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy has recently made moves against other powerful business interests, including imposing sanctions on Viktor Medvedchuk, a tycoon close to Russian President Vladimir Putin.

    Zelenskiy’s administration has also gone after former officials at PrivatBank, the lender once owned by tycoon Ihor Kolomoyskiy, who is considered to be one of Zelenskiy’s main benefactors.

    Kolomoyskiy is under criminal investigation in the United States for money laundering. The Justice Department is seeking to seize three U.S. office buildings he allegedly bought with laundered money.

    Kolomoyskiy denies the allegations.

    But Firtash, unlike Kolomoyskiy, has so far avoided official pressure from the Zelenskiy government.

    Firtash has also had a part to play in the political drama surrounding the final years of President Donald Trump.

    According to U.S. court filings, in September 2019, Firtash allegedly wired $1 million to the American wife of a Soviet-born businessman named Lev Parnas. Parnas is a former donor to Trump and an associate of Rudy Giuliani, Trump’s personal lawyer.

    According to Parnas, and other legal filings, Firtash allegedly provided key documents that Giuliani used to further a discredited claim that Biden engaged in wrongdoing in Ukraine. That claim was a key point of Trump’s losing 2020 election fight against Biden.

    Parnas has said that in exchange for Firtash’s help in the effort to damage Biden, he told Firtash they would make his U.S. legal troubles disappear.

    In his speech, Kent also appeared to back a recent move by Zelenskiy to fire two judges from the country’s Constitutional Court.

    Zelenskiy’s decision sparked concern in the West he was reaching beyond his powers and interfering with the independence of the judiciary.

    Kent said the integrity of institutions was just as important, adding that corrupt judges lead to “corrupt independent institutions.”

    The two judges were believed to be beholden to oligarchic interests and blocking critical reforms necessary to put Ukraine on the path toward European integration, Ukrainian anti-corruption advocates claim.

    In response to a question on whether the West was failing to stop the flow of corrupt Ukrainian money into its banking system, Kent said recent Justice Department actions against Kolomoyskiy showed the United States is taking a tougher stand on the issue.

    As for the external threat, Kent reiterated the Biden administration’s stance that the Russian military buildup near Ukraine “is worrisome.” He also commended Kyiv for its “restrained and responsible” response to those actions.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Lawyers based in Russia and in parts of eastern Ukraine held by Moscow-backed separatists have flooded the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) with thousands of complaints against Kyiv for alleged rights violations in conflict-ridden Donbas, in what appears to be a coordinated campaign to tar Ukraine, an investigation by RFE/RL’s Ukrainian Service has found.

    The investigative TV program Skhemy (Schemes) found that around 6,000 claims related to the conflict in the Donbas, out of a total of 10,000 claims Ukraine faces at the ECHR, were filed by several groups of lawyers from Russia and areas of the Luhansk and Donetsk regions of eastern Ukraine that are under the control of Russia-backed separatists.

    A Moscow law firm that has filed thousands of complaints has substantial experience “defending the interests” of the Russian government, and a lawyer in the Donbas who has also filed claims is under investigation on suspicion of falsifying application forms to international courts.

    The number of cases that will ultimately be considered by the Strasbourg-based court, let alone brought to trial, is unclear. Still, the sheer number of filings has bumped Ukraine up to third among nations facing rights-violations allegations at the ECHR.

    Moscow has long asserted that Ukraine violates the rights of Russian speakers in the Donbas. It has used those claims to justify interference in the region, including its backing of the separatists’ seizure of parts of the Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts in 2014, and as a potential catalyst for stepped-up military action in the future.

    More than 13,000 people have been killed and thousands more wounded in the war that erupted in the Donbas in April 2014, a month after Russia’s armed takeover of Ukraine’s Crimean Peninsula. Russia denies involvement despite ample evidence showing it has provided arms, fighters, financing, and other aid to the separatists.

    Until 2014, no claims of rights violations had been filed over Kyiv’s policies or actions in the Donbas at the ECHR, Ukrainian human rights lawyer Serhiy Zayets told Schemes, a joint investigative project of RFE/RL and Ukrainian public broadcaster UA:First.

    Serhiy Zayets


    Serhiy Zayets

    “There are several Russian lawyers who started filing complaints only after 2014. They have no complaints against Russia, and only against Ukraine,” Zayets said, adding that it is “an extremely large number of cases.”

    Troop Buildup

    The report by Schemes comes amid evidence of a Russian troop buildup — including heavy armor such as tanks — in and around Ukraine, primarily in Crimea and in areas abutting the Donetsk and Luhansk regions, in what some analysts have argued could portend a major Russian offensive. Others say it’s more likely to be a show of force aimed to frighten Kyiv, the European Union, and the United States.

    The Schemes report also comes less than two months after Ukraine accused Russia of the “targeted assassinations” of “perceived opponents” in a case filed at the ECHR, the latest in a series of legal complaints against Moscow.

    It was the ninth case filed by Ukraine against Russia at the ECHR, four of which are still pending and refer to the downing of Malaysia Airlines flight MH17 over eastern Ukraine in July 2014, human rights violations in Crimea, and Russia’s seizure of three Ukrainian Navy vessels in the Kerch Strait in 2018.

    The Schemes investigation found that lawyers linked to Klishin and Partners, a Moscow-based law firm, had filed more than 5,000 complaints at the ECHR against Ukraine for rights violations.

    Asked about the complaints, Klishin and Partners declined to provide a substantive comment, sending a statement to Schemes saying that it had “not registered any public interest in Russia” in the topic.

    It also said it was not obliged to reply to an organization deemed “foreign agents,” a reference to controversial Russian legislation under which several Russian-language services of RFE/RL have been designated as “foreign agents” by the Russian authorities.

    Coordinated Effort?

    Whether Klishin and Partners were acting in coordination with the Kremlin is unclear. On its website, the firm states it has “sufficient experience defending the interests of the government.”

    Also active in filing complaints at the ECHR has been Vladimir Fyodorov, a Russian lawyer who bragged to separatist-run TV in the Donetsk region in 2016 that, thanks in part to his efforts, Ukraine was among the nations facing the largest number of claims at the court.

    Without providing specific evidence, Fyodorov asserted that, early in the conflict, the court “did everything possible not to accept these lawsuits from us…but they were forced to…in part due to our work, thanks to which, Ukraine is now on top in [terms of] the number of lawsuits at the European Court of Human Rights.”

    Fyodorov’s brother, Grigoriy, is a former member of the Russian Civic Chamber, and has also been active in such efforts.

    Schemes also found that a significant number of complaints have emerged from lawyers working within areas of the Donbas under Russia-backed separatist control. Vitaliy Galakhov, head of an organization called Fair Protection claimed to have sent some 2,000 claims to the ECHR in 2018. Schemes was able to confirm that only four claims filed by Galakhov are actually pending at the court now.

    Galakhov is wanted by the Ukrainian Security Service (SBU) on suspicion of falsifying application forms to international courts from residents of areas of the Luhansk and Donetsk regions under the control of the Russian-backed separatists. Law enforcement officers have found about 100 people who contend that they did not actually apply, according to the Schemes investigation.

    Oleh Tsarev (left) is seen with separatist leader Aleksandr Borodai in Donetsk in June 2014.


    Oleh Tsarev (left) is seen with separatist leader Aleksandr Borodai in Donetsk in June 2014.

    Also active in filing Donbas-related complaints against Kyiv at the court, Schemes found, has been the Union of Refugees of Ukraine, established by Oleh Tsarev, a former Ukrainian lawmaker from the Moscow-friendly Party of Regions and a leading separatist figure in eastern Ukraine for a time.

    Although no direct link to the Kremlin was discovered in the investigation, Moscow can only gain from such a campaign, opined Aleksandr Cherkasov, director of the Russian human rights group Memorial.

    Aleksandr Cherkasov (file photo)


    Aleksandr Cherkasov (file photo)

    “Any decision by an international body that is beneficial to Russia will then be used [by Moscow] either as propaganda or a trump card to be used during negotiations,” Cherkasov told Schemes, referring to efforts to resolve the conflict in the Donbas.

    “If a decision is made in favor of [Russia], then it was made by wise Western lawyers and politicians,” he said, describing how he believes the Kremlin would seek to take advantage of such cases. “And if not in [Russia’s] favor, then it’s the result of a sellout to the plutocrats who are opposed to [Russia] politically.”

    Written by Tony Wesolowsky based on reporting by Valeria Yehoshyna of RFE/RL’s Ukrainian Service

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • When the exchange rate of Turkmenistan’s national currency, the manat, fell to 40 to the dollar on the black market on April 3, it was more than 11 times the long-standing official rate of 3.5 manats per dollar.

    It was also an all-time low for the troubled Central Asian country’s beleaguered currency.

    The manat’s weak rate on the black market — reported by RFE/RL’s Turkmen Service (known locally as Azatlyk) — parallels the dire economic situation in Turkmenistan — a situation that has severely deteriorated compared to January 2015, when the government originally devalued the manat from 2.85 to 3.5 to the dollar, but also gotten noticeably worse this year.

    The exchange rate on March 26 was between 33 to 33.5 manats, so in roughly one week it had lost more than 20 percent of its value on the black market, an exchange rate that is generally seen as a far more accurate reflection of the manat’s real value.

    It is illegal to trade money on the black market in Turkmenistan and during the last few years government restrictions have made it increasingly more difficult to acquire hard currency.

    Despite The Resources…

    Turkmenistan is rich in natural gas, with the fourth-largest reserves in the world, and has a relatively small population generously estimated to amount to 6 million people.

    But Turkmen authorities put too much faith in the sale of gas as a reliable source of revenue for the country and discovered too late that simply having the gas does not guarantee a bright financial future: it still has to be effectively exploited and sold.

    Officially, the government says the average monthly salary in the country is 1,200 to 1,400 manats ($350-$400 at the official rate), which would make it one of the highest in all of Central Asia, behind only Kazakhstan. But that’s at the artificial official exchange rate that hasn’t changed in more than six years. Instead, Turkmen are among the poorest people in the region.

    The government offers many basic goods at subsidized prices in state stores, which should make it easier for people to buy enough food.

    Explosion In Food Prices

    But on February 25 the cost of sugar in state stores suddenly increased from seven to nine manats per kilogram. Cooking oil went from 13 to 19 manats and chicken legs from 10 to 16 manats per kilogram.

    Those lower, subsidized prices were in place for several years, going back to when the black-market rate was about 4 manats to the dollar. The sudden, sharp inflation in prices was a shock to many who have seen other unexplained price increases in recent years.

    Such food staples are also usually available in private stores where sugar, for example, reportedly sells for about 23 manats per kilogram, which is difficult for many Turkmen to afford. And the high inflation in recent weeks has hit virtually all food staples in the country.

    People line up outside a grocery in the Lebap region.


    People line up outside a grocery in the Lebap region.

    The Turkmen.news website reported on March 23 that the price of 1 kilogram of beef at private stores in Mary Province was 75 manats, in Turkmenabad — the provincial capital of the eastern Lebap Province — the price was 70 manats. In the western Balkan Province, beef cost 65 manats, and in the northern Dashoguz Province a kilogram cost between 55 and 60 manats.

    Turkmen.news reported on February 1 that two bazaars in the capital, Ashgabat, appeared to be out of potatoes, which usually sell for a state-regulated price of between 15 to 17 manats per kilogram.

    Such outages are no longer unusual in Turkmenistan, as people have learned to go without certain foods for periods of time. But Turkmen.news added that merchants kept potatoes behind the counter that they were willing to sell in unlimited quantities for 25 manats per kilo.

    Since January 12, state stores in Mary Province have required customers to show documents that prove the number of family members before selling them bread. In order to obtain such documents, people had to go to their local administrations, where officials demanded that all utility bills were paid before issuing the necessary documents.

    Residents of the eastern city of Turkmenabat wait to buy flour from state shops.


    Residents of the eastern city of Turkmenabat wait to buy flour from state shops.

    In Lebap Province in late January, state stores were reportedly limiting customers to two loaves of bread per family, per visit.

    Azatlyk reported in early April that state stores in Ashgabat were out of flour and often had no bread, with some state stores in Mary Province having no bread for sale for three weeks at a time.

    Long, Long Lines

    Lines have formed outside many state stores in recent years, especially those selling bread, which begin hours before the shops open, as people who cannot afford to buy at private stores try to purchase subsidized goods before they run out.

    Even before the long lines for food, there were queues snaking out from automated bank machines, the only place people can get cash using their bank cards. Unfortunately, just as with the goods at state stores, there is a very limited supply of money that usually runs out quickly, with strict limits placed on the amount one person is allowed to withdraw.

    The authorities tried years ago to transform Turkmenistan into a cashless society, but many stores and nearly all bazaars still don’t have the equipment needed to conduct transactions using bank cards.

    People wait for an ATM to start working in Baharden in August 2020.


    People wait for an ATM to start working in Baharden in August 2020.

    None of the shortages and associated lines for scarce goods existed in Turkmenistan before 2015 and they appear to concern the authorities. Police routinely disperse people forming lines and generally discourage citizens from waiting in them.

    Officials never provide unemployment figures, but several analysts believe it was at least 50 percent of the workforce before the economic problems started six year ago and, after dismissals and layoffs in recent years due to the ailing economy, the unemployment rate is thought to be much higher.

    Garbage Picking To Survive

    Some people are now so poor that they have resorted to rummaging through garbage in the hopes of finding food scraps or something that might be sold for small change, like paper or plastic that can be recycled.

    Such activity would have been unthinkable just two or three years ago.

    Azatlyk reported in January that in the city of Mary, women and children are increasingly seen digging through the trash or, in some cases, intercepting people about to dump their garbage and asking if they can have it with the promise they will properly dispose of everything they do not take.

    A woman picks through garbage cans in Ashgabat.


    A woman picks through garbage cans in Ashgabat.

    By March, police in Mary seemed to have accepted that they could not hold back the tide and, according to Azatlyk, lectured people digging through the trash, photographed them, and took down their personal details. Some even advised people searching through garbage to buy vests like city workers wear to be less conspicuous.

    Azatlyk also reported an increase in the number of children with water buckets and towels waiting along roadsides to wash stopped cars in the hope of receiving small change in return.

    An Azatlyk correspondent noted that there were children of kindergarten age who, when asked why they were not in school, replied that they had never gone to kindergarten. Some older siblings explained that their families did not have the money needed to send them to school.

    One 12-year-old girl said she and others “go every day to the Green Bazaar and beg for money. Last week police chased us away and yelled at our mom.”

    “They told [our mother] that if they ever saw us again they would put us in a jail for minors…and [she] told them to put us in jail and her too, because at least we would be fed in jail,” the girl continued.

    No Virus Here

    The global spread of the coronavirus has only made the economic situation in Turkmenistan worse, compounded by the government’s laughable insistence that the virus has not infected a single person in the country.

    Though a national vaccination program has recently started, officials have taken few real measures to protect the population from COVID-19.

    Nonetheless, medical workers have quietly and without any special recognition continued to carry out their duties that included the increasing hospitalization of patients.

    Some health-care workers expected they might receive some compensation for their difficult, longer work, and for staying quiet about those with coronavirus-like symptoms in their care. Instead, their salaries were reportedly cut by almost 20 percent at the start of 2021.

    Despite the grim first months of this year, authoritarian President Gurbanguly Berdymukhammedov and his government have continued to do what they have been doing since economic problems started to bite in 2015: claim that the country’s economy is forging ahead and drawing their attention somewhere else, often something insipid.

    For example, Berdymukhammedov in recent weeks has been checking up on preparations for upcoming beauty contests — for horses and the Turkmen alabai dog. Both competitions are scheduled for late April, with state employees being forced to volunteer their time and donate money from their salaries for the events.

    Diminishing Value

    Tracking the value of the “gift” the president gives women every year to mark International Women’s Day on March 8 is a monitor of how bad the manat is doing on the black market.

    In 2015, Berdymukhammedov presented each woman in the country with 40 manats, about $11.50 at the official rate and, in 2015, it would have still been worth more than $10 on the black market.

    In 2016, the same 40 manats would have traded for about $8 on the black market.

    In 2017, 40 manats was worth about $6. A year later it would get you about $3.

    The president decided in 2019 to increase the International Women’s Day gift to 60 manats, about $17 at the official rate, but only $3.5 on the black market then.

    Last year, 60 manats on Women’s Day was worth about $3 on the black market and this year it was not quite $2 and, by month’s end, was closer to $1.5.

    In October 2020, the government increased the minimum monthly wage to 957 manats, which at the black-market rate as of April 3 this year is some $24.

    For those making the official monthly 1,400-manat average salary, it is worth about $35, which would make Turkmen the poorest people in Central Asia.

    Radio Azatlyk contributed to this report

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • The COVID-19 pandemic is raging across Ukraine. At a small rural hospital in the village of Lavriv in the country’s Lviv region, there are no spare beds and patients are lying in corridors. Ukraine has recorded over 37,000 deaths since the start of the pandemic. The Lviv region has recorded more deaths than any other apart from Kyiv.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Demonstrations have broken out in Kyrgyzstan after the bodies of a young woman and her suspected abductor were discovered after a two-day search. The woman was abducted on a city street by several people in an apparent instance of “bride kidnapping,” a banned but still common practice in which victims can be forced into marriage. Authorities say they suspect a murder-suicide.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Slovakia’s drug regulator has said that the Russian Sputnik V doses it received differ from the same vaccine reviewed by the EU’s drug overseer and the U.K.-based medical journal The Lancet.

    The State Institute for Drug Control (SUKL) did not explain how the mix-up might have occurred.

    “Batches of [Sputnik V] vaccine used in preclinical tests and clinical studies published in The Lancet journal do not have the same characteristics and properties as batches of vaccine imported to Slovakia,” the SUKL said a statement.

    The SUKL had already said the day before that lingering questions about the efficacy and risks of the Russian vaccine due to inadequate data from the producer were preventing use of the doses.

    EU member Slovakia received 200,000 batches of Sputnik V, which has still not been cleared by the European Medicines Agency (EMA), last month.

    The Russian Health Ministry, which supervises the Gamaleya Institute where Sputnik V was developed, did not immediately respond to a Reuters request for comment.

    “On March 30, 2021, the agency officially sent an evaluation report to the Health Ministry, in which it stated that it was not possible to make a conclusion on the balance of benefits and risks of the Sputnik V vaccine,” Reuters quoted SUKL as saying on April 7.

    The regulator cited “an amount of missing data from the producer, inconsistency of dosage forms, and [the] impossibility of mutually comparing batches used in various studies and countries.”

    A news report on April 7 also suggested that European regulators were concerned about possible ethical problems during clinical trials by the Russian developers of Sputnik V.

    As its inspection continues, reports say the EMA’s approval will also be contingent on “good clinical practice” (GCP) standards.

    Russian backers of the vaccine, which was registered to great Kremlin fanfare last year despite concerns about underlying data and unfinished clinical trials, have denied the problems should stand in the way of safe rollout.

    Slovakia’s prime minister, Igor Matovic, was forced to resign last week under a cloud of questions about his administration’s order for 2 million doses of Sputnik V.

    In the neighboring Czech Republic, Prime Minister Andrej Babis on April 7 announced the dismissal of a health minister who was reportedly resisting pressure — including public complaints by President Milos Zeman — to order Sputnik V.

    Sputnik V is already being used in EU member Hungary and other countries around the world.

    The German state of Bavaria recently announced an agreement to buy 2.5 million doses of Sputnik V pending approval by European regulators.

    With reporting by AFP and Reuters

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • ALMATY, Kazakhstan — The Almaty-based human rights group Dignity, Spirit, Truth says a well-known Kazakh political prisoner Aset Abishev, who is serving a four-year prison term for his links with a banned political group, was placed in solitary confinement after he slit his wrists in protest at his treatment by guards.

    A leading member of the rights group, Bakhytzhan Toreghozhina, told RFE/RL on April 8 that inmates in the LA-155/14 correctional colony near Almaty had informed her the previous day that Abishev’s condition is very serious.

    According to Toreghozhina, Abishev, who has been placed in the colony’s medical unit for an unspecified illness, cut his wrists on April 7 protesting poor medical assistance and lack of medicine.

    “What triggered Aset’s move to maim himself was the rude response to his demands by guards who intimidated him, searching his personal belongings on that day. After he cut his wrists, instead of providing him with necessary medical assistance, they locked him in solitary confinement. His life is in danger,” Toreghozhina said, adding that her group had called on Kazakhstan’s Interior Ministry, the Prosecutor-General’s Office, and the Penitentiary Service to immediately intervene in the situation.

    Abishev’s relatives told RFE/RL that in recent days he was severely beaten by Interior Ministry troops after his belongings were searched during prison-riot drills.

    An officer on duty at the LA-155/14 penitentiary, who introduced herself as Alia Kakenova, told RFE/RL that she was not aware of the situation, adding that “all bosses are out of the office.”

    Abishev was sentenced to four years in prison in November 2018 after a court in Almaty found him guilty of participating in the activities of the banned opposition Democratic Choice of Kazakhstan (DVK) movement and financially supporting it.

    Abishev has rejected the charges, denying the DVK movement or its founder — fugitive former banker and a vocal critic of Kazakhstan’s government, Mukhtar Ablyazov — were extremist.

    In recent years, many activists across the Central Asian nation have been convicted for their involvement in the activities of DVK and its associate, the Street Party.

    Inmates in Kazakh prisons very often maim themselves to protest conditions in penitentiary facilities or violations of their rights.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • MOSCOW — The house arrest of the brother of jailed Russian opposition politician Aleksei Navalny, a close associate, and two Moscow municipal lawmakers who are charged with breaking coronavirus restrictions by publicly calling on Moscow residents to take part in unsanctioned rallies in January, has been cancelled.

    Vladimir Voronin, the lawyer for Lyubov Sobol, who is a lawyer with Navalny’s Anti-Corruption Foundation (FBK), said late on April 7 that the Moscow City Court had ruled to replace the house arrest of his client, as well as Navalny’s brother, Oleg Navalny, and Moscow city lawmakers, Lyusya Shtein and Konstantin Yankauskas, with other restrictions.

    According to the court decision, the new restrictions include being barred from leaving their homes between 8 p.m. and 6 a.m., a ban on communicating with other individuals in the case, a ban on the use of all methods of communication to discuss issues related to the case, and a ban on the use of regular mail or telegraphic communication.

    The four, along with six other supporters and associates of Navalny, were detained in January on the eve of unsanctioned mass rallies against the Kremlin critic’s arrest.

    The others include Anastasia Vasilyeva, the chief of the Alliance of Doctors NGO; Maria Alyokhina, a leading member of the Pussy Riot protest group; Oleg Stepanov, a coordinator of Navalny’s team in Moscow; Navalny’s spokeswoman Kira Yarmysh; activist Nikolai Lyaskin; and a municipal lawmaker Dmitry Baranovsky.

    The majority of them remain under house arrest and all have been charged with violating sanitary and epidemiological safety precautions during a pandemic. If found guilty of the charges, each faces up to two years in prison.

    The Memorial Human Rights Center in Moscow has recognized the group as political prisoners.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Demonstrations have broken out in Kyrgyzstan after the bodies of a young woman and her suspected abductor have been discovered after a two-day search that appears to highlight the ongoing — but banned — practice of “bride kidnapping.”

    One of the bodies, found in a car near a remote field in the Chui region on April 7, showed signs of strangulation and the other had knife wounds.

    Authorities said they suspect a murder-suicide.

    WATCH: Live stream of the protests from RFE/RL’s Kyrgyz Service

    Civil society groups and other Kyrgyz have responded with urgent calls for authorities and society to crack down on the persistent practice of such kidnappings.

    Demonstrators assembled in several cities on April 8, including in front of the Interior Ministry in the capital, Bishkek, and outside a police station in the southern city of Osh.

    In the capital, protesters are demanding the resignation of Interior Minister Ulan Niyazbekov.

    Police said the car at the center of a search since 27-year-old Aizada Kanatbekova was abducted by several people on the streets of Bishkek on April 5 was found by a shepherd.

    “A local shepherd saw the car on April 5 and 6 and thought it was stuck in the mud,” police said. “Only on April 7 did he approach the car and see the corpses of a woman and a man in the cabin, after which he immediately reported it to the police.”

    The suspect who hoped to press her into marriage is reported to have been 31 years old.

    Kyrgyzstan sees thousands of bride kidnappings each year despite its criminalization in 2013.

    Activists say the practice often leads to marital rape, domestic violence, and other traumas.

    The UN Development Program estimated in 2019 that about 14 percent of Kyrgyz women under the age of 24 were married under some form of coercion.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Armenia’s prime minister has asked Russian President Vladimir Putin for help in releasing dozens of prisoners of war captured by Azerbaijan during last year’s brief war over Nagorno-Karabakh.

    Speaking on April 7 during a trip to Moscow, Nikol Pashinian also said Armenia was interested in acquiring more Russian-made Sputnik-V vaccines.

    Last fall’s war between Armenia and Azerbaijan was waged over Nagorno-Karabakh, a mountainous enclave that is internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan but has been controlled by ethnic Armenians since the early 1990s.

    The six-week war concluded with a Russian-brokered cease-fire, under which a chunk of Nagorno-Karabakh and all seven districts around it were placed under Azerbaijani administration after almost 30 years of control by ethnic Armenian forces.


    The agreement also led to the deployment of around 2,000 Russian peacekeepers along frontline areas and a land corridor connecting the disputed territory with Armenia.

    More than 6,000 people died in the fighting.

    The final status of Nagorno-Karabakh remains unresolved.

    There are no official figures of how many Armenian POWs are being held by Azerbaijan, but the RBC news agency said there were about 140 Armenians still being held in Azerbaijan. It’s unclear how many Azerbaijani POWs there are.

    “I would like to note that in this context there is a very important issue that has not yet been settled,” Pashinian told Putin. “This is a question of prisoners of war, hostages and other detainees.”

    “As we have repeatedly discussed…all hostages, prisoners of war, and other detainees should be returned to their homeland, but, unfortunately, we still have detainees in Azerbaijan,” the Armenian prime minister added.

    In his meeting with Putin, Pashinian said the first shipment of 15,000 doses of the Sputnik V vaccine was expected to arrive in Armenia on April 6, but the country needs more than 1 million doses in all.

    “The first shipment was, so to speak, a symbolic shipment. We hope to acquire a large amount of the Russian vaccine, because it has proven its efficacy,” he said.

    Pashinian’s trip to Moscow came as Armenia prepares for early parliamentary elections in June, triggered by opposition demands the prime minister step down over his handling of the war with Azerbaijan.

    With reporting by Reuters

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Georgian rescuers have recovered the bodies of four people who drowned in the Inguri River after trying to sneak across the administrative border separating the breakaway Abkhazia region from Tbilisi-controlled territory, to avoid coronavirus quarantine rules.

    The four, identified as residents of Abkhazia’s Gali district, drowned as they tried to cross into the Zugdidi region, authorities said on April 7.

    Three bodies were initially recovered, while a fourth was found hours later.

    Georgia’s State Security Service said the deaths “once again demonstrated the inhuman and criminal nature of the occupation [of Abkhazia], for which the Russian Federation bears full responsibility.”

    Since 2017, a bridge over the Inguri has been the only route for people looking to cross the administrative border with Abkhazia. That border was hardened after the brief 2008 war in which Russian forces occupied Abkhazia and another Georgian region, South Ossetia. In 2017, the number of administrative checkpoints was cut from six, to one.


    Most people living in the Gali district are ethnic Georgians who maintain close contacts with the other side of the river. Many of them must regularly cross the bridge to buy groceries and receive their pensions or medical treatment.

    According to the Democracy Research Institute, Abkhazia residents must quarantine for five days when crossing into Tbilisi-controlled territory as part of COVID-19 measures.

    The result is some Gali district residents try to sneak in undetected.

    “We call on the Georgian government to immediately lift the quarantine, which endangers the lives of people,” the institute said in a statement.

    After the 2008 war, Moscow recognized Abkhazia and South Ossetia as independent. Only a handful of other countries, however, have followed the Kremlin’s lead, which has kept Russian forces in both regions.

    Georgia has reported more than 268,000 coronavirus cases since the start of the pandemic and 3,650 COVID-related deaths.

    With reporting by JamNews

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Igor Krainov was detained on drug-possession charges in the Russian city of Nizhny Novgorod in 2019. But CCTV footage helped him get the charges dropped and turn the tables on the police, who appeared to plant evidence in his pocket. Three officers lost their jobs and are facing a criminal investigation.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • NUR-SULTAN — The Kazakh parliament’s lower chamber has approved the first reading of a bill banning the purchase and rental of farmland in the Central Asian nation ahead of the expiration of a moratorium on land sales this summer.

    Agriculture Minister Saparkhan Omarov said at a session of the , the Mazhilis on April 7 that current agreements on farmlands rented by some foreign companies or joint ventures with foreign capital will expire in the 2022-2025 period and will not be extended.

    The move comes after President Qasym-Zhomart Toqaev proposed the ban in late-February.

    The five-year moratorium on selling and leasing Kazakh agricultural land to foreigners was introduced in 2016 after thousands demonstrated in unprecedented rallies across the tightly-controlled nation, protesting the government’s plan to attract foreign investment into the agriculture sector by opening up the market.

    The protests stopped after the government withdrew the plan, but two men who organized the largest rally in the western city of Atyrau, Talghat Ayan and Maks Boqaev, were sentenced to five years in prison each after being found guilty of inciting social discord, knowingly spreading false information, and violating the law on public assembly.

    Ayan was released on parole in April, 2018, and Boqaev was released in February this year,

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • MINSK — The criminal case of Belarusian opposition member Paval Sevyarynets, who has been in custody in Minsk since June on a charge of taking part in mass protests in the country’s capital, has been moved to a court in the eastern city of Mahilyou.

    The politician’s wife, Volha Sevyarynets, told RFE/RL on April 7 that her husband is expected to be transferred from a detention center in Minsk to Mahilyou for the trial. The date of the trial remains unknown.

    No reason for the move was given but many believe that the authorities took this decision to try to lower the profile of the proceedings by making it harder for journalists and the international community to follow. Mahilyou is almost 200 kilometers (120 miles) east of Minsk.

    Sevyarynets, a co-chairman of the non-registered opposition Belarusian Christian Democratic Party, is one of dozens of activists and politicians who were detained in Minsk and several other cities across Belarus during rallies in June last year. At these events, hundreds of demonstrators were collecting signatures necessary to register candidates other than the authoritarian incumbent, Alyaksandr Lukashenka, for an August 9 presidential election.

    Sevyarynets’ detention has been prolonged several times since his initial arrest.

    If convicted, he faces up to eight years in prison.

    Relatives and colleagues of several other jailed opposition activists — including Yauhen Afnahel, Andrey Voynich, Paval Yukhnevich, Maksim Vinyarski, Iryna Shchasnaya, and Dzmitry Kazlou — said earlier that they will be tried along with Sevyarynets in Mahilyou.

    Lukashenka, who has ruled the country since 1994, was declared the winner in the election, which was widely viewed as rigged in his favor.

    Thousands of citizens took to the streets to protest the results, saying Lukashenka’s challenger, Svyatlana Tsikhanouskaya, actually won the vote.

    Tsikhanouskaya left Belarus for Lithuania after the election for security reasons, while Lukashenka has directed a brutal postelection crackdown in which almost 30,000 people have been detained, hundreds beaten, several killed, and journalists targeted.

    Lukashenka, who has run Belarus since 1994, and other top officials have been slapped with sanctions by the West, which refuses to recognize him as the legitimate leader of the country.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • TALGHAR, Kazakhstan — A court in southern Kazakhstan has handed a parole-like sentence to an activist for his links with the banned Koshe (Street) Party, one of several supporters of the opposition movement to be sentenced in recent months.

    The Talghar district court in the southern Almaty region sentenced 36-year-old Erkin Sabanshiev on April 7 to one year of “freedom limitation” after finding him guilty of participating in the activities of the opposition Koshe Party, which has links with another outlawed party, the Democratic Choice of Kazakhstan (DVK) movement.

    Sabanshiev was banned from using the media or the Internet to conduct political and social activities for three years.

    Sabanshiev, who was arrested and charged six months ago, told RFE/RL after his sentence was pronounced that he will appeal the ruling.

    Several of Sabanshiev’s supporters were not allowed to attend the hearing on April 7. One of them, Aidyn Nusipaliev, was detained by police and later in the day sentenced to 15 days in jail for “organizing an unsanctioned rally.”

    Several activists across the Central Asian nation have been handed “freedom limitation” sentences in recent months for their involvement in the activities of the Koshe Party and DVK, as well as for taking part in rallies organized by the two groups.

    DVK is led by Mukhtar Ablyazov, the fugitive former head of Kazakhstan’s BTA Bank and an outspoken critic of the Kazakh government. Kazakh authorities labeled DVK extremist and banned the group in March 2018.

    Human rights groups have said Kazakhstan’s law on public gatherings contradicts international standards as it requires preliminary permission from authorities to hold rallies and envisions prosecution for organizing and participating in unsanctioned rallies even though the nation’s constitution guarantees its citizens the right of free assembly.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • Visiting Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov said in Islamabad on April 7 that Russia will provide unspecified military equipment to Pakistan as the two countries increase cooperation to fight terrorism.

    Russia and Pakistan will also conduct joint naval and land exercises, he said.

    Lavrov’s two-day visit marks the first to Islamabad by a Russian foreign minister in nearly a decade and is widely regarded as part of an effort to foster deeper bilateral relations that have warmed only recently.

    Lavrov’s meetings with Pakistani officials followed a stop in rival neighbor India and were expected to touch on efforts to establish peace in another neighboring country, Afghanistan.

    “We stand ready to strengthen the anti-terrorist potential of Pakistan, including by supplying Pakistan with special military equipment,” Lavrov said.

    Moscow has recently sought to assert greater influence in conflict-torn Afghanistan as the United States and other Western powers try to extricate themselves from a two-decade war.

    Russia is also helping to construct a gas pipeline between Pakistan’s port city of Karachi and eastern Lahore.

    Pakistani Foreign Minister Shah Mahmood Qureshi said Islamabad welcomes Russian expertise on rail and energy-sector modernization.

    Qureshi also said Pakistan will purchase 5 million doses of the Russian Sputnik V vaccine against COVID-19, which is being used in dozens of countries but has run into regulatory delays in the European Union.

    Pakistan’s security establishment is seen as close to the Afghan Taliban, which is fighting the central government in Kabul amid stalled intra-Afghan peace talks, and is said to wield leverage to influence that militant group’s actions.

    A May 1 deadline is approaching for U.S. and other foreign troops to leave Afghanistan in line with an agreement Washington signed with the Afghan Taliban in Qatar in February 2020.

    Afghanistan has seen a nationwide spike in bombings, targeted killings, and violence on the battlefield as common ground evades peace negotiators in Qatar.

    U.S. President Joe Biden has warned that the May withdrawal deadline will be difficult to meet, raising the prospect that the entire agreement with the Taliban will unravel.

    Later this month, Taliban and Afghan government representatives are expected to gather for a U.S.-backed international conference in Turkey meant to give new impetus to peace talks.

    With reporting by AP and dpa

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.

  • A Ukrainian couple with 13 children have both died of COVID-19 in quick succession. The funeral was held for Diana Rodikova on March 31, just days after her husband, Volodymyr, succumbed to the virus. Eleven of their children are under 18. The family moved to Kyiv in 2014 after Russia-backed separatists seized their home city of Makiyivka in eastern Ukraine. The family’s eldest daughter, Oleksandra Slyusarenko, 21, and her husband, are to become the remaining children’s legal guardians.

    This post was originally published on Radio Free.